Citation
Half hours on the quarter-deck

Material Information

Title:
Half hours on the quarter-deck the Spanish Armada to Sir Cloudesley Shovel 1670 ; with numerous illustrations
Series Title:
Half hour library of travel, nature and science for young readers
Creator:
Harral, Horace ( Engraver )
James Nisbet and Co. (London, England) ( Publisher )
Place of Publication:
London
Publisher:
James Nisbet & Co.
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xiv, 376, 8 p. : ill., ports ; 19 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Voyages and travels -- Juvenile literature ( lcsh )
Adventure and adventurers -- Juvenile literature ( lcsh )
Sailors -- Juvenile literature ( lcsh )
Explorers -- Juvenile literature ( lcsh )
Naval battles -- Juvenile literature ( lcsh )
History, Naval -- Juvenile literature -- Great Britain ( lcsh )
Publishers' advertisements -- 1896 ( rbgenr )
Biographies -- 1896 ( rbgenr )
Bldn -- 1896
Genre:
Publishers' advertisements ( rbgenr )
Biographies ( rbgenr )
non-fiction ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage:
England -- London
Target Audience:
juvenile ( marctarget )

Notes

General Note:
Publisher's advertisements follow text.
General Note:
Some illustrations engraved by Harral.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
This item is presumed to be in the public domain. The University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries respect the intellectual property rights of others and do not claim any copyright interest in this item. Users of this work have responsibility for determining copyright status prior to reusing, publishing or reproducing this item for purposes other than what is allowed by fair use or other copyright exemptions. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions may require permission of the copyright holder. The Smathers Libraries would like to learn more about this item and invite individuals or organizations to contact The Department of Special and Area Studies Collections (special@uflib.ufl.edu) with any additional information they can provide.
Resource Identifier:
026799620 ( ALEPH )
ALH1408 ( NOTIS )
234194688 ( OCLC )

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MNALF HOURS
ON THE QUARTER-DECK







THE HALF HOUR LIBRARY.
TRAVEL, NATURE, AND SCIENCE.
Handsomely bound, very fully Illustrated, 2s. 6d. each ;

gilt edges, 3s.

Half Hours in the Holy Land.
Travels in Egypt, Palestine, and Syria.
By Norman Mac teop.

Half Hours in the Far North.

Life amid Snow and Ice.

Half Hours in the Wide West.

Over Mountains, Rivers, and Prairies.

Half Hours in the Far South.
The People and Scenery of the Tropics.

Half Hours in the Far East.
Among the People and Wonders of India.

Half Hours with a Naturalist.
Rambles near the Seashore.
By the Rev. J. G. Woop.

Half Hours in the Deep.
The Natureand Wealth of the Sea.

Half Hours in the Tiny World.

Wonders of Insect Life.

Half Hours in Woods and Wilds.

Adventures of Sport and Travel.

Half Hours in Air and Sky.

Marvels of the Universe.

Half Hours Underground.
Volcanoes, Mines, and Caves.
By Cuarves KinGsLey and others.

Half Hours at Sea.

Stories of Voyage, Adventure, and Wreck.

Half Hours in Many Lands.

Arctic, Torrid, and Temperate.

Half Hours in Field and Forest.
Chapters in Natural History.
By the Rev. J. G. Woop.

Half Hours on the Quarter-Deck.



































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































SSS









Frontispiece,] SIR FRANCIS DRAKE CALLS ON HIS COMRADES TO ‘“' PLAY OUT THE MATCH, FOR THERE [Page 41.
IS PLENTY OF TIME TO DO SO, AND TO BEAT THE SPANIARDS TOO.”



THE HALF HOUR LIBRARY

OF TRAVEL, NATURE, AND SCIENCE

FOR YOUNG READERS

HALF HOURS ON
THE QUARTER-DECK

The Spanish Armada to Six Cloudesley Shovel
1670

WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS

Hondo
JAMES NISBET & CO,
21 BERNERS STREET
1896



INTRODUCTION.

THIS is the second of a series of books on a
subject of the greatest interest to all young
Englishmen—the Naval History of England. To
the sea England owes its greatness, and the Anglo-
Saxon race its possession of such large portions of
the earth. Two-thirds of the surface of our globe
are covered with water, and the nations that have
the chief command of the seas must naturally have
immense power in the world. There is nothing
more marvellous in the last century, great as has
been the progress in all directions, than the birth
of new nations in distant parts of the earth,
sprung from our own people, and speaking our
own language. England and America bid fair
to encompass the world with their influence ; be-

cause, centuries ago, England became, through

vu



vill INTRODUCTION.

the bravery and endurance of her sailors, the
chief ocean power.

From the earliest times, the command of the
sea was eagerly sought after. The Phcenicians,
occupying a position of much importance as a
commercial centre between the great regions of
Asia on the east and the countries surrounding
the Mediterranean on the west, made rapid pro-
gress in navigation. The large ships they sent
to Tarshish were unequalled for size and speed.
Their vessels effected wonderful things in bringing
together the varied treasures of distant countries.
They used the sea rather for commerce, and the
sending forth of colonists through whom they
might extend their trade, than for purposes of
conquest. With the Romans, who succeeded
them in the command of the sea, especially after
the fall of Carthage, the sea was a war-path, and
the subjugation of the world was the paramount
idea, although the vessels brought treasures from
all parts to enrich the imperial city. The Anglo-
Saxons have used the seas, both east and west,

as he Phcenicians used the Mediterranean, for



INTRODUCTION, {x

the extension of commerce and the planting of
colonies, but also, as the Romans, for the sub-
jugation and civilisation of great empites.

There is a great interest in observing the
progress of events for a century after the opening
up of the great world by Columbus and others of
the same period. It seemed for a time as if Spain
and Portugal were to conquer and possess most
of the magnificent territories discovered; France
seemed also likely to have a fair portion; but
England, almost nowhere at first, gradually led
the way. This was due chiefly to the wonderful
feats and endurance and bravery of her sailors.
One country after another fell under our influence,
till the great continent of America in all its
northern parts became peopled by the Anglo-
Saxon race—which has, in later periods, similarly
spread over Australia and New Zealand.

With the growth of the maritime power of
England is associated a splendid array of heroic
names, and many of the humblest sailors were
equal in bravery to their renowned commanders,

No history is more intensely interesting than



x INTRODUCTION.

that of the daring perils and triumphs of heroic
seamen. The heroes, who have distinguished
themselves in the history and growth of the British
Navy, furnish a gallery and galaxy, bewildering in
extent; the events of pith and moment, in which
they have been prominent actors, present fields
too vast to be fully traversed; they can only be

touched at salient points.



CONTENTS.

—_+—_

cuap. WILI.IAM, JOHN, AND RICHARD HAWKINS. © pace
I, THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS, . : . I

CHARLES HOWARD, BARON OF EFFINGHAM,
AFTERWARDS EARL OF NOTTINGHAM,
II, ‘‘BORN TO SERVE AND SAVE HIS COUNTRY,” . . + 37

SIR MARTIN FROBISHER, NAVIGATOR,
DISCOVERER, AND COMBATANT.

II. THE FIRST ENGLISH DISCOVERER OF GREENLAND, . . 47

THOMAS CAVENDISH, GENTLEMAN ADVENTURER,

IV. THE SECOND ENGLISHMAN WHO CIRCUMNAVIGATED THE
GLOBE, + . . .« .« . . . - + 57

SIR WALTER RALEIGH, QUEEN ELIZABETH’S
FAVOURITE MINISTER,

Vv. AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES, . . . ° . 83

SIR WALTER RALEIGH, SAILOR, SCHOLAR, POET.

VI. NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION, + 130
THE PLANTING OF THE GREAT AMERICAN
COLONIES.
VII, ‘‘TO FRAME SUCH JUST AND EQUAL LAWS AS SHALL BE
MOST CONVENIENT,” . : : : : . + 173

OLIVER CROMWELL AND THE SEA-POWER
OF ENGLAND.
VII, A LONG INTERVAL IN NAVAL WARFARE ENDED, . . 18r
xi



xil CONTENTS.

ROBERT BLAKE, THE GREAT ADMIRAL OF

CHAP. THE COMMONWEALTH,
IX. HE ACHIEVED FOR ENGLAND THE TITLE, NEVER SINCE
DISPUTED, OF ‘‘ MISTRESS OF THE SEA,” . : :

GEORGE MONK, K.G., DUKE OF ALBEMARLE.

X. THE FRIEND OF CROMWELL, AND THE RESTORER OF
CHARLES II, « e * . . . . ° .

EDWARD MONTAGU, EARL OF SANDWICH.

XI, NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND THE
DULCE air and Ok a ae ts od ec

PRINCE RUPERT, NAVAL AND MILITARY
COMMANDER.

XII THE DUTCH DISCOVER ENGLISH COURAGE TO BE IN-
VINCIBLE, . . . . . . . . e

SIR EDWIN SPRAGGE, ONE BORN TO COMMAND,

XIII, THE DUTCH AVOW SUCH FIERCE FIGHTING NEVER TO
HAVE BEEN SEEN, . . . . . ° .

SIR THOMAS ALLEN.
XIV. THE PROMOTED PRIVATEER, . . . . ' .

SIR JOHN HARMAN,
xv. ‘‘BOLD AS A LION, BUT ALSO WISE AND WARY,” .

ADMIRAL BENBOW,
XVI, THE KING SAID, ‘'WE MUST SPARE OUR BEAUX, AND
SEND HONEST BENBOW,” : : . . . .

SIR CLOUDESLEY SHOVEL,
XVIL THE SHOEMAKER WHO ROSE TO BE REAR-ADMIRAL OF
ENGLAND, . . . . . . . 8

PAGE

186

230

253

ago

315

334

343

346



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.



—
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE CALLING ON HIS COMRADES TO PLAY OUT foe
THE MATCH, AND TO BEAT THE SPANIARDS TOO, . LFrontisbiece
SIR JOHN HAWKINS, . : ‘ . 7 . : “i . 3
ROCHELLE, .« : . ; _ . 7 ‘ : 7 ; IL
SIR JOHN HAWKINS PURSUING THE SHIPS OF THE ARMADA, . 19
CHATHAM EARLY IN THE 17TH CENTURY, A ‘ . : 25
MOUNTAINS AND GLACIERS IN THE STRAITS OF MAGELLAN, . 33
EARL OF EFFINGHAM, . . a . 7 : . 7 38
LORD HOWARD DEFEATING A SPANISH FLEET, . . y 43
SIR MARTIN FROBISHER, . 5 5 . : : : . 49
SIR MARTIN FROBISHER PASSING GREENWICH, 7 7 : 53
THOMAS CAVENDISH, . 7 : : : 7 . : : 59
PERILOUS POSITION IN TIIE STRAITS OF MAGELLAN, 7 7 67
ROUNDING THE CAPE DE BUENA ESPERANGA, . : 5 75
SIR WALTER RALEIGH, . ae ; : : : : 85
RALEIGH SPREADING OUT HIS CLOAK TO PROTECT THE
QUEEN'S FEET FROM THE MUD, . : ; i F ‘i 93
EDMUND SPENSER, AUTHOR OF THE ‘FAERIE QUEENE,” . 103
THE MADRE DE DIOS, : . A 7 ; 5 . a aes
RALEIGH ON THE ORINOCO RIVER, . : : : : . gt
RALEIGH AS SAILOR, SCHOLAR, POET, . : : ' . 131
ENGLISH FLEET BEFORE CADIZ, : : : : : . 139
ST. HELIERS, JERSEY, : : : : : . 149
SIR WALTER RALEIGH CONFINED IN THE TOWER, . . 157
LORD FRANCIS BACON, 7 7 ‘ : : : : . 167

xiii



xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

. . . .
OF SOUTHWOLD

THE MAYFLOWER, | : : ‘i :
OLIVER CROMWELL, . : ; , .
ADMIRAL BLAKE, : : : :
BATTLE BETWEEN BLAKE AND VAN TROMDP,
ADMIRAL VAN TROMP, i : . .
THE DEATH OF ADMIRAL BLAKE, :
GENERAL MONK, : : . . .
DEFEAT OF THE DUTCH FLEET BY MONK,
SEA FIGHT WITH THE DUTCH, . ‘ ;
EARL OF SANDWICH, DUKE OF YORK—-BATTLE
OR SOLE BAY, . . : : .
DUNKIRK, . ; : ; i :
CASTLE OF TANGIERS, ; : : :
ACTION BETWEEN THE EARL OF SANDWICIE AND ADMIRAL
DE RUYTER, . . 2 :
PRINCE RUPERT AT EDGEHILL, : i
DEFEAT OF THE DUTCH OFF LOWESTOFT,
ADRIAN DE RUYTER, . . : : 2

THE DUTCH FLEET CAPTURES SHEERNESS,
ATTACKING A PIRATE OFF ALGIERS, .
AN ALGERINE CORSAIR, . . : .
ADMIRAL BENBOW, . : . .

SIR CLOUDESLEY SHOVEL,
CARRICKFERGUS CASTLE,

PAGE

175
183
193
203
213
225
233
241
249

257

283
293
301
309
319
329
339
351
361
369



WILLIAM, JOHN, AND RICHARD
HAWKINS



HALF HOURS ON THE
QUARTER-DECK.



WILLIAM, JOHN, AND RICHARD
HAWKINS.

———

CHAPTER I.
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS,

HE proclivities of parents are not uniformly mani-
fested in their children, and the rule of “Like
father, like son” has its exceptions. The three genera-
tions of the Hawkins’ family, who distinguished them-
selves as maritime adventurers in the reign of Henry
VIII. and Queen Elizabeth, while differing in character,
disposition, and attainments at divers points, were in
“common governed by a ruling passion—love of the
sea, and choice of it as a road to fame and for-
tune.

William Hawkins, Esq., of Tavistock, was a man of

wy A



2 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

much property, acquired by inheritance, but chiefly by

his good fortune as a successful naval adventurer. He
- was regarded with great favour by King Henry VIII.

About the year 1530 he fitted up a ship of 250 tons

burthen, which he named the Paul of Plymouth, and in
’ which he made three voyages to Brazil, touching also at
the coast of Guinea to buy or capture human beings,—to
make merchandise of them. He was probably the first
English adventurer that engaged in this horrible traffic.
Old chroniclers coolly record the fact that he traded
successfully and most profitably in “slaves, gold, and
elephants’ teeth.” Brazil was in those days under a
quite different government to that of the enlightened ex-
Emperor Dom Pedro, or of the Republic that has recently
succeeded him. Its rulers were savage Indian chiefs,
with whom Hawkins was signally'successful in ingratiat-
ing himself. On the occasion of his second visit to the
country, so complete was the confidence reposed in him
by these native princes, that one of them consented to —
return with him to England, Hawkins leaving Martin
Cockram of Plymouth, one of his crew, as a hostage for
the safe return of the prince. The personal adornments
of this aboriginal grandee were of a remarkable character.
According to Hakluyt’s account, “In his cheeks were
holes, made according to the savage manner, and therein
small bones were planted, standing an inch out from the
surface, which in his country was looked on as evidence





SIR JOHN HAWKINS,






THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 5

of great bravery. He had another hole in his lower lip,
wherein was set a precious stone about the bigness of a
pea. All his apparel, behaviour, and gestures were very
strange to the beholders,” as may easily be believed.
After remaining in England for about a year, during which
time the distinguished foreigner was a repeated visitor
at the court of Henry VIII., who was a warm patron of
Hawkins, the adventurer embarked to return to Brazil.
Unhappily, the Indian prince died on the passage, which
naturally occasioned serious apprehensions in Hawkins’
mind. He was sorry for the death of his fellow-voyager,
but more concerned on account of poor Cockram, the
hostage, whose life, he feared, was imperilled by the
death of the savage, for whose safe return he had been
left as security. The confiding barbarians, however,
disappointed his fears; they accepted, without doubt or
hesitation, his account of the circumstances of the chief’s
death, and his assurance that all that was possible to skill
and care had been done to save his life. The friendly
intercourse between Hawkins and the natives continued ;
they traded freely upon mutually satisfactory terms, and
Hawkins returned to England freighted with a valuable
cargo. He was greatly enriched by his successive
voyages to the West Indies and Brazil, and at a mature
age retired from active life, in the enjoyment of the for-
tune he had amassed by his skill and courage as a seaman,
his wisdom and astuteness as a merchant, his enterprise,



6 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

fortitude, perseverance, and other qualities and character-
istics that distinguish most men who get on in the world.

John Hawkins, the second son of William Hawkins of
Plymouth abeve referred to, was born at Plymouth about
the year 1520.. His elementary education was followed
up in his early youth by assiduous study of mathematics
and navigation. Early in life he made voyages to Spain
and Portugal, and to the Canary Islands—the latter being
considered a rather formidable undertaking in those
days. In his early life he so diligently applied himself
to his duties, and acquitted himself so successfully in
their discharge, as to achieve a good reputation, and
soon after the accession of Queen Elizabeth, an appoint-
ment in her navy, as an officer of consideration. It is
stated concerning him, that as a young man he had
engaging manners, and that at the Canaries, to which he
had made several trips, “‘he had, by his tenderness and
humanity, made himself very much beloved,” and had
acquired a knowledge of the slave trade, and of the
mighty profits which even in those days resulted from
the sale of negroes in the West Indies.” These glowing
accounts of a quick road to riches fired the ambition of
the tender and humane adventurer.

In 1562, when he had acquired much experience as a
seaman, and was at the best of his manhood’s years, he
projected a great slave-trading expedition. His design
was to obtain subscriptions from the most eminent



THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 7

London traders and other wealthy persons, to provide
and equip an adventure squadron. He proposed to
proceed first to Guinea for a cargo of slaves, to be
procured by barter, purchase, capture, or in any other
way,—and the cheaper the better. With his freight of
slaves, his design was to proceed to Hispaniola, Porto
Rico, and other Spanish islands, and there to sell the
slaves for money, or barter them in exchange for sugar,
hides, silver, and other produce. He readily obtained,
as his partners in this unscrupulous project, Sir William
Lodge, Sir William Winter, Mr. Bromson, and _ his
(Hawkins’) father-in-law, Mr. Gunson. The squadron
consisted of the Solomon, of 120 tons, Hawkins, com-
mander; the Szal/ow, of 100 tons, captain, Thomas
Hampton; and the /onas, a bark of 4o tons. The
three vessels carried in all one hundred men. The
squadron sailed in October 1562, and touched first at
Teneriffe, from which they proceeded on to Guinea,
where landing, “by money, and where that failed, by the
sword,” Hawkins acquired three hundred negroes to be
sold as slaves. These he disposed of at enormous profits
at Hispaniola and others of the Spanish settlements, and
returned to England,—to the enrichment, as the result
of his “famous voyage,” of himself and his unscrupulous
co-proprietors.

“Nothing succeeds like success.” There was new no
difficulty in obtaining abundant support, in money and



a

8 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

men, for further adventure, on the same lines. Slave-
trading was proved to be a paying pursuit, and then as
now, those who hasted to be rich were not fastidious,
as to the moral aspect and nature of the quickest
method. Another expedition was determined upon,
and on a larger scale. Hawkins, the successful con-
ductor of the expedition, was highly popular. As
eminent engineers have taken in gentlemen apprentices
in more modern times, Captain Hawkins was beset with
applications to take in gentlemen apprentices to the
art and mystery of slave-trade buccaneering. Among
the youngsters entrusted to his tutelage were several who
afterwards achieved distinction in the Royal Navy,
including Mr. John Chester, son of Sir Wm. Chester,
afterwards a captain in the navy; Anthony Parkhurst,
who became a leading man in Bristol, and turned out an
enterprising adventurer ; John Sparkes, an able writer on
maritime enterprises, who gave a graphic account of
Hawkins’ second expedition, which Sparkes had accom-
panied as an apprentice.

The squadron in the second expedition comprised
the Jesus of Lubeck, of 700 tons, a queen’s ship,
Hawkins, commander ; the Solomon; and two barques,
the Ziger and the Swallow. The expedition sailed from
Plymouth on the 18th October 1564. The first endeavour
of the adventurers was to reach the coast of Guinea, for
the nefarious purpose of man-stealing, as before. An



THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 9

incident, that occurred on the day after the squadron left
Teneriffe, reflects credit on Hawkins in showing his
paternal care for the lives of his crew, although he held
the lives of Guinea negroes of little account, and in ex-
hibiting also his skill asa seaman. The pinnace of his
own ship, with two men in it, was capsized, and the up-
turned boat, with the two men struggling in the water,
was dropped out of sight, before sail could be taken in.
Hawkins ordered the jolly-boat to be let down and
manned by twenty-four able-bodied seamen, to whose
leading man he gave steering directions. After a long
and stiff pull, the pinnace, with the two men riding
astride on the keel, was sighted, and their rescue effected.

The poor hunted savages sometimes sold their lives
and liberties dearly to their Christian captors. In one of
his raids upon the coast of Africa in this expedition, the
taking of ten negroes cost Hawkins six of his best men
killed, and twenty-seven wounded. The Rev. Mr.
Hakluyt—affected with obliquity of moral vision it may
be—deliberately observes concerning Captain Hawkins
and this disaster, that ‘his countenance remained un-
clouded, and though he was naturally a man of compas-
sion, he made very light of his loss, that others might
not take it to heart.” A very large profit was realised by
this expedition, “a full cargo of very rich commodities ”
having been collected in the trading with Jamaica, Cuba,
and other West Indian islands. On the return voyage



10 IIALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

another incident occurred illustrative of Captain Hawkins’
punctilious regard to honesty in other directions than that
of negroes—having property rights in their own lives and
liberties. When off Newfoundland, which seemed to be
rather round circle sailing on their way home, the com-
mander fell in with two French fishing vessels. Hawkins’
squadron had run very short of provisions. They boarded
the Frenchmen, and, without leave asked or obtained,
helped themselves to as much of their stock of provisions,
as they thought would serve for the remainder of the
voyage home. To the amazement as much as the satis-
faction of the Frenchmen, Hawkins paid honourably for
the salt junk and biscuits thus appropriated.

The squadron arrived at Padstow, Cornwall, on the
zoth September 1565. The idea of the brotherhood of
man had not in that age been formulated, and Hawkins
was honoured for his achievements, in establishing a new
and lucrative branch of trade. Heraldic honours were
conferred upon him by Clarencieux, king at arms, who
granted him, as an appropriate crest, “a demi-moor bound
with a cord or chain.”

In 1567 Hawkins sailed in charge of an expedition for
the relief of the French Protestants at Rochelle. This
object was satisfactorily effected, and he proceeded to
prepare for a third voyage to the West Indies. Before
this expedition sailed, Hawkins, while off Cativater waiting
the queen’s orders, had an opportunity, of which he made



Ty















































ROCHELLE.






TIIREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 13

prompt and spirited use, for vindicating the honours of
the queen’s flag. A Spanish fleet of fifty sail, bound
for Flanders, passed comparatively near to the coast, and
in sight of Hawkins’ squadron, without saluting by lower-
ing their top-sails, and taking in their flags. Hawkins
ordered a shot to be fired across the bows of the leading
ship. No notice was taken of this, whereupon he ordered
another to be fired, that would make its mark. The
second shot went through the hull of the admiral, where-
upon the Spaniards struck sail and came to an anchor.
The Spanish general sent a messenger to demand the
meaning of this hostile demonstration. Hawkins would
not accept the message, or even permit the messenger to
come on board. On the Spanish general sending again,
Hawkins sent him the explanation that he had not paid
the reverence due to the queen, that his coming in force
without doing so was suspicious ; and he concluded his
reply by ordering the Spanish general to sheer off, or he
would be treated as an enemy. On coming together,
and further parley, Hawkins and the Spaniard arrived
at an amicable understanding, and concluded their con-
ferences in reconciliation feasts and convivialities, on
board and on shore.

The new expedition sailed on the 2nd October 1567.
The squadron consisted of the Jesus of Lubeck, the Minion,
and four other ships. As before, the adventurers made
first for Guinea, the favourite gathering-ground for the



14 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

inhuman traffic, and collected there a crowd of five
hundred negroes, the hapless victims of their cupidity.
The greater number of these they disposed of at splendid
prices, in money or produce, in Spanish America.
Touching at Rio Del Hacha, to Hawkins’ indignant
surprise, the governor, believing it to be within his right,
refused to trade with him. Such arrogance was not to
be submitted to, and Hawkins landed a storming party,
who assaulted and took the town, which, if it did not
exactly make things pleasant, compelled submission,
and, for the invading adventurers, a profitable trade.
Having made the most he could of Hacha, Hawkins
next proceeded to Carthagena, where he disposed, at
good prices, of the remainder of the five hundred slaves. :

The adventurers were now (September 1568) in good
condition for returning home with riches, leaving honours
out of consideration, but the time had passed for their
having their own will and way. Plain sailing in smooth
seas was over with them; storm and trouble, and struggle
for dear life, awaited them. Shortly after leaving Cartha-
gena the squadron was overtaken by violent storms,
and for refuge they made, as well as they could, for St.
John de Ulloa, in the Gulf of Mexico. While in the
harbour, the Spanish fleet came up in force, and was
about to enter. Hawkins was in an awkward position.
He liked not the Spaniards, and would fain have given
their vastly superior force a wide berth. He. tried what



THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 15

diplomacy would do. He sent a message to the viceroy
that the English were there only for provisions, for which
they would pay, and he asked the good offices of theviceroy,
for the preservation of an honourable peace. The terms
proposed by Hawkins were assented to, and hostages for
the observance of the conditions were exchanged. But
he was dealing with deceivers. On Thursday, September
23rd, he noticed great activity in the carrying of ammuni-
tion to the Spanish ships, and that a great many men
were joining the ships from the shore. He sent to the
viceroy demanding the meaning of all this, and had fair
promises sent back in return. Again Hawkins sent
Robert Barret, master of the /esws, who knew the Spanish
language, to demand whether it was not true that a large
number of men were concealed in a goo-ton ship
that lay next to the Minton, and why it was that the
guns of the Spanish fleet were all pointed at the English
_ships. The viceroy answered this demand by ordering
Barret into irons, and directing the trumpet to sound
‘a charge. At this time Hawkins was at dinner in his
cabin with a treacherous guest, Don Augustine de Villa
Nueva, who had accepted the vé/e of Hawkins’ assassin,
John Chamberlain, of Hawkins’ bodyguard, detected the
dagger up the traitor’s sleeve, denounced him, and had
him cared for. Going on deck, Hawkins found the
English attacked on all sides ; an overpowering crowd of
enemies from the great Spanish ship alongside was



16 HALF HOURS ON TIIE QUARTER-DECK.

pouring into the A@zxioz. With a loud voice he shouted,
“God and St. George! Fall upon those traitors, and rescue
the Minion |” His men eagerly answered the call, leaped
out of the Jesus into the Afinion, and made short work
with the enemy, slaughtering them wholesale, and driving
out the remnant. Having cleared the A/inion of the
enemy, they did equally effective service with the ship’s
guns; they sent a shot into the Spanish vice-admiral’s
ship that, probably from piercing the powder-room, blew
up the ship and three hundred men with it. On the
other hand, all the Englishmen who happened to be on
shore were cut off, except three who escaped by swimming
from shore to their ships. The English were over-
matched to an enormous extent, by the fleet and the
attack from the shore. The Spaniards took the Swad/ow,
and burnt the Angel The Jesus had the fore-mast cut
down by a shot, and the main-mast shattered. The
Spaniards set fire to two of their own ships, with which
they bore down upon the /esws, with the desire of setting
it on fire. In dire extremity, and to avert the calamity of
having their ship burnt, the crew, without orders, cut the
cables and put to sea; they returned, however, to take
Hawkins on board. The English ships suffered greatly
by the shots from the shore, as well as from the fleet,
but inflicted, considering the disparity in strength of the
combatants, much greater damage than they sustained,
The ships of the Spanish admiral and vice-admiral were



THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 17

both disabled,—the latter destroyed ; four other Spanish
ships were sunk or burnt. Of the Spanish fighting men,—
fifteen hundred in number at the commencement of the
battle,—five hundred and forty, or more than a third, were
killed or wounded. The /esws and the Adinion fought
themselves clear of the Spaniards, but the former was so
much damaged as to be unmanageable, and the A@znzon,
with Hawkins and most of his men on board, and the
Judith, of 50 tons, were the only ships that escaped.
The sanguinary action lasted from noon until evening.
The wreckage to such an extent of Hawkins’ fleet
involved, of course,-a heavy deduction from his fortune.
After leaving St. John de Ulloa, the adventurers
suffered great privations. Their design to replenish their
failing stock of provisions had been frustrated, and
Hawkins was now threatened with mutiny among the
crew, because of the famine that seemed imminent, and
which he was powerless to avert. They entered a creek in
the Bay of Mexico, at the mouth of the river Tampico.
A number of the men demanded to be left on shore,
declaring that they would rather be on shore to eat dogs
and cats, parrots, rats, and monkeys, than remain on
board to starve to death. ‘Four score and sixteen”
men thus elected to be left on shore. Job Hortop, one
of the crew, who left a narrative of the voyage, states that
Hawkins counselled the men he was leaving to “serve

God and love one another, and courteously bade them a
B



18 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

sorrowful farewell.” On the return voyage, Hawkins and
the remnant with him, sustained great hardships and
privations. At Vigo, where he touched, he met with
some English ships, from which he was able to obtain, by
arrangement, twelve stout seamen, to assist his reduced
and enfeebled crew, in the working of his ships for the
remainder of the homeward voyage. He sailed from
Vigo on the 2oth January 1569, and reached Mount’s
Bay, Cornwall, on the 25th of the same month. Thus
ended his third eventful and disastrous expedition to
El Dorado.

The poor fellows, left on shore in Mexico, entered
upon a terrible campaign of danger and suffering. The
first party of Indians that the castaways fell in with,
slaughtered a number of them, but on discovering that
they were not Spaniards, whom the Indians hated in-
veterately, spared the remainder, and directed them to
the port of Tampico. It is recorded of two of their
number, Richard Brown and Richard Twide, that they
performed the wonderful feat, under such cruel disad-
vantages and difficulties, of marching across the North
American continent from Mexico to Nova Scotia,—from
which they were brought home ina French ship. Others
of the wanderers fell into the hands of the Spaniards, who
sent some of them prisoners to Mexico, and others to
Spain, where, by sentence of the Holy Inquisition, some
were burnt to death, and others consigned for long terms













































































SIR JOHN HAWKINS PURSUING THE SHIPS OF THE ARMADA.





19






THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 21

toimprisonment. Miles Philips, one of the crew, reached
England, after many perilous adventures and hair-breadth
*scapes, in 1582. Job Hortop and John Bone were
sentenced to imprisonment for ten years. Hortop, after
twenty-three years’ absence from England, spent in
Hawkins’ fleet, and in wanderings, imprisonment, and
divers perils, reached home in 1590, and wrote an
intereresting account of the voyage, and of his personal
adventures,

In his last expedition Hawkins had returned with
impaired fortune, but without dishonour. He had,
indeed, added to the lustre of England, and to his
personal renown, by the skill and valour he had displayed
in the. affair of St. John de Ulloa,—in which the glory
was his, and infamy attached to the treacherous Spaniards,
whose immense superiority in strength should have
enabled them to extinguish their enemy, instead of being
beaten by him. In recognition of his valour, Hawkins
was granted by Clarencieux, king at arms, further
heraldic honours, in an augmentation of his arms; he
was also appointed Treasurer to the Navy, an office of
great honour and profit.

Hawkins’ next great public service was rendered, as
commander of Her Majesty’s ship Vzcfory, in the actions
against the Spanish Armada in 1588. The commanders
of the English squadrons in the Armada actions and pur-
suit were the Lord High Admiral, and Sir Francis Drake,



22 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

and Sir John Hawkins, rear-admiral. Sir John was knighted
by the Lord High Admiral for his distinguished services ;
as was also Sir Martin Frobisher. Sir John ‘Hawkins
shared largely in the dangers and honours of the actions,
and, in the pursuit of the Spaniards, he rendered extra-
ordinarily active and successful service, for which he
was particularly commended by Queen Elizabeth.

In 1590 Sir John Hawkins, in conjunction with Sir
Martin Frobisher,—each with a squadron of fifty ships,
—was sent to harass the Spanish coast, and to intercept
and capture, if possible, the Plate fleet. Suspecting this
intention, the Spanish king contrived to convey intelli-
gence to India, ordering the fleet to winter there, instead
of coming home. Hawkins and Frobisher cruised about
for six or seven months, with no more definite result
than humiliating Spain, and detracting from its dignity
and influence as a naval power.

