The Aymara language in its social and cultural context

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The Aymara language in its social and cultural context a collection of essays on aspects of Aymara language and culture
Series Title:
University of Florida social sciences monograph
Hardman, Martha James
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University Presses of Florida
Publication Date:
Physical Description:
xiv, 317 p. : ill. ; 23 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Aymara language -- Social aspects -- Bolivia ( lcsh )
Aymara language -- Grammar ( lcsh )
Languages in contact -- Bolivia ( lcsh )
Aymara Indians ( lcsh )
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )


Bibliography: p. 303-311.
General Note:
"A University of Florida book."
General Note:
Includes index.
University of Florida monographs.
Statement of Responsibility:
edited by M. J. Hardman.

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Full Text

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The Aymara Language in Its Social
and Cultural Context



University of Florida Monographs
Social Sciences Number 67


i Laneuab

Edited by

M. J. Hardman

pny rroucssoiul. i
of the Grad

mne ntymara language in its social ano cultural LUILCAIL.

(University of Florida social science monograph;
no. 67)
"A University of Florida book."
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
1. Aymara language-Social aspects-Bolivia-
Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. Aymara language-
Grammar-Addresses, essays, lectures. 3. Languages in
contact-Bolivia-Addresses, essays, lectures.
4. Aymara Indians-Addresses, essays, lectures.
I. Hardman, M. J. II. Series: Florida. University,
Gainesville. University of Florida monographs: Social
sciences; no. 67.
PM5579.A96 498'.3 80-29666
ISBN 0-8130-0695-3

University Presses of Florida is the central agency for scholarly publishing of the State of
Florida's university system. Its offices are located at 15 NW 15th Street, Gainesville, FL
-111 -I I- T ------------- I ------ CJ_ _4_ --- --L. A -A -1 -A 47-rr p~ C~


High in Bolivia the rugged Andean cordillera resolves itself into two
twisting mountain chains. Westward lie the ranges of the Cordillera
Occidental, which separate Bolivia from Chile and outline in green the
narrow river valleys running westward through Peru to the Pacific.
Eastward the splendid snow-crested Andes, usually called the Cordillera
Real, fall sharply into the fertile yungas of the departments of La Paz,
Cochabamba, and Chuquisaca and disappear along the Amazon Basin,
which stretches far and flat to the Atlantic.
Between the Cordillera Occidental and the Cordillera Real are the
highlands, the mountains, and the intermontane valleys and plateaus
variously known as the paramos, the mesetas, the punas, and the alti-
planos, a plateau unequaled in height by any but the Himalayan Table-
land of Tibet.
The altiplano is a high, hard land, scarred by mountain spurs from the
western cordillera. It is a region of earthquakes, avalanches, droughts,
and floods. Tropical sun blazes through frigid air, and dust-laden winds
whistle across the vast, treeless plateaus, which are dry and parched de-
spite the cold.
In the face of this awesome and often hostile expanse, one cannot but
feel an admiration for the Aymara people, who have for centuries made
it their home. It is to them that this volume is dedicated.

Pamela Sharpe


rhe editor of and contributors to The Aymara Language In Its Social and
Cultural Context wish to acknowledge their appreciation to the Center
'or Latin American Studies of the University of Florida for the support
of the Aymara Language Materials Project which made this volume pos-
sible and to the staff of the center for their work in the preparation of
this book.
We would like to thank Vivian Nolan, center staff assistant, for super-
vising and helping with the typing of the manuscript. Melanie Aultman,
-armen Braun, Lydia Gonzdlez, and Betsy Roberts all typed portions of
he manuscript. The index was prepared by Suzanne MacNeille.
We would like to thank Kathleen Stipek for proofreading the manu-
cript and William Kenah of the center's Cartographic Research Labora-
ory for preparing the map.
Thanks must go also to the Graduate School of the University of
Florida for making possible the publication of this monograph.

rCnitin t-c

Contributors ix
Aymara Alphabet xi
Introduction 1
Introductory Essay, M. J. Hardman 3
S1. Social and Cultural Context of the Aymara in
Bolivia Today, Carlos Saavedra 18
Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories and World
View 31
.. 2. Time and Space in Aymara, Andrew W. Miracle, Jr.,
and Juan de Dios Yapita Moya 33
3. An Ethnosemantic Study of Aymara: "To Carry,"
Norman Tate 57
4.Jama, T"axa, and IY'uru: Three Categories of Feces in
Aymara, Andrew W. Miracle, Jr., withJuana Vasquez 71
5. Aymara Kinship, Real and Spiritual, Ransford
Comstock Pyle 80
6. Politeness in Aymara Language and Culture, Lucy
T Briggs 90
7. Cross-Cultural Conversation: Time as a Variable
and Paralinguistic Cues for Persuasion, Rhea
Gallaher, Jr. 114
The Aymara Language in Contact with Other
Languages and Contexts 123
A. Aymara in Contact: Spanish Borrowings into
Aymara 125
8. Aymarization: An Example of Language Change,
Lucy T Briggs 127
9. Spanish Borrowing into Aymara Clothing
Vocabulary, Pamela J. Sharpe 146

x Contents
10. Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara, Lucy T.
Briggs 175
B. Aymara Influence on Spanish 185
11. Bolivian Bilingual Spanish Phonology, Ransford C.
Pyle 187
12. A Phonemic Analysis of Monolingual Andean
(Bolivian) Spanish, Sylvia Boynton 199
13. Data Source in La Paz Spanish Verb Tenses (from
"Culture in Contact"), E. Herminia Martin 205
14. Some Cases of Aymara Influence on La Paz
Spanish, Richard A. Laprade 207
15. Language as a Mechanism for Social Discrimination
and Class Distinction: Case Study-Lowland
Bolivia, Allyn MacLean Stearman 228
C. Uses of Mutual Misperceptions 237
16. Effects of Spanish Verb Tenses versus Aymara Tense
on Mutual Attitudes (from "Cultures in Contact"),
E. Herminia Martin 239
17. Intelligence Testing and the Aymara, Christine Satz
Miracle 240
18. Consequences of Direct Literacy in Spanish, Juan
Maidana 248
Implications of the Aymara Studies for Applied
Anthropological Linguistics 253
19. Linguistics and Education in Rural Schools among
the Aymara, Pedro Copana Yapita 255
20 The Aymara Alphabet: Linguistics for Indigenous
Communities, Juan de Dios Yapita Moya 262
21. Applied Linguistics and National Integration: Some
Proposals for the Case of Quechua and Aymara in
Bolivia, Glynn Custred 271
22. Linguistics and Foreign Aid, Lucy T. Briggs and
Nora C. England 282
Appendix 1. Information Sheet on Materials 295
Appendix 2. Final Report of the NDEA Project of the
Aymara Language Materials Project 297
Bibliography 303
Index 313


oynton, Sylvia, M.A., engaged in doctoral research for a grammar of
Mikasuki, a Muskogean language spoken in southern Florida.
riggs, Lucy Therina, Ph.D., formerly Assistant Professor of Education
and Field Application Specialist, Boston University, then specialist in
bilingual education with the Proyecto Educative Integrado del Alti-

hristina, Ed.S., Counselor, Catholic

vasqyuz, Juana, Lilrecror or iNatlve Languages, Institute INaclonal cde t
tudios Lingiiisticos, La Paz, Bolivia.
Yapita M., Juan de Dios, Director, Instituto de Lengua y Cultura A
mara, Director of Linguistics with the Museum of Ethnography ai
Folklore, La Paz, Bolivia, and Professor ofAymara, Universidad N
cional Mayor de San Andres.

Aymara Phonemic Alphabet

examples in the book are given in the following alphabet, currently
ise among the Aymara people. The development of this alphabet is
cribed in essay 20 in this book. Aymara phonology is also described
essays 8, 10, 11, 12, and 14.

t ch k q
'" t" ch" k" q"

' t' ch' k' q' i a u

s j x or (vowel length)
an n
1 11

V r y

A CH CH" C' I I J K K" K' L LL M N N
P" P' Q Q" Q' R S T T" T' U U W X Y

a n s w
represent sounds traditionally represented by these letters.


.ymara People

ymara people, approximately two mill
on the altiplano around Lake Titicaca ir
ith into southern Bolivia, west into s
:gua and Tacna, and southwest into
are considerable communities of Ay
Argentina, and in Lima, Peru, immigr
eater opportunities in urban settings.

Aymara are primarily
ved in free communities

cne ianas iney
i, as reflected so
I who now live
)mmunities, to
arly as market v
a house at whi
form important

Aymara are, an

laa 10
in ur
:h to a

long t
8, Bri

ion in number, are conc
n Peru and Bolivia, exte:
southern Peru, particular,
northern Chile (see m,
'mara speakers in Bue
rants from rural areas se

an agricultural people. Traditionally th
-s, but many were forced into the Spani
1952 in Bolivia, and more recently and
the Aymara been able to recoup to sot
st. Land is of extreme importance to t
at in essay 2, by Miracle and Yapita. Ma
ban environments maintain ties with t
mutual advantage. The Aymara womc
, travel a great deal and consider it an id,
arrive at each stop. Kinship, both real a
orks to accomplish this ideal (see essay

themselves, loquacious but courteous (,
ggs), putting a very high value on skill:

alai1lcuta1-, -fLI.lI II LL L. V-JtA.3 LtJ13, VV 1.L- IIILII 13 11,flll y
d, and in private, where the arts of persuasion, suggestion, a'
action are highly valued, as are more traditional talents such

<" t )- "- .:
.s r T -. o

\ 'AQAJ 1 N '-i
B 0 1 A
<- .':% y \ \ ,, .

La Paz 4A y acuc ho
Oruro Cuzc o

10 L i m a
S 1 L o r et a
II Lu rota

(i -.

\ ,0,

/ i

~ -? -" --
i *" ...

7, .

A '
S ---"i

CH I L 2Madre de Dios I
Sr a pa c a I Mo quegua g 2 a
2 A 1 t ag a s t a s Pasc o "
1 5 Puno a: n o
16Tacna ." A

S7 JAQI Lan uage i Area
o." \ (A yma ra. Jaq a r u, Kawkl)
"J" 6 A
.. J ,.,.. .
./ (.. re / -AI

11d,, -\1.
'",d 0 0 0
/ /' .r "

c L.-( A R C E N T I N A\

6 Introduction
use (Carter, 1964); one's activities and obligations are to the communil
At the same time, individual accomplishment is highly valued when it
not to the detriment of the community. The hard worker is especia.
valued, rewarded not only with the fruits of her or his labor but with t
esteem of the rest of the community. The Aymara value educati,
highly, which meshes with their traditional values of individualism, ha
work, and advancement, communal and private, but they have found
hard going within the school system (see essays 18, Maidana; 19, C
pana; 20, Yapita; 21, Custred; and various other references through
this volume).
The editor of this volume has found the Aymara people to be a ve
generous and very congenial people. She has enjoyed now more thar
decade of work with the people and extends to them her appreciation I
the many kindnesses that have been shown to her. She hopes that I
work directly in the language and through her students in some meast

The Social and Linguistic Context

Aymara is the native language of approximately one-third of the pop
lation of Bolivia. Quechua is the native language of another third. Th(
are, in addition, other, smaller language groups not related to either A
mara or Quechua, such as the Chipaya in the highlands and numeric
groups in the portion of the Amazon belonging to Bolivia. This lea-
Spanish in the position of being a minority language at the same tit
that it is the dominant one. The Aymara people in Bolivia are little cc
cerned with the Quechua and do not often refer to them or discuss the
among themselves. Some market women do know sufficient Quech
for marketing purposes, and some are even trilingual. However, QL
chua is not a dominant force in the lives of the Aymara in the way tt
Spanish is.
The Peruvian situation is different; with a total population of some
million, half a million Aymara speakers concentrated in the south
part of the country simply do not constitute the same kind of visit
force. Quechua, on the other hand, is spoken by nearly half of the rn
of the population and in 1975 was raised to an official status equal to ti
of Spanish. The common popular belief is that Aymara is some sort
variety of Quechua (that, and the devaluation of other varieties of Qu
chua, is sometimes labeled "Cuzco Imperialism"). Quechua and Ayma
are not related, however (see Hardman 1976, 1978a, 1979), althou!
there has been extensive mutual borrowing. Much has been writt

T, PQCCT----T-,

)out Quechua, particularly the variety used as an imperial dialect by the
tcas at the time of the conquest and spread further by the Spaniards
Hiring the colonial period. The role of the Jaqi languages in Andean
rehistory is just now being recognized (see Torero 1974).
This volume is concerned with the Aymara, particularly as they see
themselves. While some of what is said may also apply to Quechua, this
aspect is not relevant to the studies presented. Any such statement would
:quire cross-cultural comparative studies. If the reader is familiar with
luechua, some forms or some words may look similar. The assumption
f"Cuzco Imperialism" has been that all such similarities must have been
borrowed from Quechua. The reverse may very well be closer to the
uth (see Hardman, 1976, 1978a, 1979; Torero 1974; work in progress
y both authors will clarify the issues further). These essays do not ad-
ress the problem of defining origins; they describe primarily that which
today, not the history of how it came to be.
In Bolivia the Aymara refer to the national culture as "hispano" or
)metimes "misti." This usage has been respected, although it can be
argued that the label is not entirely accurate. The view of the Bolivian
ymara is that(isithe Aymara versus the Hispanics.
Usage in Peru is quite different, where "hispano" is rarely used and
yen then with a different meaning, terms such as "criollo," "mestizo,"
id choloo" being preferred, reflecting various degrees or aspects of the
:ale from Amerindian to European. In Bolivia the market women are
cholas," but they are married to "indios" (usually), not to "cholos." The
masculine form is almost never heard in Bolivia.
Because most of the essays in this volume are oriented to Bolivia,
cause many of the authors are Bolivian, and because the fieldwork was
one in Bolivia or with Bolivians, Bolivian usage has been followed
except where otherwise noted.

'he Aymara Language

he Aymara language is a language of the Jaqi linguistic family, com-
osed today of three extant languages: Jaqaru, spoken in Tupe, Yauyos,
eru, by approximately 2,000 speakers, and Kawki, spoken only in the
immunity of Cachuy (Chavin, Canchdn, and Cachuy), Yauyos, Peru,
y some 20 people, all elderly. There is evidence that at one time theJaqi
nguages extended from north of Lima at least as far as Canta, and per-
aps as far as Cajamarca, and throughout central and southern Peru;
apparently oneJaqi language was just being replaced in Huarochiri at the
me of the conquest. one became extinct in Canta about 1920, one died

in Huantan about 1930, and so forth (see Hardman 1966, 1975, HV
1975, Torero 1975, Matos 1951 for more detailed information).' Ayma
is thus the largest and politically by far the most important of the Ja
languages remaining today, spoken by one-third of the population
Bolivia and forming a very large community in Peru. There are diale
tical differences within Aymara (see essay 10, Briggs; see also her di
sertation, 1976) but they are not large; and all dialects of Aymara a
mutually intelligible.

Structure of the Language

Aymara is a suffixing language, where exploitation of the rich variety
suffixes is considered a stylistic achievement. Obligatory grammatic
structures are generally marked with suffixes such as inflectional verl
suffixes, case suffixes, or a special class of syntactic suffixes, leaving wo
order relatively free for stylistic play.