Sir John Hawkins was next appointed in a joint
expedition against Spain with Sir Francis Drake. The
design of the expedition, which sailed from Plymouth on
the 28th August 1595, was to burn Nombre-de-Dios, and
to march thence overland to Panama, and appropriate
there the Spanish treasure from Peru. The design proved
abortive, partly from tempestuous weather, but partly -
also from disagreement between the commanders. On
the 30th October, at a short distance from Dominica,
the Francis, a bark of 35 tons, the sternmost of Sir



THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 23

John Hawkins’ fleet,—and a long way in the rear of the
others,—was fallen in with by a squadron of five Spanish
frigates, and captured. This misfortune, in conjunction
with other depressing circumstances, and the hopelessness
of the enterprise, so much affected Sir John Hawkins as
to cause his death on the 21st November 1595—of a
broken heart, it was believed.

The expeditions of Sir John Hawkins to the West
Indies, his services in connection with the Spanish
Armada, his joint expeditions with Frobisher and Drake,
fall far short of filling up the story of his life, or the
measure of his usefulness as a public man. Of his home
life they tell nothing.

Sir John was twice married, and was three times
elected a member of Parliament, twice for Plymouth.
He was a wise, liberal, and powerful friend and supporter
of the British Navy. He munificently provided, at
Chatham, an hospital for poor and distressed sailors.
The “Chest” at Chatham was instituted by Sir John
Hawkins and Sir Francis Drake,—being a provident
fund, formed from voluntary deductions from sailors’ pay,
applied to the relief of disabled and indigent comrades.
Sir John Hawkins was the author and promoter of many
beneficial rules and regulations for the government of the
navy. He was an accomplished mathematician, a skilful
navigator, a courageous combatant 3 as Treasurer of the
Navy he proved an able administrator; and to these



24 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

qualities he added the enterprising spirit of a merchant
prince,—he and his brother William being joint owners
at one time of a fleet of thirty good stout ships. It was
said of him by a contemporary that he had been graceful
in youth, and that he was grave and reverend in
advanced life. He was a man of great sagacity, un-
’ flinching courage, sound judgment, and cool presence
of mind, submissive to authority, courteous to his peers,
affable and amiable to his men, by whom he was much
beloved. His active life embraced a period of forty-eight
years, during which he, for longer or shorter periods,
acted as a commander at sea, including twenty-two years,
during which he held the office of Treasurer of the Navy.

Richard Hawkins, of the third generation of eminent
navigators, and son of Sir John Hawkins, was born at
Plymouth about the year 1570. He had a strong pre-
dilection for naval service, and when only a lad in his
teens had the command of a vessel, and was vice-
admiral of a small squadron commanded by his uncle,
William Hawkins, Esq., of Plymouth, that was employed
in a “private expedition” to the West Indies—really to
“pick and steal” what they could from the Spaniards.
He had an early opportunity of showing his courage and
confidence in his own powers. ‘The captain of one of the
ships of the fleet, the Bonner, complained that his ship
was not seaworthy, and recommended that his crew and
himself should be shifted into a better ship, and that the





























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































CHATHAM, 17TH CENTURY.






THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 27

Bonner should be sunk. Young Hawkins protested against
the sacrifice of the ship, and offered, if a good crew were
allowed him, to carry the Boxner through the cruise, and
then home. His success would, of course, have disgraced
the captain, who withdrew his recommendation, and
remained in his ship,—which justified young Hawkins’
protest by continuing seaworthy for many years.

In 1588 young Hawkins was captain of the queen’s
ship Szwallow, which suffered most of any in the actions
with the Spanish Armada. A fire arrow that had been
hid in a sail, burnt a hole in the beak-head of the
Swallow. Richard afterwards wrote an able account of
the actions, with a judicious criticism and defence of the
strategy of the Earl of Nottingham, Lord High Admiral,—
in not laying the Spaniards aboard. ‘This Hawkins held
would have been a dangerous course, from the greater
height of the Spanish ships, and from their having an
army on board. By keeping clear, the English ships could
also take advantage of wind and tide for manceuvring
round the enemy. He held that, by lying alongside
of the Spaniards they would have risked defeat, and
that the free movement and fighting gave them a better
chance of humiliating the enemy.

In 1590 Richard Hawkins commanded the Crane,
of 200 tons, in the expedition of his father and Sir
Martin Frobisher against Spain. The commander of the
Crane did excellent service in the pursuit of the Spanish



28 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

squadron employed in carrying relief to the forces in
Brittany ; and afterwards he so harassed the Spaniards
at the Azores, as to incite the merchants there to curse
the Spanish ministers who had brought about (or
permitted) a war with such a powerful enemy as England.

On returning from this expedition, Hawkins com-
menced preparations for a bold buccaneering project
against Spain. He built a ship of 350 tons, to which
his mother-in-law—who had assisted with funds —
obstinately persisted in giving the ominous name of the
Repentance. Richard Hawkins could not stand this
name, and sold the ship to his father. The Repentance,
in spite of the name, did excellent service, and had
very good fortune. On return from an expedition,
while lying at Deptford, the Repentance was surveyed by
the queen, who rowed round the ship in her barge, and
graciously—acting probably upon a hint from Sir John or
his son Richard—re-named it the Dainty, whereupon
Richard bought back the ship from his father for service
in his projected great expedition. His plan included, in
addition to plundering the Spaniards, visits to Japan, the
Moluccas, the Philippines, passage through the Straits of
Magellan, and return by the Cape of Good Hope. His
ambitious prospectus secured the admiration and approval
of the greatest men of the time, including the lord high
admiral, Sir R. Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh, etc. On the
8th of April 1593, the Dainty dropped down the river to



THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 29

Gravesend, and on the 26th arrived at Plymouth, where
severe misfortune overtook the little squadron, consisting
of the Dainty, the Hawk, and the Faucy,—all of them the
property of Richard Hawkins, or of the Hawkins family.
A tempest arose in which the Dazzty sprang her main-
mast, and the Fancy was driven ashore and knocked to
pieces before the owner’s eyes. This misfortune magni-
fied the fears, and intensified the tender entreaties, of his
young wife that he would abandon the perilous enter-
prise,—but he was not to be dissuaded. He said that
there were ‘‘so many eyes upon the ball, that he felt
bound to dance on, even though he might only be able
to hop at last.”

On the 12th June 1593, Hawkins left Plymouth Sound,
with his tiny squadron of the ZDaznty and tender.
Before the end of the month he arrived at Madeira, and
on the 3rd July passed the Canaries, and shortly after
the Cape de Verd Islands, all well, and without any-
thing notable occurring to the squadron. Later, how-
ever, when nearing the coast of Brazil, scurvy of a
malignant type broke out among the crew. Hawkins
gave close attention to the men stricken, personally
superintended their treatment, and made notes,—from
which he afterwards wrote an elaborate paper on the
disease, its causes, nature, and cure. At a short distance
south of the Equator he put in to a Brazilian port for
provisions. He sent a courteous letter, written in Latin,



30 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

to the governor, stating that he was in command of
an English ship, that he had met with contrary winds,
and desired provisions, for which he would gladly pay.
The governor replied that their monarchs were at war,
and he could not supply his wants, but he politely gave
him three days to do his best and depart. The three
days’ grace were promptly taken advantage of to lay in a
supply of oranges and other fruit, when he again sailed
southward. On the 2zoth November he arrived at the
Island of St. Ann, 20° 30’ south latitude, where—the
provisions and stores having been taken out of the
Hlawk—that vessel was burned. He touched at other
parts of the coast for provisions and water. Hawkins
had a difficult part to play in dealing with his crew,
who were impatient for plunder. Robert Tharlton, who
commanded the /azry, and who had proved a traitor to
Captain Thomas Cavendish, in the La Plata, drew off a
number of the men, with whom he deserted before they
reached the Straits of Magellan. Notwithstanding the
discouragement of Tharlton’s treachery and desertion,
Hawkins courageously proceeded with his hazardous
enterprise. Sailing along the coast of Patagonia, he
gave names to several places, amongst others to
Hawkins’ Maiden Land,—because discovered by him-
self in the reign of a maiden queen.

In the course of his voyage southward, he made a
prize of a Portuguese ship. He found it to be the



THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS, 31

property of an old knight who was on board, on his way
to Angola, as governor. The old gentleman made a
piteous appeal to Hawkins, pleading that he had invested
his all in the ship and its cargo, and that the loss of it
would be his utter ruin. His petition was successful,
and Hawkins let him go. On the roth February he
reached the Straits of Magellan, and, passing through,
emerged into the South Pacific Ocean on the 2gth
March 1594. This was the sixth passage of the straits
—the third by an Englishman. He wrote an excellent
account of the passage through the straits, which he pro-
nounced navigable during the whole year, but the most
favourable — or, it should rather perhaps be put, the
least unfavourable—seasons for the at best unpleasant
voyage were the months of November, - December,
and January. On the roth April he anchored for
a short time under the Isle of Mocha. Resuming his
voyage along the coast of Chili, he encountered, in the
so-called Pacific Ocean, a violent storm, that lasted
without intermission for ten days. His men were
becoming desperately impatient, and they insisted that
they should attempt to take everything floating that they
sighted. Every vessel in those waters, they believed,
had gold or silver in them. At Valparaiso they took
four ships, much against Hawkins’ wish. He exercised
discrimination, and wished to reserve their strength, and

prevent alarm on shore, by waiting till a prize worth



82 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

taking came in their way. They got from the prizes
an abundant supply of provisions, but very little gold,
and only trifling ransoms for the prisoners. The small
amount taken added greatly to Hawkins’ difficulties
and embarrassments. His bold buccaneers demanded
that the third part of the treasure should, according
to contract, be given up to them,—then and there. He
resisted the demand, urged that they could not expend
anything profitably here and now, and that they would
only gamble with their shares, which would probably lead
to quarrels and the ruin of the expedition. It was at
last agreed that the treasure should be placed in a chest
with three locks,—one key to be held by Hawkins,
one by the master, and the third by a representative
appointed by the men.

Arriving at Ariquipa, Hawkins ascertained by some
means that Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Viceroy
of Peru, had received intelligence of his being off the
coast,.and had sent out a squadron of six vessels to
capture him. Hawkins had in the Dainty, and in a
little Indian vessel he had taken, and which he had
fitted up as a pinnace, a combined crew of seventy-five
men and boys—a lamentably small force to resist a well-
manned squadron of six men-of-war ships. About the
middle of May the Spanish squadron was sighted near
Civite. Hawkins, who was to windward, stood out to
sea. The Spanish ships, under the command of Don



THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 33

Bertrand de Castro, followed. The wind freshened
greatly ; the Spanish admiral lost his main-mast, the









































































"NVITADVW dO SLIVULS ‘SUmIOVIS GNV SNIVINOQOW















































































































































































































































































































































































vice-admiral split his main-sail, and the rear-admiral’s
main-yard tumbled down. The Spaniards were thrown

into utter confusion, and Hawkins escaped. On
Cc



34 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

returning to port with his damaged ships, and without
the diminutive enemy he had gone out to capture, De
Castro and the other commanders were received with
humiliating and exasperating derision. De Castro's
earnest petition to be allowed to go to sea again was
~ granted, and he sailed with two ships and a pinnace,—
all fully manned with picked men. On the 20th June
the Spanish squadron came in sight. Hawkins’ un-
governable crew would have him chase everything they
sighted; they would have it that the armed cruisers
were the Peruvian plate fleet, laden with the treasure for
which they had come, and for which they had so long
toiled and waited. They were soon undeceived by the
Spanish attack, which they met with dogged bravery.
The Spanish ships were manned by about thirteen
hundred of the best men in the service,—and it seems
marvellous that Hawkins and his bull-dogs could have
stood out so long. The fight lasted for two whole days
and part of a third. Hawkins had received six wounds,
two of them dangerous, and was at last completely dis-
abled. Besides the killed, there were forty of his men
wounded, and his ship was sinking. On the afternoon
of 22nd June, this was his deplorable plight :—the whole
of his sails were rent, the masts shattered, eight feet of
water in the hold, and the pumps rent and useless ;
scarcely a single unwounded man was left in the ship,
and all were so fatigued that they could not stand.



THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 35

Helpless as was their plight, and desperate their condi-
tion, Hawkins was able to obtain honourable conditions
of surrender, namely, that himself and all on board
should have a free passage to England, as soon as pos-
sible. De Castro swore by his knighthood that the
conditions would be faithfully observed, in token of
which he sent his glove to Hawkins, and took possession
of the shattered Daznty, without inflicting the slightest
humiliation on his brave fallen enemy, or permitting his
crew to express triumph over them. On the gth July,
the Spanish squadron, with Hawkins on board De Castro’s
ship, arrived at Panama, which was brilliantly illuminated
in celebration of the “ famous victory.” Despatches, to
allay apprehensions concerning the terrible enemy, were
sent off to the viceroys of New Spain and Peru.
Hawkins was allowed to send letters home to his father
and other friends, and to the queen. From Don Bertrand,
Hawkins learned that the King of Spain had received
from England full and minute particulars, concerning the
strength and equipment of Hawkins’ little squadron
before it sailed, showing that the King of Spain had
spies in England. The Dainty prize was repaired and
re-named the Visttation, because surrendered on the day
of the feast of the blessed Virgin. Hawkins was long kept
in captivity. He was for two years in Peru and adjacent
provinces, and was then sent to Europe and kept a
prisoner at Seville and Madrid. His release was claimed



36 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

on the ground of Don Bertrand’s knightly pledge, but
the reply was given that he had received his authority
from the Viceroy of Peru, not from the King of Spain,
upon whom his engagement was not binding. The
Count de Miranda, President of the Council, however,
at last gave judgment, that the promise of a Spanish
general in the king’s name should be kept, and
Hawkins was set at liberty, and returned to England.

During his captivity he wrote a detailed account of his
voyage, entitled Zhe Observations of Richard Hawkins,
Knight, in his Voyage into the South Sea, 1593. It was
published in London in 1622, the year in which Hawkins
died of apoplexy,—at somewhere near fifty years of age.

Sir Richard Hawkins possessed powers that fitted him
. for great achievements. With resources at command,
and a fitting field for their use, corresponding with
his courage and ability, he would have distinguished
himself by mighty deeds. His ill-fated voyage to the
South Sea was like the light cavalry charge at Balaclava
—it was magnificent, but it was not war!



CHARLES HOWARD,

BARON OF EFFINGHAM, AFTERWARDS EARL OF
NOTTINGHAM.

—o-—

CHAPTER II.
“BORN TO SERVE AND SAVE HIS COUNTRY.”

UEEN ELIZABETH has been magniloquently
designated the REsToRER Or ENGLAND’s Nava.
Power and SOVEREIGN OF THE NORTHERN SEAS.
Under her sovereignty Lord Charles Howard wielded
supreme authority worthily and well, on behalf of his
country, during that naval demonstration, which may be
regarded as the most important, in its design and results,
of any that the world has known. Lord Charles was
High Admiral of England during the period of the
inception, the proud departure, the baleful course, and
the doleful return to Spain, of the “most happy and
invincible Armada,” or rather—what was left of it. ,
Charles Howard, elder Bas of the Earl of Effingham,



38 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

was born in the year 1536, in the reign of Henry VIII.
Charles served under his father, who was Lord Admiral
to Mary, in several expeditions. He did duty as an
envoy to Charles 1X. of France on his accession. He



EARL OF EFFINGHAM,

served as a general of horse in the army headed by
Warwick, against the Earls of Northumberland and West-
moreland, and, as a courtier, he rendered various other
services, not calling for particular notice. In 1572 he



“BORN TO SERVE AND SAVE HIS COUNTRY.” 39

succeeded his father, and in 1573 was made a Knight
of the Garter. On the death of the Earl of Lincoln, in
1585, the queen appointed Lord Charles, High Admiral.
This appointment gave great satisfaction to all ranks,
and was especially gratifying to seamen,—with whom
Lord Charles was highly popular.

Philip of Spain employed all the art he was possessed
of to obtain ascendency over Elizabeth, as he had done
over her infatuated sister Mary, and—irrespective of law,
if any existed to the contrary—was more than willing to
marry his “deceased wife’s sister,” but Elizabeth would
neither marry, nor take orders from him, which ex-
asperated Philip greatly. His religious fanaticism and
the influence of the Jesuits made him determined
to punish the queen and ruin her country. With this
amiable intention the great Armada was prepared. It
consisted of 130 ships, of an aggregate of about 60,000
tons. It was armed with 2630 pieces of cannon, and
carried 30,000 men, including 124 volunteers, —the
flower of the Spanish nobility and gentry,—and 180
monks. ‘Twelve of the greatest ships were named after
the twelve apostles.

The English fleet was put under the command of
Lord Howard, with Sir Francis Drake for his vice-
admiral, and Sir John Hawkins for his rear-admiral.
Lord Henry Seymour, with Count Nassau, cruised on
the coast of Flanders, to watch the movements of the



40 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Duke of Parma, who purposed, it was believed, to form
a junction with the Spanish Armada, or to aid it, by
making a separate descent upon England.

The threatened invasion stirred the kingdom to the
highest pitch of patriotic fervour. The city of London
advanced large sums of money for the national service.
Requisitioned to provide 15 ships and 5000 men, the
city fathers promptly provided 30 ships and 10,000
men.

The Armada encountered a violent storm, at almost the
commencement of the voyage northwards, and had to
put back. The rumour was current in England that the
great expedition was hopelessly shattered. Lord Howard
consequently received, through Walsingham, Secretary of
State, instructions to send four of his largest ships into
port. The admiral doubted the safety of this course,
and willingly engaged to keep the ships out, at his own
charge. “He bore away towards Spain, and soon obtained
such intelligence, as confirmed him in the opinion he
had formed, and fully justified the course he had
adopted.

On the roth July, Fleming, a Scottish pirate, who.
plied his vocation in the Channel and the approaches
thereto, sailed into Plymouth in hot haste, with the
intelligence that the Armada was at hand. This pirate
did, for once at least in his life, an honest and incal-
culably important day’s work. An ancient historian



“BORN TO SERVE AND SAVE HIS COUNTRY.” 41

estimates it so highly as to say that “this man was,
in reality, the cause of the absolute ruin of the Spaniards ;
for the preservation of the English was undoubtedly
owing to his providential discovery of the enemy.” At
the request of Lord Admiral Howard, the queen after-
wards granted a pardon to Fleming for his past offences,
and awarded him a pension for the timely service he had
rendered to the nation.

“And then,” says Dr. Collier, “was played on the
Hoe at Plymouth that game of bowls, which fixes itself
like a picture on the memory,—the faint, hazy blue
of the July sky, arching over sun-baked land and glitter-
ing sea; the group of captains on the grass, peak-
bearded and befrilled, in the fashion of Elizabeth’s day ;
the gleaming wings of Fleming’s little bark skimming
the green waters like a seagull, on her way to Plymouth
harbour with the weightiest news. She touches the
rude pier; the skipper makes hastily for the Hoe, and
tells how that morning he saw the giant hulls off the
Cornish coast, and how he has with difficulty escaped
by the fleetness of his ship. The breathless silence
changes to a storm of tongues ; but the resolute man who
loaded the Golden Hind with Spanish pesos, and ploughed
the waves of every ocean round the globe, calls on his
comrades to ‘play out the match, for there is plenty of
time to do so, and to beat the Spaniards too.’ It is
Drake who speaks. The game is resumed, and played



42 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

to the last shot. Then begin preparations for a mightier
game. ‘The nation’s life is at stake. Out of Plymouth,
along every road, men spur as for life, and every head-
land and mountain peak shoots up its red tongue of
warning flame.”

The sorrows and sufferings of the crowd of Spaniards
noble and ignoble, of the nine score holy fathers, and the
two thousand galley slaves, who left the Tagus in glee
and grandeur, in the “happy Armada,” with a great
design,—but really to serve no higher purpose, as things
turned out, than to provide, in their doomed persons,
a series of banquets for the carnivorous fishes in
British waters,—need not be dwelt upon here, being
referred to elsewhere.

As commander-in-chief, it was universally felt and
admitted that Lord Charles Howard acquitted himself
with sound judgment, consummate skill, and unfalter-
ing courage. The queen acknowledged his merits, the
indebtedness of the nation to the lord high admiral,
and her sense of his magnanimity and prudence, in the
most expressive terms. In 1596 he was advanced to
the title and dignity of Earl of Nottingham, his patent
of nobility containing the declaration, “ that by the victory
obtained anno 1588, he did secure the kingdom of
England from the invasion of Spain, and other impend-
ing dangers; and did also, in conjunction with our
dear cousin, Robert, Earl of Essex, seize by force the































































































































































































































































































































LORD HOWARD'S DEFEAT OF THE SPANISH FLEET NEAR CADIZ.



43






“BORN TO SERVE AND SAVE HIS COUNTRY.” 45

Isle and the strongly fortified castle of Cadiz, in the
farthest part of Spain; and did likewise rout and
entirely defeat another fleet of the King of Spain, pre-
pared in that port against this kingdom.” On entering
the House of Peers, the Earl of Nottingham was received
with extraordinary expressions and demonstrations of
honourable regard.

In 1599, circumstances of delicacy and difficulty again
called for the services of the Earl of Nottingham. Spain
meditated another invasion. ‘The Earl of Essex in
Ireland had entangled affairs, had left his post there, and
had rebelliously fortified himself in his house in London.
The Earl of Nottingham succeeded in bringing the
contumacious earl to a state of quietude, if not of reason,
and had the encomium pronounced upon him by the
queen, that he seemed to have been born “‘to serve and

? He was invested with the unusual

to save his country.’
and almost unlimited authority of Lord Lieutenant
General of all England ; ‘he was also appointed one of the
commissioners for executing the office of Earl-Marshal.
On her death-bed the queen made known to the earl
her desire as to the succession,—an unequivocal proof of
her regard and confidence,—the disclosure having been
entreated in vain by her most favoured ministers.

The accession of James did not impede the fortunes
of the Earl of Nottingham; he was appointed Lord High

Steward, to assist at the coronation; and afterwards



46 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

commissioned to the most brilliant embassy—to the
court of Philip III. of Spain—that the country had ever
sent forth. During his stay at the Spanish court, the
dignified splendour that characterised the Embassy
commanded the admiration and respect of the court and
people; and at his departure, Philip made him presents
of the estimated value of about £20,000, — thereby
exciting the jealousy and displeasure of the far from mag-
nanimous James J. Popularity and influence, enjoyed
or exercised independently of himself, were distasteful
and offensive to his ungenerous nature. James fre-
quently reminded his nobles at court “that they were
there, as little vessels sailing round the master ship;
whereas they were in the country so many great ships
each riding majestically on its own stream.”

The earl had his enemies, but he regained the con-
fidence of the king, and in 1613 assisted at the marriage
of the Princess Elizabeth with Frederick, the Elector
Palatine. His last naval service was to command the
squadron that escorted the princess to Flushing. The
infirmities of age having disqualified him for discharging -
the onerous duties of the office, he resigned his post of
lord high admiral, after a lengthened term of honour-
able and effective service. The distinguished career of
this eminent public man came to a calm and honourable
close on the 11th December 1624—the earl having
reached the advanced age of eighty-eight years.



SIR MARTIN FROBISHER,
NAVIGATOR, DISCOVERER, AND COMBATANT.

—9—_

CHAPTER III.
THE FIRST ENGLISH DISCOVERER OF GREENLAND.

ARTIN FROBISHER had no “lineage” to

boast of; he was of the people. His parents,

who had respectable connections, are supposed to have
come from North Wales to the neighbourhood of No?-
manton, Yorkshire, where he was born about the year
1535. Frobisher seems to have taken to the sea from
natural inclination. He is said to have been bred to the

. sea, but had reached the prime of life—about forty years
of age—before he came into public notice as a mariner.
He must have been a man of mark, and possessed of
qualities that commanded confidence. His mother
had a brother in London, Sir John York, to whom
young Frobisher was sent, and by whom he was probably

assisted.
47



48 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

In 1554 he sailed to Guinea in a small squadron of
merchant ships under the command of Captain John Lock,
and in 1561 had worked his way up to the command of

‘a ship. In 1571 he was employed in superintending
the building of a ship at Plymouth, that was intended
to be employed against Ireland. For years he had been
scheming, planning, and striving to obtain means for
an expedition in search of a North-West passage from
England to “far Cathay.” He was at last so far
successful as to get together an amusingly small
squadron for such a daring project. He was placed in
command of the Gadriel and the Michael, two small
barques of 20 tons each, and a pinnace of ro tons, with
crews of thirty-five men all told, wherewith to encounter
the unknown perils of the Arctic seas. Captain Matthew
Kindersley was associated with him in the adventure.
The expedition sailed from Gravesend on the 7th June
1576, and proceeded northwards by way of the Shetland
Islands. The pinnace was lost on the voyage, and the
other vessels narrowly escaped wreck in the violent
weather encountered off the coast of Greenland, of
which Frobisher was the first English discoverer. He
reached Labrador 28th July, and effected a landing on
Hall’s Island, at the mouth of the bay that bears
Frobisher’s name. At Butcher’s Island, where he after-
wards landed, five of the crew were captured by the
natives, and were never again seen. The adventurers





SIR MARTIN FROBISHER.

D









THE FIRST ENGLISH DISCOVERER OF GREENLAND, 51

took on board samples of earth,—with bright specks
supposed to be gold. Compared with subsequent Arctic
expeditions, this was a small affair in length of voyage
and time occupied,—the mariners reaching home on the
oth October.

Practical mineralogy was in its infancy in those days,
and the supposed auriferous earth excited great expect-
ations, but no attempt seems to have been made to
find out whether it was or was not what it seemed.
Pending analysis, the expedition was considered so far
satisfactory and successful, and a Cathay Company was
straightway formed under a charter from the Crown,
Another expedition was determined upon; the queen
lent a ship of 200 tons, and subscribed £1000; Frobisher
was appointed High Admiral of all lands and seas he
might discover, and was empowered to sail in every direc-
tion except east. The squadron consisted of the queen’s
ship, the A7d, the Gabriel, and the Michaed of last year’s
voyage, with pinnaces and boats, and a crew of one
hundred and twenty men. The squadron sailed 28th
May 1577, and arrived off Greenland in July. More of
the supposed precious earth was shipped, and certain
inhospitable shores were taken possession of in the
queen’s name, but no very notable discoveries were
made. An unsuccessful search was made after the five
men lost in the previous expedition. The Azd arrived
home at Milford Haven on 22nd August, and the



52 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

others later,—one at Yarmouth, and others at Bristol.
Although no results had been obtained from the “ore,”
yet another and much larger expedition was planned.
Frobisher was honoured with the thanks of the queen,
who showed great interest in the expeditions. The
new fleet consisted of thirteen vessels of various
kinds, including two queen’s ships of 400 and 200
tons, with one hundred and fifty men and one
hundred and twenty piorieers. For the other ‘ships
there was an aggregate crew of two hundred and fifty
men. The squadron sailed from Harwich on the 31st
May 1578, and reached Greenland roth June, and
Frobisher Bay about a month later. A considerable
amount of hitherto unexplored area of land and water
was roughly surveyed in this voyage, including a sail
of sixty miles up Hudson’s Strait, and more would
probably. have been done, but for dissensions and dis-
content among the crews. A vast quantity of the
golden (?) earth was shipped, and the expedition
returned to England, which was reached in October.
Frobisher’s next public employment was of a different
character. In command of the Primrose, he accom-
panied Drake’s expedition to the West Indies in 158s,
and. shared in the rich booty of which the Spaniards
were spoiled during that cruise. In 1588 Frobisher
held a high command, and with his ship, the Zvixmph,
rendered distinguished service in the actions with the













































































































































































































































































































































































































































SIR MARTIN FROBISHER PASSING GREENWICH.






THE FIRST ENGLISH DISCOVERER OF GREENLAND. 55

Spanish Armada. The Zriumph was the largest ship
in the English fleet, being of about 1000 tons
burthen, or the same as the floating wonder of Henry
VIII., the Henry Grace & Dieu,—but not so heavily
armed. The Henry carried no fewer than one hundred
and forty-one guns, whereas the Z7cumph was armed
with only sixty-eight guns. Frobisher proved well
worthy of his important command. For his skilful and
courageous service, in the series of actions against the
Armada, he received the well-earned honour of knight-
hood, at the hands of the lord high admiral. In 1591
he commanded a small fleet that cruised on the coast of
Spain, with hostile and plundering designs. He burned
one rich galleon in the course of this cruise, and cap-
tured and brought home another. Having got the prize
safely disposed of, the gallant old hero answered a
summons from the court of Cupid, and, after a short
courtship, he led the fair daughter of Lord Wentworth
to the altar. The following year, however, he was again
afloat in command of a cruising fleet, as successor to Sir
Walter Raleigh, who had been recalled.

One of the most important and brilliant actions,
among the many in which Sir Martin had taken a
leading part, was his next, and, alas! his last,—the taking
of Brest from the Spaniards. The. place was strong,
well armed, and stubbornly defended, with obstinate
valour. Sir Martin first attacked from the sea, but, im-



56 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

petuous and impatient, was dissatisfied with the result
of his cannonade, and, landing his blue-jackets, headed
them in a desperate storming assault, which compelled
the surrender of the garrison. The surrender cost the
assailants a heavy price in the lives of many brave
heroes, Sir Martin Frobisher himself, their gallant leader,
receiving a musket ball in his side. His wound was
unskilfully treated, and he died from its effects at
Plymouth two days after the action,—22nd November
1594. His body was conveyed to London, and interred
at St. Giles’s, Cripplegate.

Sir Martin Frobisher was a man of great ana varied
capabilities as a navigator and commander ; enthusiastic,
enterprising, skilful, manly, and of dauntless valour, but
rather rough and despotic, and not possessed of the
polished manners, airs, and graces that adorn carpet
knights and make men shine in courts.



THOMAS CAVENDISH,
GENTLEMAN ADVENTURER.

CHAPTER IV.

THE SECOND ENGLISHMAN WHO CIRCUMNAVIGATED
THE GLOBE.

N the time of Queen Elizabeth it was not unusual
for men of the highest rank to devote their private
fortunes and their personal services to the advancement
of what were considered national interests, with the tacit
understanding that the adventurers should consider
themselves at liberty to engage in operations fitted to
serve their own private interests, concurrently with those
of the State. The morals of the time were somewhat
lax, and “sea divinity,” as Fuller terms it, was taken
to sanction extraordinary transactions in the appropria-
tion and treatment of property, especially such as was
owned by the State or the subjects of Spain. To spoil
the Spaniards by all and yey possible means, seems to



58 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

have been esteemed an object of honourable and patriotic
_ enterprise, in which Sir Francis Drake distinguished
himself, as he did also by much nobler and more dis-
interested service. Thomas Cavendish was a contem-
porary of Drake, and in his wake plundered the
Spaniards, and he also followed him in circumnavigating
the globe,—the second Englishman who achieved that
feat.

Thomas was a descendant of Sir William Cavendish ;
he was born at the family mansion, Trimley, Suffolk,
about the year 1560. His father died while he was
still a minor. ‘Trimley, his birthplace, is situate on
the river Orwell, below Ipswich. The locality in which
he spent his early days probably induced a liking for
the sea.

In April 1585, Cavendish accompanied Sir Richard
Grenville in an expedition to Virginia, its object being
the establishment of a colony as designed by Sir Walter
Raleigh. The colony was a failure, and Drake, as we
have related in another place, subsequently brought
home the emigrants sent out to form it. Cavendish
accompanied the expedition in a ship that had been
equipped at his own cost, and acquired considerable
nautical experience in the course of the voyage.

On his return to England, Cavendish applied such
means as he could command to the equipment of a
small squadron with which to commence business as a



GU 7

A



THOMAS CAVENDISH.






SECOND UNGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 61

buccaneer. He diligently got together all the existing
maps and charts accessible, and, through the influence
of Lord Hunsdon, he was so fortunate as to obtain a
queen’s commission. The “flag-ship” of Cavendish,
admiral and commander, was the Desire, of only 120
tons burthen; the others were, the Cozfent, of 60 tons,
and the Hugh Gallant, a barque of 40 tons. The crews
consisted of 123 officers, sailors, and soldiers, all told.
The expedition sailed from Plymouth on the aist July
1586. The squadron first touched at Sierra Leone,
where they landed, and plundered and burned the town.
Having obtained supplies of water, fish, and lemons,
the squadron sailed for the coast of America, and reached
in 48° S, a harbour on the coast of Patagonia, in which
they anchored, and which, in honour of the admiral’s
ship, they named Port Desire. Here the crews were
enabled to make an agreeable change in the ship’s
dietary, by slaughtering the sea-lions and the penguins
that abounded on the coast; the flesh of the young
sea-lions, after a long course of salt junk, seemed to the
- sailors equal to lamb or mutton. Towards the end of
December the squadron sailed southward for Magellan’s
Straits, which were entered on the 6th January 1587.
At ashort distance from the entrance, lights were seen
from the north shore that were supposed to be signals,
and on the morning following a boat was sent off for
information. Unmistakable signs were made, as the



62 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

shore was approached, by three men waving such substi-
tutes as they could find for flags. It was found that
they were the wretched survivors of one of the colonies
that the Spaniards had attempted to plant, in order to
intercept Drake on his expected return, and to prevent,
in the future, any buccaneer from ravaging the coast as
he had done. The crops of the perishing colonists had
all failed; they were constantly harassed by the natives,
subject to unspeakable hardships; out of four hundred
men and thirty women landed by Pedro Sarmiento, about
seven years before Cavendish’s visit, only fifteen men and
three women survived. He offered the poor creatures a
passage to Peru. They at first hesitated to trust them-
selves with the English heretic, but, after brief reflection
on the misery and hopelessness of their situation, eagerly
accepted the offer,—but unhappily too late. A favour-
able wind sprang up, of which Cavendish took advantage,
and set sail. Concern for the safety of his crew, desire to
escape as speedily as possible from the perilous naviga-
tion of the Straits, and probably eagerness to make a
beginning with the real objects of the expedition—the
acquisition of plunder—overbore any pity he may have
felt for the wretched colonists, whose heartless abandon-
ment to hopeless misery attached shame and infamy to
the Spanish Government responsible for sending them
thither, rather than to the bold buccaneer, with no
humanitarian pretensions, who had come upon them



SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 63

accidentally. He brought off one Spaniard, Tomé
Hernandez, who wrote an account of the colony.

On the 24th of February the squadron emerged from
the Straits and sailed northwards, reaching the island of
Mocha about the middle of March, but not before the
little ships had been much knocked about, by weather of
extreme violence. The crews landed at several points,
and laid the natives under contribution for provisions.
They were mistaken for Spaniards, and were in some
cases received with undisguised hatred, in others with
servility. On the 30th they anchored in the Bay of
Quintero, to the north of Valparaiso, which was passed
by mistake, without being “tapped.” Notice of the
appearance of the suspicious squadron seems to have
reached some of the authorities. Hernandez, the
Spaniard, was sent ashore to confer with them. On
returning, he reported that the English might have what
provisions they required. Remaining for a time at their
anchorage here, parties were sent ashore for water and
such provisions as could be obtained. In one of these
visits, the men were suddenly attacked by a party of two
hundred horsemen, who cut off, and took prisoners,
twelve of the Englishmen. Six of the English prisoners
were executed at Santiago as pirates, although, as has
been said, with somewhat arrogant indignation, “ they
sailed with the queen’s commission, and the English
were not at open war with Spain.”



64 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Putting again to sea, the adventurers captured near
Arica a vessel laden with Spanish treasure. The cargo
was appropriated, and the ship—re-named the George—
‘attached to the squadron. Several other small vessels
were taken and burned. One of these from Santiago
had been despatched to the viceroy, with the intelligence
that an English squadron was upon the coast. Before
they were taken, they threw the despatches overboard,
and Cavendish resorted to the revolting expedient of
torture, to extort their contents from his captives. The
mode of torture employed was the “thumbikins,” an
instrument in which the thumb, by screw or lever power,
could be crushed into shapeless pulp. Having got what
information he could wring out of his prisoners, Caven-
dish burned the vessel and took the crew with him.
One of them was a Greek pilot, who knew the coast of
Chili, and might be useful. After a visit to a small
town where supplies were obtained—not by purchase—
of bread, wine, poultry, fruit, etc., and some small prizes
taken, the adventurers proceeded to Paita, where they
landed on the zoth May. The town, consisting of about
two hundred houses, was regularly built and very clean.
The inhabitants were driven out, and the town burned
to the ground. Cavendish would not allow his men to
carry away as much as they could, as he expected they
would need a free hand to resist a probable attack.
After wrecking the town and burning a ship in the

¢



SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 65

harbour, the squadron again sailed northwards, and
anchored in the harbour of the island of Puna. The
Indian chief, who lived in a luxuriously furnished
palace, surrounded by beautiful gardens, and the other
inhabitants had fled, carrying as many of their valuables
with them as possible. The English visitors sank a
Spanish ship of 250 tons that was in the harbour,
burned down a fine large church, and brought away
the bells.

On the znd June, before weighing anchor at Puna, a
party of Cavendish’s men, strolling about and foraging,
was suddenly attacked by about one hundred armed
Spaniards. Seven of the Englishmen were killed, three
were made prisoners, two were drowned, and eight
escaped. To avenge this attack, Cavendish landed with
as powerful a force as he could muster, drove out the
Spaniards, burned the town and four ships that were
building; he also destroyed the gardens and orchards,
and committed as much havoc generally as was in his
power. Again proceeding northwards to Rio Dolce,
he sent some Indian captives ashore, and sank the
Hugh Gallant, the crew of which he needed for the
manning of the other two ships. On the goth July a
new ship of 120 tons was taken; the sails and ropes
were appropriated, and the ship burned. A French-
man, taken in this vessel, gave valuable information
respecting a Manilla ship, then expected from the

B



66 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Philippines. The record of the proceedings of the
squadron continues most inglorious, including the burn-
ing of the town, the church, and the custom-house of
Guatulco ; the burning of two new ships at Puerto de
Navidad ; capturing three Spanish families, a carpenter,
a Portuguese, and a few Indians,—the carpenter and the
Portuguese only being kept for present and future use.
On the rath September the adventurers reached the
island of St. Andrew, where a store of wood and of dried
and salted wild-fowl was laid in, and the sailors, failing
other supply, had a fresh meat change in cooking the
iguanas, which were found more palatable, than inviting
in appearance. ‘Towards the end of September the fleet
put into the Bay of Mazattan, where the ships were
careened, and water was taken in. During October the
fleet cruised, in wait for the expected prize, not far wide
of Cape St. Lucas. On the 4th November a sail was
sighted, which proved to be the Sazta Anna, which was
overtaken after some hours’ chase, and promptly
attacked. The Spaniards resisted with determination
and courage, although they had no more effective means
of defence than stones, which they hurled at the boarders,
from behind such defective shelters as they could im-
provise. Two separate accounts of the action have been
preserved, both written by adventurers who were present.
After receiving a volley of stones from the defenders, one
narrator proceeds: ‘‘We new-trimmed our sails and























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































i : ; :



PERILOUS POSITION IN THE STRAITS OF MAGELLAN,






SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 69

fitted every man his furniture, and gave them a fresh
encounter with our great ordnance, and also with our
small-shot, raking them through and through, to the
killing and wounding of many of their men. Their
captain, still like a valiant man with his company, stood
very stoutly in close fights, not yielding as yet. Our
general, encouraging his men afresh, with the whole
voice of trumpets, gave them the other encounter with
our great ordnance and all our small-shot, to the great
discouragement of our enemies,—raking them through in
divers places, killing and wounding many of their men.
They being thus discouraged and spoiled, and their ship
being in hazard of sinking by reason of the great shot
which were made, whereof some were made under water,
within five or six hours’ fight, sent out a flag of truce, and
parleyed for mercy, desiring our general to save their
lives and take their goods, and that they would presently
yield. Our general, of his goodness, promised them
mercy, and called to them to strike their sails, and to
hoist out their boat and come on board; which news
they were full glad to hear of, and presently struck their
sails and hoisted out their boat, and one of their chief
merchants came on board unto our general, and, falling
down upon his knees, offered to have kissed our general’s
feet, and craved mercy.” It is satisfactory that this
craven submission was not made by the commander of
the Santa Anna, who must have been a noble hero te



70 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

stand out, almost without arms of any kind, against the
“great ordnance and small-shot” of his enemy for five
‘or six hours. The narrator proceeds: “Our general
graciously pardoned both him and the rest, upon promise
of their true-dealing (!) with him and his company con-
cerning such riches as were in the ship, and sent for
their captain and pilot, who, at their coming, used the
like duty and reverence as the former did. The general,
out of his great mercy and humanity, promised their
lives and good usage.”

Cavendish and his crews must have been getting
rather disgusted with their hard and bitter experiences
up to the time they fell in with the Senta Anna. They
were about sixteen months out from Plymouth; had
been much knocked about; had destroyed a great deal
of property, but had acquired very little. The Santa
Anna compensated for all their hardships and disap-
pointments. It was a ship of 700 tons burthen, the
property of the King of Spain, and carried one of the
richest cargoes that had ever floated up to that time.
It had on board 122,000 pesos of gold, ze. as many
ounces of the precious metal, with a cargo of the finest
silks, satins, damasks, wine, preserved fruits, musk,
spices, etc. The ship carried a large number of
passengers, with the most luxurious provision for their
accommodation and comfort. The captors entered with
alacrity upon the unrestrained enjoyment of luxuries such



SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 71

as many of them had never known before. Cavendish
carried his prize into a bay within Cape St. Lucas, where
he landed the crew and passengers,—about one hundred
and ninety in all. He allowed them a supply of water, a
part of the ship’s stores, some wine, and the sails of the
dismantled prize to construct tents for shelter. He gave
arms to the men to enable them to defend their com-
pany against the natives. He‘also allowed them some
planks wherewith to build a raft, or such craft as they
might be able to construct for their conveyance to the
mainland. Among the passengers were two Japanese
youths, both of whom could read and write their own
language. There were also three boys from Manilla,
one of whom, on the return of the expedition to England,
was presented to the Countess of Essex,—such an
attendant being at that time considered evidence of
almost regal life and splendour. These youths, with a
Portuguese who had been in Canton, the Philippines,
and Japan, with a Spanish pilot, Cavendish took with
him.

Much anger and discontent were excited in connection
with the division of the spoils, especially among the
crew of the Content, who thought Cavendish took more
than a fair share for himself and the company of the
Desive—his own ship. The threatened mutiny was,
however, suppressed, and a grand gala was held on the
queen’s day—17th November, with eating and drink-



72 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

ing, firing of guns, and a display of fireworks, with as
a grand set-piece the blazing Santa Anna, with all of
her precious cargo on board that the captors could not
earry away with them.. They left the ship burned down
to the water’s edge. After they left the burning ship,
the fire providentially freed the wreck from the anchors,
and the flood-tide carried her still burning into the
bay. The abandoned company were happily enabled
to extinguish the flames, and to save so much of the
hull as with some fitting furnished them with a means
of escape from the inhospitable shore upon which they
had been cast.

After leaving Cape St. Lucas, the Coxtent¢ fell behind,
and was never again seen by Cavendish, who set sail
to cross the Pacific by a course not very widely different
from that taken by Drake.

In January 1588, Cavendish reached the Ladrone
Islands, a few miles from which an incident occurred
that does not redound to his credit. A fleet of fifty or
more canoes surrounded the Desire with cargoes of fish,
potatoes, plantains, etc., to exchange them, as they had
been accustomed to do with the Spaniards, for pieces
of iron. The islanders were importunate and rather
troublesome, and, to get rid of them, “our general”
and five of his men fired a volley into them. The
savages were so expert as divers and swimmers that the
sportsmen could not tell how many they killed. These



SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 73

natives were of tawny colour, tall, stout, and naked.
Their canoes, six or seven yards in length, but very
narrow, were admirably made, and had carved figure-
heads. They had square and triangular sails of a cloth
made from rushes.

On the voyage, while in the vicinity of the Philippines,
an important secret oozed out. The Portuguese taken
from the Saxta Anna let it be known that the Spanish
pilot had prepared a letter to be secretly conveyed to the
governor at Manilla, explaining how the Desive might
be surprised and overpowered. The Spaniard was
summarily hanged for his patriotism. The further
course of the homeward voyage was from Manilla to
the Moluccas, passed about the middle of February ;
Java; the Cape of Good Hope; St. Helena, in June; to
Plymouth, which was reached on the goth September
1588; Cavendish’s circumnavigation of the globe—the
third that had been accomplished—having been made
in two years and fifty days, a considerably shorter time
than had been occupied by either Magellan and his
successors or Sir Francis Drake,—but mere speed in
getting back to a home port had not been an object
with either of the three distinguished navigators.

Accounts differ as to the style in which Cavendish
made his return entry into Plymouth. According to
one account, he encountered, for four days, a violent
storm in the Channel, from which the tempest-tossed



74 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

adventurers happily escaped, and, says N. H., ‘‘on roth
September 1588, like wearied men, through the favour
of the Almighty, we got into Plymouth, where the
townsmen received us with all humanity.” Anyway,
his arrival, like that of Drake before him, caused a great
sensation at Plymouth.

Cavendish was received as a hero, and appeared to
consider himself worthy of his fame and the honours
conferred upon him. He had acquired great wealth,
albeit dishonestly, and his exploits had been dis-
tinguished in many instances by wanton outrage and
gratuitous destruction of life and property. He, how-
ever, appeared to be unconscious of having done
anything to be ashamed of, and probably held in
accord with those avowed by the Rev. Dr. Thos.
Fuller, prebendary of Sarum, who, as apologist for
Sir Francis Drake’s piratical performances, considered
that “his case was clear in sea divinity; and few are
such infidels as not to believe doctrines which make
for their own profit.” In a letter to his patron, Lord
Hunsdon, he writes: “It hath pleased Almighty God
to suffer me to circumpass the whole globe of the
world, entering in at the Strait of Magellan, and return-
ing by the Cape de Buena Esperanga; in which voyage
I have either discovered or brought certain intelligence

of all the rich places in the world, which were ever
discovered by any Christian. I navigated along the









































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































ROUNDING THE CAPE DE BUENA ESPERAN(CA.






SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 77

coast of Chili, Peru, and New Spain, where I made
great spoils. I burned and sank nineteen ships, small
and great. All the villages and towns that ever I landed
at I burned and spoiled; and had I not been discovered
upon the coast, I had taken great quantity of treasure.
The matter of most profit unto me was a great ship of
the king’s which I took at California, which ship came
from the Philippines, being one of the richest of
merchandise that ever passed those seas. From the
Cape of California, being the uttermost part of all New
Spain, I navigated to the islands of the Philippines,
hard upon the coast of China, of which country I have
brought such intelligence as hath not been heard of in
these parts; the stateliness and riches of which country
[China] I fear to make report of, lest I should not be
credited. I found out by the way homeward the island
of Santa Helena; and from that island God hath suffered
me to return unto England. All which services, with
myself, I humbly prostrate at Her Majesty’s feet,
desiring the Almighty long to continue her reign
amongst us; for at this day she is the most famous and
victorious princess that liveth in the world.” Although
Cavendish contributed comparatively little to the sum
of geographical knowledge by accurate reports of any
original discoveries he had made, apart from the moral
aspect of the principal incidents in his career, he was
indisputably a remarkable man, and rarely since the



78 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

world began has a young man of only twenty-eight
years achieved such a record as he had done, at the
end of his circumnavigation, illustrative of daring
- bravery, indomitable perseverance, and manly endurance.
The wealth with which Cavendish returned was con-
sidered sufficient to have bought “a fair earldom”;
but it was not to his taste to settle, or found a family.
His expedition had been undertaken to repair his
shattered fortunes, and had done so satisfactorily, but
it was probably “light come, light go” with him.
The treasure of the Santa Anna had been put into
“a bag with holes,” and what did not run through
was providently applied by Cavendish to fitting out
another expedition on an extended scale, which it was
expected would do a much larger business, and prove
even a more pronounced success than the last. The
new squadron consisted of “three tall ships” and two
pinnaces,—the galleon JLeécester, in which Cavendish
sailed ; the Deszre, his old ship, commanded by Captain
John Davis; the Zoebucke, the Black Pinnace, and the
Daintie. The expedition sailed from Plymouth on 26th
August 1591, which was from the beginning a series of
dreary, unrelieved misery and disaster. The Straits of
Magellan were reached in April 1 592, and passed through
about halfway. Disagreements arose among the crews,
and Cavendish seemed to have lost his power of com-
mand. He determined to return to Santos. The ships



SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 79

parted company, and the last notice of Cavendish in
the homeward voyage of the Zetcester is his own notice
of the death of his cousin John Locke in 8° N. latitude.
Cavendish is supposed to have died on board a few
days later, the victim of grief and disappointment.
While tossed about in the Desive after the ships had
parted company, Captain Davis was, on the 14th August
1592, “driven in among certain islands never before
discovered by any known relation, lying fifty leagues or
better off the shore, east and northerly from the Straits.”
These were the Falkland Islands, of which Captain
Davis has certainly the honour of being the original
discoverer, although the discovery has been claimed by
Sir Richard Hawkins, and certain foreign navigators.?
Several more or less complete accounts of this last

1 Captain John Davis achieved in this early age deserved cele-
brity as a navigator and discoverer. He made three voyages,
under the sanction and authority of the English Government, in
search of a North-West passage to the Pacific. In the first, in 1585,
he pushed his way round the southern end of Greenland, across
the strait that from then until now has borne his name—Davis
Strait—and along the coast of what is now known as Baffin’s Land,
to the Cape of God’s Mercy, which he thus named in the belief
that his task was virtually accomplished. In the second voyage,
1586, he made little further progress; in the third, 1587, he
reached the entrance to the strait afterwards explored by, and
named after, Hudson. Davis, after other important nautical
services, was, when’ on his return from the East Indies, killed by
pirates off the coast of Malacca. Davis was an author as well as a
navigator.



80 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

disastrous voyage of Cavendish have been preserved ;
one of them, drawn up at sea by himself, is a most
affecting and depressing narrative. In this account he
writes: ‘We had been almost four months between
the coast of Brazil and the Straits, being in distance not
above six hundred leagues, which is commonly run in
twenty or thirty days; but such was the adverseness of
our fortune, that in coming thither we spent the summer,
and found the Straits in the beginning of a most extreme
winter, not endurable for Christians. After the month
of May was come in, nothing but such flights of snow,
and extremity of frosts, as in all my life I never saw any
to be compared with them. This extremity caused the
weak men to decay ; for, in seven or eight days in this
extremity, there died forty men and sickened seventy,
so that there were not fifteen men able to stand upon
the hatches.” Mr. John Lane, a friend of Captain Davis,
writing of their experiences in the middle of “charming
May,” says: “In this time we endured extreme storms,
with perpetual snow, where many of our men died of~
cursed famine and miserable cold, not having wherewith
to cover their bodies nor to fill their stomachs, but living
by mussels, water, and weeds of the sea, with a small
relief from the ship’s stores of meal sometimes.” He
makes the shocking disclosure that “all the sick men in
the galleon” (Cavendish’s ship) “were most uncharitably
put on shore into the woods, in the snow, wind, and



SECOND ENGLISLH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 81

cold, when men of good health could scarcely endure it,
where they ended their lives in the highest degree of
misery.”

Anthropology, natural history, or other scientific sub-
jects, had no attractions’ for the adventurers, whose
attention, and such powers as were left with them, were
absorbed in their conflicts with storm and tempest, cold,
hunger, and nakedness. After parting company they
never again reunited, or in any of the separated ships
made any attempt to carry out the objects of the expedi-
tion. Almost all perished miserably. It is stated that
Davis, whom Cavendish charged with treachery and
desertion, did all that was possible to find and rejoin his
leader, but without success. Long after the separation
of the fleet, Davis returned to Port Desire, and three
times attempted unsuccessfully to pass through the
Straits in search for Cavendish. Davis and a few more
survived their terrible hardships. Out of a crew of
seventy-six men who sailed from England, only a rem-
nant of fifteen lived to return with Davis, in misery and
weakness so great that they could neither “take in or
heave out a saile.” Davis, with the distressed survivors,
arrived off Bearhaven, Ireland, on 11th June 1593)
fully a year after the death and burial of Cavendish
at sea.

Cavendish was far from faultless. He was passionate

and impetuous, and was still young at the end of his
F



82 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

adventurous life. He was a University man, a bred
aristocrat, a courtier, with a contempt for humanitarian
doctrines and practices. Society, as it was constituted
then, has to share the blame of his excesses, and
especially his recklessness of human life. It was a com-
paratively venial offence in those days to fire into a
crowd of South Sea Islanders with as little hesitation as
if they had been a flock of wild ducks. His high spirit,
courage, and intrepidity are, however, indisputable.



SIR WALTER RALEIGH,
QUEEN ELIZABETH’S FAVOURITE MINISTER.

—o-—

CHAPTER V.
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES,

NDOWED with a rare combination of high quali-

ties and capability, Sir Walter Raleigh may be
pronounced one of the most distinguished men of the
Elizabethan era. He approved himself a brave soldier,
an intrepid sailor, and a thorough disciplinarian; in
other directions he was a learned scholar, a profound ©
philosopher, an eloquent orator, and an elegant courtier.
Raleigh’s family traced its lineage from before the
Conquest, and Walter could claim descent from, and
connection with, three of the best Devonshire houses—
the Gilberts, the Carews, and the Champernouns. His
father, Walter Raleigh the elder, was the second husband
of Catherine, daughter of Sir Philip Champernoun of
Modbury. By a former BuszenG Otto Gilbert, this



84 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

lady had two sons, Humphrey and Adrian, destined to
distinguish themselves as navigators and colonists, with
whom Walter Raleigh was intimately associated in their
enterprises.

Walter Raleigh was born, according to Camden, in
1552, at Hayes Barton, East Budleigh, a farmstead in
Devonshire, pleasantly situated near the coast.

Information touching Raleigh’s education and the
early part of his life is vague and meagre, few facts
being on record concerning him prior to 1569, when, it
is stated, he left Oxford, where he was first a resident at
Christ Church, from which he removed to Oriel. It is
supposed that he commenced at Oxford his acquaintance
with Sir Philip Sydney, Hakluyt, and Camden.

Camden states, in his Aznades, that Raleigh was one
of a hundred gentlemen volunteers who proceeded to
France with Henry Champernoun, Raleigh’s cousin, to
the assistance of the Huguenots. The service of the
English contingent appears to have commenced about
the end of the year 1569. References are made by
Raleigh in his History of the World to the Huguenot
troubles, and his own connection with them ; amongst
others, to the conduct of the Protestants at the battle of
Jarnac, after the death of the Prince of Condé; and to
the retreat at Moncontour, of which he was an eye-
witness. It is conjectured that Raleigh spent about six
years in France in active service.



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MNALF HOURS
ON THE QUARTER-DECK




THE HALF HOUR LIBRARY.
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Frontispiece,] SIR FRANCIS DRAKE CALLS ON HIS COMRADES TO ‘“' PLAY OUT THE MATCH, FOR THERE [Page 41.
IS PLENTY OF TIME TO DO SO, AND TO BEAT THE SPANIARDS TOO.”
THE HALF HOUR LIBRARY

OF TRAVEL, NATURE, AND SCIENCE

FOR YOUNG READERS

HALF HOURS ON
THE QUARTER-DECK

The Spanish Armada to Six Cloudesley Shovel
1670

WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS

Hondo
JAMES NISBET & CO,
21 BERNERS STREET
1896
INTRODUCTION.

THIS is the second of a series of books on a
subject of the greatest interest to all young
Englishmen—the Naval History of England. To
the sea England owes its greatness, and the Anglo-
Saxon race its possession of such large portions of
the earth. Two-thirds of the surface of our globe
are covered with water, and the nations that have
the chief command of the seas must naturally have
immense power in the world. There is nothing
more marvellous in the last century, great as has
been the progress in all directions, than the birth
of new nations in distant parts of the earth,
sprung from our own people, and speaking our
own language. England and America bid fair
to encompass the world with their influence ; be-

cause, centuries ago, England became, through

vu
vill INTRODUCTION.

the bravery and endurance of her sailors, the
chief ocean power.

From the earliest times, the command of the
sea was eagerly sought after. The Phcenicians,
occupying a position of much importance as a
commercial centre between the great regions of
Asia on the east and the countries surrounding
the Mediterranean on the west, made rapid pro-
gress in navigation. The large ships they sent
to Tarshish were unequalled for size and speed.
Their vessels effected wonderful things in bringing
together the varied treasures of distant countries.
They used the sea rather for commerce, and the
sending forth of colonists through whom they
might extend their trade, than for purposes of
conquest. With the Romans, who succeeded
them in the command of the sea, especially after
the fall of Carthage, the sea was a war-path, and
the subjugation of the world was the paramount
idea, although the vessels brought treasures from
all parts to enrich the imperial city. The Anglo-
Saxons have used the seas, both east and west,

as he Phcenicians used the Mediterranean, for
INTRODUCTION, {x

the extension of commerce and the planting of
colonies, but also, as the Romans, for the sub-
jugation and civilisation of great empites.

There is a great interest in observing the
progress of events for a century after the opening
up of the great world by Columbus and others of
the same period. It seemed for a time as if Spain
and Portugal were to conquer and possess most
of the magnificent territories discovered; France
seemed also likely to have a fair portion; but
England, almost nowhere at first, gradually led
the way. This was due chiefly to the wonderful
feats and endurance and bravery of her sailors.
One country after another fell under our influence,
till the great continent of America in all its
northern parts became peopled by the Anglo-
Saxon race—which has, in later periods, similarly
spread over Australia and New Zealand.

With the growth of the maritime power of
England is associated a splendid array of heroic
names, and many of the humblest sailors were
equal in bravery to their renowned commanders,

No history is more intensely interesting than
x INTRODUCTION.

that of the daring perils and triumphs of heroic
seamen. The heroes, who have distinguished
themselves in the history and growth of the British
Navy, furnish a gallery and galaxy, bewildering in
extent; the events of pith and moment, in which
they have been prominent actors, present fields
too vast to be fully traversed; they can only be

touched at salient points.
CONTENTS.

—_+—_

cuap. WILI.IAM, JOHN, AND RICHARD HAWKINS. © pace
I, THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS, . : . I

CHARLES HOWARD, BARON OF EFFINGHAM,
AFTERWARDS EARL OF NOTTINGHAM,
II, ‘‘BORN TO SERVE AND SAVE HIS COUNTRY,” . . + 37

SIR MARTIN FROBISHER, NAVIGATOR,
DISCOVERER, AND COMBATANT.

II. THE FIRST ENGLISH DISCOVERER OF GREENLAND, . . 47

THOMAS CAVENDISH, GENTLEMAN ADVENTURER,

IV. THE SECOND ENGLISHMAN WHO CIRCUMNAVIGATED THE
GLOBE, + . . .« .« . . . - + 57

SIR WALTER RALEIGH, QUEEN ELIZABETH’S
FAVOURITE MINISTER,

Vv. AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES, . . . ° . 83

SIR WALTER RALEIGH, SAILOR, SCHOLAR, POET.

VI. NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION, + 130
THE PLANTING OF THE GREAT AMERICAN
COLONIES.
VII, ‘‘TO FRAME SUCH JUST AND EQUAL LAWS AS SHALL BE
MOST CONVENIENT,” . : : : : . + 173

OLIVER CROMWELL AND THE SEA-POWER
OF ENGLAND.
VII, A LONG INTERVAL IN NAVAL WARFARE ENDED, . . 18r
xi
xil CONTENTS.

ROBERT BLAKE, THE GREAT ADMIRAL OF

CHAP. THE COMMONWEALTH,
IX. HE ACHIEVED FOR ENGLAND THE TITLE, NEVER SINCE
DISPUTED, OF ‘‘ MISTRESS OF THE SEA,” . : :

GEORGE MONK, K.G., DUKE OF ALBEMARLE.

X. THE FRIEND OF CROMWELL, AND THE RESTORER OF
CHARLES II, « e * . . . . ° .

EDWARD MONTAGU, EARL OF SANDWICH.

XI, NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND THE
DULCE air and Ok a ae ts od ec

PRINCE RUPERT, NAVAL AND MILITARY
COMMANDER.

XII THE DUTCH DISCOVER ENGLISH COURAGE TO BE IN-
VINCIBLE, . . . . . . . . e

SIR EDWIN SPRAGGE, ONE BORN TO COMMAND,

XIII, THE DUTCH AVOW SUCH FIERCE FIGHTING NEVER TO
HAVE BEEN SEEN, . . . . . ° .

SIR THOMAS ALLEN.
XIV. THE PROMOTED PRIVATEER, . . . . ' .

SIR JOHN HARMAN,
xv. ‘‘BOLD AS A LION, BUT ALSO WISE AND WARY,” .

ADMIRAL BENBOW,
XVI, THE KING SAID, ‘'WE MUST SPARE OUR BEAUX, AND
SEND HONEST BENBOW,” : : . . . .

SIR CLOUDESLEY SHOVEL,
XVIL THE SHOEMAKER WHO ROSE TO BE REAR-ADMIRAL OF
ENGLAND, . . . . . . . 8

PAGE

186

230

253

ago

315

334

343

346
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.



—
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE CALLING ON HIS COMRADES TO PLAY OUT foe
THE MATCH, AND TO BEAT THE SPANIARDS TOO, . LFrontisbiece
SIR JOHN HAWKINS, . : ‘ . 7 . : “i . 3
ROCHELLE, .« : . ; _ . 7 ‘ : 7 ; IL
SIR JOHN HAWKINS PURSUING THE SHIPS OF THE ARMADA, . 19
CHATHAM EARLY IN THE 17TH CENTURY, A ‘ . : 25
MOUNTAINS AND GLACIERS IN THE STRAITS OF MAGELLAN, . 33
EARL OF EFFINGHAM, . . a . 7 : . 7 38
LORD HOWARD DEFEATING A SPANISH FLEET, . . y 43
SIR MARTIN FROBISHER, . 5 5 . : : : . 49
SIR MARTIN FROBISHER PASSING GREENWICH, 7 7 : 53
THOMAS CAVENDISH, . 7 : : : 7 . : : 59
PERILOUS POSITION IN TIIE STRAITS OF MAGELLAN, 7 7 67
ROUNDING THE CAPE DE BUENA ESPERANGA, . : 5 75
SIR WALTER RALEIGH, . ae ; : : : : 85
RALEIGH SPREADING OUT HIS CLOAK TO PROTECT THE
QUEEN'S FEET FROM THE MUD, . : ; i F ‘i 93
EDMUND SPENSER, AUTHOR OF THE ‘FAERIE QUEENE,” . 103
THE MADRE DE DIOS, : . A 7 ; 5 . a aes
RALEIGH ON THE ORINOCO RIVER, . : : : : . gt
RALEIGH AS SAILOR, SCHOLAR, POET, . : : ' . 131
ENGLISH FLEET BEFORE CADIZ, : : : : : . 139
ST. HELIERS, JERSEY, : : : : : . 149
SIR WALTER RALEIGH CONFINED IN THE TOWER, . . 157
LORD FRANCIS BACON, 7 7 ‘ : : : : . 167

xiii
xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

. . . .
OF SOUTHWOLD

THE MAYFLOWER, | : : ‘i :
OLIVER CROMWELL, . : ; , .
ADMIRAL BLAKE, : : : :
BATTLE BETWEEN BLAKE AND VAN TROMDP,
ADMIRAL VAN TROMP, i : . .
THE DEATH OF ADMIRAL BLAKE, :
GENERAL MONK, : : . . .
DEFEAT OF THE DUTCH FLEET BY MONK,
SEA FIGHT WITH THE DUTCH, . ‘ ;
EARL OF SANDWICH, DUKE OF YORK—-BATTLE
OR SOLE BAY, . . : : .
DUNKIRK, . ; : ; i :
CASTLE OF TANGIERS, ; : : :
ACTION BETWEEN THE EARL OF SANDWICIE AND ADMIRAL
DE RUYTER, . . 2 :
PRINCE RUPERT AT EDGEHILL, : i
DEFEAT OF THE DUTCH OFF LOWESTOFT,
ADRIAN DE RUYTER, . . : : 2

THE DUTCH FLEET CAPTURES SHEERNESS,
ATTACKING A PIRATE OFF ALGIERS, .
AN ALGERINE CORSAIR, . . : .
ADMIRAL BENBOW, . : . .