Aymara has three vowel phonemes, 26 consonant phonemes, and ol
phoneme of vowel length. The alphabet used throughout the work
that developed by Yapita (see essay 20). It is phonemic and is as follow

A A CH CH" CH' I IJ K K" K' L LL M N P P" P' Q Q" Q' R S
T" T' U U W XY

for a total of 29 letters (single, digraphs, or trigraphs) and one diacriti
Stress is nonphonemic; therefore no accent mark is used (see "Ayma
alphabet," page xi).
Morphophonemics in Aymara, which consists primarily of retentic
or dropping of vowels, is complex and extremely important. Virtual
all of the vowel dropping, which is word-internal as well as word-fin-
is morphologically conditioned, that is, the dropping or retaining is
grammatical significance (see HVY 1975, chap. 4).
Compared to languages like Spanish and English, intonation plays
relatively small role in Aymara syntax, the functions performed by suc
contours as question, exclamation, and so forth, being performed by tl
syntactic suffixes. Intonation is important, however, and in some dialec
is markedly more so than in others. Apparently the notion that the A,
mara speak in a monotone, a belief widely held by those who have be(
in contact with the Aymara, is acquired when a protective mask is turn(

Introductory Essay-Hardman 9
the Aymara toward those from whom hostility is felt. A good story-
ler makes ample use of intonation patterns; a specific pattern is de-
inded of those who would be valued as public speakers, and particular
nationn patterns must be used for pleading, persuading, and so forth
*e, for example, essay 1, Saavedra). There is as yet, however, no study
Aymara intonation.


ie basic morpheme classes are roots and suffixes.
Roots are verbs, substantives, particles, and interrogatives. Only one
rb stands apart from the others, the verb sania 'to say'. Substantives,
- the other hand, are divided into a number of subclasses such as nouns,
.mbers, pronouns, demonstratives, and positionals. The particle class,
Ltil recent Spanish borrowings, was extremely small indeed but is
mewhat larger now (see HVY 1975, chap. 4). The interrogative class
osscuts all other classes, there being a corresponding interrogative for
ch class or subclass; for example, there are two verbal interrogatives,
Le corresponding to saiia (kamsafia) and one corresponding to all other
rbs (kamachafia), and equally so for the substantive subclasses, plus one
terrogative for the particle class (see HVY 1975, chap. 4).
Nouns may form compounds with each other or with positionals or
embers to form two-root stems. Both noun and verb stems redupli-
te. These compound stems are particularly common in toponyms, bo-
nicals, and names of dances and ceremonies.
Suffixes are verbal, nominal, independent, and syntactic. There is also
:lass of suffixes which changes verbs into nouns or nouns into verbs,
which may be applied successively to form very complex words, like the
otto of the publication Aymara Literature (AL) (see bibliography)
4skipasipxanfanakasakipuniraki'spawa 'I know that it is desirable that we
ust communicate with each other', which begins as a verb, becomes a
pun, and ends as a verb (see HVY 1975, chap. 9).
Verbal suffixes are very numerous (see HVY 1975, chap. 6) and define
ch meanings as the speed or intensity of an action, its direction, its
ration, or the intention of the actor with respect to another person.
flectional suffixes indicate tense and person, where tense is defined as
y one of a mutually exclusive set of categories involving aspect, mode,
ne, data source, among other things, and where person is defined as
I interaction between two persons.
The verb tenses are: the simple, for present and past personal knowl-
Ige; the future, for personal knowledge; the imperative; the desidera-

10 Introduction
tive; the remonstrator; the inferential; the noninvolver, for lack of p
sonal knowledge or personal involvement; and the remote tenses,
past of personal knowledge and nonpersonal knowledge. These last ti
ses also are used as surprisals (see HVY 1975, chap. 7).
The Aymara person system, both verbal and substantive, is based
a four-person system: first person is speaker (plus or minus others)
eluded but addressee excluded; second person is addressee (plus or mil
others) included but speaker excluded; third person is neither spea.
nor addressee included, number of others unspecified; and fourth pern
is both speaker and addressee included (plus or minus others).
The Aymara verbal inflectional system consists of nine grammati
persons in each tense involving interactions between two of the fi
persons described above.

first to second third to second
first to third third to third
second to first third to fourth
second to third fourth to third
third to first

Verbs are also inflected for subordination but in a much reduced s
tem from that of Proto-Jaqi (see Hardman 1966, 1975, Briggs 1976
survivals in other dialects). Overall, subordinate verbs are now bord
line nouns and reflect only four persons or none at all. There are a
defective principal verbs which reflect only four persons and also beh;
as borderline substantives.
Nominal suffixes indicate case, possession, position, location, inst
mentality, direction, purpose, and various other relational types
meanings. In possession, the same four-person system is again present
Independent suffixes occur after stems and before verbal inflectio
There are only three or four of them (see HVY 1975, chap. 10), but tt
are in extremely common use (the motto of AL, above, has three
them together). The meaning of one translates roughly as 'just'; anot]
is used for a variety of meanings, such as 'also', to express complaint
in conjunction with other suffixes to express surprise; another may
translated as 'truly' or 'really'.
The syntactic suffixes occur after all other suffixes and turn a we
into a sentence. All words occurring with syntactic suffixes are a
grammatical structures without these suffixes (that is, morphologi
words); with the syntactic suffixes they may stand alone as sentences
in combination with other grammatical forms and are called "syntac

uiiuuuVLuiy jzbdy-riururrLma 11
rds." The syntactic suffixes, either alone or in combination, mark
i sentence types as information question, yes/no question, personal
wledge, hearsay, reaffirmation, attenuation, conjunction or listing,
amation, and surprise, politeness, or doubt.
.11 Aymara sentences must mark-in verb inflections, in verbal deri-
ons, in nominal suffixes, in choice of particle roots, and/or in the use
yntactic suffixes-the speaker's knowledge of the matter being re-
ed to: personal, reportive, hearsay, inferential, nonpersonal, or non-
)lved. Failure to specify nonpersonal knowledge when talking about
*vent one could not possibly have experienced personally sounds as
age in Aymara as an outright claim to have lived 200 years ago would
id in English. Nonpersonal knowledge markers must also be used
:n reporting the bodily or mental condition of another person, even
.by (see essays 13, Martin; 14, Laprade; 16, Martin; 22, Briggs and
land; and 10, Briggs).

tulates of the Aymara Language: An Overview

;uistic postulates are the ideas or concepts or themes which permeate
lughout and influence all aspects of a language. Linguistic postulates
be realized at several levels within the grammatical structure as well
within the vocabulary and ultimately within the culture itself. They
insistent and recurrent, which accounts for their equal predominance
he perception/cognition system of the speakers of a given language
Hardman 1972, 1979). Postulates, then, are those characteristics of
language which most influence perception and subconscious thought,
ch play a rich part in the speakers' world view; they are the "linguis-
parasites" which interfere so strongly with the learning of another
:uage (see essays 18, Maidana; 17, Satz Miracle, as well as other ref-
.ces throughout the volume).
)ne of the first overriding postulates of the Aymara language is that
ata source. There is a proverb in Aymara which says Uhjasaw unfjt,
x, jan ufijasaxjaniw oufijt, saniikiti, that is, "If one has seen, then one
say, 'I have seen'; if one has not seen, one must not say 'I have
' ". As has been pointed out in the brief description of the structure
ymara, data source is marked in the verbal inflections, along with
_e of the verbal derivational suffixes, with some of the nominal suf-
3, and with the syntactic suffixes. The marking of data source is an
gatory element of every Aymara sentence and is felt by Aymara
.kers to be an essential feature of language in general (see, for ex-
dle, essay 13, Martin).

12 Introduction
Another postulate of the Aymara language is that of human vei
nonhuman. Thus jupa means 'he, she, they' but only when referring
humans; for nonhumans the pronouns are aka or uka, where locate
with respect to speaker is obligatorily marked, a feature nonobligat
with humanness. Verbs take objects within the inflectional sysl
marked on a human/nonhuman axis (see essay 10, Briggs); some
cabulary items are specifically human, others nonhuman. It is considc
a serious offense to speak to someone with nonhuman terms-these c
stitute fighting words.
A third postulate of the Aymara language, linked with the imports
of human versus nonhuman, is that of the overmarking of the sec
person. Componential analysis of the proto-Jaqi forms shows an e
greater overmarking of second person than is readily apparent toda
Aymara (although it can be seen in the sister languages; see Hardi
1975). Aymara courtesy (see essay 6, Briggs) demands a constant aw
ness of the other, and Aymara grammar demands a regular specifically
of the relationship of the addressee to the matter being discussed. Fai
to make known the awareness of the human presence of another has :
one of the greatest stumbling blocks to intercultural understanding
essay 1, Saavedra, as well as other references throughout the volume
Other postulates, of lower hierarchical importance, involve the
portance of shape and texture (see essays 3, Tate, and 4, Miracle
Vasquez) with the relative lack of importance of color, a matter so
portant to English speakers. Further study in the Aymara language
doubtless bring additional insights into the linguistic postulates, wl
will then tell us more of the Aymara culture and of the Aymara w,

The Composition of This Volume

All the essays in this volume began as studies of some aspect of the.
mara language, mostly prepared as term papers or papers for pro
sional meetings. The authors are 18 students of M. J. Hardman, ei'
directly or indirectly, spanning 10 years of teaching, from 1966 in
livia, through 1968 in Indiana, and through 1976 at the Universit,
Florida. The students themselves represent a cross-section of stuck
populations and in themselves represent the desired scope and read
this volume. Five are Bolivian, one is Argentinian, and the remair
are from widely scattered areas of the United States. Four of the autl
are native Aymara speakers, two are Spanish, one is Spanish-Eng
hlilinrnml- *4h01 TC- Orp nati7Pe Pnalich cnmalkrz Mnlt" nfrht nithnr, v

introductory assay-H-araman 13
iversant in a number of other languages. As a second (or third) lan-
ige, 10 know Aymara, 13 Spanish, three English, one Mam, and one
kasuki. By profession or major area of study, eight are anthropolo-
:s, three are linguists, two are elementary schoolteachers; one each
resents Latin American studies, education, speech, and Spanish; and
! is an artist.
'he earliest paper (18, Maidana) was prepared in 1966 while the au-
r was a student of the Instituto Nacional de Estudios Lingiiisticos
iL) in Bolivia. The most recent paper (20, Yapita) was prepared spe-
cally for this volume. Thus the papers cover a period of 10 years, and
first and last are written by Aymara speakers. In many respects the
pe of these two papers reflects the progress made during the last dec-
in Aymara studies.
"he opportunity for students to do original work that can result in
)lishable material is infrequent. Because of the Aymara Language Ma-
als Project (see 22, Briggs and England, and Appendix 1) and the
sequent presence on campus of Aymara speakers, as well as the regu-
offering of Aymara as an academic course at the University of Florida
the consequent presence of a native Aymara teacher, this opportu-
' has been available to students at the University of Florida. Many
lents who started their work with term papers have gone on to
per studies in the form of theses or dissertations (England, Laprade,
ggs, Miracle, Boynton). All of the papers presented in this volume,
ever, are the work of the authors as students.
'he publishing of student papers is justified when those papers present
ginal information unavailable elsewhere. That is the case with all of
essays in this volume, as the many requests we have received for
ies of the papers have indicated. Many colleagues have urged repeat-
y that we make these materials more widely available.
'he essays do build on one another; for example, the contrast between
Maidana, and 20, Yapita, gives a glimpse of how much students were
e to learn from each other. From the Aymara point of view (18, Mai-
a) Aymara studies began from ground zero. From the U.S. academic
imunity point of view, the situation was not much better-Aymara
lies were few and far between and were of dubious quality. The Que-
a domination mentioned earlier has eclipsed Aymara studies. The
.ys in this volume can be considered only a step in what we foresee as
ody of Aymara studies resulting from cooperative efforts of Aymara
non-Aymara. Perhaps in 10 years a second volume will fill in some
he obvious gaps in this one. Some suitable studies for it are already
ig written.

14 Introduction
The essays have been edited to remove the typical "boiler-plate" 1
goes into all term papers as well as material repetitious of that give]
this introduction. All references have been gathered into a single bi
ography. Other editing has involved updating where necessary, con
tion of errors, and summarizing (when the detail appropriate to a t(
paper was not appropriate for this volume). Some papers were transhl
from Spanish.
In only two articles are Vasquez and Yapita cited as coauthors, yet t]
work underlies a very great deal of what has gone into this volume
acknowledgments that have been removed, virtually every paper f
duced at the University of Florida expressed gratitude to these two di
cated teachers and researchers in the area of Aymara, one a linguist
one an artist. The editor also wishes to thank them, not only for help
to correct these papers but for the inspired teaching that helped tt
students to do their research and to perceive human beings as hur
beings, transcending and simultaneously appreciating cultural dif
Juana Vasquez was born in Tiwanaku, Bolivia. She was raised by
Aymara-speaking grandmother, learning Spanish as a child from her
lingual mother and from fellow students in primary school. She
worked as a weaver and as a businesswoman, both wholesaler and
tailer, for 15 years until beginning studies at INEL. She is the coautho
Aymar ar Yatiqanfataki and has taught courses in Aymara at the Univer
of Florida and the University of Pittsburgh. Her work as an artist fo:
part of the Aymara materials produced at the University of Florida
was exhibited in a one-woman show in the Grinter Galleries at the i
versity. She was editor of the Aymara Newsletter and has written a pril
and other educational materials (see bibliography). She is currently
rector of indigenous languages in INEL, where she continues research
language and culture, works with a mobile library, coedits a trilinE
newssheet, and teaches a course toward the improvement of educat
for the Aymara child. She is also a member of the Institute of Ayrr
Language and Culture (ILCA).
Juan de Dios Yapita Moya was born in Qumpi, Omasuyos, La I
Bolivia. Both his parents were monolingual in Aymara; he him
learned Spanish in elementary school. His parents took him to La Pa:
permit continued study in a commercial high school. He later stuck
cooperatives and then entered the Normal School to prepare himself
a teacher of English and French. He studied linguistics at INEL and tl
received a scholarship to study bilingual education in Peru under
nl1cniCtp nfrthe T Tnivepritv nfCSan Marrn- TIimn lreir rnntin1imncn c rn

Introductory Essay--Hardman 15
studies in linguistics at the University of Florida. He is a member of
umber of international associations, such as such as the Interamerican
)gram in Linguistics and the Teaching of Languages (PILEI) and the
iguistic and Philological Association of Latin America (ALFAL). He has
-n secretary in various unions and is the founder and coordinator of
Annual Folklore Festival in Qumpi. He has taught the Aymara lan-
ige both in the United States and in Bolivia and has taught Aymara
onology, language and culture, and linguistics to Aymara speakers,
ne of whom have continued expanding his work. He has written ex-
sively in the field of Aymara literature; he is one of the coauthors of
mar ar Yatiqaniataki, author of three texts in the teaching of Aymara,
I editor of the periodicals Jipi, Aymara Newsletter, and Aymara Litera-
'. He is founder and director of ILCA. He is currently director of lin-
.stics with the Museum of Ethnography and Folklore in La Paz
JSEF) and professor of Aymara at the Universidad Nacional Mayor
San Andres.
The authors of the essays in this volume have worked together in
ny ways and in all cases have sought to build upon the work of those
o went before them. In this way genuine advances have been made.
s to be hoped that in the future students working in the Aymara lan-
ige will continue to add to our store of knowledge and that within a
r years another such volume may be possible, through cooperative
)rt, in person or across the distances of time and space.

e Organization of This Volume

s the conviction of the editors and authors of this volume that basic
arch is a primary necessity for applied science of any kind. Further,
s held that in the social sciences these tools of knowledge must be
ally shared between academic and target communities (see essay 20,
)ita). We consider it axiomatic that knowledge of value to an academic
nmunity can also be of value to the nonacademic community, most
ticularly that community which is itself the source of the academic
)wledge. The volume is organized to reflect these convictions. After
introductory essay, aspects of "pure" research are presented, leading
ough contrast and comparison to application possibilities.
'he essays in this book represent a wide variety of interests, levels,
I disciplines. Some look at relatively small matters; others take on
ch more. Some are quite technical, others more general. The unifying
:or is that all of them grew out of a desire for cross-cultural under-
iding between Aymara and non-Aymara. They are directed to the

16 Introduction
reader who also has need of information toward some end-to
teacher, educator, linguist, anthropologist, Peace Corps volunteer, g(
ernment official, community leader, merchant, and, simply, to the I
man being interested in other human beings.
The introductory essay, very much understated in the culturally c
rect way, was written by Carlos Saavedra, himself a Bolivian Hispan
We hear the voice of one who has lived with the kinds of cultural class
that are treated from various detailed points of view in the rest of
volume. Indeed, much of what Saavedra refers to in a general way is
specific topic of subsequent essays. He briefly outlines the history of
contact and the situation as it stands today.
Fnlln,1rincr the int-rncrlnrtnrv essnv the book is divided into three s

uage for political purposes, as our evidence now indicates was the case. Jaqi
ence on Quechua lessens as one goes northward. Work in progress by Law-
e Carpenter in Ecuador shows it to be minimal in some dialects there.
The use of "Hispanic" for the non-Indian (or in this book, the non-Ay-
)--as an approximate label for what the outside world, and the "Hispanics"
selves, consider to be the "real" national culture-corresponds to Bolivian
e. It is not an accurate label, obviously, because the Bolivians are not fully
lish, but it does accurately reflect the self-concept of those who so label
selves. Peruvian usage, better known outside the Andean world, is not con-
nt with Bolivian usage. Inasmuch as this volume deals primarily with the
vian situation, where the Aymara are both more numerous and more sig-
ant on the national scene, Bolivian usage has primarily been followed.

1. Social and Cultural Context of the Aymara
in Bolivia Today

Carlos Saavedra

It is the intent in this paper to discuss the problems of interaction ir
situations involving two groups of distinct cultural and lingual charac-
teristics where one group is dominant over the other. The position of th(
dominant group will often be determined by the social, economic, anc
political aspects of the history of initial contact. The focus of this paper
written from the point of view of social linguistics, will be on the reason:
for the dominance of one culture and language (the Hispanic) over an-
other (the Aymara) and the reasons for the persistence of this situation
In Bolivia at least three major independent languages are spoken-
Spanish, Aymara, and Quechua-each defining both language and cul-
ture. The Hispanic culture group is identified with the white-mestizo
groups with their particular ties to urban-rural dwelling and social class
The other languages, Quechua and those of small ethnic groups founc
both in the highlands and the lowlands, will be excluded in this study
only the problems of interaction between the Hispanic and the Aymar;
cultures will be brought to light.
In Bolivia the Hispanic culture has unquestionably taken the position
of dominance; however, the dissemination of the language and the cul-
ture to the other culture groups has not been complete because of the
policy that ignorance of Spanish would serve to further the subservient
position of the Indian. Thus members of the dominant group have often

This essay, originally titled "Lack of Interaction between Two Culture Groups:
Bolivia: A Case Study," was prepared for a linguistics seminar in Fall 1971. For
Saavedra, himself a Bolivian "Hispanic," this term paper in many ways repre-
sented a voyage of self-discovery as his study of the Aymara language and per-
sonal acquaintance with Aymara people in the United States caused him to re-
flect on the situation he knew in Bolivia. It was also a voyage of discovery for

The Aymara in Bolivia Today-Saavedra 19
learned a version of the language of the dominated groups for reasons of
basic communication.
The nonhomogeneity of the two cultures does not reduce the fact that
the Hispanic culture hangs like a mantle over the other cultures, blotting
out their own importance and relevance to the national social order. This
fact is evident in that Bolivia, though a predominantly Indian nation, has
the same sociopolitical structures as her sister republics, even those with
little or no Indian background in their histories.
Settlement pattern was one factor that laid the groundwork for the
establishment of a society of the type in existence in Bolivia today, where
the division of class by culture, language, and race still continues. Other
reasons for this, in spite of the reform laws passed during the last 20
years, are the attitudes formed by one group toward the other. Negative
attitudes such as the belief in the Indian's "inability" to be acculturated
into the "Spanish" culture because of biological inferiority have been
typical of the Hispanic point of view toward the Aymara.
To the present day the Aymara have been regarded by the Hispanic as
introverted and submissive, and this conclusion has been reinforced by
the research of serious field investigators who fell prey to the problems
that lack of genuine interaction causes between Aymara and non-Ay-
mara (see essays 6 and 16). Thissatme factor of noninteraction, despite 1--
the appearance of interaction, will be taken into account when presenting
the Aymara point of view regarding the Hispanic culture (why, for ex-
ample, the Aymara has toward the white-mestizo culture such feelings
as distrust and antipathy).
It is no exaggeration to say that the Bolivian raised in an urban setting
with a Hispanic background is a stranger in his or her own land. Outside
the city of La Paz, Aymara is the language of communication, and speak-
ers of Spanish find themselves in the position of interlopers. Only the
dominance represented by the urbanite enables Hispanics to be able to
deal with the Aymara when out of the urban habitat. A case of culture
shock also awaits the Aymara who must travel to the city, for they are
soon made to realize that their position is less than equal because of their
cultural background and their meager knowledge of Spanish culture.

the rest of us as he led us, Aymara and non-Aymara, to see through Hispanic
eyes. It is chosen as the introduction because it gives us an overview of the
situation by one who is part of it but who has also stepped back to take a better
Although Saavedra is a native Spanish speaker, the original paper was written
in English. It has been edited to conform to English structure rather than the
underlying Andean Spanish structure.

20 Introduction
Shock experiences that the Aymara will meet in their attempts to in
with Hispanics could be avoided if both parties understood someth
the other's language and culture.
If anything of relevance is to be derived from this paper, I hope:
be the demonstration of the role that knowledge of language pla)
pecially in the understanding of culture. That the knowledge of St
;, will be a great asset for the Aymara in cases of interaction canr
denied, but, by the same token, the knowledge of Aymara will allc
\ marginal Hispanic to realize that the Aymara culture, as well as the
native cultures of Bolivia, :is part of the whole of national life.
The teaching of these languages to the Hispanic segment of the
lation is a first priority for the establishment of the genuine inter
necessary to form a genuine nation, but, in teaching them, the c
that each language reflects must also be taught.


Since this study deals with the problems of interaction between th
panic and the Aymara of Bolivia, we shall limit ourselves to that a
the altiplano where the urban centers of Spanish speakers in contact
the Aymara are also concentrated.
The first case of contact between Spaniard and Aymara in th
came in 1533 from the military expedition into the territory by Di(
Almagro. After the Spanish successfully subjugated the area, all A
territory from Ayaviri to Caracolla was included in the Viceroy;
Peru. By 1550 all important towns in the area had monasteric
houses of the order of the Dominicans, the actual beginning of th
cess of acculturating the Indian population through the forces of 1
tianization. The complete subjugation through rAion and an ex1
tive economic system maintained the Aymara in'l e role of near
well into the period of independence (see Tschopik, 1946, pp. 5(
The Republican period did not change the system to benefit the A
but continued more or less the same practices as the crown befc
that until 1952, the year of the Agrarian Reform, the situation
Indian of Bolivia had been more or less the same for 400 years.
The estimated population of Bolivia is 5 million. This figure is
very rough estimate because Bolivia is the only country in Latin Ai
that has not taken an accurate census within recent times. Racial
position of the country is 15 percent white, 65 percent Indian, 2
percent mixed. Since the criteria for mestizo are more cultural tha
logical, the Indian population is often given as being as low as 53 p

ia Todav--Sa

high as 70 percent, with the other percentages distributed among
ind mestizo groups.
s, of the 5 million people in Bolivia, 3.25 million are identified as
Of this number, it is estimated that approximately one-half are
'a, mostly concentrated in the Titicaca Basin. The cities are other
of population clusters in the area. Given an estimated population
Paz in 1970 of half a million, we can surmise that Aymara are in
-5 ratio to non-Aymara.
fraction" by these two groups has been and is one of urban to
:ven the hacendados themselves were city dwellers who rarely re-
or long periods in the haciendas, and the Aymara who reside in
es normally maintain their rural ties and landholdings. The prob-
f interaction are based on the differences of culture and language:
ferential factor is the residential environments and perspectives.
)rding to Rubin (1968), in the countries of Peru, Ecuador, Chile,
I, and Paraguay there existed three preconditions for the persistent
ance of the aboriginal language: a relatively large area, a relatively
;eneous aboriginal population speaking one language before con-
ith the conquistadores, and the assignment of this area to one
y at the time of independence.
ie case of Bolivia, only the first condition is genuinely fulfilled:
Sthe country encompassing a relatively large area at the time of
ndence. Condition two was not met, since Bolivia had two large
;eneous groups, Aymara and Quechua. The third condition is best
I Paraguay; in Bolivia and Peru the Aymara population is divided
border between the two nations.
historical process that could have led to the situation of a modern
.al nation began with the introduction of a group speaking a lan-
(Spanish) other than that of the aboriginal one. However, in Bo-
.e general pattern was one of conquest and subjugation with little
ce of collaboration. Bolivia also maintained extensive contact with
throughout the colonial period. The economic aspects of the coun-
'acted some immigration and the establishment of Spanish-speak-
useholds. Even in the cases of mixed marriages, Spanish predom-
as the language of the elite. A really insulated upper class,
itiated by language, education, and economic status, developed in
i. Speaking Spanish was an important distinguishing feature of
class status. We can assume that the establishment of a rigid class
was the predominant factor in the subordinate role given Aymara
and language in Bolivia. The large native population in the area
e system of serfdom already established by Inca domination were

LL introuuclton
propitious for the transplanting of Spanish feudalism. After the ti
initial contact came the development of the encomienda, or "prot
ate," a system in which Spanish colonists were given a number of
to take care of, in exchange for which they received from their
tribute and free labor. The encomienda system, which theoretical
forded some protection to the Indian by the crown, was phased ou
in the eighteenth century and was followed by the hacienda systerr
hacienda as a social and economic factor in the development of the
try furthered the growth of distinct, sharply defined social c
Lower-class status to upper-class status was defined in the ascendil
der: Indian, mestizo, and white, the latter represented by the hacer,
The formulation of upper-class status was white or near-white; Sj
was their language, creating an insulated upper class set apart fro
mass of the people, who were Aymara speakers.

Hispanic Attitude toward Aymara Language and Culture

The development of an upper class distinct from the other class
cause of language and culture was and still is the basic reason for tl
of complete interaction among Bolivians. The outlook of the Hi
upon the culture of the Indian is and was one of ethnocentrism
were the Hispanics who spoke Aymara well, and fewer those
understood the culture. It is not surprising that the Aymara sho
characterized as highly introverted, distrustful, and uncommunicat
a group that had little or no real interaction with them. When att
were made by the "white" Hispanic to communicate with the A
in their own language, they often used patron Aymara (Briggs,
which carried with it the inflections and characteristics of the S]
culture. To the Aymara who was spoken to in these terms this wa
better than Spanish, since the relationship of patr6n/pe6n still e)
When the patron Aymara dialect did not imply a demeaning relatio:
it connotated at the very least a tone of paternalism or denied tt
vanity of the Aymara individual. Many hacendados have defendec
position in relation to their serfs as one of father to son, a sym
relationship equally advanta eous to both parties, a point of vie\
holds that the Indian is but a"chilt, unable to take care of himself,'
off under the care of the patron.
The mestizo, a biological as well as a cultural product of the m
of Aymara and white, often adopts the same attitude toward the A,
as does the prime dominant group. The mestizos, more often tha:

The Aymara in Bolivia Today-Saavedra 23
will disdain whatever connection they have with the Aymara and aspire
o the cultural traits of the white. Though often bilingual, the mestizos
vill disavow any knowledge of Aymara and will instead speak Spanish,
seekingg the advantages it brings to the speaker (cf. Weinrich 1953, p. 79).
Fhe mestizo and the white are represented in the cities as upper- and
niddle- to lower-class groups. The formation of this urban population
ias furthered the breach between Aymara and Spanish speakers: it is not
nuch of an exaggeration to say that outside the larger cities few persons
;peak any Spanish at all.
Spanish speech patterns have always been a social criterion of extreme
importance, for only those capable of speaking the official language with
in enunciation locally accepted as correct can reasonably aspire to accep-
:ance by the Hispanic elite. A common theme in Bolivian social folklore
ellss of the person who, wealth and political power notwithstanding, is
exposed for the bounder that he is by an unintended lapse into an Ay-
mnara or Quechua accent. There is common belief that such lapses are,
:or a person of Indian racial background, an inevitable part of his bio-
ogical heritage. It is seldom assumed in Bolivia that an Indian is able to
;peak Spanish at all, let alone well; in recognition of this a white person
will attempt to address the Indian in his or her own language.
Acceptance of this by both parties has undoubtedly been a tremen-
dously important factor in the retention in Bolivia of the many Indian
.anguages (Leonard-Loomis, 1953, p. 261). The early anthropological
studiess of the Aymara by Tschopik (1946) seem at first hand to reinforce
:he belief in the negative aspect of Aymara personality. These studies, by
reasserting the Hispanic view of the Aymara, cause concern especially
regarding the techniques employed by the ethnologist. In analysis the
studiess show that the investigators had become identified with the His-
panics, who often played host to the researcher. The use of a mestizo as
in interpreter placed the ethnologist in the precarious position of having
ill information mediated through the mestizo's prejudices about the Ay-
nara. If the Aymara were not responding to the investigator and were
being introverted and sullen, it was because they cherished a deep and
.nveterate hatred for the mestizo (see Plummer, 1966). The error of the
investigatorss was_.their-need for interpreters! If the language barrier ex-
.sting -etween different ethnic groups was the cause of the lack of inter-
iction, this was not perceived by the early investigators.
More recent studies, such as those of Carter (1972) and Hickman
,1963), have taken these factors into account; knowledge of the language
ind the introduction of the investigator into the area of study by a resi-
dent of the area rather than an outsider are of utmost importance to allow

24 Introduction
for the non-Aymara to meet the people on a friendly basis and also to
allow the Aymara to open up and communicate.

Aymara Attitude toward Hispanic Culture and Language

A large quantity of material has been written regarding the attitude of
the Hispanic toward the Aymara both by Bolivians and foreign observ-
ers; however, quite the opposite is the case regarding material about the
attitudes of the Aymara toward the Hispanic and their culture. The stud-
ies of the Aymara by Carter (1972), Tschopik (1946), and Buechler
(1971) deal either with the material aspects of the culture, the attitudes
of the Aymara regarding their relation to their peers, or the personality
characteristics of the people. Hickman (1963) gives a list of questions
asked of his informants; these are mostly about Aymara attitudes about
self and others of his community. No questions appear about the relation
between Aymara and non-Aymara.
Aymara personality has been characterized as submissive, gloomy,
anxious, mistrustful. I have grown up with the Hispanic attitude toward
the Aymara. Only as I have studied the Aymara language and talked
with my teachers, Yapita, Vasquez, and Copana (see essays 4, 19, and 20)
have I come to understand the attitudes of the Aymara toward the His-
The problem in understanding another culture begins in a lack of
knowledge of the language. For the Hispanic and the Aymara this defi-
ciency is one of the major reasons for the absence of interaction between
the two groups. But even where there is knowledge of the language
': there can still be misunderstanding of the culture if deep prejudices exist,
' as may be the case with the Hispanic (cf. Briggs, section 2). On the other
-'' hand, the Aymara who speaks Spanish takes a more open approach to-
ward the Hispanic and their culture. He or she is apt to see both the
negative and positive aspects of the Hispanic culture from a less ethno-
centric point of view and to analyze the behavior of the Hispanic as
shaped both by culture and environment.
The Aymara, while retaining their culture, realize the value of a
knowledge of Spanish. The ability to speak Spanish is seen as a vehicle
that will allow them to interact with the Hispanic on an equal level. This
approach is not one of disdain for their own language but rather one of
the necessity of the times. The stereotyped belief of the Hispanic that the
Aymara cannot be educated is disproved by the fact that free communi-
ties in the altiplano long ago hired teachers and built schools through
their own efforts. In communities that were once bonded to the haciendas

The Aymara in Bolivia Today-Saavedra 25
same efforts are being applied; an example is the community of
npi, near Lake Titicaca, where a school has been set up solely
ugh the efforts of Compefios (see essay 19).
earning Spanish need not mean Hispanization, that is, learning Span-
need not be Castellanizaci6n (a term of insult in the Aymara view); q\
nara speakers should not be asked to give up all of their cultural V
pectives. When I was "learning to speak English," I was not asked
eny being a Bolivian to become a "gringo." Learning Spanish as a
nd language should be supplemented with learning to read in the
ve language. In the field of education the Aymara are pushing for-
d to reach goals that at other times were unattainable, providing,
ever, that the doors of opportunity are not closed again.
I other steps toward adapting themselves to the national order, the
riara have become mobile and are found in many areas of the country.
his they are making more positive attempts at interaction with the
*r peoples of the country. Once permitted the same freedoms that the
panics have, the Aymara are far from shy and become, in fact, entre-
ieurs and organizers.
:ereotyped ideas about the Hispanics are rare since the Aymara tend
idge all individuals by their performances. The individual who be-
es well in the community, even a Hispanic who comports him/herself
human being should, is accorded respect, kindness, and acceptance.
popular writings Hispanic Bolivians disparagingly observe that the
nara character does not lend itself to trust. This is far from true.
re exists among members of most Indian communities a relatively
i level of trust, which can be violated by an individual only at the
of the strongest opprobrium. Trust in the given word is very im-
:ant among the Aymara and taken very seriously when they deal
ing themselves or with the non-Aymara. Unlike the Hispanics, who
I to brag and to offer more than they can deliver, the Aymara hold to
r word. Those who commit themselves to a task and do not deliver
not likely be given a second chance and will often be referred to as
anta, "big mouth." Such was the case with the people from the Alli-
:for Progress. Investigative teams came into Aymara communities
asked the people to list their needs. Many promises were made but
vere forgotten later on. Later, when more investigative teams re-
.ed to these communities, they were ignored by the people; they had
)me identified as gargantas.
iven the chance, the Aymara will generally judge a person, regard-
of background, according to the individual's qualities. This process
lite different from the criteria of wealth, social class, education, and

26 Introduction
cultural background that the Hispanic use. Once the fears and the
trust that are associated with the Hispanic have passed, the Aymar;
be hospitable to the Hispanic guest. Hospitality in Aymara society
far beyond the niceties of social comportment; it is their way of lif
mode of interaction, tied in with the human/nonhuman distinct
the language and the culture (cf. Briggs, essay 6).