SIR CLOUDESLEY SHOVEL,
CARRICKFERGUS CASTLE,

PAGE

175
183
193
203
213
225
233
241
249

257

283
293
301
309
319
329
339
351
361
369
WILLIAM, JOHN, AND RICHARD
HAWKINS
HALF HOURS ON THE
QUARTER-DECK.



WILLIAM, JOHN, AND RICHARD
HAWKINS.

———

CHAPTER I.
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS,

HE proclivities of parents are not uniformly mani-
fested in their children, and the rule of “Like
father, like son” has its exceptions. The three genera-
tions of the Hawkins’ family, who distinguished them-
selves as maritime adventurers in the reign of Henry
VIII. and Queen Elizabeth, while differing in character,
disposition, and attainments at divers points, were in
“common governed by a ruling passion—love of the
sea, and choice of it as a road to fame and for-
tune.

William Hawkins, Esq., of Tavistock, was a man of

wy A
2 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

much property, acquired by inheritance, but chiefly by

his good fortune as a successful naval adventurer. He
- was regarded with great favour by King Henry VIII.

About the year 1530 he fitted up a ship of 250 tons

burthen, which he named the Paul of Plymouth, and in
’ which he made three voyages to Brazil, touching also at
the coast of Guinea to buy or capture human beings,—to
make merchandise of them. He was probably the first
English adventurer that engaged in this horrible traffic.
Old chroniclers coolly record the fact that he traded
successfully and most profitably in “slaves, gold, and
elephants’ teeth.” Brazil was in those days under a
quite different government to that of the enlightened ex-
Emperor Dom Pedro, or of the Republic that has recently
succeeded him. Its rulers were savage Indian chiefs,
with whom Hawkins was signally'successful in ingratiat-
ing himself. On the occasion of his second visit to the
country, so complete was the confidence reposed in him
by these native princes, that one of them consented to —
return with him to England, Hawkins leaving Martin
Cockram of Plymouth, one of his crew, as a hostage for
the safe return of the prince. The personal adornments
of this aboriginal grandee were of a remarkable character.
According to Hakluyt’s account, “In his cheeks were
holes, made according to the savage manner, and therein
small bones were planted, standing an inch out from the
surface, which in his country was looked on as evidence


SIR JOHN HAWKINS,
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 5

of great bravery. He had another hole in his lower lip,
wherein was set a precious stone about the bigness of a
pea. All his apparel, behaviour, and gestures were very
strange to the beholders,” as may easily be believed.
After remaining in England for about a year, during which
time the distinguished foreigner was a repeated visitor
at the court of Henry VIII., who was a warm patron of
Hawkins, the adventurer embarked to return to Brazil.
Unhappily, the Indian prince died on the passage, which
naturally occasioned serious apprehensions in Hawkins’
mind. He was sorry for the death of his fellow-voyager,
but more concerned on account of poor Cockram, the
hostage, whose life, he feared, was imperilled by the
death of the savage, for whose safe return he had been
left as security. The confiding barbarians, however,
disappointed his fears; they accepted, without doubt or
hesitation, his account of the circumstances of the chief’s
death, and his assurance that all that was possible to skill
and care had been done to save his life. The friendly
intercourse between Hawkins and the natives continued ;
they traded freely upon mutually satisfactory terms, and
Hawkins returned to England freighted with a valuable
cargo. He was greatly enriched by his successive
voyages to the West Indies and Brazil, and at a mature
age retired from active life, in the enjoyment of the for-
tune he had amassed by his skill and courage as a seaman,
his wisdom and astuteness as a merchant, his enterprise,
6 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

fortitude, perseverance, and other qualities and character-
istics that distinguish most men who get on in the world.

John Hawkins, the second son of William Hawkins of
Plymouth abeve referred to, was born at Plymouth about
the year 1520.. His elementary education was followed
up in his early youth by assiduous study of mathematics
and navigation. Early in life he made voyages to Spain
and Portugal, and to the Canary Islands—the latter being
considered a rather formidable undertaking in those
days. In his early life he so diligently applied himself
to his duties, and acquitted himself so successfully in
their discharge, as to achieve a good reputation, and
soon after the accession of Queen Elizabeth, an appoint-
ment in her navy, as an officer of consideration. It is
stated concerning him, that as a young man he had
engaging manners, and that at the Canaries, to which he
had made several trips, “‘he had, by his tenderness and
humanity, made himself very much beloved,” and had
acquired a knowledge of the slave trade, and of the
mighty profits which even in those days resulted from
the sale of negroes in the West Indies.” These glowing
accounts of a quick road to riches fired the ambition of
the tender and humane adventurer.

In 1562, when he had acquired much experience as a
seaman, and was at the best of his manhood’s years, he
projected a great slave-trading expedition. His design
was to obtain subscriptions from the most eminent
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 7

London traders and other wealthy persons, to provide
and equip an adventure squadron. He proposed to
proceed first to Guinea for a cargo of slaves, to be
procured by barter, purchase, capture, or in any other
way,—and the cheaper the better. With his freight of
slaves, his design was to proceed to Hispaniola, Porto
Rico, and other Spanish islands, and there to sell the
slaves for money, or barter them in exchange for sugar,
hides, silver, and other produce. He readily obtained,
as his partners in this unscrupulous project, Sir William
Lodge, Sir William Winter, Mr. Bromson, and _ his
(Hawkins’) father-in-law, Mr. Gunson. The squadron
consisted of the Solomon, of 120 tons, Hawkins, com-
mander; the Szal/ow, of 100 tons, captain, Thomas
Hampton; and the /onas, a bark of 4o tons. The
three vessels carried in all one hundred men. The
squadron sailed in October 1562, and touched first at
Teneriffe, from which they proceeded on to Guinea,
where landing, “by money, and where that failed, by the
sword,” Hawkins acquired three hundred negroes to be
sold as slaves. These he disposed of at enormous profits
at Hispaniola and others of the Spanish settlements, and
returned to England,—to the enrichment, as the result
of his “famous voyage,” of himself and his unscrupulous
co-proprietors.

“Nothing succeeds like success.” There was new no
difficulty in obtaining abundant support, in money and
a

8 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

men, for further adventure, on the same lines. Slave-
trading was proved to be a paying pursuit, and then as
now, those who hasted to be rich were not fastidious,
as to the moral aspect and nature of the quickest
method. Another expedition was determined upon,
and on a larger scale. Hawkins, the successful con-
ductor of the expedition, was highly popular. As
eminent engineers have taken in gentlemen apprentices
in more modern times, Captain Hawkins was beset with
applications to take in gentlemen apprentices to the
art and mystery of slave-trade buccaneering. Among
the youngsters entrusted to his tutelage were several who
afterwards achieved distinction in the Royal Navy,
including Mr. John Chester, son of Sir Wm. Chester,
afterwards a captain in the navy; Anthony Parkhurst,
who became a leading man in Bristol, and turned out an
enterprising adventurer ; John Sparkes, an able writer on
maritime enterprises, who gave a graphic account of
Hawkins’ second expedition, which Sparkes had accom-
panied as an apprentice.

The squadron in the second expedition comprised
the Jesus of Lubeck, of 700 tons, a queen’s ship,
Hawkins, commander ; the Solomon; and two barques,
the Ziger and the Swallow. The expedition sailed from
Plymouth on the 18th October 1564. The first endeavour
of the adventurers was to reach the coast of Guinea, for
the nefarious purpose of man-stealing, as before. An
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 9

incident, that occurred on the day after the squadron left
Teneriffe, reflects credit on Hawkins in showing his
paternal care for the lives of his crew, although he held
the lives of Guinea negroes of little account, and in ex-
hibiting also his skill asa seaman. The pinnace of his
own ship, with two men in it, was capsized, and the up-
turned boat, with the two men struggling in the water,
was dropped out of sight, before sail could be taken in.
Hawkins ordered the jolly-boat to be let down and
manned by twenty-four able-bodied seamen, to whose
leading man he gave steering directions. After a long
and stiff pull, the pinnace, with the two men riding
astride on the keel, was sighted, and their rescue effected.

The poor hunted savages sometimes sold their lives
and liberties dearly to their Christian captors. In one of
his raids upon the coast of Africa in this expedition, the
taking of ten negroes cost Hawkins six of his best men
killed, and twenty-seven wounded. The Rev. Mr.
Hakluyt—affected with obliquity of moral vision it may
be—deliberately observes concerning Captain Hawkins
and this disaster, that ‘his countenance remained un-
clouded, and though he was naturally a man of compas-
sion, he made very light of his loss, that others might
not take it to heart.” A very large profit was realised by
this expedition, “a full cargo of very rich commodities ”
having been collected in the trading with Jamaica, Cuba,
and other West Indian islands. On the return voyage
10 IIALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

another incident occurred illustrative of Captain Hawkins’
punctilious regard to honesty in other directions than that
of negroes—having property rights in their own lives and
liberties. When off Newfoundland, which seemed to be
rather round circle sailing on their way home, the com-
mander fell in with two French fishing vessels. Hawkins’
squadron had run very short of provisions. They boarded
the Frenchmen, and, without leave asked or obtained,
helped themselves to as much of their stock of provisions,
as they thought would serve for the remainder of the
voyage home. To the amazement as much as the satis-
faction of the Frenchmen, Hawkins paid honourably for
the salt junk and biscuits thus appropriated.

The squadron arrived at Padstow, Cornwall, on the
zoth September 1565. The idea of the brotherhood of
man had not in that age been formulated, and Hawkins
was honoured for his achievements, in establishing a new
and lucrative branch of trade. Heraldic honours were
conferred upon him by Clarencieux, king at arms, who
granted him, as an appropriate crest, “a demi-moor bound
with a cord or chain.”

In 1567 Hawkins sailed in charge of an expedition for
the relief of the French Protestants at Rochelle. This
object was satisfactorily effected, and he proceeded to
prepare for a third voyage to the West Indies. Before
this expedition sailed, Hawkins, while off Cativater waiting
the queen’s orders, had an opportunity, of which he made
Ty















































ROCHELLE.
TIIREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 13

prompt and spirited use, for vindicating the honours of
the queen’s flag. A Spanish fleet of fifty sail, bound
for Flanders, passed comparatively near to the coast, and
in sight of Hawkins’ squadron, without saluting by lower-
ing their top-sails, and taking in their flags. Hawkins
ordered a shot to be fired across the bows of the leading
ship. No notice was taken of this, whereupon he ordered
another to be fired, that would make its mark. The
second shot went through the hull of the admiral, where-
upon the Spaniards struck sail and came to an anchor.
The Spanish general sent a messenger to demand the
meaning of this hostile demonstration. Hawkins would
not accept the message, or even permit the messenger to
come on board. On the Spanish general sending again,
Hawkins sent him the explanation that he had not paid
the reverence due to the queen, that his coming in force
without doing so was suspicious ; and he concluded his
reply by ordering the Spanish general to sheer off, or he
would be treated as an enemy. On coming together,
and further parley, Hawkins and the Spaniard arrived
at an amicable understanding, and concluded their con-
ferences in reconciliation feasts and convivialities, on
board and on shore.

The new expedition sailed on the 2nd October 1567.
The squadron consisted of the Jesus of Lubeck, the Minion,
and four other ships. As before, the adventurers made
first for Guinea, the favourite gathering-ground for the
14 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

inhuman traffic, and collected there a crowd of five
hundred negroes, the hapless victims of their cupidity.
The greater number of these they disposed of at splendid
prices, in money or produce, in Spanish America.
Touching at Rio Del Hacha, to Hawkins’ indignant
surprise, the governor, believing it to be within his right,
refused to trade with him. Such arrogance was not to
be submitted to, and Hawkins landed a storming party,
who assaulted and took the town, which, if it did not
exactly make things pleasant, compelled submission,
and, for the invading adventurers, a profitable trade.
Having made the most he could of Hacha, Hawkins
next proceeded to Carthagena, where he disposed, at
good prices, of the remainder of the five hundred slaves. :

The adventurers were now (September 1568) in good
condition for returning home with riches, leaving honours
out of consideration, but the time had passed for their
having their own will and way. Plain sailing in smooth
seas was over with them; storm and trouble, and struggle
for dear life, awaited them. Shortly after leaving Cartha-
gena the squadron was overtaken by violent storms,
and for refuge they made, as well as they could, for St.
John de Ulloa, in the Gulf of Mexico. While in the
harbour, the Spanish fleet came up in force, and was
about to enter. Hawkins was in an awkward position.
He liked not the Spaniards, and would fain have given
their vastly superior force a wide berth. He. tried what
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 15

diplomacy would do. He sent a message to the viceroy
that the English were there only for provisions, for which
they would pay, and he asked the good offices of theviceroy,
for the preservation of an honourable peace. The terms
proposed by Hawkins were assented to, and hostages for
the observance of the conditions were exchanged. But
he was dealing with deceivers. On Thursday, September
23rd, he noticed great activity in the carrying of ammuni-
tion to the Spanish ships, and that a great many men
were joining the ships from the shore. He sent to the
viceroy demanding the meaning of all this, and had fair
promises sent back in return. Again Hawkins sent
Robert Barret, master of the /esws, who knew the Spanish
language, to demand whether it was not true that a large
number of men were concealed in a goo-ton ship
that lay next to the Minton, and why it was that the
guns of the Spanish fleet were all pointed at the English
_ships. The viceroy answered this demand by ordering
Barret into irons, and directing the trumpet to sound
‘a charge. At this time Hawkins was at dinner in his
cabin with a treacherous guest, Don Augustine de Villa
Nueva, who had accepted the vé/e of Hawkins’ assassin,
John Chamberlain, of Hawkins’ bodyguard, detected the
dagger up the traitor’s sleeve, denounced him, and had
him cared for. Going on deck, Hawkins found the
English attacked on all sides ; an overpowering crowd of
enemies from the great Spanish ship alongside was
16 HALF HOURS ON TIIE QUARTER-DECK.

pouring into the A@zxioz. With a loud voice he shouted,
“God and St. George! Fall upon those traitors, and rescue
the Minion |” His men eagerly answered the call, leaped
out of the Jesus into the Afinion, and made short work
with the enemy, slaughtering them wholesale, and driving
out the remnant. Having cleared the A/inion of the
enemy, they did equally effective service with the ship’s
guns; they sent a shot into the Spanish vice-admiral’s
ship that, probably from piercing the powder-room, blew
up the ship and three hundred men with it. On the
other hand, all the Englishmen who happened to be on
shore were cut off, except three who escaped by swimming
from shore to their ships. The English were over-
matched to an enormous extent, by the fleet and the
attack from the shore. The Spaniards took the Swad/ow,
and burnt the Angel The Jesus had the fore-mast cut
down by a shot, and the main-mast shattered. The
Spaniards set fire to two of their own ships, with which
they bore down upon the /esws, with the desire of setting
it on fire. In dire extremity, and to avert the calamity of
having their ship burnt, the crew, without orders, cut the
cables and put to sea; they returned, however, to take
Hawkins on board. The English ships suffered greatly
by the shots from the shore, as well as from the fleet,
but inflicted, considering the disparity in strength of the
combatants, much greater damage than they sustained,
The ships of the Spanish admiral and vice-admiral were
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 17

both disabled,—the latter destroyed ; four other Spanish
ships were sunk or burnt. Of the Spanish fighting men,—
fifteen hundred in number at the commencement of the
battle,—five hundred and forty, or more than a third, were
killed or wounded. The /esws and the Adinion fought
themselves clear of the Spaniards, but the former was so
much damaged as to be unmanageable, and the A@znzon,
with Hawkins and most of his men on board, and the
Judith, of 50 tons, were the only ships that escaped.
The sanguinary action lasted from noon until evening.
The wreckage to such an extent of Hawkins’ fleet
involved, of course,-a heavy deduction from his fortune.
After leaving St. John de Ulloa, the adventurers
suffered great privations. Their design to replenish their
failing stock of provisions had been frustrated, and
Hawkins was now threatened with mutiny among the
crew, because of the famine that seemed imminent, and
which he was powerless to avert. They entered a creek in
the Bay of Mexico, at the mouth of the river Tampico.
A number of the men demanded to be left on shore,
declaring that they would rather be on shore to eat dogs
and cats, parrots, rats, and monkeys, than remain on
board to starve to death. ‘Four score and sixteen”
men thus elected to be left on shore. Job Hortop, one
of the crew, who left a narrative of the voyage, states that
Hawkins counselled the men he was leaving to “serve

God and love one another, and courteously bade them a
B
18 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

sorrowful farewell.” On the return voyage, Hawkins and
the remnant with him, sustained great hardships and
privations. At Vigo, where he touched, he met with
some English ships, from which he was able to obtain, by
arrangement, twelve stout seamen, to assist his reduced
and enfeebled crew, in the working of his ships for the
remainder of the homeward voyage. He sailed from
Vigo on the 2oth January 1569, and reached Mount’s
Bay, Cornwall, on the 25th of the same month. Thus
ended his third eventful and disastrous expedition to
El Dorado.

The poor fellows, left on shore in Mexico, entered
upon a terrible campaign of danger and suffering. The
first party of Indians that the castaways fell in with,
slaughtered a number of them, but on discovering that
they were not Spaniards, whom the Indians hated in-
veterately, spared the remainder, and directed them to
the port of Tampico. It is recorded of two of their
number, Richard Brown and Richard Twide, that they
performed the wonderful feat, under such cruel disad-
vantages and difficulties, of marching across the North
American continent from Mexico to Nova Scotia,—from
which they were brought home ina French ship. Others
of the wanderers fell into the hands of the Spaniards, who
sent some of them prisoners to Mexico, and others to
Spain, where, by sentence of the Holy Inquisition, some
were burnt to death, and others consigned for long terms










































































SIR JOHN HAWKINS PURSUING THE SHIPS OF THE ARMADA.





19
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 21

toimprisonment. Miles Philips, one of the crew, reached
England, after many perilous adventures and hair-breadth
*scapes, in 1582. Job Hortop and John Bone were
sentenced to imprisonment for ten years. Hortop, after
twenty-three years’ absence from England, spent in
Hawkins’ fleet, and in wanderings, imprisonment, and
divers perils, reached home in 1590, and wrote an
intereresting account of the voyage, and of his personal
adventures,

In his last expedition Hawkins had returned with
impaired fortune, but without dishonour. He had,
indeed, added to the lustre of England, and to his
personal renown, by the skill and valour he had displayed
in the. affair of St. John de Ulloa,—in which the glory
was his, and infamy attached to the treacherous Spaniards,
whose immense superiority in strength should have
enabled them to extinguish their enemy, instead of being
beaten by him. In recognition of his valour, Hawkins
was granted by Clarencieux, king at arms, further
heraldic honours, in an augmentation of his arms; he
was also appointed Treasurer to the Navy, an office of
great honour and profit.

Hawkins’ next great public service was rendered, as
commander of Her Majesty’s ship Vzcfory, in the actions
against the Spanish Armada in 1588. The commanders
of the English squadrons in the Armada actions and pur-
suit were the Lord High Admiral, and Sir Francis Drake,
22 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

and Sir John Hawkins, rear-admiral. Sir John was knighted
by the Lord High Admiral for his distinguished services ;
as was also Sir Martin Frobisher. Sir John ‘Hawkins
shared largely in the dangers and honours of the actions,
and, in the pursuit of the Spaniards, he rendered extra-
ordinarily active and successful service, for which he
was particularly commended by Queen Elizabeth.

In 1590 Sir John Hawkins, in conjunction with Sir
Martin Frobisher,—each with a squadron of fifty ships,
—was sent to harass the Spanish coast, and to intercept
and capture, if possible, the Plate fleet. Suspecting this
intention, the Spanish king contrived to convey intelli-
gence to India, ordering the fleet to winter there, instead
of coming home. Hawkins and Frobisher cruised about
for six or seven months, with no more definite result
than humiliating Spain, and detracting from its dignity
and influence as a naval power.

Sir John Hawkins was next appointed in a joint
expedition against Spain with Sir Francis Drake. The
design of the expedition, which sailed from Plymouth on
the 28th August 1595, was to burn Nombre-de-Dios, and
to march thence overland to Panama, and appropriate
there the Spanish treasure from Peru. The design proved
abortive, partly from tempestuous weather, but partly -
also from disagreement between the commanders. On
the 30th October, at a short distance from Dominica,
the Francis, a bark of 35 tons, the sternmost of Sir
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 23

John Hawkins’ fleet,—and a long way in the rear of the
others,—was fallen in with by a squadron of five Spanish
frigates, and captured. This misfortune, in conjunction
with other depressing circumstances, and the hopelessness
of the enterprise, so much affected Sir John Hawkins as
to cause his death on the 21st November 1595—of a
broken heart, it was believed.

The expeditions of Sir John Hawkins to the West
Indies, his services in connection with the Spanish
Armada, his joint expeditions with Frobisher and Drake,
fall far short of filling up the story of his life, or the
measure of his usefulness as a public man. Of his home
life they tell nothing.

Sir John was twice married, and was three times
elected a member of Parliament, twice for Plymouth.
He was a wise, liberal, and powerful friend and supporter
of the British Navy. He munificently provided, at
Chatham, an hospital for poor and distressed sailors.
The “Chest” at Chatham was instituted by Sir John
Hawkins and Sir Francis Drake,—being a provident
fund, formed from voluntary deductions from sailors’ pay,
applied to the relief of disabled and indigent comrades.
Sir John Hawkins was the author and promoter of many
beneficial rules and regulations for the government of the
navy. He was an accomplished mathematician, a skilful
navigator, a courageous combatant 3 as Treasurer of the
Navy he proved an able administrator; and to these
24 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

qualities he added the enterprising spirit of a merchant
prince,—he and his brother William being joint owners
at one time of a fleet of thirty good stout ships. It was
said of him by a contemporary that he had been graceful
in youth, and that he was grave and reverend in
advanced life. He was a man of great sagacity, un-
’ flinching courage, sound judgment, and cool presence
of mind, submissive to authority, courteous to his peers,
affable and amiable to his men, by whom he was much
beloved. His active life embraced a period of forty-eight
years, during which he, for longer or shorter periods,
acted as a commander at sea, including twenty-two years,
during which he held the office of Treasurer of the Navy.

Richard Hawkins, of the third generation of eminent
navigators, and son of Sir John Hawkins, was born at
Plymouth about the year 1570. He had a strong pre-
dilection for naval service, and when only a lad in his
teens had the command of a vessel, and was vice-
admiral of a small squadron commanded by his uncle,
William Hawkins, Esq., of Plymouth, that was employed
in a “private expedition” to the West Indies—really to
“pick and steal” what they could from the Spaniards.
He had an early opportunity of showing his courage and
confidence in his own powers. ‘The captain of one of the
ships of the fleet, the Bonner, complained that his ship
was not seaworthy, and recommended that his crew and
himself should be shifted into a better ship, and that the


























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































CHATHAM, 17TH CENTURY.
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 27

Bonner should be sunk. Young Hawkins protested against
the sacrifice of the ship, and offered, if a good crew were
allowed him, to carry the Boxner through the cruise, and
then home. His success would, of course, have disgraced
the captain, who withdrew his recommendation, and
remained in his ship,—which justified young Hawkins’
protest by continuing seaworthy for many years.

In 1588 young Hawkins was captain of the queen’s
ship Szwallow, which suffered most of any in the actions
with the Spanish Armada. A fire arrow that had been
hid in a sail, burnt a hole in the beak-head of the
Swallow. Richard afterwards wrote an able account of
the actions, with a judicious criticism and defence of the
strategy of the Earl of Nottingham, Lord High Admiral,—
in not laying the Spaniards aboard. ‘This Hawkins held
would have been a dangerous course, from the greater
height of the Spanish ships, and from their having an
army on board. By keeping clear, the English ships could
also take advantage of wind and tide for manceuvring
round the enemy. He held that, by lying alongside
of the Spaniards they would have risked defeat, and
that the free movement and fighting gave them a better
chance of humiliating the enemy.

In 1590 Richard Hawkins commanded the Crane,
of 200 tons, in the expedition of his father and Sir
Martin Frobisher against Spain. The commander of the
Crane did excellent service in the pursuit of the Spanish
28 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

squadron employed in carrying relief to the forces in
Brittany ; and afterwards he so harassed the Spaniards
at the Azores, as to incite the merchants there to curse
the Spanish ministers who had brought about (or
permitted) a war with such a powerful enemy as England.

On returning from this expedition, Hawkins com-
menced preparations for a bold buccaneering project
against Spain. He built a ship of 350 tons, to which
his mother-in-law—who had assisted with funds —
obstinately persisted in giving the ominous name of the
Repentance. Richard Hawkins could not stand this
name, and sold the ship to his father. The Repentance,
in spite of the name, did excellent service, and had
very good fortune. On return from an expedition,
while lying at Deptford, the Repentance was surveyed by
the queen, who rowed round the ship in her barge, and
graciously—acting probably upon a hint from Sir John or
his son Richard—re-named it the Dainty, whereupon
Richard bought back the ship from his father for service
in his projected great expedition. His plan included, in
addition to plundering the Spaniards, visits to Japan, the
Moluccas, the Philippines, passage through the Straits of
Magellan, and return by the Cape of Good Hope. His
ambitious prospectus secured the admiration and approval
of the greatest men of the time, including the lord high
admiral, Sir R. Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh, etc. On the
8th of April 1593, the Dainty dropped down the river to
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 29

Gravesend, and on the 26th arrived at Plymouth, where
severe misfortune overtook the little squadron, consisting
of the Dainty, the Hawk, and the Faucy,—all of them the
property of Richard Hawkins, or of the Hawkins family.
A tempest arose in which the Dazzty sprang her main-
mast, and the Fancy was driven ashore and knocked to
pieces before the owner’s eyes. This misfortune magni-
fied the fears, and intensified the tender entreaties, of his
young wife that he would abandon the perilous enter-
prise,—but he was not to be dissuaded. He said that
there were ‘‘so many eyes upon the ball, that he felt
bound to dance on, even though he might only be able
to hop at last.”

On the 12th June 1593, Hawkins left Plymouth Sound,
with his tiny squadron of the ZDaznty and tender.
Before the end of the month he arrived at Madeira, and
on the 3rd July passed the Canaries, and shortly after
the Cape de Verd Islands, all well, and without any-
thing notable occurring to the squadron. Later, how-
ever, when nearing the coast of Brazil, scurvy of a
malignant type broke out among the crew. Hawkins
gave close attention to the men stricken, personally
superintended their treatment, and made notes,—from
which he afterwards wrote an elaborate paper on the
disease, its causes, nature, and cure. At a short distance
south of the Equator he put in to a Brazilian port for
provisions. He sent a courteous letter, written in Latin,
30 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

to the governor, stating that he was in command of
an English ship, that he had met with contrary winds,
and desired provisions, for which he would gladly pay.
The governor replied that their monarchs were at war,
and he could not supply his wants, but he politely gave
him three days to do his best and depart. The three
days’ grace were promptly taken advantage of to lay in a
supply of oranges and other fruit, when he again sailed
southward. On the 2zoth November he arrived at the
Island of St. Ann, 20° 30’ south latitude, where—the
provisions and stores having been taken out of the
Hlawk—that vessel was burned. He touched at other
parts of the coast for provisions and water. Hawkins
had a difficult part to play in dealing with his crew,
who were impatient for plunder. Robert Tharlton, who
commanded the /azry, and who had proved a traitor to
Captain Thomas Cavendish, in the La Plata, drew off a
number of the men, with whom he deserted before they
reached the Straits of Magellan. Notwithstanding the
discouragement of Tharlton’s treachery and desertion,
Hawkins courageously proceeded with his hazardous
enterprise. Sailing along the coast of Patagonia, he
gave names to several places, amongst others to
Hawkins’ Maiden Land,—because discovered by him-
self in the reign of a maiden queen.

In the course of his voyage southward, he made a
prize of a Portuguese ship. He found it to be the
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS, 31

property of an old knight who was on board, on his way
to Angola, as governor. The old gentleman made a
piteous appeal to Hawkins, pleading that he had invested
his all in the ship and its cargo, and that the loss of it
would be his utter ruin. His petition was successful,
and Hawkins let him go. On the roth February he
reached the Straits of Magellan, and, passing through,
emerged into the South Pacific Ocean on the 2gth
March 1594. This was the sixth passage of the straits
—the third by an Englishman. He wrote an excellent
account of the passage through the straits, which he pro-
nounced navigable during the whole year, but the most
favourable — or, it should rather perhaps be put, the
least unfavourable—seasons for the at best unpleasant
voyage were the months of November, - December,
and January. On the roth April he anchored for
a short time under the Isle of Mocha. Resuming his
voyage along the coast of Chili, he encountered, in the
so-called Pacific Ocean, a violent storm, that lasted
without intermission for ten days. His men were
becoming desperately impatient, and they insisted that
they should attempt to take everything floating that they
sighted. Every vessel in those waters, they believed,
had gold or silver in them. At Valparaiso they took
four ships, much against Hawkins’ wish. He exercised
discrimination, and wished to reserve their strength, and

prevent alarm on shore, by waiting till a prize worth
82 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

taking came in their way. They got from the prizes
an abundant supply of provisions, but very little gold,
and only trifling ransoms for the prisoners. The small
amount taken added greatly to Hawkins’ difficulties
and embarrassments. His bold buccaneers demanded
that the third part of the treasure should, according
to contract, be given up to them,—then and there. He
resisted the demand, urged that they could not expend
anything profitably here and now, and that they would
only gamble with their shares, which would probably lead
to quarrels and the ruin of the expedition. It was at
last agreed that the treasure should be placed in a chest
with three locks,—one key to be held by Hawkins,
one by the master, and the third by a representative
appointed by the men.

Arriving at Ariquipa, Hawkins ascertained by some
means that Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Viceroy
of Peru, had received intelligence of his being off the
coast,.and had sent out a squadron of six vessels to
capture him. Hawkins had in the Dainty, and in a
little Indian vessel he had taken, and which he had
fitted up as a pinnace, a combined crew of seventy-five
men and boys—a lamentably small force to resist a well-
manned squadron of six men-of-war ships. About the
middle of May the Spanish squadron was sighted near
Civite. Hawkins, who was to windward, stood out to
sea. The Spanish ships, under the command of Don
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 33

Bertrand de Castro, followed. The wind freshened
greatly ; the Spanish admiral lost his main-mast, the









































































"NVITADVW dO SLIVULS ‘SUmIOVIS GNV SNIVINOQOW















































































































































































































































































































































































vice-admiral split his main-sail, and the rear-admiral’s
main-yard tumbled down. The Spaniards were thrown

into utter confusion, and Hawkins escaped. On
Cc
34 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

returning to port with his damaged ships, and without
the diminutive enemy he had gone out to capture, De
Castro and the other commanders were received with
humiliating and exasperating derision. De Castro's
earnest petition to be allowed to go to sea again was
~ granted, and he sailed with two ships and a pinnace,—
all fully manned with picked men. On the 20th June
the Spanish squadron came in sight. Hawkins’ un-
governable crew would have him chase everything they
sighted; they would have it that the armed cruisers
were the Peruvian plate fleet, laden with the treasure for
which they had come, and for which they had so long
toiled and waited. They were soon undeceived by the
Spanish attack, which they met with dogged bravery.
The Spanish ships were manned by about thirteen
hundred of the best men in the service,—and it seems
marvellous that Hawkins and his bull-dogs could have
stood out so long. The fight lasted for two whole days
and part of a third. Hawkins had received six wounds,
two of them dangerous, and was at last completely dis-
abled. Besides the killed, there were forty of his men
wounded, and his ship was sinking. On the afternoon
of 22nd June, this was his deplorable plight :—the whole
of his sails were rent, the masts shattered, eight feet of
water in the hold, and the pumps rent and useless ;
scarcely a single unwounded man was left in the ship,
and all were so fatigued that they could not stand.
THREE GENERATIONS OF ADVENTURERS. 35

Helpless as was their plight, and desperate their condi-
tion, Hawkins was able to obtain honourable conditions
of surrender, namely, that himself and all on board
should have a free passage to England, as soon as pos-
sible. De Castro swore by his knighthood that the
conditions would be faithfully observed, in token of
which he sent his glove to Hawkins, and took possession
of the shattered Daznty, without inflicting the slightest
humiliation on his brave fallen enemy, or permitting his
crew to express triumph over them. On the gth July,
the Spanish squadron, with Hawkins on board De Castro’s
ship, arrived at Panama, which was brilliantly illuminated
in celebration of the “ famous victory.” Despatches, to
allay apprehensions concerning the terrible enemy, were
sent off to the viceroys of New Spain and Peru.
Hawkins was allowed to send letters home to his father
and other friends, and to the queen. From Don Bertrand,
Hawkins learned that the King of Spain had received
from England full and minute particulars, concerning the
strength and equipment of Hawkins’ little squadron
before it sailed, showing that the King of Spain had
spies in England. The Dainty prize was repaired and
re-named the Visttation, because surrendered on the day
of the feast of the blessed Virgin. Hawkins was long kept
in captivity. He was for two years in Peru and adjacent
provinces, and was then sent to Europe and kept a
prisoner at Seville and Madrid. His release was claimed
36 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

on the ground of Don Bertrand’s knightly pledge, but
the reply was given that he had received his authority
from the Viceroy of Peru, not from the King of Spain,
upon whom his engagement was not binding. The
Count de Miranda, President of the Council, however,
at last gave judgment, that the promise of a Spanish
general in the king’s name should be kept, and
Hawkins was set at liberty, and returned to England.