Problems of Interaction between Aymara and Hispanic

For the Aymara attempting to interact within the Hispanic culture
first problems often come in the first years of school. The school is
the first place in which the Aymara child has contact with Spanish
not a pleasant first contact because the child is instilled with a feel:
inferiority, some of which is due to the inability to enuniciate Sp
according to the standards set by the Hispanic teacher. Since the chi
bring with them the phonological system of their native language,
find it hard to pronounce the vowels "e" and "o" where they occ
Spanish. The Aymara speaker will attempt to replace them wit]
vowels "i" and "u" or vice versa. When this happens, the children
liable to punishment and ridicule in front of others, causing the
avoid speaking Spanish later on for fear of being wrong (see essay
19, and 20). This specific problem could be avoided if the teacher 1
enough about Aymara to realize that the language has only three vc
and does not conform to the Spanish phonological system. The te
could then take a more lenient attitude in teaching Spanish and tht
reinforce the Aymara speakers' incentive to learn the language.
The Aymara language is a language of politeness (see essay 6).
speaking the Aymara will almost always include forms of politenes!
are part of the language. Examples of polite forms of address are tatc
Mr.), mama (ma'am, Ms., Mrs., Miss), used between strangers an
quaintances and by all children to elders. Other forms of politeness (
in cases of noun-verb derivational, inflectional suffixes and in the
tence suffixes. To the Aymara the use of these forms is a very import
for not to be addressed in this form will be interpreted as a negatic
the presence of another human being. And this will often occur wl
Hispanic attempts to interact with an Aymara. When the Hispanic
tempt to communicate in Aymara, they will often leave out the r
forms because of meager knowledge of the language. If the meaj
address is Spanish, it will carry the same message in more or les
same manner, since Spanish does not lend itself to politeness to the e:
that Aymara does. In either case the speaker is not likely to rece:

The Aymara in Bolivia Today-Saavedra 27
onse or will receive a response that is apparently polite-for Spanish
umption-but that is actually terminating interaction. What the
,anic does not realize is that the Aymara may be insulted. Lack of
e forms denotes disdain for the person addressed; polite forms are
iped when one is addressing animals, for example. Unfortunately,
negative result of this misperception of intention reinforces in the
*anic the idea that the Aymara are uncommunicative, introverted,
ven the concept of "politeness" does not fully express this dimension
.e Aymara language. For the Hispanic, and in the Spanish language,
;eness is a veneer added onto the basic structure through titles and
ses, flowery and otherwise. For the Aymara, the recognition of the
anity of other persons is part and parcel of the grammatical system
ell as including terms of address and so forth, and it is therefore not
onal. The Aymara may be, and often are, polite in the Spanish
--a behavior pattern demanded by Spanish priests and overlords,
ng others-without being polite in the Aymara sense.
ymara culture is one where open competition and forceful self-
ession are missing. In contrast, the Hispanic culture permits the in-
lual self-expression, often with exaggerated enthusiasm. The Ay-
i who has first contact with Hispanic life experiences culture shock.
fast-moving and often brusque manner of the Hispanic causes great
:ern to the Aymara. An example are the Aymara who comes into the
to pay taxes. After patiently waiting to be attended, they are con-
ted by a Hispanic who will be very direct in speaking. Never having
spoken to in such a manner, the Aymara will turn around and leave
)remises, reasoning being that "I am a person, and not an animal to
heated in such a manner" and that since the clerk should have known
individual's reasons for being there, there was no need for such inter-
tion. The Aymara can only conclude that the official does not want
noney. This is one example of what happens to the Aymara because
Leir meager knowledge of the Hispanic culture.
iere are two premises that stand out as peculiar to the Aymara in
one-way exchange of words. In Aymara culture, strangers greet but
nally do not speak unless introduced to one another by a third party
knows them both. Second, a request must be given the proper in-
tion. In Aymara, a subdued, almost whining intonation connotes
tesy in persuasion or in requesting a favor. In the case of the His-
c's question "what do you want," the manner is felt to be rude, in
because it is said without any preliminary greeting (see Briggs, essay
uduinm' this ePrlhanon an imnnlit-e nrmrrlin t tn t-hPe criteria set un bv

28 Introduction
their language and culture, the Aymara are not wrong. Yet, what
express brusqueness to them may not be so interpreted in the Hisi
culture. In this case both parties err in interacting because neither is
acquainted with the other's cultural and language patterns.
There are many such examples that could be cited. The ones give
only some that occur in the everyday meeting of Aymara and Hisp
these cases in "interaction" are not restricted to a few areas of contact
may be found to occur in the marketplace, municipalities, and civic
governmental offices.

The Importance of Teaching Language: A Tool for Reinfc
ment of Interaction

Considering the problems in interaction between the different el
groups in Bolivia, and reasoning that these problems are based m,
on a lack of understanding of each other's language, it would be
logical that the teaching of these languages be attempted through pi
Recognition that the teaching of the native languages is importa
the plan of national integration has caused a change in attitudes to,
Aymara and Quechua among some Hispanic speakers in the las
years. This attitude is reflected somewhat in governmental ranks
tangibly exemplified by a law passed in 1955 that marked the begin
of literacy campaigns in the rural areas and the creation of alphabet
Quechua and Aymara. But little came of these campaigns. More rec<
this movement has received attention from academic organizations
pecially INEL and the University of San Andres, La Paz. A seminar
at the university in January 1971 stressed the necessity for a nat]
language (Spanish) as a vehicle of national unification but also strc
the obligation to recognize the value of the native languages.
Interest in the native languages is not a new phenomenon; vai
attempts have been made to describe them since the early colonial
riod. One of the earliest and to date one of the better studies of Ayl
was done by Ludovico Bertonio, a Jesuit priest who lived among
Aymara in the seventeenth century (see Briggs, essay 8, for a review
the literature relating to Aymara before the beginning of the Ayi

as data source. These items all play very important roles in Aymara mor-
phology and syntax. Also, in the examples of practical dialogues for
learning to converse in Aymara, patron Aymara forms are unacceptable
to Aymara speakers, and the user of them would be sure to receive a
negative response. Regarding the phonology of the Aymara language,
the Peace Corps text (Wexler, 1967) is based on prior works that accepted
a five-vowel system for the language. They failed to recognize that the
vowels "e" and "o" are allophones of the vowels "i" and "u". The de-
scription of Aymara phonology as a three-vowel system was confirmed
by Hardman and Yapita in work done in this language and the related
language of Jaqaru and in the Aymara alphabet devised by Yapita (see
essay 20).
At present the need is for texts for the teaching of the native languages
within their own cultural patterns. Also needed are texts to teach the
Aymara language with the cultural patterns of Aymara on a new level of
understanding. In teaching Spanish to Aymara and Quechua, the same
approach will also have to be employed. To date the teaching of Spanish
to these groups has been little more than an attempt to Hispanize the
people of these two cultures. Such attempts atFa-cUturating these groupsN
have met with resistance, and rightfully so, sirreehey were moves to-
ward displacing the native cultures and languages. Since the movement
for the recognition of the value of the native languages has also reached
the Hispanic, it is perhaps not too optimistic to say that the time is pro-
pitious for the teaching of Aymara, Quechua, and Spanish according to
the criteria that have been presented. If such steps are taken, they will be
important ones toward national unification in Bolivia.


1. Editor's note: For a discussion of the sexism involved in European/Jaqi
contacts see Hardman 1979. The masculine pronoun is used in this essay where
the facts of contact are, because of the European sexism, male to male. Aymara
(andJaqi culture in general) is quite different in this respect and pronouns do not
mark gender in Aymara.

Aymara Grammatical and Semantic
Categories and World View

way in which two speakers of a language interact with each other
then at how persons not knowing the language perceive the charact
the speakers of that language. He uses the methodology common
speech and psychological researchers and shows some interesting d<
that are part of the interactional dissonances that lead to the kin(
misperceptions and prejudices discussed in the next part of the bool

2. Time and Space in Aymara

Andrew W. Miracle, Jr., and
Juan de Dios Yapita Moya

discussion has been organized to present consideration of the gen-
:oncepts, the divisions, and the uses of time and space among the
.ara. The concepts of time and space in Aymara are not only com-
but intertwined. For example, just as in English, spatial dimensions
be employed in the Aymara concepts of time. Thus, any separation
e two is at times somewhat arbitrary, but the attempt has been made
to discuss them separately.'

Concept of Time

ymara, time is divided along a lineal axis into two segments: future
and other time. The break is between unseen future and the visible
;nt-past. This division is exemplified by Aymara verb inflections.
e are only two uniquely time-related tenses in the paradigm: a fu-
tense and an aorist or simple tense, which is used to refer to all
nature actions. There is no obligatory distinction, as in Indo-Euro-
languages, between the present and the past.
ne sense has a direction orientation in Aymara. As one Aymara
"The future in Aymara is what has not been seen. We cannot see
nature. In Aymara, the future is behind you-you cannot see it.
iglish, the future is ahead of you; you can look into it." While the

e and Space in Aymara," written in 1975, came about as a joint effort of
ew W. Miracle, Jr., and Juan de Dios Yapita Moya, first as Miracle at-
ted to cope with the concepts as a student of the language at the University
)rida with Yapita as teacher and later in Bolivia itself, both authors attempt-
Sgrasp the concepts as a basis for later cross-cultural application.
her essays in this volume deal with time, but from other perspectives. The
r specifically interested in time should look also at essavs 7 and 13.

34 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
past is visible, the future cannot be seen by the Aymara speakers sii
lies behind them. For example, q"ipiiru, which would translate as to:
row, is a combined form consisting of q"ipa 'behind or the back' an
'day'. Thus q"ipiiru or 'tomorrow' signifies some day behind one's I
In addition to time, the Aymara speaker also must consider the
gory of data source or personal and nonpersonal knowledge. Ay
requires that the speaker indicate the source or nature of the data in (
statement. Data source may be categorized in Aymara as per:
knowledge or nonpersonal knowledge. Both may be marked with v
inflection and/or syntactic structures. A nonpersonal knowledge sc
may be indicated by the use of the remote tense marker, -tayna, V
contrasts with the remote personal knowledge marker, Vna.
Wasurux(a) mamaxax(a) ch'uq p"ayatayna
'Yesterday my mother cooked potatoes (but I did not see her
do it).'

It is also common to mark nonpersonal knowledge by use of the qi
tive verb, sania, while preserving the exact quote.
Jupax Susanar oCh'uq churit(a)o siw(a)
'He said to Susana, "Give me the potatoess).'

Other verbal structures (for example, -chi and -pacha) and the sen
suffixes (see Hardman, Vasquez, Yapita, 1975, vol. 3, chaps. 12 an
may also be used to indicate nonpersonal knowledge.
The personal knowledge category indicates that the speakers hav
tually seen or have direct personal knowledge of that of which
speak. The marked nonpersonal knowledge category applies in all
instances, including that about which one has read, been told, gue
or made inferences.
In Aymara there is a saying: Ufijasaw parlanax, jan uhjasax, janiw t
saniikiti. This means, "After seeing we may say so; if you have not
do not say, 'I have seen'."
There are four common situations in which nonpersonal know
marking is mandatory:

(1) Events in the remote past, outside of one's personal experi-
ence; e.g., 'George Washington was a good man.'
(2) Events in the present that have not been seen; e.g., 'The
United States has sent astronauts to the moon.'
(3) Statements of the present about which one does not have suff

Time and Space-Miracle and Yapita 35
cient intimacy to speak with complete confidence and au-
thority; e.g., 'Muhammad Ali is a good man.' Only if one had
known him for a long time and could vouch absolutely for his
character could one make this statement.2
I To report the bodily conditions of others; e.g., 'John has a
headache.' One must report that John says, 'I have a headache.'

ien a speaker does not specify nonpersonal knowledge in situations
hese four, the statements are incongruous to an Aymara speaker and
nost likely be interpreted as either boasting or lying.
e following is an example that combines the nonpersonal knowl-
marker with Aymara time-space orientation. One Aymara ex-
ed thus:

onolingual Aymara speakers have a saying about the astronauts,
it goes like this: P"axsirus rinkunakaxjut sariw sarakisii kun ist'sta
qiich k'arichi, akat q"ipar kunax ist'axchini. That means: "They
( the American come and go to the moon. Did I hear right?
)uld it be true, or is it a lie? From here behind what new things
111 hear?" The phrase, "from here behind," means from here
:o the future.

ingual Aymara mark the nonpersonal knowledge category in Span-
y using the pluperfect forms. This Spanish tense was an empty form
te Aymara and it was subsequently assigned to nonpersonal knowl-
leaving the preterit and imperfect for personal knowledge. For ex-
e, 'Bolivar habia sido buen hombre' for an Aymara means 'I did not
v Bolivar and he was a good man.' On the other hand, 'Bolivar era
hombre' for an Aymara means 'I knew Bolivar and he was a good
In other cases particular inflection will be assigned to one category
e other; for example, the future tense is nonpersonal, the ir a con-
:ion is personal (HVY 1975, 3:14-15).
ere are other dimensions of time reflected in Aymara language
:. The potential for realization or completion, order of action, and
tion may be expressed through tense selection or the use of verbal
national suffixes. The remote tenses, for example, may indicate re-
ness in time and space between the subject and object and/or the
.er and the referent.3
gland (1975) has listed 14 verbal derivationals which may indicate
;e of time. The meaning is usually relative, and, like tense selection,
be tied in with knowledge of data source.4

36 Aymara Urammatical and 3emantlc categories
The Division of Time

The Day

The Aymara day is divided into time sequences using two clocks;
clocks are based on the two invariables of the rural Aymara's da
sun and the farm animals.
The solar clock provides time divisions based primarily upo
amount of visible light as well as on the position of the sun relate
the horizon. Many rural Aymara can also tell Hispanic time from
own shadows, using their bodies as a sun dial. The solar time div
tend to be approximate except at sunrise and sunset. At these two
of the day, the time segments are relatively short and exact. Durir
hours of darkness stars are used to indicate time.
The day, uru, is anticipated by the predawn clearing of the sta
willjta. When the first rays of the sun appear over the horizon, inti
commences. When the body of the sun appears, it is intijalsu. Aft
entire body of the sun has cleared the horizon,5 it is q"ana (see fig.
There is overlap, and perhaps some ambiguity, in defining the I
ning of the day and the end of the night. Q"ana occurs just before
arumaraki, which is followed about an hour later by arumaraki. (Sin
maraki can be translated as 'too early.')
Aruma is 'night.' Arumaraki indicates the end of night or 'mor
This day/night "confusion" is also borne out by the use of the g,
term arumanti to indicate the early morning. Inti t"uqta means 'clir
Urutatata marks the arrival of the full sun, the warm sun. Chik
midday (chika means half or middle). Jach'a tarti indicates late after
jach'a means big, long, or full, and tarti is a Spanish loan from tar&d
Jayp'u can be translated as late, afternoon, dusk, evening, or
Sinti jayp'u is the period just before darkness. Inti jalanta is sl
Ch"ayp"u is the period when objects are no longer distinguishable
root ch"ayp"u can also be used in other contexts. For instance, n
ch"aypt'itu means that one has something in one's eye and hence c
see well. Ch"aypt"apifia means to obscure. Ch"aypt"api means one c
distinguish things very well. Sujsa means the moment that it is da
a root it is a noun only but may be used as a verb, as in the ex;
below). Jalanttuqi refers generally to the time of the setting of thf
This is followed by ukat sujst"api, 'then it is dark.'
There are three terms that might all be translated as evening or 1
These are paqari, jayp'u, and aruma. Paqari designates the period of

ta inti jalsu


.v a 12-hour

the waning ofth
Predawn light c
midpoint of which
ly in bed by this
:ep' (ura is from
d to denote the la
.al light. After dai
o has two meaning
:, inti jalanta, to
4qi tojalsutuqi. CJ
aruma is used to i
is respect it paral]
-om about 7:00 p.
)r now) can be c(
is evening' (jich"a
nals and the patted
clock. Today she
ist important wid
hat iwis ansu and

)rning". Iwis ananta, "brir




a-- ~-~/



-- E. --

S 0Chika

A c
a_ ci U


Fig. 2.2. Aymara clocks

Fime and Space-Miracle and Yapita

year can also be divided another

ant for the Aymara. If the rainy season is late or too long and
:ly affects the crops, the results can be disastrous. The rainy season
,acha and generally runs from November to March. The dry sea- '\
'ti, runs from April to August.

ages of Life

prison of the chronological life cycle as categorized in Aymara,
.e traits associated with each age category as well as with the cycle
of passage, sheds much light on the Aymara conceptualizations
There are six age grades in Aymara: baby, child, youth, adult,
nd the dead.

40 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories


jurpuru q"aruru jich"uru masiiru walkiru k"uri wal
day after tomorrow today yesterday day before day before
tomorrow yesterday day before

k"uri marana marana jich"a mara maymara k"uri(ma
year after next next year this year last year year before

Fig. 2.3. Aymara time orientation

Wawa is a general term for a baby from birth to about two ye
age. Wawa are usually swaddled, suckled by their mothers, and c
in an awayu (tightly woven, heavy wool textile about 1 x 1.25 mi
Tschopik (1946:532) reported that wawa were often dressed in sw
and skirts, males in white and females in red. Such is not the case in
of Bolivia today. Knit suits of various colors are worn by wawa ol
sexes. Sweaters and pants would appear to be as popular as sweate:
skirts. Wawa are seldom left alone. The mother will carry her wawc
her into the fields and to the marketplace. Older siblings sometime
for the infant if the mother has a particular task that occupies her. F;
and other adults of both sexes will watch the wawa if necessary.
A wawa is usually picked up as soon as it cries. The mother will

Time and Space-Miracle and Yapita 41
to placate the noisy infant by offering her breast. If a mother does not
cannot quiet the crying infant quickly, she receives looks of disap-
oval from those around her. A wawa is granted increasing mobility as
natures. It is bound less as it gets older and often allowed to crawl or
Ik around. It is not uncommon to see a baby of about two years stand
feed on its sitting mother's breast and then, after running around play-
with its siblings, crawl back into the awayu to be transported on its
their'ss back. Table 2.1 indicates that the terms applied to the wawa
Iphasize a particular developmental stage.
fhe rutucha or first haircutting traditionally marks the passage of an

UIVIuuaI 1U111 c11 caIC!
arks the acquisition of
Children begin contril
i early age. Often two-
blings as they go about
idder or helping out as
.ay be left alone to wa
.eir parents in the fields
.ey grow older children
-en of 10 or 12 may hay
.eirs to tend and from
asible, children may att
-fore and after school h
While children imitate
yle clothes, there is nev
lults. The status of adu
:en frequently are sent
retained (Llanque 1973:2
itside listening and obs
ot eat with the adults,
guests, they are served I
tuations. At meetings,
hunted to the periphery,
stance and may even b
hat was said.
It can be noted that th
vided or marked off ii
he nnlv cqnprfi' t;n-n

)ry of wawa to that of child. Th(
.e child's first property.6
ting to the economic welfare of
o three-year-old children tag alor
hores, the younger ones carrying
est they can. Four- and five-year
:h the sheep graze. Young child:
pulling weeds, breaking clods, o
assume more and more responsil
a small plot or a row in a larger J
iich to gather rewards at harvest
id school, but then their chores i
ie occupation of the parents and v
r any doubt that children remain ,
3 is clearly marked. When visitor
om the room where the guests
-23), but they may, and usually i
-ving. When food is served, the
)r, if they do eat with their pai
;t. Similar patterns can be obsei
or example, children are either
but they are allowed to remain w
expected to listen and report to

period of childhood does not see
o developmental stages like tho
this regard for children is to i

I rutucha also

:he family at
g with oldei
a handful ol
-old children
en also help
r hoeing. As
)ilities. Chil-
ield which is
time. If it i!
nust be don(

rear the samt
separate frorr
s arrive chil-
ire being en-
lo, stand jusl
childrenn ma)
ents and th<
ved in othei
P-rldATprl rCl

ronological age, for example, kimsa maranixiw 'one with three years'.
It may be presumed that the transition from child to youth might be

42 Aymara Gjrammatical ana )emantic categories

marked by puberty rites. It would appear that formerly such was 1
case in many areas through participation in the k"achwa. While i
k"achwa is now held infrequently in some areas (for example, Qum
and not known in others, it is possible that it still retains importance

Table 2.1. Aymara Age Grade Terms

Term Significance Age

wawa suckles until 18-30 months; carried birth to 2-3
in awayu until 2 years yrs.
asu wawa 0-2 months
amuyanixiwa looks at people; says, "Aqu, aqu" 4 months
fia qunurixiwa sitting up 6 months
nfi kumptiri'xiwa crawling 8 months
p'axfiu carried with its hands and head out 8 months
of the manta
fin sayirixi standing 12 months
fii sartirixi walking 14 months
much wawa already there is another baby 1 year
pd marani "2 years"; runs 2 years
jisk'a imilla' little girl 2 years
imilla girl 7-13 years
jisk'a yuqalla' little boy 2 years
yuqalla boy 7-13 years
q'axu youth 12-15
tawaqu young woman 18-20
wayna young man 18-20
achach wayna old bachelor 25-30
tutira old maid 25-30
jaqi married person, adult
chacha married man, husband
warmi married woman, wife
chuymani person of age 50
sinti chuymani 70
jach'a tata;jach'a mama when one is more educated; wiser
with age
achila grandfather
awicha grandmother
almakixiw(a) already a corpse
nayra laq'a achila 10 years after death, male
nayra laq'a awicha 10 years after death, female

a. Tschopik (1951:164) has said that these terms are used instead of wawa al
the child's rutucha.

Time and Space-Miracle and Yapita 43
e living in more remote, less acculturated areas. It is also possible
the function of the k"achwa has been replaced in some localities by
forms. Perhaps the annual folklore festival inaugurated in Qumpi
ral years ago, held in the school's soccer area and consisting of vari-
types of competition, may be replacing the more traditional fertility
he youths in an Aymara community are those postpubescent indi-
lals who have not yet married but about whom it is presumed that
I will marry. This age category is divided into q'axu and tawaqu and
na. Q'axu are those youths up to about age 17. Tawaqu and wayna are
older youths, from 18 to 20, or even up to 30 or more. Marriage is
normal and expected state for older Aymara. A male in his twenties
Shas not yet married may be referred to as achach wayna, but a female
0 or more years may be called a tutira, an old maid who will not
he focus of this age period seems to be on courtship and the prepa-
on for marriage. It seems likely that the division between q'axu and
iqu and wayna is not so much one of chronological age but rather
:cts the degree of involvement in courtship practices. In this sense,
tawaqu and wayna would be those youths most eligible for marriage,
t least those considered most likely to marry.
y this point in their lives Aymara youths have already learned the
lomic skills necessary for an adult life. As youths they seem to focus
learning the social skills necessary for adult life. Boys take music
ously and practice with panpipes, guitars, and other bought instru-
its if they can. Both males and females begin to participate earnestly
lancing and to experiment with imbibing alcoholic beverages. For
Le there are other obligations as well. A few continue their schooling,
er locally or by relocating in the city, and boys face the prospect of
tary service. Both boys and girls acquire the necessary weaving skills
begin the acquisition of clothing and other goods which will testify
heir industriousness.
marriage, jaqichasina, to make oneself a full human, is the only way
of youth and into adulthood. There are several descriptions of Ay-
*a weddings (for example, Carter, 1977) that indicate the stakes of the
imunity in the rite of passage which marks the acceptance of two
r adults, as well as a new household (at least a potential one) into the
Immunity. It is significant that the padrinos of the marriage assume the
lonsibility for guiding the young couple after the wedding instead of
parents of either the bride or the groom. This is true even though the

44 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
newlyweds may live in the housing compound of one of the pare
The padrinos' role underscores the community's commitment to its i
jaqi members.
Beginning with marriage and the passage into full adulthood, the
mara also commence their participation in the adult activities of the cc
munity. In addition to familial responsibilities, adults have commu:
responsibilities. Primarily these are discharged through participation
the socioreligious structure of the community.
There is no fixed age at which one becomes a chuymani, 'a person
age.' Nor is there any type of rite to mark one's passage to this stag
life. The term chuymani connotes a status defined by a complex of
tors. Chronological age is certainly one component of this complex
indicated by the fact that a characteristic subcategory ofchuymani is ai
or awicha (grandfather or grandmother). Wisdom is another trait of
chuymani. This is indicated by the terms jach'a tata orjach'a mama, wl
are sometimes used as equivalents of chuymani. Literally these te
mean 'big sir' or 'big ma'am,' but they are sometimes defined as 'cua
es mAs educado'. Two additional factors that also help to establish
status of chuymani are one's current economic and socioreligious act
ties. Advanced age may be marked by the cessation of economic actil
And those who have successfully completed the climb up through
socioreligious hierarchy, the pasados (Carter 1964), would have reac
a pinnacle worthy of a chuymani.
Death marks the end of one's life as jaqi but not one's association x
and importance for family and community. Carter (1968) has descri
and analyzed in great detail the rituals associated with death and bu
Nevertheless, even after death and burial the Aymara lingers on. As
who has died recently, one is almakixi or a 'new cadaver'. After tl
years of All Saints Day remembrances, the soul of the deceased is lil
ated from its earthly ties. Nevertheless, it is not until 10 years after di
that an Aymara reaches the ultimate stage in the life cycle, nayra I
achila or nayra laq'a awicha. Nayra can be translated as 'eye' or 'befc
laq'a means 'dirt,' 'soil' or 'earth,' and achila/awicha is grandfather/gra
mother. These terms cannot be translated precisely, but have their ]
allel in the Judaic concept of 'from dust to dust'.
The life cycle is marked by the accumulation of skills and the disch.
of responsibilities. Children learn the economic skills necessary to !
ceed in later life. When a child can do the work of an adult, that child
paid the same as an adult (Carter 1964:49). When an individual n
ries, has children, and commences participation in the socioreligi
hierarchy, one becomes a full person, an adult, a jaqi. At the same ti

Time and Space-Miracle and Yapita 45
a person is discharging his or her responsibilities and acquiring

Uses of Time

section on the division of time dealt with topics that would be
ly pertinent here. The discussions of the Aymara day and stages in
,ymara life cycle provided some insight into the manner in which
,ymara use time. The discussion of time usage is limited here to a
deration of lead time for public events and a few notes or observa-
regarding some points of time-related behavior.
id time for public events not only varies with the nature of the event
he individuals involved but between the rural Aymara and urban
ara. In rural communities meetings of family heads can be called on
, hours notice if necessary, though usually they are arranged the day
*e. Meetings are set up by thejilaqata, or headman. It is his respon-
ty to notify personally every household of the scheduled meetings
send his personal emissary to do this. In the cities, on the other
association or neighborhood council meetings usually are sched-
one week in advance so that everyone has the opportunity to make
necessary personal arrangements in order to attend.
weddings are scheduled a month in advance. The families involved
nunicate personally in making the arrangements. Then all of those
g in the community must be notified, along with any invited guests
nearby communities. On the day of the wedding in rural areas,
)sions of dynamite set off at regular intervals call the guests to the
ie Aymara often show great patience in situations that would be
:tling for most North Americans. If two individuals have agreed to
at a neutral place at a certain time, the first to arrive may wait for
)ur or more before accepting the probability that the other is unable
:ep the appointment. Even more latitude may be shown for meet-
and other public events. Similarly, nothing is thought of waiting
i day or more for a truck or bus to provide needed transportation to
or market. During these periods hands are often kept busy with
ling, twisting, or knitting.
*eat patience in waiting behavior represents an adaptation to the re-
s of Aymara life. In a world without watches, where primary atten-
must be paid to the animals and crops that sustain life, all time is
ive and flexible.

46 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
The Concept of Space

Two important dimensions of the Aymara concept of space are the rc
tive concepts of location and movement and the concern for territo:
association and identification.

Location and Movement

An Aymara speaker can easily make certain distinctions concerning r
tive location and movement that would require the use of more comp
constructions by Indo-Europeans. For example, an Aymara speaker
combine directional orientation with a verb to distinguish among si
actions as walking toward, away from, or parallel with something,
well as walking to, near, around, or there and back. Such distinct,
may be made through the use of verbal derivationals, positional ro(
or substantive suffixes.
Verbal derivationals may indicate either direction of action, location
action, or both (England, 1975).8 Positional roots can indicate real
metaphorical space. Manq"a may mean inside or valley; pata might
translated as top or altiplano (Briggs 1975).9 Location and direction
important aspects of Aymara, linguistically and culturally. For instar
direction is such an integral part of verb formation that there is a spe
derivational, -naqa-, for indicating action without direction, that is, g
eral diffuse, nonpurposive action (England 1975:130). The importance(
location can be demonstrated through a consideration of territory.

Territorial Association and Identification

An Aymara's identity is rooted in his or her community. People n
move to a city or even a different community, but they are always 'frc
the community of their parents, of their birth. The community is r
of one's individual identity and personality. For example, if some(
from another community is behaving inappropriately, the townspeo
may insult by calling the person jawsata. The word means liter,
'called' and implies that this person from another place is without a na
here in this town. Hence the jawsata has no right to behave in suc
While individualism and individual property rights are strong und
currents in Aymara culture (often ignored by social scientists), it is a
true that a community assumes certain supraindividual and anthro]
mornhic traif-t Fnr an Avmron a r~ rnnn -ir ;. ,,;- i 1-u ,

Time and Space-Miracle and Yapita 47
rsonality and may even be punished-as a community-for its sins
Ochoa, 1974).
Historically, those who left their communities were abandoning a
eat deal, especially their right to the land. Sometimes they were called
nwawa (house babies) indicating their landless, rootless status (Carter
71:66).10 With the fall of the hacienda system and its forced servitude,
- Aymara were free to migrate while still maintaining community ties.
iis situation has meant that community identity and forms have been
ilized in facilitating large-scale migrations from some communities.
ost communities have established one, two, or three bases (seldom
ore) in other locations. If community members wish or need to emi-
ate from the community, they usually go to one of the established
ses, in either the city or the lowlands. There they will be received by
rmer community residents who will house and feed them as they
)uld a relative until work and housing can be found.
This community orientation also forms the basis of several categories
values and behaviors. Just as one finds his or her own identity in the
immunity, the identity of others is partially based on the place of their
rth. This division of people into members of one's own community
d others gives rise to two categories of behavior: behavior in the com-
unity governing relations with the community members (friends), and
havior out of the community and with persons from other communi-
s (strangers).
This basic categorical distinction has made it difficult for the non-Ay-
ara to understand many Aymara cultural practices. For example, the
mara have a reputation for being unsmiling, negative, and stolid
lummer 1966:57). In reality, the Aymara have a keen sense of humor,
it to laugh in the presence of strangers is considered discourteous, even
pensive. The explanation given is that the strangers might think the
fighter was pointed at them. To avoid this possibility, one should avoid
joking and laughing except within one's circle of friends and acquaint-
In addition, place-loyalty and prejudice run high, often to the point of
istrust of those from other places. Generally one believes that the
ople from one's own community are nice, friendly, and open. One
ay be wary of other people simply because they are from other com-
unities. Often there is a dislike of a specific nearby community because
ose people are said to be mean and closed.
Geographical places, like containers, can be referred to as empty
I'usa) or full (p"uq"a). Thus Pachamama (the earth goddess) can exist in

erauion ui Lupuiiyu1 ailu
in some way related to tl

graphical origin as vw


-- -:_* 1 i--; -_-- r _

IbLsublUll Uj

I to a single

Aymara, v

cific about location and direction, but these are often explicitly int,
lated with relational movement. These discrimination are expr(
with both verbs and nouns. "The verbs of movement are correlated
ethnosemantic categories of nouns by shape; thus, something cylind
is not moved or placed with the same verb as something granular (a)
jach'infa)" (Hardman, Vasquez, and Yapita, 1975, 3:16). The interrelk
of location, direction, and at least potential movement is easily den
strated by examining two nouns by which people refer to the slope
mountain. If the slope rises above the speaker, it is referred to as a)
However, if the slope is below the speaker, it is referred to as aynach
Five basic shapes have been identified in Aymara (see fig. 2.4).
"rectangles" are either wisk"alla (wisk"ullu is a variant) or sayt'a, dep
ing on the relation of the form to the speaker. A wisk"alla runs pa]
with the viewer's shoulders, while sayt'a (to stand up) runs away I
the viewer. This determination of shape by relative position to
viewer or speaker is analogous to the amsta/aynacha distinction i
above. Wiq'u (with an extension) refers to those forms which seet
present a point or have an extension on one side. The last basic for
the square; it is identified by Spanish loan words: ina kuwatraruki ('
just a square' or perfectly square, from cuadrado) or kajun ('box,' f
mT..-U-. -_ L1

r constitutes a spe(

r basis foi
:egory of

laming shapes i
hapes closely r(

of the cloth category since paper, t(

(- r 1 1 11

~~--~-~----~~~-I ~----~-~~~-I' ~~~~~~~~

General cloth terms Specific land terms
)r any movable object) (for land only)




sayt'u sayt'u

I / q'ichu


4A LIZ churu

muruq'u Q 0

kajun uraqi/
ina kuwatraruki [ jiwa kajunaki

2.4. Names of shapes in Aymara

50 Aymara urrammatlcal ana semantic karegorics
There are two special forms in the land category. First, wiq'u is di)
into churu and q'ichu, depending on the relative degree of pointednec
the extension. For example, all "triangles" and elongated "trapez(
are churu (more extended or sharply pointed). "Trapezoids" that are i
nearly equilateral are referred to as q'ichu (with extension or over
ing). Second, a wisk"alla that has a wave or ripple in it is called a w
This special form relates to the unevenness of the surface of the lai
it dips and rises.
Land terms seem to contain a dimension that relates to the facili
plowing with oxen. Churu are the least appreciated landforms, wl
square plot of land or kajun uraqi is the most appreciated. Such a sc
field is calledjiwa kajunaki (pretty little square).
Finally, it should be noted that there are apparently no general t
for three-dimensional forms. Three-dimensional forms are note
comparison with a specific object, for example, a drinking glass, a 1
a cup, or a pot.