During his captivity he wrote a detailed account of his
voyage, entitled Zhe Observations of Richard Hawkins,
Knight, in his Voyage into the South Sea, 1593. It was
published in London in 1622, the year in which Hawkins
died of apoplexy,—at somewhere near fifty years of age.

Sir Richard Hawkins possessed powers that fitted him
. for great achievements. With resources at command,
and a fitting field for their use, corresponding with
his courage and ability, he would have distinguished
himself by mighty deeds. His ill-fated voyage to the
South Sea was like the light cavalry charge at Balaclava
—it was magnificent, but it was not war!
CHARLES HOWARD,

BARON OF EFFINGHAM, AFTERWARDS EARL OF
NOTTINGHAM.

—o-—

CHAPTER II.
“BORN TO SERVE AND SAVE HIS COUNTRY.”

UEEN ELIZABETH has been magniloquently
designated the REsToRER Or ENGLAND’s Nava.
Power and SOVEREIGN OF THE NORTHERN SEAS.
Under her sovereignty Lord Charles Howard wielded
supreme authority worthily and well, on behalf of his
country, during that naval demonstration, which may be
regarded as the most important, in its design and results,
of any that the world has known. Lord Charles was
High Admiral of England during the period of the
inception, the proud departure, the baleful course, and
the doleful return to Spain, of the “most happy and
invincible Armada,” or rather—what was left of it. ,
Charles Howard, elder Bas of the Earl of Effingham,
38 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

was born in the year 1536, in the reign of Henry VIII.
Charles served under his father, who was Lord Admiral
to Mary, in several expeditions. He did duty as an
envoy to Charles 1X. of France on his accession. He



EARL OF EFFINGHAM,

served as a general of horse in the army headed by
Warwick, against the Earls of Northumberland and West-
moreland, and, as a courtier, he rendered various other
services, not calling for particular notice. In 1572 he
“BORN TO SERVE AND SAVE HIS COUNTRY.” 39

succeeded his father, and in 1573 was made a Knight
of the Garter. On the death of the Earl of Lincoln, in
1585, the queen appointed Lord Charles, High Admiral.
This appointment gave great satisfaction to all ranks,
and was especially gratifying to seamen,—with whom
Lord Charles was highly popular.

Philip of Spain employed all the art he was possessed
of to obtain ascendency over Elizabeth, as he had done
over her infatuated sister Mary, and—irrespective of law,
if any existed to the contrary—was more than willing to
marry his “deceased wife’s sister,” but Elizabeth would
neither marry, nor take orders from him, which ex-
asperated Philip greatly. His religious fanaticism and
the influence of the Jesuits made him determined
to punish the queen and ruin her country. With this
amiable intention the great Armada was prepared. It
consisted of 130 ships, of an aggregate of about 60,000
tons. It was armed with 2630 pieces of cannon, and
carried 30,000 men, including 124 volunteers, —the
flower of the Spanish nobility and gentry,—and 180
monks. ‘Twelve of the greatest ships were named after
the twelve apostles.

The English fleet was put under the command of
Lord Howard, with Sir Francis Drake for his vice-
admiral, and Sir John Hawkins for his rear-admiral.
Lord Henry Seymour, with Count Nassau, cruised on
the coast of Flanders, to watch the movements of the
40 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Duke of Parma, who purposed, it was believed, to form
a junction with the Spanish Armada, or to aid it, by
making a separate descent upon England.

The threatened invasion stirred the kingdom to the
highest pitch of patriotic fervour. The city of London
advanced large sums of money for the national service.
Requisitioned to provide 15 ships and 5000 men, the
city fathers promptly provided 30 ships and 10,000
men.

The Armada encountered a violent storm, at almost the
commencement of the voyage northwards, and had to
put back. The rumour was current in England that the
great expedition was hopelessly shattered. Lord Howard
consequently received, through Walsingham, Secretary of
State, instructions to send four of his largest ships into
port. The admiral doubted the safety of this course,
and willingly engaged to keep the ships out, at his own
charge. “He bore away towards Spain, and soon obtained
such intelligence, as confirmed him in the opinion he
had formed, and fully justified the course he had
adopted.

On the roth July, Fleming, a Scottish pirate, who.
plied his vocation in the Channel and the approaches
thereto, sailed into Plymouth in hot haste, with the
intelligence that the Armada was at hand. This pirate
did, for once at least in his life, an honest and incal-
culably important day’s work. An ancient historian
“BORN TO SERVE AND SAVE HIS COUNTRY.” 41

estimates it so highly as to say that “this man was,
in reality, the cause of the absolute ruin of the Spaniards ;
for the preservation of the English was undoubtedly
owing to his providential discovery of the enemy.” At
the request of Lord Admiral Howard, the queen after-
wards granted a pardon to Fleming for his past offences,
and awarded him a pension for the timely service he had
rendered to the nation.

“And then,” says Dr. Collier, “was played on the
Hoe at Plymouth that game of bowls, which fixes itself
like a picture on the memory,—the faint, hazy blue
of the July sky, arching over sun-baked land and glitter-
ing sea; the group of captains on the grass, peak-
bearded and befrilled, in the fashion of Elizabeth’s day ;
the gleaming wings of Fleming’s little bark skimming
the green waters like a seagull, on her way to Plymouth
harbour with the weightiest news. She touches the
rude pier; the skipper makes hastily for the Hoe, and
tells how that morning he saw the giant hulls off the
Cornish coast, and how he has with difficulty escaped
by the fleetness of his ship. The breathless silence
changes to a storm of tongues ; but the resolute man who
loaded the Golden Hind with Spanish pesos, and ploughed
the waves of every ocean round the globe, calls on his
comrades to ‘play out the match, for there is plenty of
time to do so, and to beat the Spaniards too.’ It is
Drake who speaks. The game is resumed, and played
42 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

to the last shot. Then begin preparations for a mightier
game. ‘The nation’s life is at stake. Out of Plymouth,
along every road, men spur as for life, and every head-
land and mountain peak shoots up its red tongue of
warning flame.”

The sorrows and sufferings of the crowd of Spaniards
noble and ignoble, of the nine score holy fathers, and the
two thousand galley slaves, who left the Tagus in glee
and grandeur, in the “happy Armada,” with a great
design,—but really to serve no higher purpose, as things
turned out, than to provide, in their doomed persons,
a series of banquets for the carnivorous fishes in
British waters,—need not be dwelt upon here, being
referred to elsewhere.

As commander-in-chief, it was universally felt and
admitted that Lord Charles Howard acquitted himself
with sound judgment, consummate skill, and unfalter-
ing courage. The queen acknowledged his merits, the
indebtedness of the nation to the lord high admiral,
and her sense of his magnanimity and prudence, in the
most expressive terms. In 1596 he was advanced to
the title and dignity of Earl of Nottingham, his patent
of nobility containing the declaration, “ that by the victory
obtained anno 1588, he did secure the kingdom of
England from the invasion of Spain, and other impend-
ing dangers; and did also, in conjunction with our
dear cousin, Robert, Earl of Essex, seize by force the




























































































































































































































































































































LORD HOWARD'S DEFEAT OF THE SPANISH FLEET NEAR CADIZ.



43
“BORN TO SERVE AND SAVE HIS COUNTRY.” 45

Isle and the strongly fortified castle of Cadiz, in the
farthest part of Spain; and did likewise rout and
entirely defeat another fleet of the King of Spain, pre-
pared in that port against this kingdom.” On entering
the House of Peers, the Earl of Nottingham was received
with extraordinary expressions and demonstrations of
honourable regard.

In 1599, circumstances of delicacy and difficulty again
called for the services of the Earl of Nottingham. Spain
meditated another invasion. ‘The Earl of Essex in
Ireland had entangled affairs, had left his post there, and
had rebelliously fortified himself in his house in London.
The Earl of Nottingham succeeded in bringing the
contumacious earl to a state of quietude, if not of reason,
and had the encomium pronounced upon him by the
queen, that he seemed to have been born “‘to serve and

? He was invested with the unusual

to save his country.’
and almost unlimited authority of Lord Lieutenant
General of all England ; ‘he was also appointed one of the
commissioners for executing the office of Earl-Marshal.
On her death-bed the queen made known to the earl
her desire as to the succession,—an unequivocal proof of
her regard and confidence,—the disclosure having been
entreated in vain by her most favoured ministers.

The accession of James did not impede the fortunes
of the Earl of Nottingham; he was appointed Lord High

Steward, to assist at the coronation; and afterwards
46 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

commissioned to the most brilliant embassy—to the
court of Philip III. of Spain—that the country had ever
sent forth. During his stay at the Spanish court, the
dignified splendour that characterised the Embassy
commanded the admiration and respect of the court and
people; and at his departure, Philip made him presents
of the estimated value of about £20,000, — thereby
exciting the jealousy and displeasure of the far from mag-
nanimous James J. Popularity and influence, enjoyed
or exercised independently of himself, were distasteful
and offensive to his ungenerous nature. James fre-
quently reminded his nobles at court “that they were
there, as little vessels sailing round the master ship;
whereas they were in the country so many great ships
each riding majestically on its own stream.”

The earl had his enemies, but he regained the con-
fidence of the king, and in 1613 assisted at the marriage
of the Princess Elizabeth with Frederick, the Elector
Palatine. His last naval service was to command the
squadron that escorted the princess to Flushing. The
infirmities of age having disqualified him for discharging -
the onerous duties of the office, he resigned his post of
lord high admiral, after a lengthened term of honour-
able and effective service. The distinguished career of
this eminent public man came to a calm and honourable
close on the 11th December 1624—the earl having
reached the advanced age of eighty-eight years.
SIR MARTIN FROBISHER,
NAVIGATOR, DISCOVERER, AND COMBATANT.

—9—_

CHAPTER III.
THE FIRST ENGLISH DISCOVERER OF GREENLAND.

ARTIN FROBISHER had no “lineage” to

boast of; he was of the people. His parents,

who had respectable connections, are supposed to have
come from North Wales to the neighbourhood of No?-
manton, Yorkshire, where he was born about the year
1535. Frobisher seems to have taken to the sea from
natural inclination. He is said to have been bred to the

. sea, but had reached the prime of life—about forty years
of age—before he came into public notice as a mariner.
He must have been a man of mark, and possessed of
qualities that commanded confidence. His mother
had a brother in London, Sir John York, to whom
young Frobisher was sent, and by whom he was probably

assisted.
47
48 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

In 1554 he sailed to Guinea in a small squadron of
merchant ships under the command of Captain John Lock,
and in 1561 had worked his way up to the command of

‘a ship. In 1571 he was employed in superintending
the building of a ship at Plymouth, that was intended
to be employed against Ireland. For years he had been
scheming, planning, and striving to obtain means for
an expedition in search of a North-West passage from
England to “far Cathay.” He was at last so far
successful as to get together an amusingly small
squadron for such a daring project. He was placed in
command of the Gadriel and the Michael, two small
barques of 20 tons each, and a pinnace of ro tons, with
crews of thirty-five men all told, wherewith to encounter
the unknown perils of the Arctic seas. Captain Matthew
Kindersley was associated with him in the adventure.
The expedition sailed from Gravesend on the 7th June
1576, and proceeded northwards by way of the Shetland
Islands. The pinnace was lost on the voyage, and the
other vessels narrowly escaped wreck in the violent
weather encountered off the coast of Greenland, of
which Frobisher was the first English discoverer. He
reached Labrador 28th July, and effected a landing on
Hall’s Island, at the mouth of the bay that bears
Frobisher’s name. At Butcher’s Island, where he after-
wards landed, five of the crew were captured by the
natives, and were never again seen. The adventurers


SIR MARTIN FROBISHER.

D



THE FIRST ENGLISH DISCOVERER OF GREENLAND, 51

took on board samples of earth,—with bright specks
supposed to be gold. Compared with subsequent Arctic
expeditions, this was a small affair in length of voyage
and time occupied,—the mariners reaching home on the
oth October.

Practical mineralogy was in its infancy in those days,
and the supposed auriferous earth excited great expect-
ations, but no attempt seems to have been made to
find out whether it was or was not what it seemed.
Pending analysis, the expedition was considered so far
satisfactory and successful, and a Cathay Company was
straightway formed under a charter from the Crown,
Another expedition was determined upon; the queen
lent a ship of 200 tons, and subscribed £1000; Frobisher
was appointed High Admiral of all lands and seas he
might discover, and was empowered to sail in every direc-
tion except east. The squadron consisted of the queen’s
ship, the A7d, the Gabriel, and the Michaed of last year’s
voyage, with pinnaces and boats, and a crew of one
hundred and twenty men. The squadron sailed 28th
May 1577, and arrived off Greenland in July. More of
the supposed precious earth was shipped, and certain
inhospitable shores were taken possession of in the
queen’s name, but no very notable discoveries were
made. An unsuccessful search was made after the five
men lost in the previous expedition. The Azd arrived
home at Milford Haven on 22nd August, and the
52 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

others later,—one at Yarmouth, and others at Bristol.
Although no results had been obtained from the “ore,”
yet another and much larger expedition was planned.
Frobisher was honoured with the thanks of the queen,
who showed great interest in the expeditions. The
new fleet consisted of thirteen vessels of various
kinds, including two queen’s ships of 400 and 200
tons, with one hundred and fifty men and one
hundred and twenty piorieers. For the other ‘ships
there was an aggregate crew of two hundred and fifty
men. The squadron sailed from Harwich on the 31st
May 1578, and reached Greenland roth June, and
Frobisher Bay about a month later. A considerable
amount of hitherto unexplored area of land and water
was roughly surveyed in this voyage, including a sail
of sixty miles up Hudson’s Strait, and more would
probably. have been done, but for dissensions and dis-
content among the crews. A vast quantity of the
golden (?) earth was shipped, and the expedition
returned to England, which was reached in October.
Frobisher’s next public employment was of a different
character. In command of the Primrose, he accom-
panied Drake’s expedition to the West Indies in 158s,
and. shared in the rich booty of which the Spaniards
were spoiled during that cruise. In 1588 Frobisher
held a high command, and with his ship, the Zvixmph,
rendered distinguished service in the actions with the










































































































































































































































































































































































































































SIR MARTIN FROBISHER PASSING GREENWICH.
THE FIRST ENGLISH DISCOVERER OF GREENLAND. 55

Spanish Armada. The Zriumph was the largest ship
in the English fleet, being of about 1000 tons
burthen, or the same as the floating wonder of Henry
VIII., the Henry Grace & Dieu,—but not so heavily
armed. The Henry carried no fewer than one hundred
and forty-one guns, whereas the Z7cumph was armed
with only sixty-eight guns. Frobisher proved well
worthy of his important command. For his skilful and
courageous service, in the series of actions against the
Armada, he received the well-earned honour of knight-
hood, at the hands of the lord high admiral. In 1591
he commanded a small fleet that cruised on the coast of
Spain, with hostile and plundering designs. He burned
one rich galleon in the course of this cruise, and cap-
tured and brought home another. Having got the prize
safely disposed of, the gallant old hero answered a
summons from the court of Cupid, and, after a short
courtship, he led the fair daughter of Lord Wentworth
to the altar. The following year, however, he was again
afloat in command of a cruising fleet, as successor to Sir
Walter Raleigh, who had been recalled.

One of the most important and brilliant actions,
among the many in which Sir Martin had taken a
leading part, was his next, and, alas! his last,—the taking
of Brest from the Spaniards. The. place was strong,
well armed, and stubbornly defended, with obstinate
valour. Sir Martin first attacked from the sea, but, im-
56 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

petuous and impatient, was dissatisfied with the result
of his cannonade, and, landing his blue-jackets, headed
them in a desperate storming assault, which compelled
the surrender of the garrison. The surrender cost the
assailants a heavy price in the lives of many brave
heroes, Sir Martin Frobisher himself, their gallant leader,
receiving a musket ball in his side. His wound was
unskilfully treated, and he died from its effects at
Plymouth two days after the action,—22nd November
1594. His body was conveyed to London, and interred
at St. Giles’s, Cripplegate.

Sir Martin Frobisher was a man of great ana varied
capabilities as a navigator and commander ; enthusiastic,
enterprising, skilful, manly, and of dauntless valour, but
rather rough and despotic, and not possessed of the
polished manners, airs, and graces that adorn carpet
knights and make men shine in courts.
THOMAS CAVENDISH,
GENTLEMAN ADVENTURER.

CHAPTER IV.

THE SECOND ENGLISHMAN WHO CIRCUMNAVIGATED
THE GLOBE.

N the time of Queen Elizabeth it was not unusual
for men of the highest rank to devote their private
fortunes and their personal services to the advancement
of what were considered national interests, with the tacit
understanding that the adventurers should consider
themselves at liberty to engage in operations fitted to
serve their own private interests, concurrently with those
of the State. The morals of the time were somewhat
lax, and “sea divinity,” as Fuller terms it, was taken
to sanction extraordinary transactions in the appropria-
tion and treatment of property, especially such as was
owned by the State or the subjects of Spain. To spoil
the Spaniards by all and yey possible means, seems to
58 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

have been esteemed an object of honourable and patriotic
_ enterprise, in which Sir Francis Drake distinguished
himself, as he did also by much nobler and more dis-
interested service. Thomas Cavendish was a contem-
porary of Drake, and in his wake plundered the
Spaniards, and he also followed him in circumnavigating
the globe,—the second Englishman who achieved that
feat.

Thomas was a descendant of Sir William Cavendish ;
he was born at the family mansion, Trimley, Suffolk,
about the year 1560. His father died while he was
still a minor. ‘Trimley, his birthplace, is situate on
the river Orwell, below Ipswich. The locality in which
he spent his early days probably induced a liking for
the sea.

In April 1585, Cavendish accompanied Sir Richard
Grenville in an expedition to Virginia, its object being
the establishment of a colony as designed by Sir Walter
Raleigh. The colony was a failure, and Drake, as we
have related in another place, subsequently brought
home the emigrants sent out to form it. Cavendish
accompanied the expedition in a ship that had been
equipped at his own cost, and acquired considerable
nautical experience in the course of the voyage.

On his return to England, Cavendish applied such
means as he could command to the equipment of a
small squadron with which to commence business as a
GU 7

A



THOMAS CAVENDISH.
SECOND UNGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 61

buccaneer. He diligently got together all the existing
maps and charts accessible, and, through the influence
of Lord Hunsdon, he was so fortunate as to obtain a
queen’s commission. The “flag-ship” of Cavendish,
admiral and commander, was the Desire, of only 120
tons burthen; the others were, the Cozfent, of 60 tons,
and the Hugh Gallant, a barque of 40 tons. The crews
consisted of 123 officers, sailors, and soldiers, all told.
The expedition sailed from Plymouth on the aist July
1586. The squadron first touched at Sierra Leone,
where they landed, and plundered and burned the town.
Having obtained supplies of water, fish, and lemons,
the squadron sailed for the coast of America, and reached
in 48° S, a harbour on the coast of Patagonia, in which
they anchored, and which, in honour of the admiral’s
ship, they named Port Desire. Here the crews were
enabled to make an agreeable change in the ship’s
dietary, by slaughtering the sea-lions and the penguins
that abounded on the coast; the flesh of the young
sea-lions, after a long course of salt junk, seemed to the
- sailors equal to lamb or mutton. Towards the end of
December the squadron sailed southward for Magellan’s
Straits, which were entered on the 6th January 1587.
At ashort distance from the entrance, lights were seen
from the north shore that were supposed to be signals,
and on the morning following a boat was sent off for
information. Unmistakable signs were made, as the
62 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

shore was approached, by three men waving such substi-
tutes as they could find for flags. It was found that
they were the wretched survivors of one of the colonies
that the Spaniards had attempted to plant, in order to
intercept Drake on his expected return, and to prevent,
in the future, any buccaneer from ravaging the coast as
he had done. The crops of the perishing colonists had
all failed; they were constantly harassed by the natives,
subject to unspeakable hardships; out of four hundred
men and thirty women landed by Pedro Sarmiento, about
seven years before Cavendish’s visit, only fifteen men and
three women survived. He offered the poor creatures a
passage to Peru. They at first hesitated to trust them-
selves with the English heretic, but, after brief reflection
on the misery and hopelessness of their situation, eagerly
accepted the offer,—but unhappily too late. A favour-
able wind sprang up, of which Cavendish took advantage,
and set sail. Concern for the safety of his crew, desire to
escape as speedily as possible from the perilous naviga-
tion of the Straits, and probably eagerness to make a
beginning with the real objects of the expedition—the
acquisition of plunder—overbore any pity he may have
felt for the wretched colonists, whose heartless abandon-
ment to hopeless misery attached shame and infamy to
the Spanish Government responsible for sending them
thither, rather than to the bold buccaneer, with no
humanitarian pretensions, who had come upon them
SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 63

accidentally. He brought off one Spaniard, Tomé
Hernandez, who wrote an account of the colony.

On the 24th of February the squadron emerged from
the Straits and sailed northwards, reaching the island of
Mocha about the middle of March, but not before the
little ships had been much knocked about, by weather of
extreme violence. The crews landed at several points,
and laid the natives under contribution for provisions.
They were mistaken for Spaniards, and were in some
cases received with undisguised hatred, in others with
servility. On the 30th they anchored in the Bay of
Quintero, to the north of Valparaiso, which was passed
by mistake, without being “tapped.” Notice of the
appearance of the suspicious squadron seems to have
reached some of the authorities. Hernandez, the
Spaniard, was sent ashore to confer with them. On
returning, he reported that the English might have what
provisions they required. Remaining for a time at their
anchorage here, parties were sent ashore for water and
such provisions as could be obtained. In one of these
visits, the men were suddenly attacked by a party of two
hundred horsemen, who cut off, and took prisoners,
twelve of the Englishmen. Six of the English prisoners
were executed at Santiago as pirates, although, as has
been said, with somewhat arrogant indignation, “ they
sailed with the queen’s commission, and the English
were not at open war with Spain.”
64 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Putting again to sea, the adventurers captured near
Arica a vessel laden with Spanish treasure. The cargo
was appropriated, and the ship—re-named the George—
‘attached to the squadron. Several other small vessels
were taken and burned. One of these from Santiago
had been despatched to the viceroy, with the intelligence
that an English squadron was upon the coast. Before
they were taken, they threw the despatches overboard,
and Cavendish resorted to the revolting expedient of
torture, to extort their contents from his captives. The
mode of torture employed was the “thumbikins,” an
instrument in which the thumb, by screw or lever power,
could be crushed into shapeless pulp. Having got what
information he could wring out of his prisoners, Caven-
dish burned the vessel and took the crew with him.
One of them was a Greek pilot, who knew the coast of
Chili, and might be useful. After a visit to a small
town where supplies were obtained—not by purchase—
of bread, wine, poultry, fruit, etc., and some small prizes
taken, the adventurers proceeded to Paita, where they
landed on the zoth May. The town, consisting of about
two hundred houses, was regularly built and very clean.
The inhabitants were driven out, and the town burned
to the ground. Cavendish would not allow his men to
carry away as much as they could, as he expected they
would need a free hand to resist a probable attack.
After wrecking the town and burning a ship in the

¢
SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 65

harbour, the squadron again sailed northwards, and
anchored in the harbour of the island of Puna. The
Indian chief, who lived in a luxuriously furnished
palace, surrounded by beautiful gardens, and the other
inhabitants had fled, carrying as many of their valuables
with them as possible. The English visitors sank a
Spanish ship of 250 tons that was in the harbour,
burned down a fine large church, and brought away
the bells.

On the znd June, before weighing anchor at Puna, a
party of Cavendish’s men, strolling about and foraging,
was suddenly attacked by about one hundred armed
Spaniards. Seven of the Englishmen were killed, three
were made prisoners, two were drowned, and eight
escaped. To avenge this attack, Cavendish landed with
as powerful a force as he could muster, drove out the
Spaniards, burned the town and four ships that were
building; he also destroyed the gardens and orchards,
and committed as much havoc generally as was in his
power. Again proceeding northwards to Rio Dolce,
he sent some Indian captives ashore, and sank the
Hugh Gallant, the crew of which he needed for the
manning of the other two ships. On the goth July a
new ship of 120 tons was taken; the sails and ropes
were appropriated, and the ship burned. A French-
man, taken in this vessel, gave valuable information
respecting a Manilla ship, then expected from the

B
66 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Philippines. The record of the proceedings of the
squadron continues most inglorious, including the burn-
ing of the town, the church, and the custom-house of
Guatulco ; the burning of two new ships at Puerto de
Navidad ; capturing three Spanish families, a carpenter,
a Portuguese, and a few Indians,—the carpenter and the
Portuguese only being kept for present and future use.
On the rath September the adventurers reached the
island of St. Andrew, where a store of wood and of dried
and salted wild-fowl was laid in, and the sailors, failing
other supply, had a fresh meat change in cooking the
iguanas, which were found more palatable, than inviting
in appearance. ‘Towards the end of September the fleet
put into the Bay of Mazattan, where the ships were
careened, and water was taken in. During October the
fleet cruised, in wait for the expected prize, not far wide
of Cape St. Lucas. On the 4th November a sail was
sighted, which proved to be the Sazta Anna, which was
overtaken after some hours’ chase, and promptly
attacked. The Spaniards resisted with determination
and courage, although they had no more effective means
of defence than stones, which they hurled at the boarders,
from behind such defective shelters as they could im-
provise. Two separate accounts of the action have been
preserved, both written by adventurers who were present.
After receiving a volley of stones from the defenders, one
narrator proceeds: ‘‘We new-trimmed our sails and




















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































i : ; :



PERILOUS POSITION IN THE STRAITS OF MAGELLAN,
SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 69

fitted every man his furniture, and gave them a fresh
encounter with our great ordnance, and also with our
small-shot, raking them through and through, to the
killing and wounding of many of their men. Their
captain, still like a valiant man with his company, stood
very stoutly in close fights, not yielding as yet. Our
general, encouraging his men afresh, with the whole
voice of trumpets, gave them the other encounter with
our great ordnance and all our small-shot, to the great
discouragement of our enemies,—raking them through in
divers places, killing and wounding many of their men.
They being thus discouraged and spoiled, and their ship
being in hazard of sinking by reason of the great shot
which were made, whereof some were made under water,
within five or six hours’ fight, sent out a flag of truce, and
parleyed for mercy, desiring our general to save their
lives and take their goods, and that they would presently
yield. Our general, of his goodness, promised them
mercy, and called to them to strike their sails, and to
hoist out their boat and come on board; which news
they were full glad to hear of, and presently struck their
sails and hoisted out their boat, and one of their chief
merchants came on board unto our general, and, falling
down upon his knees, offered to have kissed our general’s
feet, and craved mercy.” It is satisfactory that this
craven submission was not made by the commander of
the Santa Anna, who must have been a noble hero te
70 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

stand out, almost without arms of any kind, against the
“great ordnance and small-shot” of his enemy for five
‘or six hours. The narrator proceeds: “Our general
graciously pardoned both him and the rest, upon promise
of their true-dealing (!) with him and his company con-
cerning such riches as were in the ship, and sent for
their captain and pilot, who, at their coming, used the
like duty and reverence as the former did. The general,
out of his great mercy and humanity, promised their
lives and good usage.”

Cavendish and his crews must have been getting
rather disgusted with their hard and bitter experiences
up to the time they fell in with the Senta Anna. They
were about sixteen months out from Plymouth; had
been much knocked about; had destroyed a great deal
of property, but had acquired very little. The Santa
Anna compensated for all their hardships and disap-
pointments. It was a ship of 700 tons burthen, the
property of the King of Spain, and carried one of the
richest cargoes that had ever floated up to that time.
It had on board 122,000 pesos of gold, ze. as many
ounces of the precious metal, with a cargo of the finest
silks, satins, damasks, wine, preserved fruits, musk,
spices, etc. The ship carried a large number of
passengers, with the most luxurious provision for their
accommodation and comfort. The captors entered with
alacrity upon the unrestrained enjoyment of luxuries such
SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 71

as many of them had never known before. Cavendish
carried his prize into a bay within Cape St. Lucas, where
he landed the crew and passengers,—about one hundred
and ninety in all. He allowed them a supply of water, a
part of the ship’s stores, some wine, and the sails of the
dismantled prize to construct tents for shelter. He gave
arms to the men to enable them to defend their com-
pany against the natives. He‘also allowed them some
planks wherewith to build a raft, or such craft as they
might be able to construct for their conveyance to the
mainland. Among the passengers were two Japanese
youths, both of whom could read and write their own
language. There were also three boys from Manilla,
one of whom, on the return of the expedition to England,
was presented to the Countess of Essex,—such an
attendant being at that time considered evidence of
almost regal life and splendour. These youths, with a
Portuguese who had been in Canton, the Philippines,
and Japan, with a Spanish pilot, Cavendish took with
him.

Much anger and discontent were excited in connection
with the division of the spoils, especially among the
crew of the Content, who thought Cavendish took more
than a fair share for himself and the company of the
Desive—his own ship. The threatened mutiny was,
however, suppressed, and a grand gala was held on the
queen’s day—17th November, with eating and drink-
72 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

ing, firing of guns, and a display of fireworks, with as
a grand set-piece the blazing Santa Anna, with all of
her precious cargo on board that the captors could not
earry away with them.. They left the ship burned down
to the water’s edge. After they left the burning ship,
the fire providentially freed the wreck from the anchors,
and the flood-tide carried her still burning into the
bay. The abandoned company were happily enabled
to extinguish the flames, and to save so much of the
hull as with some fitting furnished them with a means
of escape from the inhospitable shore upon which they
had been cast.

After leaving Cape St. Lucas, the Coxtent¢ fell behind,
and was never again seen by Cavendish, who set sail
to cross the Pacific by a course not very widely different
from that taken by Drake.

In January 1588, Cavendish reached the Ladrone
Islands, a few miles from which an incident occurred
that does not redound to his credit. A fleet of fifty or
more canoes surrounded the Desire with cargoes of fish,
potatoes, plantains, etc., to exchange them, as they had
been accustomed to do with the Spaniards, for pieces
of iron. The islanders were importunate and rather
troublesome, and, to get rid of them, “our general”
and five of his men fired a volley into them. The
savages were so expert as divers and swimmers that the
sportsmen could not tell how many they killed. These
SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 73

natives were of tawny colour, tall, stout, and naked.
Their canoes, six or seven yards in length, but very
narrow, were admirably made, and had carved figure-
heads. They had square and triangular sails of a cloth
made from rushes.

On the voyage, while in the vicinity of the Philippines,
an important secret oozed out. The Portuguese taken
from the Saxta Anna let it be known that the Spanish
pilot had prepared a letter to be secretly conveyed to the
governor at Manilla, explaining how the Desive might
be surprised and overpowered. The Spaniard was
summarily hanged for his patriotism. The further
course of the homeward voyage was from Manilla to
the Moluccas, passed about the middle of February ;
Java; the Cape of Good Hope; St. Helena, in June; to
Plymouth, which was reached on the goth September
1588; Cavendish’s circumnavigation of the globe—the
third that had been accomplished—having been made
in two years and fifty days, a considerably shorter time
than had been occupied by either Magellan and his
successors or Sir Francis Drake,—but mere speed in
getting back to a home port had not been an object
with either of the three distinguished navigators.