The Uses of Space

The differential use of space by Aymara according to age, sex, and s
can be demonstrated easily. At meetings, visits, and other adult-orin
gatherings, any children present occupy peripheral positions outside
nucleus of adults. In the Aymara home men sit on furniture or
ledges, while women position themselves on the floor. It is eviden
status also affects the use of space. For example, an important visit
community leader is given a chair in the middle of the occupied
while others present may stand. At baptisms, marriages, and othe:
emonial occasions, the celebrants and the godparents occupy the c(
positions, often seated at a table in the middle of the room or un
tent out of doors.
Three additional examples will be discussed in detail. The firsi
demonstrate how social relationships can affect the use of space.
second will show how conversational distance is affected by a con
of factors. The third will examine the Aymara concept of the pi
The Aymara's house or compound comprises an independent sp
which necessitates special rules for those wishing to enter it. The p
method of approaching another's residence varies, depending on
relationship with the owner and the type of residence. Different
pertain for relatives, friends, and strangers and for walled-in compc
and houses in a field without walls. The house of a close friend or re

Time and Space-Miracle and Yapita 51
be approached more closely before obtaining recognition than the
of a stranger. In the case of a relative or close friend one may call
gate, if there is one, or upon reaching easy voice range of the door
neters). If there is no answer one may continue closer, entering the
ound or walking right up to the door and calling into the house. If
e is at home, however, one does not enter the house or any of the'
ngs, but one may wait outside for the residents to return.
different course of action is necessary when calling at the house of
mnt acquaintance or stranger. In such a situation one may cautiously
ach the gate of the compound if there is one. There one calls out to
sidents and then waits. One may not enter the compound without
,itation. If there is no walled compound, one must call out from a
ce of 7-15 meters. The visitor may proceed no closer until recog-
by the owner and told to do so.
:distance within which one may intrude on approaching a house
directly with the closeness of the social relationships between the
owner and the visitor. The more closely related one is to the
r, the closer one may approach without an invitation.
iversational distance, that is, the space between two or more Ay-
engaged in informal conversation, is determined not only by the
relationships of those involved but also by the sex of the conver-
and the topic or nature of the conversation. Normal conversation
erally held at a distance of 4-8 feet. As in the example cited, kin
ends approach one another more closely, while strangers maintain
eatest distance. The distance may also be affected, however, by sex
:nces. That is, individuals of the same sex may converse at closer
s than individuals of the opposite sex."
!re are two instances where the nature of the conversation greatly
conversational distance. The use of space varies drastically for the
of secrets and for arguments. It is said that there are two kinds of
s: those that may be (or are intended to be) overheard and those
iay not be overheard. In the former the distance between the con-
its may be 1-3 feet. In the latter the distance may be 3-12 inches.
lid be remembered that secrets are a topic only among close friends
Jlatives and that there is a lowering of the voice when secrets are
Arguments may start out at great distances, but if the arguing is
s the individuals may move closer and closer until they are in vio-
of each other's personal domain, which is about one meter.
racy is a culturally bound Western concept difficult to apply to Ay-
culture. The Aymara may spend much of their time alone in the
or herding animals, vet in those areas where Westerners tend to

52 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
demand it, little privacy is afforded the Aymara. For most families
is little privacy from other family members in the home. Ever
sleeps in the same room. It is only recently that those who can affi
have begun building additional rooms for the children. Nor is pr:
afforded in public places, not even in the form of latrines. A sen
privacy is indicated by the attitudes of Aymara concerning the hou
living compound, as illustrated. However, the necessity of securir
invitation before entering another's family space or living area mig
more a statement of ownership than a mandate of privacy.
True privacy for the Aymara seems to reside in the concept of per
domain or ego space. The personal domain of an individual adult
mara is that sphere which envelops the individual, shielding from
tact with most others, thus affording a sense of privacy.2 The exte
this space is approximately one arm's length. In space that is not f
individuals seldom approach one another more closely than the dis
necessary for shaking hands. Just as this personal domain may be
lated physically by another, it may also be violated visually. A majol
of Aymara etiquette holds that no one should stare at another indivi
Except among intimates, eye contact should be avoided. By not loc
directly at another individual one demonstrates one's respect for that
son and honors the privacy of his or her personal domain. The avoic
of eye contact, even looking at the ground, is not just a sign ofdefel
reserved for Hispanics or those with greater social status. When c
stared at, he or she may shout at the one staring and become quite 1
When the privacy of the personal domain is arbitrarily or unavoic
violated, changes in behavior frequently occur. For example, the cr(
ing that occurs on buses and trucks used for public transportation re
in abnormal interaction patterns. When Aymara are forced into si
position of artificial intimacy, they often respond with behavior
mally reserved for intimates. Thus, on the crowded trucks which
people on the altiplano there is frequently a greater degree of open
with increased conversation and joking among relative strangers.
does not always occur. Sometimes the crowding that results in nece:
violations of personal domain has the effect of promoting an increa
tension, even arguments. The norms of politeness usually require,
interactions with strangers give way.


The Aymara time-space orientation and concern for data source dis
tions suggest a grid of social conservatism: one can speak with cert;

Time and Space-Miracle and Yapita 53
that which has been seen; one is always looking into the past; the
s unknown and uncertain, while by contrast the past must seem
This grid undoubtedly affects knowledge transmission; ex-
are the incredulous responses of Aymara to some written texts
nbus discovered America"-was the author actually there?) and
(unseen) ideas such as the visit of astronauts to the moon. This
stern orientation may have contributed to the impressions of
writerss who have seen the Aymara as negative, unimaginative,
us, and skeptical.
le Aymara all action occurs in time and through space. Behavior,
normal interaction and formalized ritual, has temporal and spatial
:ers and also provides symbolic order, which helps culturally to
.me and space. For the Aymara the relationship of sentiments and
seen clearly in the importance of place-loyalty and prejudice as-
with the perception of community orientation, which helps
behavior. The relationship between space and social relations
isible in the determination of conversational distances and in the
in which one calls at the house of another. Finally, the relation-
nong space, sense of self, and behavioral norms can be seen in the
and functioning of Aymara personal domain.
ng the Aymara and in their language there is an emphasis on
Linguistically, personal location and time orientation are essential
a sentence. There are very limited parameters for the "present",
action passes quickly into history; hence the importance of mark-
has no value in and of itself. Things are done in time, with pur-
there is nothing to be done, then time has no special meaning.
y, space has no inherent meaning. It is that which the space con-
Le benefits that it may provide, or the qualities that it may bestow
ermine its value.

e concept of time and space, and their cross-cultural variability, have
en of interest to anthropologists and other social scientists. E. T. Hall
ch studies popular in his books The Hidden Dimension (1966) and The
language (1959). Hall has demonstrated how the concepts of time and
- often tied together. It seems that many cultures at times employ spatial
ons in their conceptualizations of time. In English, for example, the past
I us and we face the future.
rians, archaeologists, and ethnologists traditionally have considered settle-
tterns and the structural use of space important in providing insights

54 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
into the world view of a culture, as well as into the living habits and life stl
a people. For example, in the construction of a community, grids tend to
people apart, while radial settlement patterns tend to focus attention and 1
people together.
Anthropologists and linguists have also noted how time is structured
given culture-its calendrical, agricultural, and ceremonial cycles. Howev
has only been recently that interest in time-related behavior and the use of
sonal space has become more widespread.
Time and space are both culturally bound cognitive categories that are le;
early in life. For this reason people everywhere resist attempts at change in
areas. Time and space are so tied to other basic values that it seldom occL
anyone that there might be alternative ways of defining and dealing with
Careful examination demonstrates that people deal with time and space,
conceptually and practically, in much the same ways that they handle
spheres of behavior. That is, behavior usually follows well-established
widely accepted patterns. Patterns of behavior vary from culture to culture
usually within a given culture they are similar. The pattern for space-re
behavior and the pattern for time-related behavior will fit into a similar
and will also be similar to patterns for other types of behavior. In other w
in each culture there appears a master pattern, which fits all behavior tog
like a jigsaw puzzle. Putting the pieces together is the objective of social sci
Analysis and study of behavior may lead to increased understanding, which
lead to improved communications and social relationships. It is with this c
station that we have approached the study of time and space among the Ayi
Time and space are categories much too large and complex to cover comp]
in a brief paper. For example, in the examination of space one might cor
settlement patterns, preferred space, sacred space, or how the bearers of th(
ture orient themselves in space. All we can do is survey some of the thing!
must be considered in a study of time or space.
2. See Yapita 1971 for a discussion of these first three uses.
3. For a complete discussion of the remote tenses and other inflectional
teams see HVY 1975, chap. 7.
4. The verbal derivationals relating to time are (England 1975):

-cha- causative, the subject causes (the stem)
-ja- divisive
-ka- incompletive
-nta- inceptive
-ra- serial multiple
-rpaya- multiple, nonordered
-su- completive
-ta- inceptive
-t'a- momentaneous
-xaru- preparative
-xaya- attentive
-si- continuative, with respect to persons
-xa- completive with respect to persons
-ya- causative, the subject causes another person to act

Time and Space-Miracle and Yapita 55

[t should be noted that the horizon is not drawn by an Aymara as flat and
but with a hump, rising like a mountain.
For a description of a rutucha see Miracle 1976:172-81.
For a description and analysis of a k"achwa see Buechler and Buechler
The verbal derivationals indicating space include nine for direction and six
cation (England 1975):

Direction: -kata- action across
-kipa- action passing by or around a corner
-naqa- action without direction, nonpurposive
-nta- action into

L-i .. dllU L lluU. dll- ll.r." llt u- JIII J 'd.U. it a alldllt U d4FtldI LL. lil
woman too closely. However, different rules obtain where comadres and comic
(co-parents-fictive kin) are involved.
Because of the nature of expanding community ties described earlier,
people may be so interrelated with everyone else that such rules-quite
cable to the young-are to them irrelevant.
12. Small children and particularly babies, however, are in almost cor
bodily contact with the mother or with siblings, father, or other relatives.
Aymara prefer not to sleep alone.

3. An Ethnosemantic Study of Aymara:
"To Carry"

Norman Tate

paper is an ethnosemantic study of one category of Aymara verbs:
e concerning the concept "to carry," that is, movement of objects
:he corresponding classification of objects by the verbs. (In Aymara,
ement is stopped by the addition of a suffix, for example, ayta "I
," / aynuqta "I place" or ayxiista "I hold"-all relating to a cylindrical
ie purpose of the study was to discover as many of these verbs as
.ble, to delimit their uses, and to delineate the components and vari-
of each in terms of subcategories.
me timesaving facts were already known about this area of the lan-
e: first, that the essential relationship involved in the category was
of the verb and the zero complement noun (HYV 1975, vol. 3);
id, that such possible considerations as tense and aspect were not
ant to the study. Finally, it was known that there were at least two
'mining factors (independent variables) involved in the breakdown
e main category into its many subcategories; these were aspects and
utes of the object concerned and manner of carrying it. Other pos-
determining factors, such as direction, destination, distance to be
ed, and number (both nominative and objective), were tested during
proceduree and found irrelevant.

Ethnosemantic Study of Aymara: 'To Carry'" was first written by Tate as
a paper for a course in language and culture in early 1971, when the Aymara
ct was just under way. Only the basic structure of this semantic area is
nted; we now know that the shape or carry verbs are a focus of language
including puns, double entendres, and category stretching and pushing. It
important area of the vocabulary structure that Tate chose for his term
, and for that reason it can be the foundation for subsequent sociolinguistic

Avmara Grammatical and Semantic Categi

The procedure was to ask questions based on "Jupax kuns api (Wh;
he/she carrying?)." During the questioning, "kuns" was varied with
name of an object, rendering "Is he/she carrying the something?" A
"api" was varied with equivalent forms of other verb roots discover
All questions were phrased in the simple tense and in the third to t!
person, with either / -i / or / -Vski / suffixed to the root of the v
The former is the simple tense; the latter is a progressive or continue
form. Which of these two was used made no difference in the final cl
position and limits of the subcategories derived.
Where the actual object was available for handling, it was first car
in a "normal" manner to ask the question. Then as many "abnorr
manners were tried as seemed warranted. (The terms normal and abi
mal here refer to the author's own emic grid.) Where the object bi
tested was not immediately available, pictures and imagination were
lied on, combined with detailed scene-setting.
As analysis proceeded, it shortly became clear that the two ea
mentioned factors-aspects and attributes of the object in question
the manner of carrying it-were the only significant factors in deterr
ing the composition of the subcategories. Nominative number, tha
number of actors, is significant only where the case of two or n
people doing the carrying of one object causes the situation to fall
one particular subcategory which can be treated as manner (see kal
below). Objective number, that is, number of objects being carried,
bit more complicated, but in every case tested it can be treated
quately under the two main factors (see apafia below).
The data presented represent the stage of analysis where the subc
gories have been discovered and the delimiting and delineating have I
The various subcategories are discussed under three main sections
resenting for the most part what appear to be primary divisions in
data, with one minor section for residual data. All subcategories are
termined by which zero complements the verbs take. In virtually'
cases these complements are nonhuman-the exceptions being whei
infant is included where the verb is ichunFa. In each section the sub(
gories are listed alphabetically by the infinitive form of the verb.
each subcategory the type of object (that is, its aspects or attributes)
manner of carrying it, examples of objects, and both included and
eluded exceptions to the objects are given. Exceptions to manner, w
relevant, are considered under "comments" under each subcateg
Neither the examples nor the exceptions listed are exhaustive but ra
are representative. Raw data are listed in table 3.1; data categories
summarized in table 3.2.

An Ethnosemantic Study ot ""Io Carry"--'lte bV

,n 1

on 1 contains subcategories in which a specific manner combines
specific aspects or attributes of the object to give the usual limits of

butes: usually plate- or tray-shaped.
ner: one or two hands horizontally (as if it contained something
ch as food).
nples: plate; bowl; tray; glass.
Lments: usually includes any object used for serving food in or eating
ided exceptions: ashtray.
uded exceptions: bottle.

.butes: smallish, long, rigid, cylindrical.
ner: in one or two hands.
nples: pencil; silverware; sword; shepherd's staff.
options : none found.
iments: If such an object is carried on the shoulder, q"iwina (see be-
w) is used, even if the instance is an unusual one, such as a pencil
ing carried on the shoulder (for example, a child in play).

ibutes: smallish, usually animate.
ner: cradled in arms.
nples: baby; any small animal.
ided exceptions: teddy bear.
uded exceptions: none found.

ibutes: clothlike objects, not folded.
ner: in one or two hands.
nples: shirt; shoes; sheet; paper towel.
options: none found.

60 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
Attributes: small (nonlongish and nonplatelike) objects easily graspe.
one hand.
Manner: in one hand.
Examples: marble; ball; apple; small box (for example, matches).
Excluded exceptions: banana.
Included exceptions: none found.
Comments: If an apple (or pear, etc.) is carried by its stem the i
becomes wayunia (see below).

Attributes: large and bulky or heavy objects.
Manner: two hands.
Examples: large box; rock; large book; radio; trash can, full.
Exceptions: none found.

Attributes: large and bulky or heavy objects.
Manner: two people.
Examples: sofa; trunk; injured person on a stretcher.
Exceptions: none found.

Attributes: large, long, rigid objects.
Manner: on shoulder.
Examples: board; house beam; pole; staff; hoe.
Included exceptions: smaller, long, rigid objects such as a pencil
ayaiia above).
Excluded exceptions: none found.

Attributes: one doubly joined handle.
Manner: one or two hands, by the handle.
Examples: kettle; suitcase; water pitcher; handbag.
Included exceptions: fruit with stem by the stem; paper bag folded di
from the top (with something in it).
Comments. Note that this subcateporv does not include objects


rin mnusemianunc 3uuy o01 o %arry -l ate I
on 2

;e subcategories are those in which manner predominates over attri-
s of the object. The subcategories hold up for anything that could
bly be carried in each of these manners even when the particular
ct would not normally be carried in that manner. In each case, al-
.gh "anything that fits" has been given under "attributes," the usual
s of objects or items carried in these manners are bulky or bulk
s, especially the latter.

ibutes: anything that fits.
ner: on the back, usually in a cloth, specifically made for the pur-
ise, awayu, tied in front.
nples: baby; potatoes; large amounts of grain; trunk (fastened with
options : none found.

ibutes: anything that fits.
ner: on the back of an animal such as a donkey, llama, horse, or
nples: potatoes; other food items; kitchen items.
options : none found.