Accounts differ as to the style in which Cavendish
made his return entry into Plymouth. According to
one account, he encountered, for four days, a violent
storm in the Channel, from which the tempest-tossed
74 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

adventurers happily escaped, and, says N. H., ‘‘on roth
September 1588, like wearied men, through the favour
of the Almighty, we got into Plymouth, where the
townsmen received us with all humanity.” Anyway,
his arrival, like that of Drake before him, caused a great
sensation at Plymouth.

Cavendish was received as a hero, and appeared to
consider himself worthy of his fame and the honours
conferred upon him. He had acquired great wealth,
albeit dishonestly, and his exploits had been dis-
tinguished in many instances by wanton outrage and
gratuitous destruction of life and property. He, how-
ever, appeared to be unconscious of having done
anything to be ashamed of, and probably held in
accord with those avowed by the Rev. Dr. Thos.
Fuller, prebendary of Sarum, who, as apologist for
Sir Francis Drake’s piratical performances, considered
that “his case was clear in sea divinity; and few are
such infidels as not to believe doctrines which make
for their own profit.” In a letter to his patron, Lord
Hunsdon, he writes: “It hath pleased Almighty God
to suffer me to circumpass the whole globe of the
world, entering in at the Strait of Magellan, and return-
ing by the Cape de Buena Esperanga; in which voyage
I have either discovered or brought certain intelligence

of all the rich places in the world, which were ever
discovered by any Christian. I navigated along the






































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































ROUNDING THE CAPE DE BUENA ESPERAN(CA.
SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 77

coast of Chili, Peru, and New Spain, where I made
great spoils. I burned and sank nineteen ships, small
and great. All the villages and towns that ever I landed
at I burned and spoiled; and had I not been discovered
upon the coast, I had taken great quantity of treasure.
The matter of most profit unto me was a great ship of
the king’s which I took at California, which ship came
from the Philippines, being one of the richest of
merchandise that ever passed those seas. From the
Cape of California, being the uttermost part of all New
Spain, I navigated to the islands of the Philippines,
hard upon the coast of China, of which country I have
brought such intelligence as hath not been heard of in
these parts; the stateliness and riches of which country
[China] I fear to make report of, lest I should not be
credited. I found out by the way homeward the island
of Santa Helena; and from that island God hath suffered
me to return unto England. All which services, with
myself, I humbly prostrate at Her Majesty’s feet,
desiring the Almighty long to continue her reign
amongst us; for at this day she is the most famous and
victorious princess that liveth in the world.” Although
Cavendish contributed comparatively little to the sum
of geographical knowledge by accurate reports of any
original discoveries he had made, apart from the moral
aspect of the principal incidents in his career, he was
indisputably a remarkable man, and rarely since the
78 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

world began has a young man of only twenty-eight
years achieved such a record as he had done, at the
end of his circumnavigation, illustrative of daring
- bravery, indomitable perseverance, and manly endurance.
The wealth with which Cavendish returned was con-
sidered sufficient to have bought “a fair earldom”;
but it was not to his taste to settle, or found a family.
His expedition had been undertaken to repair his
shattered fortunes, and had done so satisfactorily, but
it was probably “light come, light go” with him.
The treasure of the Santa Anna had been put into
“a bag with holes,” and what did not run through
was providently applied by Cavendish to fitting out
another expedition on an extended scale, which it was
expected would do a much larger business, and prove
even a more pronounced success than the last. The
new squadron consisted of “three tall ships” and two
pinnaces,—the galleon JLeécester, in which Cavendish
sailed ; the Deszre, his old ship, commanded by Captain
John Davis; the Zoebucke, the Black Pinnace, and the
Daintie. The expedition sailed from Plymouth on 26th
August 1591, which was from the beginning a series of
dreary, unrelieved misery and disaster. The Straits of
Magellan were reached in April 1 592, and passed through
about halfway. Disagreements arose among the crews,
and Cavendish seemed to have lost his power of com-
mand. He determined to return to Santos. The ships
SECOND ENGLISH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 79

parted company, and the last notice of Cavendish in
the homeward voyage of the Zetcester is his own notice
of the death of his cousin John Locke in 8° N. latitude.
Cavendish is supposed to have died on board a few
days later, the victim of grief and disappointment.
While tossed about in the Desive after the ships had
parted company, Captain Davis was, on the 14th August
1592, “driven in among certain islands never before
discovered by any known relation, lying fifty leagues or
better off the shore, east and northerly from the Straits.”
These were the Falkland Islands, of which Captain
Davis has certainly the honour of being the original
discoverer, although the discovery has been claimed by
Sir Richard Hawkins, and certain foreign navigators.?
Several more or less complete accounts of this last

1 Captain John Davis achieved in this early age deserved cele-
brity as a navigator and discoverer. He made three voyages,
under the sanction and authority of the English Government, in
search of a North-West passage to the Pacific. In the first, in 1585,
he pushed his way round the southern end of Greenland, across
the strait that from then until now has borne his name—Davis
Strait—and along the coast of what is now known as Baffin’s Land,
to the Cape of God’s Mercy, which he thus named in the belief
that his task was virtually accomplished. In the second voyage,
1586, he made little further progress; in the third, 1587, he
reached the entrance to the strait afterwards explored by, and
named after, Hudson. Davis, after other important nautical
services, was, when’ on his return from the East Indies, killed by
pirates off the coast of Malacca. Davis was an author as well as a
navigator.
80 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

disastrous voyage of Cavendish have been preserved ;
one of them, drawn up at sea by himself, is a most
affecting and depressing narrative. In this account he
writes: ‘We had been almost four months between
the coast of Brazil and the Straits, being in distance not
above six hundred leagues, which is commonly run in
twenty or thirty days; but such was the adverseness of
our fortune, that in coming thither we spent the summer,
and found the Straits in the beginning of a most extreme
winter, not endurable for Christians. After the month
of May was come in, nothing but such flights of snow,
and extremity of frosts, as in all my life I never saw any
to be compared with them. This extremity caused the
weak men to decay ; for, in seven or eight days in this
extremity, there died forty men and sickened seventy,
so that there were not fifteen men able to stand upon
the hatches.” Mr. John Lane, a friend of Captain Davis,
writing of their experiences in the middle of “charming
May,” says: “In this time we endured extreme storms,
with perpetual snow, where many of our men died of~
cursed famine and miserable cold, not having wherewith
to cover their bodies nor to fill their stomachs, but living
by mussels, water, and weeds of the sea, with a small
relief from the ship’s stores of meal sometimes.” He
makes the shocking disclosure that “all the sick men in
the galleon” (Cavendish’s ship) “were most uncharitably
put on shore into the woods, in the snow, wind, and
SECOND ENGLISLH CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE GLOBE. 81

cold, when men of good health could scarcely endure it,
where they ended their lives in the highest degree of
misery.”

Anthropology, natural history, or other scientific sub-
jects, had no attractions’ for the adventurers, whose
attention, and such powers as were left with them, were
absorbed in their conflicts with storm and tempest, cold,
hunger, and nakedness. After parting company they
never again reunited, or in any of the separated ships
made any attempt to carry out the objects of the expedi-
tion. Almost all perished miserably. It is stated that
Davis, whom Cavendish charged with treachery and
desertion, did all that was possible to find and rejoin his
leader, but without success. Long after the separation
of the fleet, Davis returned to Port Desire, and three
times attempted unsuccessfully to pass through the
Straits in search for Cavendish. Davis and a few more
survived their terrible hardships. Out of a crew of
seventy-six men who sailed from England, only a rem-
nant of fifteen lived to return with Davis, in misery and
weakness so great that they could neither “take in or
heave out a saile.” Davis, with the distressed survivors,
arrived off Bearhaven, Ireland, on 11th June 1593)
fully a year after the death and burial of Cavendish
at sea.

Cavendish was far from faultless. He was passionate

and impetuous, and was still young at the end of his
F
82 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

adventurous life. He was a University man, a bred
aristocrat, a courtier, with a contempt for humanitarian
doctrines and practices. Society, as it was constituted
then, has to share the blame of his excesses, and
especially his recklessness of human life. It was a com-
paratively venial offence in those days to fire into a
crowd of South Sea Islanders with as little hesitation as
if they had been a flock of wild ducks. His high spirit,
courage, and intrepidity are, however, indisputable.
SIR WALTER RALEIGH,
QUEEN ELIZABETH’S FAVOURITE MINISTER.

—o-—

CHAPTER V.
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES,

NDOWED with a rare combination of high quali-

ties and capability, Sir Walter Raleigh may be
pronounced one of the most distinguished men of the
Elizabethan era. He approved himself a brave soldier,
an intrepid sailor, and a thorough disciplinarian; in
other directions he was a learned scholar, a profound ©
philosopher, an eloquent orator, and an elegant courtier.
Raleigh’s family traced its lineage from before the
Conquest, and Walter could claim descent from, and
connection with, three of the best Devonshire houses—
the Gilberts, the Carews, and the Champernouns. His
father, Walter Raleigh the elder, was the second husband
of Catherine, daughter of Sir Philip Champernoun of
Modbury. By a former BuszenG Otto Gilbert, this
84 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

lady had two sons, Humphrey and Adrian, destined to
distinguish themselves as navigators and colonists, with
whom Walter Raleigh was intimately associated in their
enterprises.

Walter Raleigh was born, according to Camden, in
1552, at Hayes Barton, East Budleigh, a farmstead in
Devonshire, pleasantly situated near the coast.

Information touching Raleigh’s education and the
early part of his life is vague and meagre, few facts
being on record concerning him prior to 1569, when, it
is stated, he left Oxford, where he was first a resident at
Christ Church, from which he removed to Oriel. It is
supposed that he commenced at Oxford his acquaintance
with Sir Philip Sydney, Hakluyt, and Camden.

Camden states, in his Aznades, that Raleigh was one
of a hundred gentlemen volunteers who proceeded to
France with Henry Champernoun, Raleigh’s cousin, to
the assistance of the Huguenots. The service of the
English contingent appears to have commenced about
the end of the year 1569. References are made by
Raleigh in his History of the World to the Huguenot
troubles, and his own connection with them ; amongst
others, to the conduct of the Protestants at the battle of
Jarnac, after the death of the Prince of Condé; and to
the retreat at Moncontour, of which he was an eye-
witness. It is conjectured that Raleigh spent about six
years in France in active service.


EIGH,

AL

SIR WALTER R

85

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AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES, 87

It has been discovered by modern historians that
in 1577 Raleigh was attached in some capacity to
Queen Elizabeth’s court, and that he was also “of the
Middle Temple,” but whether called to the Bar, or only
lodging in the Temple, or “eating his terms,” is not
certain. He had reached vigorous manhood, was twenty-
five years of age, of cultivated mind, active tempera-
ment, enterprising and ambitious. He was familiar with
the exploits of Hawkins and Drake, and was probably
fired by the romance of the Spanish Indies. His half-
brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, had made several voyages
to the Gulf of Mexico and the country afterwards called
Virginia in honour of Queen Elizabeth, and it has been
considered probable that on one or more occasions
Walter was his companion. It is known that he was
with Gilbert in an unfortunate expedition to the St.
Lawrence in 1578. In the following year he was
committed to the Fleet prison for a violent difference
with another courtier. He was released after a short
confinement, however, and in the same year was stopped
when in the act of starting on a piratical expedition
against Spain.

At the close of 1579 the Spanish Catholics invaded
Ireland. The invading expedition, which came from
Ferrol, first landed at Dingle, but not feeling so secure
there as they desired, they sailed four miles farther west
to Senerwick Bay, and built there the Fort del Ore, upon
88 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

a sandy isthmus, from which the invaders thought they
might easily, if pressed, escape to sea, The Earl of
Desmond and the Geraldines coalesced with their
foreign co-religionists, casting off their allegiance to
Elizabeth. Raleigh was sent to take part with the
force then in Ireland upholding the queen’s power, and
to assist in exterminating the invaders.

Raleigh left London in January 1580, with one
hundred foot soldiers. At the Isle of Wight they were
transferred into ships of the queen’s fleet. On the 22nd
February, Raleigh wrote from Cork to Lord Burghley,
giving an account of his voyage. His arrival was
welcome, and timely, to his friend Sir Warham Saint
Leger, who was holding Cork with great difficulty, with
an insufficient garrison of only forty Englishmen.

It does not appear that Raleigh entered at once upon
active duty, as his pay only begins July 13, 1580; he
probably served, however, irrespective of this circum-
stance. In August he was associated with Saint Leger,
provost-marshal of Munster, in a commission to try the
younger brother of the Earl of Desmond, whom they
sentenced to be hung.

In August, Lord Grey of Wilton arrived in Dublin,
to relieve Pelham of the chief command in Ireland.
He had with him the afterwards famous poet, Edmund
Spenser, as his secretary. Raleigh remained in Ireland,
and thus were brought together two of the most gifted
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES, 89

men of their time ; they naturally, as they became known
to each other, entered into a close friendship.

In the operations for the suppression of the rebellion
that followed, Raleigh took an active and influential
part, and was for a time practically governor of Munster.
There was much hard work in the campaign, and
considerable scope for dash and military capability,
which Raleigh exhibited in a high degree, but there was
little “glory” to be derived from skirmishes, raids, and
forays, or from scouring the woods and ravines for
hunted rebels, and it must have been a welcome relief
to Raleigh when a summons from London, to which he
returned in December 1581, put an end to his military
service in Ireland. An established reputation for
military prowess had preceded him.

Raleigh, as before stated, was attached in some
capacity to the court in 1577, but had not then entered
into personal relations, or become a favourite, with the
queen, who reappointed him a captain to serve in
Ireland, but decreed in connection with the appoint-
ment,—“ That our pleasure is that the said [Irish] land
be, in the meantime, till he [Raleigh] repair into that
Our realm, delivered to some such as he shall depute to
be his lieutenant there.” “For that he is, for some
considerations, by Us excused to stay here.” The
Duc d’Alengon, who had at this time come from France
to woo the queen, was not very favourably spoken of
|



90 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK. ~

by Her Majesty. He served probably as a foil to
manly, handsome Raleigh, who was now about thirty
years of age, and described as “having a good presence
in a well-compacted person; a strong natural wit,
and a better judgment; with a bold and plausible
tongue, whereby he could set out his parts to the best
advantage.” He was “about six feet in height, with
dark hair and a high colour, a facial expression of great
brightness, personable from the virile force of his figure,
and illustrating these attractions by a splendid taste in
dress. His clothes were at all times noticeably
gorgeous; and to the end of his life his person was
commonly bedizened with jewels to his very shoes.”
The sprightly soldier-poet never lost his decided
Devonshire accent, which his royal mistress liked rather
than otherwise. For several years he basked in the
almost perfectly unclouded sunshine of her smiles, and
received openly many distinguishing marks of the queen’s
favour. Old writers give some interesting illustrations
of the little passages of wit and gallantry that marked
their intercourse. On one occasion, it is related, when
the queen, with Raleigh in attendance, had to alight
from her carriage into a puddle,—roads were bad in
those days,—-the gay cavalier whipt off his dainty cloak
of silk plush, and spread it out as a foot-cloth to protect
her feet from the mud. The sacrifice of the cloak was
highly appreciated, and proved to have been—although,
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 91

perhaps, not so designed on Raleigh’s part—an excellent
investment.

The personal intimacy and intercourse between the
queen and Raleigh were as close as was- permissible
between a sovereign and a subject. Had the queen
given the Duc d’Alencon half the encouragement she
gave to Raleigh, his suit would have ended-in a royal
wedding. Sir Walter did not dare, probably, to make
the queen an offer of his heart and hand, but he did
not fail to give her an “inkling” concerning his feelings.
On a pane in the window of her boudoir or other apart-
ment, he wrote with his diamond ring—

“Fain would I climb, but that I fear to fall.”

His royal inamorata, holding probably that “there is
much virtue in an ‘if,’” replied—

“‘Tf thy heart fail thee, then climb not at all.”

Raleigh did not go to Ireland to take over from his
lieutenant command of the company of infantry of which
he was the nominal commander, but had a confidential
place by the queen’s side, and was her counsellor in
divers weighty matters.

In 1583, Raleigh came into possession, through the
queen’s favour, of the estates of Stolney and Newland,
formerly possessions of All Souls’ College, Oxford. He
was also favoured with letters patent for the “Farm of
Wines,” afterwards one of the principal sources of his
92 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

wealth. Under this grant each vintner throughout the
kingdom had to pay twenty shillings a year for a licence
to sell wines. The grant also included a share to
Raleigh of fines accruing to the Crown, under previously
existing wine statutes. From his wine trade emoluments
Raleigh realised at one period about £2000 a year,
equivalent: to about £12,000 of our money. From
certain causes the amount of his receipts from this
source declined, and he afterwards resigned his patent to
James I. for 41000 per annum.

Meantime, Raleigh’s half-brother, Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, had been making, at great cost, persevering
attempts to establish a colony or colonies in North
America, but unfortunately without success. Gilbert
had obtained a charter for his colonisation project
extending for six years from 1578. After repeated
failures of his enterprises, particularly in 1579, he gave
up, for a time at least, their further prosecution, and lent
three of his ships to the Government for service on the
coast of Ireland.

Raleigh had always befriended his courageous relative,
Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and now used all his court influ-
ence in his favour. His charter was about to expire.
The queen was much importuned to renew it, and
reluctantly did so, but refusing permission to her
favourite, Raleigh, to take part personally in the enter-
prise. He expended, however, a large sum in aid of the
is
(3

Ne
\









































“RALEIGH WHIPT OFF HIS CLOAK OF SILK PLUSH, AND SPREAD
IT OUT TO PROTECT TIIE QUEEN’S FEET FROM THE MUD,”
93
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES, 95

fresh expedition to North America, which Sir Humphrey
was resolved to undertake. One of the five ships that
constituted the fleet—the Ark Raleigh—was built and
fitted out entirely by Sir Walter, at a cost of £2000.
The expedition sailed June rith, 1583, and met with a
series of disasters, including the death of its resolute and
gallant commander. In this expedition Newfoundland
was touched at, and taken possession of by Gilbert in
the queen’s name,

Undismayed by Humphrey Gilbert’s repeated and
disastrous failures, Raleigh continued to believe in the
ultimate success of these American colonisation schemes,
and he induced the queen to renew the charter, to
which the parties were Raleigh himself, as chief; Adrian
Gilbert, a younger brother of Sir Humphrey; and John
Davis, a courageous and experienced navigator. These
three were incorporated as representing “‘ The College of
the Fellowship for the Discovery of the North-West
Passage.” Realisation of the queen’s dream, and desire
after a shorter route va the north-west to China, was the
professed object of the adventurers, but Raleigh was
careful to secure subsidiary material advantages, and the
charter gave full powers to the adventurers to inhabit or
retain, build or fortify, at Raleigh’s discretion, any remote
lands that he might find hitherto unoccupied by any
Christian power.

Raleigh was financier and managing director, but not
96 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

the personal conductor of the next American expedition.
In April 1584 a small fleet sailed for the West, under
the command of Captains Amadas and Barlow. In
May they passed the Canaries; in June they fell in
with the Bahama Islands. While still far out at sea,
delicate odours, sweet as those of “Araby the blest,”
were wafted to them from Florida, at which they touched ;
thereafter sailing northwards, they landed at, and, in
name of the queen, annexed the islands then called
Roanoke and Wokoken, with the mainland adjacent.
In honour of Queen Elizabeth, the newly-annexed
country was named Virginia. An ancient writer pro-
nounces the name appropriate, from the country having
been discovered in the reign of the Virgin Queen, and
also because the country seemed “to retain the virgin
purity and plenty of the first creation, and the people
their primitive innocence.” Early in 1585 Raleigh
sent out a second expedition to Virginia under Sir
Richard Grenville; others were afterwards sent, and,
under Ralph Lane, settled for a time on Roanoke,
but -failed to succeed as settlers, or to justify the
sanguine expectations of Raleigh, who was by this
time very rich, and could well afford to carry out
his costly colonisation hobby. He was also befriended
by a success that befell his lieutenant, Sir Richard
Grenville, who, in returning to England, fell in with
a treasure-laden Spanish ship of an estimated value of
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 97

450,000, which he captured and brought safely into
Plymouth.

In addition to his other rich privileges and possessions,
the queen granted to Raleigh a liberty to export broad-
cloth. This fresh mark of royal favour was disapproved
by Lord Burghley, who estimated the increase to
Raleigh’s income from the woollen broadcloth trade
at the equivalent of £18,000 of our present money.
It is to be said for Sir Walter that his enormous wealth
was not wasted in vice and debauchery, although
personal ambition had probably a good deal to do in
directing his expenditure. He probably aspired to the
creation of a state in the West, with himself as its chief,
that for riches, dignity, and power, would excel the
possessions of Spain. His were not the views or aims of
the mere grubber after lucre for its own sake, or for his
own personal aggrandisement. He was not indifferent
to any promise the newly-found region might give of
pearls or precious metals, but was equally solicitous
concerning its useful mineral, vegetable, and animal
products, and he appointed Mr. Thomas Hariot, an
able scientific and practical man, commissioner to
collect trustworthy information.

At this time, 1584, Raleigh was very much in close
attendance on the queen, at one or other of her palaces,
at Greenwich or Windsor. His own residence was in

the then rural village of Islington. The immense
G
98 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

revenue derived from his wine and broadcloth businesses
enabled him to indulge in such a scale of expenditure as

could only be incurrred by a merchant prince or other
. opulent personage. He leased from the queen, Durham
House, situated on the river, in the locality now known as
the Adelphi. This was a vast palace, occupied at one time
by the bishops of Durham, and afterwards by Queen
Elizabeth herself. This stately building was Raleigh’s
town house from 1584 to 1603.

In the year 1584, or the year following, Raleigh was
knighted, and advanced to various high dignities. He
was appointed Lord Warden of the Stannaries, Lord
Lieutenant of Cornwall, Vice-Admiral of Cornwall and
Devon, and he entered Parliament, as one of the two
members for Devonshire. He was no carpet knight or
mere sinecurist, but to the utmost of his ability
discharged faithfully the duties devolving upon him in
these various offices, personally as far as possible, or by
competent deputies. As Warden of the Stannaries he
effected important reforms that greatly mitigated the
hardships of the Cornish miners. His discrimination,
judgment, and resolution fitted him admirably for judge,
and director of administration of the affairs that came
within his jurisdiction.

Raleigh’s Virginian colony came to an inglorious end
in 1586, but he was successful in another less creditable
enterprise. He had sent a small fleet for undisguised
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 99

predatory purposes to the Azores, that did good business.
Its commander captured and brought to England a
Spanish noble, Don Pedro Sarmiento, a colonial governor.
While his ransom was being collected, Raleigh entertained
his illustrious guest in splendid style in his grand town
house. In 1587, Raleigh took possession of vast estates
in Ireland, assigned to his charge by the queen, as
gentleman-undertaker ; they were part of the escheated
lands of the Earl of Esmond, and embraced forty-two
thousand acres in the counties of Cork, Waterford, and
Tipperary. He did his best to re-people the desolate
regions, and brought over many West of England farmers
and farm labourers, but his energetic and well-meant
efforts met with only partial success.

Up to this time, 1587, Raleigh had been first
favourite with the queen, who had showered wealth and
influence upon him. The queen had now, however,
other flutterers around her in addition to Raleigh. In
1587 one appeared on the scene, who seemed likely to
cut them all out. The queen had reached the mature
age of fifty-four years ; the young Earl] of Essex, the new
royal favourite, was only twenty. Essex hated “that
knave Raleigh,” as he designated him, and did all he
could to make mischief between the queen and her
favourite.

Turning to affairs more worthy of Raleigh’s nature and
powers, the public offices he held necessitated his
100 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

frequent and rapid movements from one distant locality
to another, and withdrew him from court connection and
intrigues. His interest in his Virginian enterprise had
never flagged. A third expedition he had despatched
had proved disastrous ; in May 1587 he sent out another,
under Captain John White. Another still, under Sir
Richard Grenville, that attempted to follow, was stopped
by Government at Bideford. Undismayed and resolute,
Raleigh sent out from Bideford, in April 1588, two
pinnaces, with help to the unfortunate colonists. These
fell into the hands of privateers, and returned to England
stripped and helpless. Raleigh had up to this time
used the most strenuous endeavours, and had spent a
princely fortune, in his attempt to found an American
colony, but he was unaided by court or other influence,
and public affairs now required the application of his
energies in another direction. The advent of the “ in-
vincible Spanish Armada” was at hand. Raleigh was
one of the nine commissioners appointed to consider the
best means of resisting the threatened invasion ; two of
his captains, Sir Richard Grenville and Ralph Lane, were
also on the commission, which implies that Sir Walter
was an important factor in determining the most import-
ant national affairs. In anticipation of the arrival of the
Armada he made all necessary preparations for defence,
and for assistance in attack, in relation to the counties
under his charge, as vice-admiral. He also directed
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 101

preparations to resist invasion on the east coast—notably
at Norfolk. In resistance of the Armada, and assistance
in its pursuit and destruction, Raleigh took a prominent
part. His ship was amongst those that chased the
distressed Spanish galleons northwards. In proof that
he had rendered important service in connection with
the memorable events, it may be mentioned that on
September 5th, 1588, to Raleigh and Drake were con-
signed equal numbers of wealthy Spanish prisoners,
whose ransoms were to be the reward of the achieve-
ments of these commanders. Raleigh so distinguished
himself in the actions with the Armada by his skill in
naval tactics, and his genius for rapid action, as to excite
the admiration of Lord Howard, High Admiral, who ever
after treated him as a recognised authority in important
naval affairs.

In 1589, Raleigh leased his patent rights, title, and
interest in the Virginia Colony to a company of merchants,
reserving only a royalty upon gold and silver ore that
might be raised in the colony. It is not recorded that
he ever received profit from this reservation, or from his
costly efforts to colonise Virginia, extending over thirteen
years. In the settlement of America by Europeans
he was the unpaid pioneer. After the defeat of the
Armada, Raleigh continued actively occupied in the
direction of important schemes in Devonshire, Cornwall,
Ireland, and other parts of the kingdom, and was
102 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

interested also in some privateering enterprises for which
the King of Spain—‘the natural enemy of England ”—
and the Armada were convenient covering and excuse.
Raleigh’s rovers were not particular as to nationality of
vessels attacked; they sacked the English ship Angel
Gabriel of a cargo of wine, and took sack and sugar
and mace from other vessels, without assurance that
these were only reprisals against the Spaniards.

In 1589, Raleigh was associated with Sir Francis
Drake in an expedition to restore Dom Antonio to the
throne of Portugal, from which he had been ousted by
Philip of Spain. Raleigh proceeded with the force up
to the walls of Lisbon. The object of the expedition
was not achieved, but a good deal of plunder was
secured in its course,—Raleigh’s share amounting to
44000. Some of the ships engaged were Raleigh’s own
property, amongst them the afterwards famous Revenge,
the Crane, and the Garland. These ships were
employed as merchantmen or men-of-war, as circum-
stances might require or interest suggest. The sort of
public service they rendered, led to the exploits of their
owners and crews being judged with a considerable
degree of indulgence by the national authorities, who
sometimes cverlooked acts of piracy, and in some instances
appropriated the proceeds. Raleigh’s men were on this
occasion so rash and inconsiderate as to capture two
French barques, which brought a sharp reprimand upon


EDMUND SPENSER,
AUTHOR OF “THE FAERIE QUEEN.”

103
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 105

Sir Walter, because France and England were at that
time at peace with each other. In some cases the cargo
of the privateers was ‘taken over” wholesale by the
authorities.

The Earl of Essex, as a courtier and an admirer, had a
great advantage over Raleigh, thus so much out of the
queen’s sight,—and he made the most of it to his rival’s
disadvantage. In August 1589, a contemporary writes,
“My Lord of Essex hath chased Mr. Raleigh from the
court, and hath confined him to Ireland”; but Raleigh
contradicted the rumour of his disgrace. However this
may have been, he proceeded to Ireland in 1589, and
resided in his own house at Youghal,—his most intimate
friends and neighbours there being his cousin, Sir George
Carew, who lived at Lismore, and the poet, Edmund
Spenser, who had been rewarded for his services, as
Clerk of the Council of Munster, with a gift of a manor
and ruined castle, Kilcolman, formerly the property of
the rebel Desmonds. With Spenser, Raleigh had much
close, pleasant, sympathetic intercourse. Much of
Spenser’s admirable poetical work was done during
his comparative seclusion at Kilcolman, and there
Raleigh also, perturbed though his life had been, and
unfavourable to cultivation of the muses, exercised his
extraordinary literary powers. Spenser had nearly com-
pleted his great poem, Ze Faery Queen, the MS. of
which was read by Raleigh, who in turn submitted to
106 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

the friendly criticism of Spenser his Lamentable Lay,
a eulogy on Queen Elizabeth, under the name of
Cynthia. Mr. Edmund Gosse, as a result of the most
searching inquiry into the circumstances and evidence,
touching the intercourse between Raleigh and Spenser
at this time, says that the evidence is conclusive that
Raleigh had then written a poem or poems which
Spenser “‘set on a level with the best works of the age,
in verse.”

But Raleigh was an energetic man of business as well
as a poet, a man of action more than of dreams, and,
during his residence in Ireland, he did much in various
ways to promote the material prosperity of the people.
He defended the rights of the merchants of Waterford
and Wexford, and encouraged their export trade in barrel
staves by putting two of his own ships to a regular
service between Waterford and the Canaries. Traces
of his beneficent work in Munster still remain. Sir
John Pope Hennessy says :—

“The richly perfumed wallflowers that he brought to
Ireland from the Azores, and the Affane cherry, are still
found where he first planted them by the Blackwater.
Some cedars he brought to Cork are to this day growing
at a place called Tivoli. He also introduced a number
of plants, before unknown in England,—among others,
the potato, which has had such an influence—for good
or evil—on the destinies of Ireland and many other
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 107

countries,—and the tobacco plant, which was not much
approved by the queen, and which he had to use
very privately. The four venerable yew-trees, whose
branches have grown and intermingled into a sort
of summer-house thatch, are pointed out as having
sheltered Raleigh, when he first smoked tobacco in his
Youghal garden. In that garden he also planted
tobacco... . A few steps farther on, where the town-
wall of the thirteenth century bounds the walls of the
gardens of the.Warden’s house, is the famous spot where
the first Irish potato was planted by him. In that
garden he gave the tubers to the ancestor of the present
Lord Southwell, by whom they were spread throughout
the province of Munster.”

Such were some of the precious gifts brought by
Raleigh’s wisely-instructed and zealous agents from
across the Atlantic, and conferred by the enlightened
patriot upon his country—boons of infinitely greater
value than the plate and pearls of which the Spaniards
were deprived by the early English rovers.

About the end of 1589 Raleigh returned to Eng-
land, taking Spenser with him, whom he introduced to
the queen, and he was instrumental in obtaining for
him, as the first poet-laureate, a pension of Z50 a
year. Spenser’s Faery Queen was published by royal
command.

“The supplementary letter and sonnets to Raleigh




108 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

express Spenser’s generous recognition of the services
his friend had performed for him, and appeal to Raleigh,
as ‘the Summer Nightingale, thy sovereign goddess’s
most dear delight,’ not to delay in publishing his own
great poem, the Cynthia. The first of the eulogistic
pieces prefixed by friends to the Faery Queen was that
noble and justly celebrated sonnet signed W. R., which
alone would justify Raleigh in taking a place among the
English poets.”— Gosse, p. 49.

In rg91, Raleigh’s first published work appeared, being
an account of the battle of the Azores, between the
Revenge and an armada of the King of Spain.
Raleigh sets forth enthusiastically the valour of his
gallant and faithful friend, Sir Richard Grenville, as dis-
played in this*contest, one of the most famous in English
history, in which Grenville, with one ship containing one
hundred men, stood to his guns against a fleet manned
by fifteen thousand Spaniards. He ably vindicated
Grenville’s conduct, and following historians are agreed
that this action was “memorable even beyond credit,
and to the height of some heroical fable.” This report
has been highly praised by competent critics as attaining
the highest level reached by English narrative prose up
to the period at which it was written.

About this time, 1591, Raleigh received another
valuable gift from the queen, in a long lease of Sher-
borne, an estate in Dorsetshire. formerly the possession
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 109

of. the dean and chapter of Salisbury. This was, for the
future, Raleigh’s favourite country residence.