.butes: anything that fits.
ner: in a "cloth" (skirt or apron) in front.
nples: oranges; potatoes.
options : none found.

heavy sack slung over the shoulder so that it rested on the back was
i by the informant on separate occasions as q'ipifna, t'imp"ifia, and
a, as well asjaqxataiia (see below). I am uncertain of the implications
is discrepancy in the data.

on 3

action 3, subcategories are marked by the verb apanfa.

62 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
(a) A separate subcategory of objects of seemingly nonspecific attribi
usually carried in one or two hands

Examples: banana; bottle; comb; cord; grapes; handkerchief (folc
iron; pot or pan; small book; sandwich; wire; large ball; lamp; fra
picture; rug; table; chair.
Comments: This subcategory seems to be a "catchall" for every
that does not fit into any of the nine subcategories of section 1 by t
of object. When quantity changes the shape of other attributes s
ciently, the object may shift to this (a handful of pencils carried in
hand was given as apania as opposed to ayaiana, for example). Ne,
unidentified objects also tend to fall into this subcategory unless
obviously fall into one of the subcategories of sections 1 and
doorstop carried in one hand, for example, was given as apaiia r,
than as iraia. A pool cue, on the other hand, was unhesitatingly g
as ayafia.

(b) Pocket: anything that fits, carried in a pocket

Examples: most of the objects that would ordinarily fall in the sub,
gories using ayaFia and irafa.
Comments: This subcategory might also be considered under Sectic
where manner predominates, or as part of (d) below, the "unus
manner subcategory of this section.

(c) Automotive transport: anything that fits, carried by automc
transport, such as by car, boat, train, or airplane.

The mode of transport is indicated by the suffix -ta, which then per
apaFia to take any zero complement, including human.
Comments: As with (b) above, this subcategory might also be trc
under section 2, where manner predominates. Also, like (b), it nr
be considered as part of (d) below because it does represent what
unusual manner of carrying things for many Aymara speakers

(d) "Unusual" manner: anything carried in any manner other than t
specified for any of the subcategories discussed thus far.

Comments: This is particularly pertinent to the data in section 1, as
become clear in the explanation of table 3.2.

An Ethnosemantic Study of "To Carry"- Tate 63

ia can also be considered as equivalent to the whole category under

it wish to be specific.
ponym of the whole ca

on 4

on 4 contains residual
.emselves mean "to ca:
ribe as an adverbial m;
and "to come." Thus c
trying situation that v
on 3. The examples en

(a) jaqxatania-to han
Jupax chakitjaqxa
draped (over hi
(b) q" umana-tucked
Jupax liwru q"umt'
tucked under h
(c) warkunaia-hung
Jupax tamwur war
slung (from his

esumably this residual
:press more specifically,
omething-that is, un:

Table 3.1. Alphab


thing In
thing small In
thing that fits O0
thing that fits Tic
le Tv
le Oi
le By
rav yO

n this way, then, apafia can be s;
egory of "to carry" in Aymara.

lata. This section includes verbs i
*y" but that can be used in what
iner in combination with such v
mbined, they render in a more s]
would ordinarily fall into subcate!
countered are:

, or drape, as over the shoulder.
'taw sari-He is going with theja
rnder the arm.
taw sari-She is going with the b
r arm.
or slung from, as a peg or rack.
untataw sari-He is going with th

subcategory could be extended 5
other usually unspecified manne:
sual for the Aymara.

tical Listing of Data Used in Analysi
Aymara "To Carry"


r by car, train, plane, etc. Ap;
ocket Ap;
back of an animal K"i
I to back, in a "cloth" or Q'i
iwl" arrangement
Stands Ap
:hand Irai
item Wa
e hand, between fingers As;

lid to be a

hat do not
I can only
erbs as "to
,ecific way
;ory (a) of



e drum

rs of carry-





64 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
Table 3. I-Continued

Ball, large
Ball, small
Beam, house
Beam, house
Book, large
Book, large
Book, small
Bottle, most
Bowl, any size, emp
Bowl, any size
Box, small (e.g.,
Box, larger, empty
Box, larger, full
Box of tacks, closed
Box of tacks, open
Card case
Chair (large)
Coffee pot
Cross, large, long
Cup, empty
Door stop
Eraser, thumb size
Fruit, (e.g., pear, ap
Glass, drinking
Glass, drinking, em

By the stork
In arms
Tied on back
Two hands
One hand
One hand
Cradled in arms
On head
In arms
On shoulder
Two people
On shoulder
In arms
In one arm
Two hands
One or two hands
One hand
:y One hand, at side
One hand, (i.e., with food)
One hand

One hand
Two hands (arms)
One hand
One hand
One arm
One hand
Two hands
One or two hands
Two people
One hand, handle
One hand
One hand
One or two hands
One hand, with something
One hand, loosely at side
One or two hands
One hand
Slung from neck in front
One hand, fingers
Two hands, playing
One hand, not playing
pie) By stem
One hand
pty One hand, loosely or betw


it Asafi-
fin- Asaf;


n Ethnosemantic Study of "To Carry"- Tate

TiMlo 1-('nnftilp,1d

, large amount In "cloth" on back
, large amount In "cloth" (i.e., apron) in front
, small amount In one hand, open
, small amount In a sack, one hand
. laree amount In "cloth" over shoulder

-s, one bunch C
bag In
bag, long strap C
bag, short strap Ir
kerchief folded C
kerchief loose C
t C
t C
water C
e, handle over top C
n Ir
le, small round C
ges Ir
ges Ir
coat C
* bag, empty C
* towel, loose C
Is, handful C
1 C
1 C
or injured person in I
re, any size, framed C
re, large I
pitcher C
any size, empty C
any size C
large C
cue in case IP
cue in case E
one handle C
two handles 'I
oes II

nd without using handle
r shoulder
nd, by handle

hand, at side
* arm
* shoulder
or two hands
or two hands
ron or skirt
ck or "cloth" over shoulder
hand, or arm, loosely
hand, loosely
shoulder, as a child at play

or two hands
hand, handle
hand, loosely
or two hands, (with food)
using handle
hand, by handle
hands, by handles
ck, one hand
)ron in front















66 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
Table 3.1-Continued

Potatoes In "cloth" over shoulder Q'ipifia
Few potatoes in sack Over shoulder Jaqxatafia
Potatoes, cooked In plate or bowl Apafia
Radio Two hands Itufia
One reed (for boat build- One hand Apafia
Rock, small, any size One hand Irafia
Rock, large Two hands Itufia
Rug, any size One or two hands Apafia
Rubber bands One hand Apafia
Ruler One hand Ayafia
Sandwich One hand Apafia
Sheet, linen, folded One or two hands Apafia
Sheet Over shoulder Apafia
Sheet Over arm Apafia
Shirt, loose One hand Iqafia
Silverware One hand Ayafia
Silverware In a pocket Apafia
Shoes, pair One hand Iqafia
Sofa Two people Apafia
Sofa Two people Kallafia
Staff (e.g., shepherd's) One hand Ayafia
Staff (e.g., shepherd's) On shoulder Q"iwifia
Stick In arms Apafia
Stick, large On shoulder Q"iwifia
Suitcase On shoulder Apafia
Suitcase Using handle Wayufia
Suitcase Two hands, not using handle Itufia
Sword One hand Ayafia
Sword In sheath Apafia
Table, any size One or two hands Apafia
Table Tied on back Q'ipifia
Table Two hands Apafia
Tablecloth, loose One hand Iqafia
Tablecloth, folded One or two hands Apafia
Toy animal Cradled by child Ichufia
Toy animal Carried by child, one hand Wayufia
Trash can empty One hand Apaia
Trash can On head Apafia
Trash can, full On shoulder Apafia
Trash can, full Two hands Itufia
Trunk Two people Kallafia
Trunk On back Q'ipifia
Typewriter (no case) Two hands, no handle Apafia
Umbrella Closed, one hand Ayafia
Umbrella Open, one hand Ayafia


Table 3. 1-Continued
in (e.g., for One or two hands Asafia

wire One hand Apafia


.2 is based only on the data from the first three sections above.
1 is represented on the left, boxed in by triple parallel lines. Sec-
is adjacent to it on the right, boxed in by double parallel lines.
3 is somewhat scattered but, of course, is always marked by the
anfa. The particular order of the verbs within each section has no
t from showing the limits of the individual subcategories, the
iows more clearly the main characteristics of at least the first two
three main sections (divisions) of data. In section 1, as stated, each
gory requires the intersection of a specific type of object with a
manner of carrying; this is easily seen on the chart. The overlap
ina and ayanfa is explained in the text above. Ayafia is in parenthe-
er "larger, long, rigid" objects because with very large objects of
e carried in one or two hands-such as a house beam-apafia was

Table 3.2. Aymara "To Car


One or Two Hands In Cradled
Attributes On "Nor- Horizon- By One in Tw
of Objects Shoulder mally" tally Handle Hand Arms Han

Larger, long,
rigid Q"iwifia (Ayafia)
Smaller, long,
rigid Q"iwifia Ayafia
Cloth or clothing Iqafia
Plate- or tray-
shaped Asafia
With handle Wayufia
Small, easily
grasped in one
hand Irafia
Small, animate Ichufia
Large and bulky
or heavy Ituf

Anything that fits
Nonspecific Apafia

Source: See Appendix, p. 295.

An Ethnosemantic Study of "To Carry"- Tate 69
d to put (c) with section 2 subcategories, where manner dominates,
cause it, like them, is more encompassing in its "anything that fits"
Finally, subcategory (a) stands alone on the chart and, like the data for
tion 1, it occupies more of a slot than a column. In final analysis I
luld leave it alone there. In fact, it may be the only valid representative
the section 3 division of the data; it may be a section unto itself, as it
Dne question remains: what happens when there is an overlap of the
ributes of the different types of objects? The only instance of this that
s found was a somewhat fabricated (culturally nonrelevant) one. The
ormant was confronted with a collapsible pool cue in a case which
i a handle. This object obviously could fit into two of the attribute
)es: "smaller, long, rigid" and "with handle." When it was carried by
handle the informant unhesitatingly gave wayufna. Thus it would
m that in ambivalent cases manner would dominate. But when the
iect was carried on the shoulder or in one of two hands not using the
idle, the informant vacillated between q"iwifia and apaha and between
nia and apana, respectively.

p"uxtunia 'to carry in two cupped hands such things as grains or
tiny round pebbles'
wiyanta-yiyania-niyana 'to carry fire by torch'
jach'inia-jich'inia 'to carry grains in the hand'

We also have a set of verbs for conveying people or animals:

irpania 'to take (a) personss'
*jik"anania 'to herd' (occurs only derived)
jisk"ania-ch"ik"aia (Jopoqueri)-sik"ania (Calacoa) 'to take an animal
with a rope'
*wayana 'to take or lead animals' (occurs only derived)
[Note: In conclusion, I would like to thank Juana Vasquez for her assistance
this paper contributes anything at all to a general knowledge ofAymara, their
will be a small monument to her patience. If not, it has at least been a valua
learning experience for me, thanks to her.]

4. Jama, T"axa, and P"uru: Three Categories
of Feces in Aymara

Andrew W. Miracle, Jr., with Juana Vasquez

s study was undertaken with two purposes in mind. First, it was
ed that some insight might be provided into the general question of
n category formulation in Aymara. Second, the opportunity to in-
tigate this topic seemed worthwhile in that it is a category seldom
.t with in formal language studies. The category is used so exten-
ly for metaphorical purposes in English that the investigation of pos-
e similar use in a non-Indo-European language was intriguing.
ima was "discovered" inadvertently by students in the Aymara class
ie University of Florida through mispronunciation of other syllables
.ng a lesson. The explanation correcting the students led to a brief
ussion of the category and some English parallels. Subsequently in
course of this investigation it was learned thatjama is a general cate-
y, the verb beingjamarafia. Jamara na can be translated as "to defecate"
uciar)1 or "to go to the bathroom" (hacer banio). Thusjama might be
slated formally as feces or manure in English. There are two other
ds in Aymara which would also translate as feces or manure: t"axa
p"uru. There are no other Aymara terms for manure or feces.
great deal of time was spent in exploring the metaphorical uses of
e terms. The terms jama, t"axa, and p"uru are seldom used in making
s. Jaqijama can be used to elicit laughter, but even then it is used in

a Vasquez is a marvelous storyteller and often regaled the students in the
lara class with vivid renditions of old folktales involving anthropomor-
ed fauna. Out of these renditions grew the term paper Jama, T"axa, and
c: Three Categories of Feces in Aymara," written by Andrew W. Miracle, Jr.,
Juana Vasquez, for a course in introductory linguistics in 1971. Once again
importance of shape to the Aymara is highlighted, adding as well the matter
xture. The paper was reviewed and partially rewritten by the author for this

72 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
a parody of Spanish. Only two examples of humorous expressions w

K'itis qunt'pacha 'Who sat down?' and
K'itis kurp lurpacha 'Who made a body?'

In the latter, kurpu is a Spanish borrowing from 'cuerpo'.
In one phrase a derivative of p"uru can be used in a deprecating m

Aka p"urkiri warmix amanutak tuqisit 'This stupid woman bothers
me for no reason.'

P"urkiri is translated as 'stupid', but its use seems to be particular
limited to use in quarrels or protestations.
An interesting idiom is listed in the data. Anun tunqu tunqupa was
ported initially as a colloquial equivalent for anujama. A verbatim tra
lation renders it 'the dog's corn its corn'. It was indicated that the expi
sion was based on the dog sign that one sees very early in the morni:
Anun tunqu tunqupa also was said to be equivalent to the Spanish say:
'Al que madruga Dios le ayuda' 'He that rises early is helped by Gc
Moreover, an alternate translation of the Aymara was said to be 'hast;
caca de perro' or 'until the dog manure'.
A metaphorical example using t"axa illustrates the importance of
mantic studies and underscores the absurdity of translation between t
unrelated languages. In Aymara a young man courting a girl and int
upon flattery might say 'Nayritamaxa qarwa t"axjama'. Not even an
proximate translation could be substituted in a similar situation in eit
Spanish or English. Literally the phrase reads: 'Your eyes are like lla
dung' 'Tus ojos como de la caca de llama'.
There are several Aymara myths in which jama, t"axa, or p"uru
central features; however, only one has been recorded in full. The sto
of lurinsu describes the creation of the hummingbird from condor fec
According to the story, there was formerly a giant hummingbird, lar
than a condor. In a jealous rage the condor attacked and killed the luri
and consumed the victim entirely. The condor was so full he co
scarcely fly. On the way back to its mountain home the droppings fr,
the condor each turned into a hummingbird, a miniature replica of
giant lurinsu.
The primary task of this study was to define and describe the deliI
stations of the three categories of feces (jama, t"axa, and p"uru) and

Categories of Feces-Miracle and Vasquez 73
:rmine the criteria for distinction among these three semantically dis-
niciln1pi rotP-nr;PC Tn -rA-r trn 0crrrmnlib c fi- t-ct- h A-r-m

m for the mai
i with birds a
arch for the
Imo se dice la cc
:ed and record
eight. The col
es were also s
Fable 4.1 lists
e left-hand cc
I the middle (
mara for the c
an animal w-
I in the respo
'a / chivo'; an
nmon terms a
dle 4.2 lists th(
rs (including
data after the
is of significal
:ances. Table
ereas Table 4.
n attempting
parent that t
color. Since on
s doubtful tha
SAymara dat
utilized for fu

of various animals w
continued with mamn
y was all done in Spa
'ppdjaro en Aymara?' M
Second, a descripti
;hape, and size were
lata in the order in wl
in gives the English
nn shows the Bolivi;
rent specific animal fe,
ed in the question or
they are indicated b)
ari t"axa / wik'uFna t",
ar in parentheses, for
finish and English trar
nations) used in this si
ve been categorized as
rm, color, and specific
ists the verbatim rest
ows the approximate
-fine the semantic fie]
primaryy basis of categ
he manure from a fe\
e could serve as a pri
pport this contention,
.d fertilizer.

3 determined. The study be-
ils, reptiles, and insects. The
.sh, a typical question being:
ny colloquial variations were
i of the various items was
lost frequently volunteered.