An expedition was planned at this time that seemed to
promise additional wealth and honours to Raleigh. Its
objects were to capture the rich fleet of Indian plate-
ships, and to take possession of the pearl fisheries of
Panama, or to rifle the pearl treasuries. The queen
sanctioned and aided the project, and Raleigh threw
his whole fortune into it. He was to be admiral of the
fleet of fifteen sail, and the chief adventurer, with Sir
Martin Frobisher as second in command. The fleet
was ready for sea in February 1592, but when the time
for sailing arrived, the capricious queen could not, or
would not, part with Raleigh, and the fleet sailed under
the command of Sir John Burrough.

The courtship of Raleigh and Miss Elizabeth Throg-
morton, afterwards Lady Raleigh, a maid of honour of
the queen, greatly exasperated his royal mistress, and he
was banished for four years from the queen’s presence.

The privateering expedition before referred to, in
which Raleigh was so largely interested, proceeded to
the Azores. The queen had contributed two ships and
41800, and the citizens of London had given £6000 in
aid, but Raleigh retained by much the largest share.
Sir John Burrough divided his fleet, and left Frobisher
with part of it on the coast of Spain; with his own
portion of the fleet he proceeded to the supposed track
110 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

of the expected richly-laden carracks, to await their
coming. The victims came as expected, and fell an easy
prey to the spoilers. The Madre de Dios, the largest
of the treasure-laden carracks, carried what was un-
precedented in those days, the enormous cargo of
1800 tons, valued at £500,000. The cargo included
rubies, pearls, ambergris, frankincense, ebony, sandal-
wood, cypress, ivory, carpets, silks, sarsenets, cinnamon,
nutmegs, and cloves, and stores of the most costly pro-
ductions of India. ‘The unwieldy carrack offered a
feeble resistance to Raleigh’s more nimble and mis-
chievous craft, the Roebuck, which speedily overcame
her. There had been considerable leakage in the
valuable cargo, which had been freely tapped at every
port called at, and before Sir John Burrough could
get on board to take personal command, his sailors had
made the best possible use of their opportunity to do a
little privateering, each man for his own hand. Even
after these deductions, the Madre de Dios was a
‘prize of great value. It was, after many trials and
troubles from wind and weather, and narrow escapes
from foundering, safely brought into Dartmouth on the
and September, being, as it happened, the queen’s
birthday.

At this time Raleigh was a prisoner in the Tower,
whither he had been sent by the queen for his mis-
conduct. The arrival of the AZadre de Dios with such






















































































































































































































































































































































































































THE MADRE



i"
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 113

a store of plunder, awoke greed of gain in all directions,
and caused excitement and disorder that baffled the
authorities.

Sir Robert Cecil, writing from Exeter, rgth September,
reports that “for seven miles everybody met on the
London road smells of musk or spice, and you could not
open a private bag that had not seed pearls in it”; he
declares that “there never was such rich spoil.” Lord
Burleigh sent down Raleigh, in charge of a keeper, to
look after his property—if the term can be applied to
plunder—and to restore order. The disgraced favourite
received quite an ovation: “ His poor servants, to the
number of one hundred and forty goodly men, and all
the mariners, met him with shouts and joy.” Raleigh
was greatly enraged to find so much of the treasure
devoured and dispersed. The residue of the property
was disposed of, according to the report of a commission
of inquiry, which included Sir Francis Drake, Sir Robert
Cecil, and four other persons.

From the settlement of the affairs of the Madre de
Dios at the close of 1592, Raleigh was occupied with
his own business concerns and the discharge of various
official duties ; amongst others, with the exercise of his
judgment and authority, in attempting settlement of the
quarrels between English and French fishermen on the
south coast, that were rife then, and have continued

intermittently, even until this day. He was now about
H
114 JIALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

forty years of age, and although his health had suffered
from his imprisonment, he was at about the zenith of
his vigorous life. He was now married to a well-
born lady, worthy of his affection and esteem; he
was possessed of a fair competence in wealth and
property, the wearer of high honours,—amongst others
Lord Lieutenant of Cornwall, Admiral of Devon and
Cornwall, and Lord Warden of the Stannaries. With
these possessions and dignities an ordinary man would
have been content to settle down as a provincial magnate,
but they did not suffice for a man of Raleigh’s active
and sanguine temperament, his enterprising and am-
bitious nature. His life up to this point had been
enlivened by many and important stirring adventures
and projects, that had elevated him in position and
influence, and made him famous. He had proved
himself alert, valorous, and capable alike as a soldier
and as a naval commander, and in the last-named
capacity had rendered brilliant service in connection
with the defeat of the Spanish Armada. As a pioneer
colonist and a privateer, he had organised spirited and
costly projects, but had been prevented by circumstances
from personally conducting his enterprises. The desire
to command personally in the expeditions that had been
successively fitted at his cost, and that were conducted
under his orders and directions, had always been alive
in his mind,—and now, as it would seem, the time had
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 115

arrived for him to realise his cherished dream. He
hated the Spaniard as thoroughly as Sir Francis Drake
did, and had in common with that redoubtable sea-dog
the ruling passion and strong desire to shatter the
Spaniard’s power, and to appropriate the Spaniard’s
treasure. He was in possession, it may be supposed,
of all the information existing and accessible concerning
Spanish discoveries and possessions in the West Indies
and South America, and touching the mineral wealth
and other resources of the settlements and resorts of
the Spanish and other adventurers in these quarters.
Raleigh had probably by this time had enough of court
life and intrigues ; he had the strong desire, “ with God’s
blessing, and the queen’s permission, to sail into the
sunset, and conquer for England as much as he may of
the fabled golden lands and cities of the West.”

Early in 1594, Captain George Popham, a sea rover,
sailing in one of Raleigh’s vessels, made a prize at sea
of a ship with letters to the King of Spain, announcing
that De Berreo, Governor of Trinidad, had annexed
Guiana to the Spanish dominions, under the name of the
New El Dorado. The despatches contained interesting
particulars respecting the country and its inhabitants.
The documents were delivered to Raleigh, in whom
they excited lively interest, and they stimulated him to
prompt energetic action, which resulted in his sailing
from. Plymouth, bound “Westward ho,” on the 2nd
116 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

January 1595, with a squadron of five ships, and an
equipment of small craft for river navigation. On the
voyage out, two ships were captured, from one of which,
laden with wine, the ships of the expedition were
stocked. In March they arrived off Trinidad, the
southern and western coasts of which were surveyed by
Raleigh in a boat,—the ships lying at anchor in the
channel known as the Serpent’s Mouth. In his Aistory
of the World, Raleigh describes some of the natural
curiosities he met with at Trinidad, including oysters
hanging to the branches of mangrove trees, and a
curious liquid pitch, a peculiar product of the island.
At the first settlement touched—the Port of Spain—
some trading was done with the settlers, and Raleigh
endeavoured to worm out any information he could
obtain concerning Guiana, stating, with loose regard
for veracity, that he was on his way to Virginia, and
that his inquiries were prompted by mere curiosity.
Very little information they did give him. This much
he found out, that De Berreo, the governor, had
sent for reinforcements, in anticipation of Raleigh’s
atrival. Some of the Indians came on board secretly,
and gave harrowing accounts of the horrible cruelties
practised upon them by the Spaniards. Raleigh at once
marched a part of his force inland to St. Joseph, the
capital of the island, which they took by storm, with
De Betreo in it. The reports of the Indians as to the
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 117

hideous cruelty of the governor were fully confirmed.
It was a pastime with him to baste the naked bodies of
the Indians with boiling fat. Five poor scorched
chieftains were found in irons, and near the point of
death. They were released, and the town was burned.

Raleigh spared De Berreo, in the hope possibly that
he might be useful to him, but De Berreo did his best
to bamboozle his captor. The larger vessels of the
expedition were left at anchor in the Gulf of Paria,
and with a galley, a barge, two wherries, and a ship’s
boat carrying a hundred men, with a stock of provisions,
Raleigh entered the Orinoco, the flotilla encountering at
many points, and in divers ways, formidable difficulties
and obstacles in the navigation. Raleigh thus describes
the most painful and unpleasant voyage of four hundred
miles :—

“We were all driven to lie in the rain and weather
in the open air, in the burning sun, and upon the hard
boards, and to dress our meat and to carry all manner
of furniture, wherewith the boats were so pestered and
unsavoury, that what with victuals being most fish, and
the wet clothes of so many men thrust together, and the
heat of the sun, I will undertake there was never any
prison in England that could be found more unsavoury
and loathsome, especially to myself, who had for many
years before been dieted and cared for in a sort far
different.”
118 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

The provisions ran short, and hunger, added to other
hardships, induced a mutinous spirit, repression of which
severely taxed Raleigh’s oratorical powers. At length
they approached the inner reach of the vast flat delta,
with its mud banks and brackish water. They next
came to banks, on which wholesome fruits were found.
In the purer water they caught edible fresh fish. The
abundance and variety of birds and the brilliancy of the
plumage of many of them, excited wonder and admir-
ation. Deer came feeding down to the water’s edge;
the alligators, with which the river swarmed, were less
pleasant objects of contemplation. A handsome young
Indian, who leaped into the water from the galley was
seized and devoured by these monsters, immediately he
touched its surface. Four canoes laden with excellent
bread were met with in the river. The Indians to whom
they belonged deserted them on the approach of the
strangers. :

On the fifteenth day, far-off mountain peaks gladdened
the sight of the voyagers. On the evening of the same
day the flotilla anchored in the main stream of the
great river, at a point a little to the east of San Rafael de
Barrancas. Here a welcome change of fare was met
with, The eggs of fresh-water turtles were found in
vast numbers on the sandy islands. The mountain
chains to the south, in the direction of Essiquibo, now
assumed defined forms, and furnished a grand feature
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 119

in the splendid panorama. Parties of the native Indians
were met with ashore, who entertained the adventurers
hospitably with provisions and the “wine” of the
country, of which Raleigh’s captains partook with “ strict
moderation,” yet in sufficient quantity to make them, as
their leader has it, “reasonable pleasant.” Raleigh had
an elastic moral code; he was far from being straitlaced
or squeamish with regard to either honesty or veracity
when he had his own purpose to promote. He did not
hesitate to tap the cargo of an alien, or even an English
trader, for a gratuitous supply to his wine-cellar; if the
governor was fool enough to swallow the tale, he did not
scruple to tell it, that he had found Trinidad on his way
from England to Virginia. Whatever laxity in morals
he may have shown in other directions, it must be said
to his credit that he was the chivalrous protector of
women; his men were given to understand, and they
well knew that the penalty would be inflicted if incurred,
that death would be the punishment for violence towards
an Indian matron or maiden.

Geography was not a strong point with Raleigh and
the adventurers. It is scarcely possible for us to
measure or appreciate the difference between the state
of geographical knowledge then and now, between their
dubious scraps and our full and accurate knowledge,—the
contrast between their darkness and our light. So crude
were their geographical notions, that it has been said
120 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

of the explorers that they believed that if they could
only sail far enough up the Orinoco, they would emerge
into the Pacific on the western coast of South America !
They traversed about three degrees of west longitude,
through a region until then entirely unknown to Euro-
peans, except Spaniards, who had already planted
settlements here and there, at vast distances apart.
Raleigh’s party passed one of these, but possibly ignored
its existence, his majestic idea being to annex the entire
territory in the name of the Queen of England. His
intercourse with the Indians was everywhere friendly
and pacific, and he was assiduous in impressing them
with the danger and disadvantage that would result from
their having anything to do with the Spaniards other-
wise than by driving them out of the country; he
strongly recommended England as a safe and benign
protector.

On the banks of the Orinoco, Raleigh and his com-
pany feasted on pine-apples and other luscious fruits,
and made acquaintance with the armadillo and many
other strange creatures. At the junction of the Caroni,
a southern tributary, with the Orinoco, Raleigh left the
main stream, and ascended the branch to the great
cataract which stopped his further progress. Raleigh’s
description of the great cataract and the adjoining
country may be given as a fair specimen of his literary
style :—
Tot





Ft
——— ge = <<
ae

Goats













RALEIGH ON THE

ORINOCO

RIVER.


















AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 123

‘When we ran to the tops of the first hills of the
plains adjoining to the river, we beheld the wonderful
breach of the waters which ran down Caroni, and might
from that mountain see the river how it ran in three
parts, above twenty miles off, and there appeared some
ten or twelve overfalls in sight, every one as high over
the other as a church tower, which fell with that fury
that the rebound of waters made it seem as if it had
been all covered over with a great shower of rain; and
in some places we took it at the first for a smoke that
had risen over some great town. For mine own part I
was well persuaded from thence to have returned, being
a very ill footman, but the rest were so desirous to go
near the said strange thunder of waters, that they drew
me on, little by little, till we came into the next valley,
where we might better discern the same. I never saw a
more beautiful country, nor more lively prospects ; hills
so raised here and there over the valleys, the river
winding into divers branches, the plains adjoining with-
out bush or stubble, all fair green grass, the ground of
hard sand, easy to march on, either for horse or foot ; the
deer crossing in every path, the birds towards the evening
singing on every tree, with a thousand several tunes,
cranes and herons, of white, crimson, and carnation,
perching on the river’s side, the air fresh with a gentle
easterly wind, and every stone that we stopped to take
up promised either gold or silver by his complexion,”


124 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

The expedition was not equipped with geologists’

hammers or prospecting tools, but they nevertheless
“collected, and Sir Walter brought home, a number of
specimens, that he thought auriferous quartz richly
charged with gold. The white quartz brought home
did contain gold, but in such infinitesimal proportion
as not to be worth extracting.

The friendly Indians, with whom Sir Walter had
much familiar intercourse, finding that he “with greedy
ear devoured up their discourse,” entertained him with
many wondrous recitals—of pronounced Munchausen
flavour— concerning the gold and gems with which
the country abounded, and of the wonders in anthro-
pology and natural history that he would meet with, if
he went a little farther on. These included tribes of
Indians away west, whose eyes were on their shoulders,
and their mouths below where their necks should be.
In another direction he would meet with men with
heads of the form and fit-on of dogs, who spent the day
in the sea, and who spoke the Caril language. Sir
Walter, to do him justice, does not state that he saw or
heard of any of these marvels, except by report at
second-hand. It should be remembered, too, that the
recitals, reaching Raleigh through interpreters, probably
very indifferently qualified, exposed them to the risk of
distortion and misapprehension, and conduced to ex-
aggeration rather than accuracy.
ct

AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 12

The great cataract on the Caroni was the farthest
point reached by Raleigh in this exploration. He and
his party had now been away from the fleet for about a
month. He gave up the hope of reaching Manoa; and the
terrific violence of the tropical rains, the sudden floods
to which the rivers were subject, and the general aspect
of affairs, admonished him to return to the ships with
the utmost possible speed. They were carried down at
a tremendous pace, without need to use sail or oar. At
Morequito, Raleigh had a grave, private conference with
an ancient chief, Topiawari. Raleigh solemnly de-
nounced Spain as the enemy and England as the friend
of Guiana, and entered into an alliance with him,
offensive and defensive, Topiawari to become the ally of
England, which would in turn aid him against certain
Indians who had given the chief grounds for complaint.
The old chief and his people heartily assented, and
urged Raleigh to proceed farther inland, if not to
Manoa, to a rich city, Macureguari, about four days’
journey distant, where they would find many “ statues of
gold.” The prospect was tempting, but the adventurers
had been, and were, suffering severe privations, and
Raleigh determined to hasten back. He exchanged
hostages with the chief, engaging to return next year; he
took with him the chief’s son, and left with the chief
Goodwin, who learned the Indian language, and was

found by Raleigh, on his revisiting the country many
126 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

years later, when Goodwin had almost forgotten the
English language.

In the course of their descent of the Orinoco, the
adventurers visited a lake where they met with the
curious creature, the manatee, or sea-cow. On an island
in the Orinoco they had a feast, at which armadillo
meat was the principal dainty. After encountering
much violent weather in rain-floods, thunder-storms, and
intermittent cold winds, they reached the sea. Not-
withstanding bad water, scanty food, and weather hard-
ships, only one life was lost in the course of the voyage,
that of the young Indian who was devoured by the
alligator.

During Raleigh’s absence, his fleet, under the com-
mand of Captain Amyas Preston, was active in spoil-
ing the Spaniards, sacking and burning all the towns
he could get at, in Venezuela. They were able to
do much mischief, but to collect very little plunder.
The visits of English captains had waked up the inhabit-
ants to the propriety of preparing for their coming ;
they hid their most precious portable possessions away
among the hills inland, or shipped them off to Spain for
safety with the least possible delay. Among other towns
devastated was Cumana, concerning which Captain
Amyas Preston felt provoked to make the peevish com-
plaint that he “found not the value of a single real of

plate.”
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 127

Having accomplished all that his resources and cir-
cumstances made possible, and prepared the way for
future operations, Raleigh brought back his little fleet
to England in the autumn of 1595, making a quiet
entrance into port,—Dartmouth or Falmouth,—that was
in strong contrast with the pomp and circumstance, and
noisy enthusiasm, that distinguished the return of Sir
Francis Drake from his famous voyage. Raleigh’s
spirited achievements do not seem to have been appre-
ciated. He had, as he thought, returned bringing a gift
to his queen of a rich empire that would assure his
restoration to favour, but he was met with cold neglect,
and left in doubt as to whether his report concerning
Guiana was to be accepted as a true history or passed by
as an idle tale. At this stage of his career he gave
conclusive evidence of the diversity of his gifts, the wide
range of his capability, his restless activity, and indomit-
able perseverance. He had distinguished himself as a
practical navigator and commander, and as an explorer
of regions before unknown. As a diplomatist he had
established satisfactory relations with foreign potentates
—albeit uncivilised—as allies ; he had carried out with
safety and success a perilous expedition, and had laid a
good foundation for future operations. He had full
confidence in his own ability to prosecute these opera-
tions successfully, and felt certain that evil and failure
would result from his being supplanted, as he seemed to
128 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

have reason to fear. Of himself and the Guiana chiefs
he says: “I rather sought to win the kings than to sack
them; I know what others will do when these kings come
singly into their hands.”

No author of reputation, probably, who has written
works which the world will not willingly let die,—works
which have not died,—has done his literary work under
greater disadvantages than Raleigh, or has enjoyed so
little of the tranquillity of retirement, favourable to
literary pursuits. It would appear from the date of
publication, the end of the year 1595, that he must have
been engaged in writing a book that became famous,
while his expedition was actually in progress. In
November he submitted a manuscript account of his
Guiana voyage and travels, illustrated with a map, to
Sir Robert Cecil. In a letter which accompanied it, he
expresses his disappointment and surprise at the rejec-
tion of such a prize, as was never before offered to a
Christian prince. In magnifying the value and import-
ance of the acquisition within reach, he draws freely
upon his imagination, and declares that the golden
statues with which the city of Manoa abounds—which
he has not seen—are worth at least £100,000 each !
He urges that, whatever may be done about Guiana,
or whoever may be sent to do it, the enterprise may
not be soiled by cruelty, and plunder of the Indians.
At the close of 1595 his work was published under the
AMERICAN COLONISATION SCHEMES. 129

somewhat ponderous title, Zhe Discovery of the large,
rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana, with a Relation
of the Great and Golden City of Manoa, which the
Spaniards call El Dorado, and of the provinces of Emeria,
Arromaia, Amapaia, and other countries, with their
Rivers adjoining. The book became famous throughout
Europe. Two editions were published in England in
1596, and a Latin translation in Germany. Raleigh’s
literary contemporaries at this period included such
illustrious men as Shakespeare, Bacon, Hooker, and
Marlowe. His book on Guiana is admitted to occupy
the foremost place among the volumes describing
voyages and discoveries, that appeared towards the end
of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth
centuries, and has been republished in Hakluyt’s Voyages
and Purchas’s Pilgrim.
SIR WALTER RALEIGH,
SAILOR, SCHOLAR, POET.

—_—_I———

CHAPTER VI.
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION.

HE desirability of further crippling or arresting the
reviving power of Spain, engaged the continued
attention of the queen and her advisers, but there was
much vacillation, on the part of the queen, with regard to
actual operations. In 1596 a commission was appointed
to act as a council of war, consisting of the Earl of
Essex, Lord Charles Howard, High Admiral ; Sir Walter
Raleigh, and Lord Thomas Howard. Raleigh was
treated with the highest consideration as an experienced
and skilful naval authority. As Admiral of the Counties,
he sent to the Council a valuable report on the defence
of Cornwall and Devon. He was appointed collector of
levies for a projected hostile expedition to Cadiz. In

the prosecution of this work he displayed robust
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RALEIGH AS SAILOR, SCHOLAR, POET,
131



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NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 133

activity, recruiting all round the southern and south-
eastern coasts, flitting about from place to place between
Plymouth, Dover, Gravesend, and Blackwall as occasion
required. On 1st June 1596, the forces collected put to
sea, and on the zoth cast anchor in the Bay of San
Sebastian. The English fleet, in four divisions, com-
prised 93 ships; an auxiliary Dutch squadron numbered
24 additional. The combined fleet had on board
about 13,000 English soldiers and sailors, and 2600
Dutchmen,

This English Armada of 1596 was the “return match”
for the “most happy and invincible Armada” of Philip
of Spain, that visited, and was for the most part scattered,
upon our shores in 1588. The English force, although
very imposing, was much smaller than the array which
Spain had made. As has been stated, the combined fleet
consisted of 117 ships, carrying 15,600 men. The Spanish
Armada embraced 130 ships, some of them of enormous
size, carrying about 30,000 men all told, including “124
volunteers of quality, and 180 monks.” The Spanish
expedition attracted the flower of the nobility of the

nation, and the English Armada, in like manner, enlisted
the sympathy, fired the patriotism, and inflamed the
martial ardour of the flower of English chivalry. The
most distinguished men in both arms of the service
accompanied the expedition. Even amongst such asso-
ciates in council and comrades in arms, Sir Walter
134 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Raleigh came to the front simply by his native force
and merits; even in such a galaxy he shone the bright
particular star—he was pre-eminently the hero of the
expedition. ;

At the beginning of the battle of Cadiz, Raleigh, in
compliance with the orders of the lord admiral,
detached the ships under his charge and the Dutch
squadron from the main body, and took up a favourable
position for preventing the escape of Spanish ships from
Cadiz harbour. He was directed to watch, but not to
fight unless attacked. Lord Howard and the impetuous
Essex, Raleigh being absent from their council, deter-
mined to open the action by military, in preference to
naval operations—to land the. soldiers and assault the
town, leaving the Spanish fleet alone for the time.
Raleigh detected in this a false and dangerous move,
and despite his being a subordinate in command, inter-
posed with. promptitude and courage. He came up
with Essex in the Repu/se, when the embarkation of the
soldiers was actually in progress. There was a heavy sea
running, making the landing an enterprise to: be attended
with extreme difficulty and danger. He. warmly remon-
strated with Essex, and declared that this course im-
perilled their own lives, and risked the utter overthrow
and ruin of the whole expedition. Essex deferred to
Raleigh’s superior experience, judgment, and ability,
and shifted the responsibility for the movement to the
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 135

lord admiral, to whom, on board the Ark Royal,
Raleigh immediately repaired,—now that he had boldly
declared himself,—warmly supported by the highest
military officers of the expedition. Lord Howard was
converted to Raleigh’s views, which were in favour of
immediate and vigorous action, but on a different plan.
From his own ship, the War Sprite, Raleigh wrote a
hurried letter to Lord Howard, advising the order of
battle, which included the attack by well-manned boats
upon the Spanish galleons, before they could be set on
fire. Raleigh was at his best in this crisis. He bore
himself with graceful courtesy towards his colleagues of
the Council, and commanded, by his manifest grasp of
the situation, his skill, intrepidity, and genius for rapid
and vigorous action, their respect and admiration. Each
of the four heads of the force was eager to lead the van,
but they generously conceded the post of honour: to
Raleigh. Their final council before the action was held
late on the evening of June 2oth. Cadiz was illumin-
ated, and its inhabitants carousing, and in the full

enjoyment, as they supposed, of perfect security. At |

daybreak on the 21st June, the splendid English fleet
swept into the harbour of Cadiz. Raleigh led in the
War Sprite, followed by Sir George Carew in the Jary
Rose, Sir Francis Vere in the Rainbow, Sir Robert
Southwell in the Zzon, Sir Conyers Clifford in the
Dreadnought, and another ship, the six being a con-
136 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

siderable distance in advance of the main body of the
fleet. In front of them, under the walls of Cadiz, were
seventeen galleons that were the special objects of
attack. The forts and galleys opened fire upon the
invading squadron, making a target of the leading
War Sprite. Raleigh answered them not by shot from
his guns, but, in contempt, by blasts from his trumpets.
In his account of the action, he says that “the (Sv.
fhilip, the great and famous ship of Spain, was the
mark I shot at, esteeming those galleys but as wasps.”
The St. Philip had a special claim upon his attention.
It was the St. PAiéip and the St. Andrew that had been
the principal actors in what Raleigh considered the
murder of his gallant friend and companion-in-arms,
Sir Richard Grenville, who in the fight at the Azores in
1591, in his ship the Revenge, with a hundred men,
faced in battle, and was crushed by, a Spanish fleet,
manned by fifteen thousand soldiers and sailors.
Raleigh was determined to avenge the death of his
gallant friend and kinsman, or to perish in the attempt.
He came to anchor close to the galleons, and for three
hours the battle raged with great fury. Raleigh’s ship
was suffering severely, and he became impatient from
the delay in the arrival of the boats. He put on his
skiff, and urged first Essex and afterwards the admiral
to make every possible effort to bring up the boats.
During this short parley, and Raleigh’s absence from his
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 137

ship, some of the other commanders, especially Sir
Francis Vere in the Rainbow, had attempted to supplant
the War Sprite. Vere, the marshal, had a rope
attached from his own to Raleigh’s ship, to haul the
Rainbow abreast of the leader. On Raleigh’s discover-
ing this, he ordered the rope to be thrown off, and for
the remainder of the fight the Rainbow, excepting a
small part of the bows, was covered by the War Srite.
In Sir Walter’s spirited description of the action, he
says :—

“ Having no hope of my fly-boats to board, and the
earl and my Lord Thomas having both promised to
second me, I laid out a warp by the side of the Philip
to shake hands with her, for with the wind we could
not get aboard; which, when she and the rest perceived,
finding also that the Repulse, seeing mine, began to do
the like, and the rear-admiral my Lord Thomas, they
all let slip, and ran aground, tumbling into the sea
heaps of soldiers, as thick as if coals had been poured
out of a sack in many ports at once, some drowned, and
some sticking in the mud. The /#ii~ and the Sz¢.
Thomas burned themselves; the Sf. Afatthew and the
St. Andrew were recovered by our boats ere they could
get out to fire them. The spectacle was very lament-
able on their side ; for many drowned themselves ; many,
half burned, leaped into the water; very many hanging
by the ropes’ end, by the ships’ side, under the water
138 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

even to the lips; many swimming with grievous wounds,
stricken, under water, and put out of their pain; and
withal so huge a fire, and such tearing of the ordnance
in the great PAilié and the rest when the fire came to
them, as if a man had a desire to see hell itself, it was
there most lively figured. Ourselves spared the lives of
all after the victory, but the Flemings, who did little or
nothing in the fight, used merciless slaughter, till they
were by myself, and afterwards by my lord admiral,
beaten off.”

In the action Raleigh received a serious wound in the
leg, his flesh was torn by splinters, which disabled him
from taking part in the land attack. Although his
wound was excessively painful, he was unwilling to be
left behind, and had himself carried into Cadiz on a
litter. But a town in process of being sacked by
soldiers freed from discipline and restraint, grievously
hurt as he was, and suffering the agony he did, was no
place for him, and he was speedily carried back to the
War Sprite. Early next morning, however, eager in
spirit although physically unfit for arduous duty, he
went ashore again, and entreated for leave to follow a
fleet of richly-laden Spanish carracks, Indian bound, that
had escaped. The disturbance and excitement attend-
ing the operations on land, prevented attention being
given to Raleigh’s request. In the interim of his wait-
ing for authority, the Spanish commander, the Duke of
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ENGLISH FLEET BEFORE



CADIZ.
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 141

Medina Sidonia, settled the matter by burning the
whole fleet of rich argosies. Raleigh had the mortifica-
tion of witnessing the conflagration from the deck of the
War Sprite. Of the large fleet of Spain that had been
completely defeated, only two ships, the 5S/. Matthew
and the St Andrew, remained for the victors to take
home as prizes to England.

Neither the lord admiral nor his colleagues on the
Council concerned themselves about sending home
information about their proceedings. A letter written
by Raleigh to Cecil, dated 7th July, and taken home by
Sir Anthony Ashley, was the first news received in
England of the victory. An epidemic broke out in
Raleigh’s ship, which could not be effectively dealt
with, and it was determined, 1st August, that he should
return with his ship to England, in company with two
other ships of the fleet. He arrived at Plymouth in six
days. On the 12th he landed at Weymouth, and pro-
ceeded to Sherborne for the rest and nursing of which
he stood so sorely in need. The remainder of the fleet
returned a few weeks later. Essex on the way home
landed and pounced upon the magnificent library of the
Bishop of Algarve. He presented it to Sir Thomas
Bodley, to form the nucleus of the famous Bodleian
Library, which remaineth at Oxford until this day.

Of such glory as attached to the destruction of the
Spanish fleet, Sir Walter Raleigh was entitled to the
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142 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

chief share. There was much plunder, great destruction
and loss of property, but little or no prize money resulted
from the great victory. The “Council of Four” agreed
that if the property available for prize money realised as
much, the lord admiral and Essex should have £5000
each, and Raleigh £3000; subordinate officers and men
according to the amount that the treasure would “ pan
out.” The Earl of Essex gallantly assigned his share
to his venerable and royal lady, but he might have
saved himself the trouble, for “the good Queen Bess,”
without consultation, or ‘“by’r leave,” scooped up the
whole. She further blamed the victorious chiefs of the
expedition for having failed to bring home the Indian
carracks, and adding to her coffers the treasure with
which they were laden! Raleigh did all he could to
procure restoration to favour, but the queen continued
relentless towards him.

Raleigh’s hope and expectation of achieving credit
and renown to himself, and adding to the glory of his
country, in connection with “the large, rich, and beauti-
ful empire of Guiana,” had slumbered while other active

‘enterprises engaged his energies, but they were now

revived. Towards the close of 1596 he sent out
another expedition to Guiana, under Captain Berrie,
who brought back in the summer of 1597 a glowing
confirmation of Raleigh’s favourable report. About this

time he was received again at court, and appears to have
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 143

been on the most friendly terms with Sir Robert Cecil
and the Earl of Essex.

Essex, high in authority, with the assent of the queen,
it may be supposed, and of the Privy Council and chiefs
of the services, designed another expedition against
Spain, and needed Raleigh’s assistance, which was
heartily given. He fully approved the object, as may be
inferred from his Spanish Alarum, which he wrote ex-
pressly to stimulate and warn the Government against
its old enemy. He felt assured that as soon as Philip
should think his power sufficient, he would attempt
reprisals for the crushing losses and humiliating in-
dignities that had been inflicted upon him in the face
of the world. Raleigh was decidedly of opinion that it
would be best not to wait Philip’s coming, but to go to
him at home, or on the high seas. Restored to power,
Raleigh proceeded energetically to victual and equip a
powerful fleet. The Dutch contributed a contingent of
twelve ships. On the night of Sunday, roth July 1597,
the fleet sailed from the rendezvous in Plymouth Sound,
but soon got separated by a violent storm. Some of the
ships were lost; the others got back as they could to
Falmouth, Plymouth, and Tor Bay. On 18th August
the fleet again put to sea. The St Andrew and the S¢.
Matthew, Spanish prizes, revisiting their native shores as
enemies, were disabled in the Bay of Biscay, and had to
be left at La Rochelle. Raleigh’s ship also sustained an
144 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

accident, which required his detention for repairs off
Lisbon. Essex left directions for Raleigh to hasten
after him to the Azores. Raleigh rejoined the main
fleet under Essex at Flores, on the 15th September.
A pinnace from India, fallen in with, gave the news that
the homeward-bound Spanish fleet was changing its
course this year. The English fleet was, in consequence
of this information, and as the decision of a council of
war, divided, and the ships of the fleet assigned their
several posts. Fayal was to be taken by Essex and
Raleigh, the other islands by different appointed com-
manders. Essex sailed first, leaving Raleigh taking in
provisions at Flores. Essex, after he had left, sent a
letter to Raleigh to come on at once to Fayal, and do
his victualling there. Raleigh had completed his work,
and sailed at midnight; he had perhaps a better ship
than Essex, or could handle it better, and thus headed
his superior. When Raleigh arrived at Fayal with the
War Sprite and the Dreadnought, Essex had not come
up. The inhabitants immediately began to construct
defensive works, and to remove their most valuable
effects inland. Raleigh waited, chafing insufferably with
impatience, for three days. On the fourth day his
patience was exhausted; he leaped into a boat at the head
of a storming party, and scaled the cliffs. The Spaniards
contested every foot of the road, but were completely
defeated, and Raleigh at the head of his four hundred
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 145

and fifty men, entered Fayal, a “town full of fine
gardens, orchards, and wells of delicate waters, with fair
streets, and one very fair church.”