:h it was originally collected.
ime of the various animals,
I Spanish equivalency of the
s. When more than one term
iore than one form was elic-
i slash (for example, 'caca de
*a). Colloquialisms and un-
:ample, (anun tunqu tunqupa).
nations of the Aymara animal
dy. Tables 4.3 and 4.4 show
irna, t"axa, orp"uru. Descrip-
I uses are also given for most
nses to specific questioning,
english translation.
s ofjama, t"axa, and p"uru, it
rization cannot be either use
animals is or can be utilized,
.ary basis for categorization.
"orjama, t"axa, and p"uru are

.here are three prerequisites for the general utilization of manure as
ier fuel or fertilizer: the animals must be large, they must be domes-
ted, and they must exist in sufficiently large numbers to make the
hearing of the manure worthwhile. For example, it was explained that
:ken manure was not used for fertilizer on the altiplano because chick-
were never owned in sufficiently large numbers to make it worth-
ile. Moreover, they are seldom kept in cages (as on a chicken farm),
s making collection even more difficult.
'he specific purpose for which a specific manure is used is largely
ermined by the qualities of the manure itself, especially size and liquid

Table4.1.DataasCollect- ----e
Table 4.1. Data as Collected
ST .. .. 1- 1 ...... ...

ca de aves
ca de pato
ca de gallina
ca de picaflor

ca de valoma

ca de chiwanku' chi
ca de llama qa;
-a de alpaca all
ca de vicufia wa
ca de ovejas iw

ca de puercos k"z
ca de vacas w6
ca de burro ast
-a de conejo wa
-a de caballo ka
ca de perro anl
-a de gato p"i
-a de rat6n ad
ca de mula mn
ca de armadillo k"i
-a de mosca chi
ca de wayrunqu' wa
ca de pulga k't

Sdeb linn/nicmicr l/Jr


Goat caca de cabra/chivo chiwu t"axa
Infant caca de beb6 wawa isi
Children caca de nifios wawajama

a. The exact identity of these animals was not determined. The English equ
lent is an approximation only.

fresh, or as either fertilizer or fuel when dry. Sheep manure is usec
most exclusively for fertilizer because the corralled sheep grind up
dried manure with their hooves as they move around, making the pi
too small to be used satisfactorily as fuel.
Table 4.3 demonstrates that color cannot be the basis of distinction
jama, t"axa, and p"uru. P"uru was described in terms of yellows
browns and t"axa as brown or black. Jama exhibited all of these coloi


ins(u) jama


qawra t"axa
ik'uni(a) t"axa
/iwi(a) or uwij(c


iun tunqu tunqupa

:a/challaris(u) 't"a:


ut'ijama/(llipx p





-ategories or reces--iviracie ana vasquez /3

Table 4.2. Aymara Animals in Spanish and English Translation

jamach'i Birds


oma torcasa






Su any sinapt


k'uti/(llipx paltal

these animals was not
on only.

, and green. It wou.
on the basis of its col
e data are examined
inite patterns become
11 balls. All p"uru w.
ima manures varied,
Thus, using form a
n the tables can be



) 1


determined. The En

I thus be impossj
or the significant
* quite evident. A
s said to be dry. a
iut all were descri
; the basis for disi
signed to only (
dry and flat (p"t

e exact identi
:is an approx;

e mamn

ibed as dry,
_ _I -

us tec




glish equiva-

ble to cate-

form of the
11 t"axa was
nd flat. The
bed as being
inction, the
mne of three

Table 4.3. Datos Categorizados (Original Spanish Ellicitation)

Animal Significante Color Uso Especific

Los dejama
pijaro liquid, agua plomo y negro/
chiwanku liquid, agua negro
gallina liquid, agua verde/liquido
picaflor liquido, agua negro
loro liquido, agua blanco con verde
paloma torcasa (torsalado) cafe
gato (en chorizos) plomo obscuro/
perro (en chorizos) blanco seco
caballo (en chorizos) azafrin seco como ab
o para cocii
wayrunqu negro
pulga (encuentro en cuerpo) sangre seco/negro
mosca negro
lanu, piojo (encuentro en cuerpo) sangre seco/negro
mula (en chorizos) azafrin seco como ab
o para cocil
puerco (en chorizos) amarillo/negro
Los de T"axa
alpaca bolitas secas negro cocinar
armadillo bolitas secas tobacco
llama bolitas secas negro cocinar
conejo bolitas secas verde/tobaco
rat6n bolitas secas negro como abono
oveja (molido en corral) cafe/marr6n/to- como abono
vicufia (molido en corral) negro
chivo (molido en corral) cafe/marr6n/to- cocinar, com.
baco abono
Los de P"uru
vaca plano y seco amarillo/nuwala agua como
abono y se,
para cocina
burro plano y seco azafrin/seco como abono
Otros Especiales
pato liquido liquid

Categories of Feces-Miracle and Vasquez 77
wet when fresh (j'ama). Therefore, it can be concluded that jama is the
general category and that t"axa and p"uru are specific categories. Indeed,
as pointed out above, it was repeatedly stressed thatjama was the general
term for unspecified or unidentified manure.
Two special cases are listed in the tables: patu wich'u and wawa isi.
Wawa isi is a euphemism; however, patu wich'u may constitute a special
category. Wawa isi literally translates as 'baby clothes'. For infants that
have been swaddled this appellation is not inappropriate. As shown in
Table 4.1, the feces of children, even small children, are termed the same
as adult human feces ('aqijama).
Patu wich'u is more difficult to define. Wich'u means 'liquid by the
sound' ('liquido por el sonido' was the exact explanation); the verb is
wich'ufia. Wich'ufia also means tejer or to weave. And a wich'u is a shuttle,
an implement used in weaving.
It was explained that duck feces are expressed in spurts of liquid which
form droplets (wich'u ch'aqa). Ch'aqa means droplets; ch'aqaia is the
verb. The major difficulty was in determining whether duck feces were
wich'u because liquid or because, in defecating, the duck makes a sound
like a spurt of liquid. Ducks are not an uncommon domestic animal
among the Aymara; thus it would not be surprising for them to be very
familiar with all the habits of ducks including the sounds they make.
Since the feces of other birds, which are just as liquid, are termed jama,
the implication is that the determining factor is the distinctive noise that
can be heard when these common animals defecate. Thus it may be hy-
pothesized that wich'u is a special term applied euphemistically to patu
because of the characteristic noise made by ducks. Wich'u can also be
applied to a person with diarrhea or one experiencing the effects of a
purgative. In this case the individual is said to be 'like a duck.'
As has been shown, the use of the terms jama, t"axa, and p"uru is de-
termined by the physical form of that to which they are assigned. For an
Avmara sneaker the assignment of one of these terms to an unspecified

Table 4.4. Categorized Data (English Translation)

Animal Forms Color Specified Use





very wet when fresh
very wet when fresh
very wet when fresh
very wet when fresh

very wet when fresh

(found on the body)

(found on the body)



dry, small balls
dry, small balls
dry, small balls
dry, small balls
dry, small balls
(ground up in corral)
(ground up in corral)
(ground up in corral)

dry and flat

dry and fiat


purple & black/white

white with green
dark purple/grey
dry white

dry as fertilizer
or fuel

dry blood/black
dry blood/black


yellow/black (varies)




dry as fertilizer
or fuel




fertilizer, fuel

fresh as fertilizer,
dry as fuel


a. The exact identity of these animals was not determined. The English equiva-
lent is an approximation only.

Flt r le9 In srn~l~i-1T hCVix;PXrpr t",,~, ,',c'' ~1

se made by a llama. Moreover, no size adjective was ever ascribed to
ier p"uru orjama. On the other hand, t"axa and p"uru were always to
distinguished from jama by relative moisture content. Jama was in-
iably described by adjectives meaning wet, while t"axa was almost
'ays described as dry and p"uru was usually assigned a dry adjective.
nversely, jama was never described as dry when fresh.
'his study has indicated many avenues for possible future research in
mara, for example, an investigation to determine the physical quali-
which define a given form. Shape, size, and moisture content have
n indicated above, and to these might be added color and onomato-
*ia. OnomatoDoeia was discussed in the case ofnatu wich'u 2nd slrelv

--------- -----7*
ally interesting study.
)r wet-dry) may be ar
ples listed in Table 4.3
y liquidd' for patu wic\
Aymara are topics of
completed for many

nsuciar and caca are the St
terms normally used in
ng the data. Ensuciar is li
y and with children, anc

point implied:
gral character
ude 'liquido bl
Finally, joking,
dimensions th;

i words as the P
via. The word c
y 'to dirty'; caca
e are some othe

is paper i,
of color c
)', blancoc
rd-play, a

ra know 5
vas used e:

ish; they

5. Aymara Kinship, Real and Spiritual

Ransford Comstock Pyle

A brief analysis of the basic Aymara kinship terms will serve as a ba
for contrast with the fictive kinship of compadrazgo.1 The basic distiI
tions that establish terminological differences are gender (male-femal
generation (parent-child), and blood (consanguineal-affinal) (see tab
5.1 and 5.2). Of these opposition the first two are distinguished by d
ferences in the root while the third is morphological. For example:

Gender Oppositions Male Female
parent awki tayka
sibling jila kullaka
child yuqa p"ucha
person chacha warmi
youth wayna tawaqu
Generation Oppositions Older Younger Equal
males awki yuqa jila
chacha2 wayna
females tayka p"ucha kullaka
warmi2 tawaqu
Blood Oppositions Consanguineal Affinal
father awki awkch'i
mother tayka taykch'i
son yuqa tullqa
daughter p"ucha yuqch'a

The original title of this essay, prepared as a term paper for an ethnosemani
class in 1971, was "Compadrazgo and Kinship among the Aymara of Bolivi
Pyle found he had to understand basic kinship before he could undertake
describe the fictive. He was not, in fact, able to go as far as he had hoped ii
the ramifications of the fictive kinship system among the Aymara, a topic s
not well studied beyond the surface characteristics.

Kinship Real and Spiritual-Pyle 81
rhe gender and generation opposition are clearly reflected in different
)t forms; the blood opposition require some clarification. 'Father' and
other' are converted into 'father-in-law' and 'mother-in-law' by
iple suffixation of -ch'i with appropriate morphophonemic reduction
final vowels. Thus affinal relations traced through spouse appear to be
med by addition of -ch'i. 'Son-' and 'daughter-in-law', however, are
:ed through one's own blood relations. 'Daughter-in-law', yuqch'a,
uld appear to be composed of the term for 'son,' yuqa, plus -ch'a. The
mology of tullqa is obscure.
n adopting Spanish kinship terms, Aymara has borrowed those terms
ich distinguish lineally, for example, 'aunt' and 'uncle' and 'nephew'
I 'niece.' In Yapita's speech, tio has been Aymarized to tiwu or tiyu, but
other Spanish terms are apparently much less commonly used, per-
ps only by those with some knowledge of Spanish.3
The terms tata and mama seem to operate quite differently from the
ship terms described here. These terms connote formality or respect.
ey may precede any name to introduce respectful distance, much as
might use 'sir' or 'ma'am.' Yapita states that tata would be used in
ce of Spanish don. Tata and mama occur commonly in polite Aymara
:ech; I think the correlation with Spanish don is more true of former
Les when this term, as well as donia, was more common. Tata and mama
used as terms of address in the countryside, that is, one would ad-
ss any adult stranger and many adult friends by these terms of ad-
,ss. The pervasive use of these terms in Aymara may well reflect the
iteness ethic of the Aymara (see Briggs, essay 6). Yapita tells me that
lians are often addressed as hijo 'son' by upper class "Spanish" in the
y. Also, if we remember the terms used between Catholic priests and
ir flocks (priest-padre-father, referred to as tata in Aymara), we can
how tata and mama became general terms of respect, while the less
mal terms, papasitu and mamita, are used with one's parents as terms
Fhe kinship terms native to the Aymara are not restricted to kinship
texts. In every case the term has some more general or metaphorical
aning (see table 5.3). The only possible exceptions to this are the
ms yuqa and p"ucha ('son' and 'daughter'). Apparently these secondary
anings and the use of wayna 'young man' and tawaqu 'young woman'
tect the traditional division of Aymara society according to two basic
:eria, age and sex. This division has already been shown to prevail in
primary opposition of the kinship terms. The full connotation of
se terms as 'old man', 'man', and so forth, may not be truly second-
,. In fact, I am somewhat suspicious of the English and Spanish

82 Aymara Grammatical and Semantic Categories
Table 5.1. Consanguineal Kinship Terms Used by the Aymara
Spanish Englislh
Relation Aymara Term Loanword Equivale

Father awki tata, papacito father
Mother tayka mama, mamita mother
Sister kullaka sister
Brother jila brother
FaSiDa, FaBrDa, kullaka (prima hermana) first cousir
MoBrDa, Mo- (femal
FaSiSo, FaBrSo, jila (primo hermano) first cousir
MoBrSo, Mo- (male)
FaBr, MoBr tio (tiwu) uncle
FaSi, MoSi tia (tiya) aunt
Ch wawa child
So yuqa son
Da p"ucha daughter
BrSo, SiSo sobrino nephew
BrDa, SiDa sobrina niece
FaFa, MoFa achila, jach'a tata abuelo grandfather
FaMo, MoMo awicha, jach'a mama abuela grandmott

equivalents given me by my informants. Structurally, the Aymara
tem looks to me as if it were originally a classificatory generational
tem in which all members of the next older generation were called c
(males) and tayka (females). At the same time there seem to be remn
of an age-grading system which is either no longer present or else
not properly elicited in my sessions with the informants. Let me say 1
that I discovered additional terms connoting age and sex without im
ing kinship: achachi 'old man', awila 'old woman.' Thus, clearly, age 1:
generational and calendrical was of great importance to the Aymar
the course of developing this inventory of kinship terminology. Nov
us contrast this with the compadrazgo terms.
Compadrazgo ('coparenthood') refers to that special relationship
tween the parents of an individual and the godparents. Also of im]
tance is the relationship between the godchildren and their godpare
I will use the term compadrazgo to refer generally to all these relations
although in some cases comadrazgo, padrinazgo, or madrinazgo migh
more specific as to those involved. Compadrazgo refers to parentesco e.
itual ('spiritual kinship'), which carries spiritual, social, and econo
responsibilities between persons so related. An Aymara may hav
many as ten godparents, if couples acted at each rite of passage,

Kinship Real and Spiritual-Pyle 83

Table 5.2. Affinal Kinship Terms Used by the Aymara

Spanish English
nation Aymara Term Loanword Equivalent

ViFa awkch
WiMo taykch
tullqa ,

I persons could h,
according to how
il has been through
urban practices ir
--I- ,, r .--;

nuera (y

dly get
nany ce
regard t


ess than three. The number
requiring godparents an in-
cant differences between ru-
azgo. One major difference,

nfirmation, which also requires a godp

d the terms us(
stitute separate

the western
lore with cer
I/invn ynn \TiT/ v

irms. This lack of difference

'%fL_'VLLCHO-,S U All II l t l JpdlllJXXhoII-J-Y t.AnXIII *-
phere. However clear this may be, we can say
To assess indigenous and Spanish influences
ieed to know the form of compadrazgo in Spain

which the first Spanish inhabitants of Bolivia came. In addition we
need to know a great deal more about the Aymara at the time of
est than we will ever be likely to know. How else may we know
digenous elements have been supplanted by Spanish forms? Since
kinship is extremely common among the world's cultures, we
not be surprised to find that compadrazgo has been substituted for
ous forms.4
.n be seen from table 5.4, there are four ceremonies which require
rent (in the case of an unmarried man or woman there may be
ie godparent, but normally a husband and wife serve as godfather
Mother for each occasion). In the case of marriage, two sets of
ents are chosen. Thus it is possible to have five sets of godparents,

o differ

11 -;-AtIP r Tr~~C ; t- NT-, %YTlnrlIA o cuc9tpv

84 Aymara Grammatical and )emantic categories

Table 5.3. Extended and Secondary Meanings of Aymara Kinship Ter

Pek tinn (I nalls i1I tvmara term 3econaarv ivleaiuimes

brother-first c

sister-first coL

-I-' -* -

awki old man (anciano)
tayka old woman (anciana)
:ousin jila male sibling; member of one's
munity (also jilata)
isin kullaka female sibling; member of one
munity, female (also kullakit
chacha man
warmi woman
yuqa male (human) boy
pucha female (human) girl

mng or 3panisn ioa

Spanish Tern

%jlidlmUthLllCI JacH

Grandmother jach'.


sir, mister, Donfi
ma'am, Ms., Dofia

jach'a (Ay.)-'big',
1 -1 1j

although the rutucha ceremony is usually performed only in the cc
and confirmation is usual only for those living in the city. The firsi
mony chronologically is baptism, performed soon after birth. Th(
ichu tata or ichu mama refers to the fact that the godparent carri
infant about to be baptized (from ichunia 'to carry in the hands'). N
the padrinos de matrimonio, the ichu tata and ichu mama are the mo
portant godparents. They have moral and economic obligations ti
the growing child. The relation between godchild and godparent
of respect. The duties of the godparent come into play particularly
child is orphaned, in which case the godparent assumes responsibil
seeing that the child is properly taken care of. Otherwise the god

3econcary j


I A..... a .