Next morning Essex came creeping into the harbour.
Raleigh went out to meet and greet him. The impetu-
ous earl felt mortified, doubtless, at having been fore-
stalled and eclipsed, and as he had those about him
envious of Raleigh, they would do what they could to
inflame his anger. Essex reproved Raleigh for breach
of orders and articles, and intimated that by taking
Fayal without authority he had rendered himself liable
to the punishment of death. Raleigh defended himself,
and claimed that authority for what he had done had
been given to him by the queen’s letters patent. A
reconciliation for the present was patched up, and the
fleet proceeded to St. Miguel, Raleigh being left to
watch the roadstead, in which he had not been posted
long, ere an Indian carrack of 1600 tons, laden
with spices, unsuspectingly sailed into what it took
for a friendly Spanish fleet. Raleigh, at the head of
a party, made a prompt attempt to seize the vessel,
but its commander ran her ashore, enabled his crew to
land, and set the ship on fire. It was totally destroyed ;
he took, however, another carrack laden with cochineal. .
Nothing else notable distinguished the voyage, in which
Raleigh, although not the highest in authority, was incon-

testably the most prominent, active, and successful in
K
146 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

action. He came home in October, with his health
greatly disordered and his strength much impaired.

In 1598, Raleigh resumed his duties at court as
Captain of the Guard. Although his office brought him
into personal contact with the queen, and he had well
proved his loyalty and valour, these claims failed to
benefit him. Essex had never been as patient and
painstaking in serving and endeavouring to please the
queen as Raleigh had been, yet nothing he might have
asked from her in reason would have been denied him ;
but to the faithful Raleigh she would give nothing. He
desired the office of Vice-Chamberlain, which had be-
come vacant; he thought it not unreasonable that he
should be raised to the peerage; he would have been a
very fit man to have been made Lord Deputy of
Ireland ; but from all these offices he was excluded, and
Cecil, his professed friend, prevented him from being
sworn on the Privy Council. Life at court became
unpleasant from the jarring and bad blood that pre-
vailed. Essex had been so far left to himself as to
personally insult the queen, whose conditions he de-
clared were “as crooked as her carcass.” True friend-
ship had never existed between Essex and Raleigh, and
their relations did not improve by closer contact,—very
much the reverse; their dislike grew into hate. About
this time Raleigh formed another friendship that was to
have much to do in effecting his ruin. This dangerous
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 147

friend was Henry Brooke, afterwards Lord Cobham,
Lady Cecil’s brother, who, with his brother, George
Brooke, were the champions of Arabella Stuart, cousin of
James I., daughter of Charles Stuart, a younger brother
of Darnley, whom they conspired to support by secret
intrigues as heir to the throne. Raleigh got unwittingly
entangled with them, to his ultimate, although long-
deferred, ruin. The closeness of his intimacy with
Cobham may be inferred from the following letter, of
date-—
‘Batu, April 29, 1600.

“Here we attend you and have done this se’enight,
and we still mourn your absence, the rather that we fear
your mind is changed. I pray let us hear from you at
least, for if you come not we will go hereby home, and
make but short tarrying here. My wife will despair ever
to see you in these parts, if your Lordship come not
now. We can but long for you and wish you as our own
lives whatsoever.—Your Lordship’s everest faithful, to
honour you most. We RALeiCH”

At intervals Raleigh did much good work in con-
nection with his offices as Lord Lieutenant of Cornwall,
Warden of the Stannaries; affairs in Ireland also en-
gaged much of his attention.

Sir Anthony Paulet, Governor of Jersey, died in August
1600, and Raleigh was appointed his successor. He
148 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

“‘entered into residence” in October, Lady Raleigh and
their little son Walter, now six years old, witnessing his
departure from Weymouth. As Governor he discharged
his duties with a breadth of view and a spirit of enter-
prise not often manifested by such officials. From
considerations of policy his first intention was to destroy
the castle of Mont Orgueil, but he was not an icono-
clast ; its stately architecture and commanding position so
charmed him as to induce him to appoint a military guard
for its preservation. He established a trade communi-
cation for interchange of products between Jersey and
Newfoundland. In many ways he lightened the bur-
dens and improved the condition of the people, whom
he ruled with wisdom, justice, and beneficence.

Essex was tried and executed in 1601. The friends
of Essex stigmatised Raleigh. A trap was laid for him
by Sir Christopher Blount and others, who attempted,
but unsuccessfully, to assassinate Raleigh when he kept
an appointment on the river, off Durham House, to which
they lured him. Four shots were fired at him from a
boat manned by Blount and some of Essex’s servants.
Raleigh escaped unhurt. Blount confessed having
taken part in this treachery, and on the scaffold asked
pardon from Raleigh, which was freely granted. Touch-
ing his enmity with Essex, Raleigh states that he “shed
tears for him when he died. I confess I was of a con-
trary faction, but I knew he was a noble gentleman.
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ST. HELIER, JERSEY.
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 151

Those that set me up against him, did afterwards set
themselves against me.”

In 1601, Raleigh had much trouble in connection with
Meeres, bailiff of the Sherborne estates, who was first
aggressive and overbearing, and when brought to
account, insolent, malicious, and audacious; clever
enough to make much mischief, and cause his abused
employer much vexation and annoyance. He made
himself amenable to the law, and confessed that he
had wrongously maligned Sir Walter. He was pardoned,
but pardon was not followed by repentance, and he
continued as vicious and troublesome as before.

In September 1601, Henry IV. of France being at
Calais, sent a complimentary embassy, consisting of the
Duke de Biron and a large and brilliant retinue, to pay
respect to Queen Elizabeth. The queen was not in
London at the time, and the remnant of her court left
behind were unequal to the duty of fitly entertaining the
French chevaliers. Raleigh happened, most oppor-
tunely, to pay a visit to London, and exercised his
accomplishments to good purpose in the entertainment
of the distinguished visitors, whom he escorted to
Westminster, and to the Bear Garden by way of variety.
After “doing London,” he accompanied the party, “ by
royal command,” to Hampshire, where the queen was
the guest of the Marquis of Worcester. In anticipation
of the visit, and by the queen’s desire, Raleigh wrote to
152 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Lord Cobham to join him, and assist in entertaining the
visitors. Raleigh’s letters to Cobham .show that they
were on terms of intimate friendship.

In November the Duke of Lennox visited London,
with a delicate diplomatic commission from James of
Scotland touching the succession to the English throne.
Amongst others he saw Raleigh and Cobham, both of
whom he found unfavourable to the claims of the Scottish
king. In the complications which resulted from this
important question of State policy, Cecil, never a warm
friend of Raleigh, became more unfriendly and even
hostile, and accused him of ingratitude.

In 1602, Raleigh sent out commissioners to look after,
and, if possible, more firmly settle the colony of Virginia,
which had now occupied his attention for above a dozen
years. His representatives were his nephew, Bartholomew
Gilbert, Captain Gosnoll, and Samuel Mace. No definite
results followed their expeditions, beyond their supplying
a link establishing Raleigh’s claim to be the founder of
the still inchoate colony. At home Raleigh devoted his
time and attention to the discharge of his numerous and
onerous official duties. He was at this time in poor health,
very depressed in spirits, and pestered by legal proceedings
taken by his dismissed steward Meeres, with whom Lord
Thomas Howard, now Lord Howard of Bindon, Raleigh’s
brother commander in the Cadiz expedition, meanly and
maliciously conspired. Towards the close of 1602,
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 153

Raleigh had what has been supposed his last interview
with Queen Elizabeth, who asked for his counsel with
respect to Irish affairs. He advised that the leaders of
the malcontents should be treated with rigorous severity.
In the same year he sold his great estates in Ireland to
Boyle, Earl of Cork. Queen Elizabeth died 30th March
1603. The loss of his protector and patroness was to
Raleigh ruinous and irreparable. His career up to this
point—he was now fifty-one years of age—had not —
been distinguished by unclouded sunshine,—henceforth
it was to be marked by unrelieved gloom. Of his well-
earned title to honour and fame he could not be wholly
stripped, but it was in the power of his enemies to deprive
him of offices, property, peace, and other conditions
that made life worth living. He entered now upon his
decline and fall.

King James received Raleigh roughly, and at once
superseded him as Captain of the Guard; Cecil was
raised to the peerage as a mark of favour. In May 1603,
Raleigh, in terms of a royal warrant, was required to sur-
render Durham House to the Bishop of Durham. He
had expended large sums upon the “rotten house” to
which, as was now stated, he had “no right.” The order
to quit was most arbitrary and unjust. He had received
no notice, and was required in the space of a few days to
clear out his retinue of forty persons and twenty horses,
with the provision laid in for them.
154 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

James was favourable to Spain and the Catholics ;
Raleigh never repressed or concealed his hostility to
both. Raleigh became involved with Lord Cobham and
George Brooke, brothers-in-law of Cecil, in an alleged
treasonable plot, the lines and objects of which it would
be difficult to define. Raleigh was arrested on 17th July,
and immured in the Tower on the information of his
dastardly and dangerous friend, Lord Cobham, the
Judas who should have been consigned to the dungeon,
in place of his too confiding and credulous friend. In
his depression and desperation he attempted suicide.
Anticipating death, he wrote an extremely touching
letter to his wife :—

“Receive from thy unfortunate husband,” he writes,
“these last lines.... That I can live never to see. thee
and my child more! I cannot! I have desired God and
disputed with my reason, but nature and compassion
have the victory. That I can live to think how you are
both left a spoil to my enemies, and that my name shall
be adishonour to my child! I cannot!... Unfortunate
woman, unfortunate child, comfort yourselves, trust God,
and be contented with your poor estate. I would have
bettered it, if I had enjoyed a few years.

“What will my poor servants think, at their return,
when they hear I am accused to be Spanish, who sent
them, at my great charge, to plant and discover upon his
territory! O God! O intolerable infamy!... For the
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 155

rest I commend me to thee, and thee to God, and the Lord
knows my sorrow to part from thee and my poor child,
and let him know his father was no traitor. Be bold of
my innocence, for God—to whom I offer life and soul—
knows it.... And the Lord for ever keep thee and give
thee comfort in both worlds.”

On arst September, Raleigh, Cobham, and George
Brooke were indicted at Staines. The charge was
“of exciting rebellion against the king, and raising
one Arabella Stuart to the crown of England.” This
Arabella Stuart was first cousin to James, being the
daughter of Charles Stuart, fifth Earl of Lennox, Darn-
ley’s elder brother. Raleigh’s bitter. enemy, Lord
Thomas Howard, afterwards Lord Howard of Bindon,
and yet again created Earl of Suffolk, had powerful
influence amongst the higher -powers, and exercised his
influence virulently against Raleigh to the full extent of
his power. Raleigh was repeatedly examined, and on
Thursday, 17th November 1603, put upon his trial before
a Court of King’s Bench, the court-room having been
fitted up in the old episcopal palace at Winchester. Lord
Chief Justice Popham presided, and had with him on
the bench as commissioners, Sir Robert Cecil, Sir W.
Wood, the Earl of Devonshire, and Howard of Bindon,
Earl of Suffolk, with judges Anderson, Gawdy, and War-
burton. Sir Edward Coke, Attorney-General, prosecuted,
with Serjeant Hale as his “junior.”
156 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

The indictment against Raleigh was in effect—

That he did conspire, and go about to deprive the
king of his government, to raise up sedition within the
realm, to alter religion, to bring in the Roman super-
stition, and to procure foreign enemies to invade the
kingdom. That the Lord Cobham, the 9th of June last,
did meet with the said Sir Walter Raleigh in Durham
House, in the parish of St. Martins in the Fields, and
then and there had conference with him, how to advance
Arabella Stuart to the crown and royal throne of this
kingdom, and that then and there it was agreed that
Cobham should treat with Aremberg, ambassador from
the Archduke of Austria, and obtain of him 600,000
crowns to bring to pass the intended treasons. It was |
agreed that Cobham should go to Albert the Archduke
to procure him to advance the pretended title of Arabella,
from thence, knowing that Albert had not sufficient
means to maintain his own army in the Low Countries,
Cobham should go to Spain to procure the king to assist
and further her pretended title.

It was agreed, the better to effect all this conspiracy, that
Arabella should write three letters, one to the Archduke,
another to the King of Spain, and a third to the Duke of
Savoy, and promise three things: first, to establish a
firm peace between England and Spain; secondly, to
tolerate the popish and Roman superstition ; thirdly,
to be ruled by them in contracting of her marriage.
































SIR WALTER RALEIGH CONFINED IN THE TOWER.


NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 159

And for the effecting these traitorous purposes, Cobham
should return by the Isle of Jersey, and should. there
find Sir Walter Raleigh, Captain of the said isle, and take
counsel of him for the distributing the aforesaid crowns,
as the occasion or discontentment of the subjects should
give cause and way.

That Raleigh must be found guilty was a foregone
conclusion. The trial was a cruel mockery of the
accused ; a flagrant outrage upon the spirit, even the mere
name, of justice. One of the judges at least—Gawdy—
confessed on his death-bed. that the procedure had
violated and “degraded the justice of England.” Coke
attacked the apparently deserted and friendless defend-
ant with uncontrollable ferocity, with a shameless abuse
of his office. Instead of attempting to prove his case
by admissible evidence and legitimate arguments, he
discharged upon the defendant a torrent of coarse
invective, that was utterly disgraceful in the public
prosecutor in a State trial. His case was doubtless
aggravated by the feeling that the man whom he was
privileged with permission to abuse was his superior,
and bore himself with a selfcommand and dignity of
demeanour that Coke could appreciate in another, but
to which it was not given to himself to attain.

The sole evidence (?) against Raleigh consisted of
the alleged declarations of persons with whom he was
not confronted, as he demanded to be. Coke, in
160 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

successive speeches, denounced the defendant with
insensate rage, and in disgustingly clumsy phrases, as the
“ notoriousest traitor,” the “ vilest viper,” the “ absolutest
traitor that ever came to the bar.” Raleigh had great
difficulty in obtaining a hearing, in checking the rushing
stream of violent abuse. ‘You try me,” said he, “as by
the Spanish Inquisition, if you proceed only by the
circumstances, without two witnesses.” He pleaded that
‘“‘by the statute law and by God’s word it was required
that there be two witnesses. Bear me if I ask for only
one ; the common law is my support in this. Call my
accuser before my face, and I have done. All I hear
against me is but this accusation of Cobham. Which
of his accusations has he subscribed to or avouched?”
Cobham, it appears, had made eight different confessions,
each conflicting in some points, or varying from all the
others. Coke’s answer to Raleigh’s reasonable plea was
to heap more violent, utterly irrelevant abuse upon
him,—“ Thou art the most vile and execrable traitor
that ever lived. I will make it appear that there never
lived a viler viper on the face of the earth than thou.
I want words to express sufficiently thy viperous
treasons.” ‘You want words, indeed,” interposed
Raleigh, “for you have spoken one thing half a dozen
times ; you speak indiscreetly, barbarously, and un-
civilly.”

Raleigh defended himself with signal ability, but in
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 161

vain. Popham summed up strongly against him, and
the packed jury found him guilty. The rumours in
circulation against Raleigh had been accepted, and before
the trial popular fury raged against him. The effect
of the trial, the cruel, crushing injustice with which he
was treated, caused a reaction in his favour. So gross
and palpable was the injustice done to him, that even
in the High Court, Popham was hissed and Coke was
hooted, by the portion of the public present during the
proceedings. The revolting terms of the sentence are
too hideous to be recited. Many weary years elapsed
between Raleigh’s sentence and his execution.

A number of persons really concerned in the con-
spiracy were tried and condemned about the same
time as Raleigh, and were executed. The execution of
others, including Raleigh, was stayed by the king,
although Raleigh had no knowledge of this. The Bishop
of Winchester, who was appointed to prepare him for
execution, gave him no hope. Believing himself at
death’s door, he wrote a touching farewell letter to his
wife, in which he says :-—

“Know it, dear wife, that your son is the child of a
true man, and who, in his own respect, despiseth death
and all his misshapen and ugly forms. I cannot write
much. God knows how hardly I stole this time, when
all sleep; and it is time to separate my thoughts from
the world. Beg my dead body, which living was denied

L
162 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

you; and either lay it at Sherborne, if the land continue
yours, or in Exeter Church, by my father and mother.
I can write no more. Time and death call me away.”

From Wolvesley Castle, in which Raleigh was confined
after his trial, he was, after having received the
announcement that his life was not to be taken, removed
to the Tower of London on the 16th December 1603,
and remained there a State prisoner for twelve years. He,
of course, lost his various offices and sources of income,
excepting Sherborne, which was coveted and greedily
desired by court favourites and others. Ultimately the
estate was taken by the king, and £8000 paid as
purchase-money for the benefit of Lady Raleigh and
her children. Many of Raleigh’s voluminous writings
were composed during the period of his confinement in
the Tower.

The queen, who made the acquaintance of Raleigh
about the year 1606, was very favourably disposed
towards him, as was also Prince Henry, a most
promising prince, who became warmly attached to the
illustrious prisoner, and would probably have been
successful in obtaining his release, had he been spared.
He obtained from the king, indeed, a promise of
Raleigh’s release, but died before the stipulated date
had arrived. Influence on Raleigh’s behalf continued to
be used with the king, who at last gave way to the
importunities of the captive’s friends, and a warrant for
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 163

his release from the Tower was signed by James on
the 30th January 1616.

An express condition involved in Raleigh’s liberation
was that he should proceed at once to undertake
preparations for, and to personally conduct, another ex-
pedition to Guiana. This he set about with promptitude
and energy, investing in it the whole of what remained
of his fortune. Raleigh and his friends contributed to
the enterprise an aggregate of about £15,000. Raleigh
was by royal commission appointed commander of the
expedition, which consisted of the Destiny, of 440
tons, which was built under Raleigh’s personal direction,
and six smaller vessels.

The fleet sailed in March 1617. It could not be
regarded with hopeful confidence. Raleigh’s description
of the personnel of the expedition is decidedly unsatis-
factory. “A company of volunteers who for the most
part had neither seen the sea nor the wars; who, some
forty gentlemen excepted, were the very scum of the
world, drunkards, blasphemers, and such others as their
fathers, brothers, and friends thought it an exceeding
good gain to be discharged of, with the hazard of some
thirty, forty, or fifty pound.” Raleigh was commander of
the fleet, and his son Walter captain of the Destiny.
Various delays occurred. On the 12th June the fleet
left Plymouth, but soon got separated by stormy
weather, and some of the ships turned back to Falmouth.
164 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

The fleet reassembled in Cork harbour, and remained
there waiting for a favourable wind for nearly six weeks.
While thus detained, Raleigh disposed as completely as
possible, and on the best terms he could command, of
his remaining Irish leases and other interests in Ireland.
The fleet called at the Canaries and the Cape Verde
Islands. After encountering much rough weather, they
sighted, on the 11th November, Cape Orange, the most
northerly point of the coast of Brazil; on the 14th they
anchored at the mouth of the Cayenne River; and
Raleigh, who had been struck down by fever, was
conveyed from the choky cabin to his barge. From
this place he writes to Lady Raleigh: “To tell you I
might be here King of the Indians were a vanity ; but
my name hath still lived among them. Here they feed
me with fresh meat and all that the country yields ; all
offer to obey me. Commend me to poor Carew, my son.”
Here, also, Goodwin, the English lad left as exchange
hostage on the occasion of his first visit, twenty-two
years before, came to do homage to his old master.
He was voluble in the Indian tongue, but had almost
lost ability to express himself in English.

The state of his health incapacitated Raleigh from
conducting the expedition on the Orinoco and search-
ing for the expected mines of the precious metals—gold
more especially. He despatched a party under the
command of Captain Keymis; his son Walter, and
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 165

George Raleigh, his nephew, accompanied the expedi-
tion. Its result was disastrous. Keymis attacked a
Spanish settlkement—San Thomé; and young Walter
Raleigh lost his life in the fight. Keymis, with a
remnant of the men left with him, fled in the belief that
a powerful Spanish force was in pursuit. When Raleigh
and Keymis met, the admiral was severe in his reproof,
and required from him such explanation of his conduct
as he could give for the satisfaction of His Majesty and
the State. Keymis, in great dejection, committed suicide.
The crews mutinied, and became quite unmanageable ;
and the ships returned, each as the crews could find
their way, to English ports. On the 21st May, Raleigh
in the Destiny reached Kinsale harbour, and on the 21st
june arrived at Plymouth, infirm in body, broken in
spirit, penniless, dejected, and destitute.

Intrigues against Raleigh were originated and stimu-
lated by Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador. He was
beset with spies, who ensnared him into acts and
confessions—to be employed against him. Sir Lewis
Stukely, a cousin of Raleigh, an infamous wretch, was
the traitor of the miserable drama. Again the grand
old man had to stand his trial; the charge now was,
of having abused the king’s confidence by setting
out to find gold in a mine which never existed, with
instituting a piratical attack upon a peaceful Spanish
settlement, with attempting to capture the Mexican
166 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Plate fleet, although he had been specially warned that
he would take his life in his hands, if he committed any
one of these three faults.

Raleigh was tried before the Commissioners on
22nd October. He denied having had any intention
of stirring up war between England and Spain, and
declared that he had confidently believed in the existence
of the gold mine. He confessed that in case of his
failing to find the mine, he would if he could have taken
the Mexican fleet. At the close of the examination,
Lord Francis Bacon, in the name of the commissioners,
said that he was guilty of abusing the confidence of King
James, and of injuring the subjects of Spain, and that
he must prepare to die, —being already civilly dead.
Execution was ordered upon the Winchester sentence of
1603. On the 28th October 1618 he was roused from his
bed in the Tower, where he lay suffering from a severe
attack of ague. The order of movement was so hurried
that the barber remarked that his master had not had
time to comb his head. “Let them comb it that are
to have it,” said Raleigh. He had been brought first
to Westminster Hall from the Tower, and from the
Hall was taken to the Gate House. On the way he told
his old friend, Sir Hugh Beeston, ‘“‘to secure a good place
at the show next morning, adding that he (Raleigh)
was sure of one.” His cousin, Francis Thynne, suggested
that he should be more serious, lest his enemies should


LORD FRANCIS BACON,

167
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 169

report his levity. Raleigh rejoined, “It is my last mirth
in this world, do not grudge it to me.” The good Dr.
Tounson, Dean of Westminster, a stranger to Raleigh,
was puzzled by his conduct, but confessed his admira-
tion. After the execution, he reported “he was the
most fearless of death he had ever known, and the
most resolute and confident, yet with reverence and
conscience.”

It was late, on the evening before the date fixed for
execution, when Lady Raleigh knew that the end
was so near. She hastened to the Gate House, and
remained till midnight with her husband, from whom she
had been so much parted involuntarily, and from whom
she was to be so soon finally separated in this life.

In the morning the dean visited Raleigh in the Gate
House, and administered the Eucharist. He ate a
hearty breakfast, and smoked a pipe of tobacco. The
servant brought him a cup of sack, and, after he had
drunk, asked if the wine was to his liking. “I may
answer you,” said Raleigh, ‘“‘as the fellow did on his
way to Tyburn. ‘It is good drink, if a man might stay
by it’” As they passed through the dense crowd
that had assembled, Raleigh noticed a very old man bare-
headed. He pulled off the rich laced cap that he was
wearing, and, throwing it to the old man with the
remark, ‘“ Friend, you need this more than I do,” passed
on himself bareheaded.
170 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

On. the scaffold he delivered an ingenious and
eloquent speech that occupied nearly half an hour. At
the windows of an adjacent house he noticed a number
of noblemen and gentlemen with whom he had been
connected in his foreign adventures, or associated in
public affairs. Amongst others were the Earls of
Arundel, Oxford, and Northampton. He seemed
anxious that they should hear his vindication of his
conduct, and apologised for the weakness of his voice,
whereupon they came down, solemnly embraced him,
and took their places around him on the scaffold. He
prayed that the company might bear with him, because
this was the third day of his fever, which might cause him
to show weakness. “I thank God,” he said, “that He
has sent me to die in the light and not in darkness, I
also thank God that He has suffered me to die before such
an assembly of honourable witnesses, and not obscurely
in the Tower, where for the space of thirteen years
together I have been oppressed with many miseries.
And I return Him thanks that my fever hath not taken
me at this time, as I prayed-to Him that it might not,
that I might clear myself of such accusations unjustly
laid to my charge, and leave behind me the testimony
of a true heart both to my king and country.”

His speech was ingenious and eloquent, and well
fitted to move the sympathy of his hearers. He closed:
his address—
NAVAL EXPEDITIONS—TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 17]

“ And now I entreat that you will all join me in prayer
to the great God of heaven, whom I have grievously
offended, being a man full of all vanity, who has lived
a sinful life in such callings as have been most inducing
to it; for I have been a soldier, a sailor, and a couttier,
which are courses of wickedness and vice; that His
almighty goodness will forgive me, that He will cast away
my sins, and that He will receive me into everlasting
life—-So I take my leave of you all, making my peace
with God.”

His friends lingered on the stage after visitors: had
been asked to quit, and Raleigh himself requested
them to leave, saying smilingly, “I have a long journey
to go, and must take my leave of you.” Turning to
the headsman, he asked to see his axe. “Let me see it,
I prithee,” he said, as the executioner hesitated. ‘Dost
thou think that I am afraid of it?” Feeling its keen
edge, he turned to the sheriff, to whom he said with a
smile, ‘‘’Tis a sharp medicine, but one that will cure me
of all my diseases.” The executioner, greatly moved,
begged Raleigh to pardon him for this cruel duty his
office imposed. Raleigh answered him by a kindly
touch on the shoulders and assuring words. Turning
to the people, to whom he bowed right and left,
Raleigh cried aloud, ‘Give me heartily your prayers.”
He then lay down, and gave the directions to the
headsman, “When I stretch forth my hands, despatch
172 JIALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

me.” After a brief space, in which he was supposed to be
engaged in silent prayer, he put out his hands, but the
man was completely overcome, and could not perform
his office. Again he repeated the signal, and yet a
third time, saying, “ What dost thou fear? Strike, man,
strike!” At last he did strike, and with two rapidly
delivered blows completely severed Raleigh’s head from
his body. According to custom, the head was held up
in view of the people, but it is not recorded that they
were called upon to behold the head of a traitor!

‘All Europe,” says a biographer of last century, “‘ was
astonished at the injustice and cruelty of this proceed-
ing; but Gondamor, the Spanish ambassador, thirsted
for his blood, on account of his having been the scourge
of Spain during the reign of Queen Elizabeth; and
King James durst not refuse him the life of a man who,
as a soldier, a scholar, and a statesman, was the greatest
ornament to his country. This mean-spirited prince, to
his eternal infamy, soon after ordered Cortington, one of
the residents of Spain, to inform the Spanish Court how
able a man Sir Walter Raleigh was, and yet to give them
content, he had not spared him, though, by preserving
him, he would have given great satisfaction to his
subjects, and had at his command, upon all occasions,
as useful a man as served any prince in Christendom.”
THE PLANTING OF THE GREAT
AMERICAN COLONIES.

CHAPTER VIL.

“TO FRAME SUCH JUST AND EQUAL LAWS AS SHALL
BE MOST CONVENIENT.”

FTER the accession of James to the throne of

England in 1603, very little happened of interest

in connection with naval affairs, except the unfortunate
expedition of Sir Walter Raleigh already referred to.

In 1617 there was an important sea-fight with the
Turks, near Cagliari. Towards the close of December
1616 the ship Dolghin, Captain Edward Nicholl, left
Zante, one of the Ionian Isles, with a full cargo for the
Thames. She was a craft of 220 tons, with a crew of
thirty-six men and two boys, and armed with nineteen
pieces of cast ordnance and five “murderers,”—a name
given to small pieces of cannon made to load at the
breech, On the 8th January, 1617 she sighted
174 IIALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Sardinia. There was a west wind, and at nine in the
morning she stood inshore for Cagliari, About noon
she was close to two watch-towers from which cannon
were fired, as a signal that the guard wished to speak
with the crew. The object, not clearly understood, was
to warn them that Turkish war vessels were cruising off
the coast. Early on sath January they saw a large
vessel steering towards them. She was manned by
armed men. Soon five other vessels were descried.
The ports were open, and they were evidently bent on
hostility. Preparations were accordingly made for
battle, when the captain thus addressed his men:
*Countrymen and fellows, you see into what an
exigency it has pleased God to suffer us to fall. Let
us remember that we are but men, and must of
necessity die—where, and when, and how, is of God’s
appointment; but if it be His pleasure that this must
be the last of our days, His will be done; and let us,
for His glory, our soul’s welfare, our country’s honour,
and the credit of ourselves, fight valiantly to the last
gasp. Let us prefer a noble death to a life of slavery ;
and if we die, let us die to gain a better life,”

The crew responded bya loud assent and cheers. The
leading Turkish vessel had fifteen hundred men on board.
After a tremendous struggle, in which one after the
other of the enemy attacked the Dolphin, she got safely
into Cagliari, with the loss of seventeen men. The
































THE MAYFLOWER.
PLANTING OF THE GREAT AMERICAN COLONIES. 177

captains of three of the Turkish war vessels were
Englishmen. ,

But the chief event of this period was the establish-
ment of the great English Colonies in North America.
The first region colonised was Virginia—so called, as has
been stated, in honour of Queen Elizabeth. A belt of
twelve degrees on the American coast—from Cape Fear
to Halifax—was set apart to be colonised by two rival
companies. The first of these was composed of noble-
men, gentlemen, and merchants in and about London;
the second of knights, gentlemen, and merchants in the
west of England. On the 19th December 1606, a
squadron of three vessels, the largest not exceeding 100
tons burden, sailed for “the dear strand of Virginia,
earth’s only paradise.” Michael Drayton, the patriot
poet of “Albion’s glorious isle,” cheered them on their
voyage in the following lines :—

** Go, and in regions far,
Such heroes bring ye forth
As those from whom we came;
And plant our name
Under that star
Not known unto our north.”

A severe storm carried the fleet, which had sailed by
way of the Canaries and the West India Islands, into the
magnificent bay of Chesapeake. A noble river was soon
entered, which was named after King James, and on

the 13th May 1607, the peninsula of Jamestown was
M
178 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

selected for the site of the colony. After many early
struggles the colony became settled, and in 1619 a
Legislature was constituted. The Church of England
was established as the Church of Virginia. All persons
were to frequent Divine service upon the Sabbath-days,
both forenoon and afternoon. Penalties were appointed
for idleness, gaming with dice or cards, and drunken-
ness. And excess in apparel was taxed in the church for
all public contributions. Gradually the colony, which
was nurtured by a most influential company in London,
became settled, and it soon increased in prosperity.

The New England Colony was founded about the
same period. A Puritan community in the north of
England, being persecuted at home, fled to Amsterdam
in 1608. Their minister, a man of high character and
great ability, was John Robinson. The Dutch made
them large offers to settle in their colonies, but the
pilgrims were attached to their nationality as English-
men, and to the language of their country. A secret,
but deeply-seated love of country led them to the
resolution of recovering the protection of their country,
by enlarging her dominions, They resolved to make
a settlement of their own. They at first thought of
joining the colony of Virginia, but, after consultation
with the English Government, religious liberty was
refused them. At length they resolved to sail at their
own hazard, and made ready for their departure
PLANTING OF THE GREAT AMERICAN COLONIES. 179

from Leyden. The ships which they had provided
—the Speedwel? of 60 tons, and the Alayfower of
180 tons—could hold but a minority of the congrega-
tion, and Robinson was therefore detained at Leyden;
while Brewster, the governing elder, conducted “such
of the youngest and strongest as freely offered them-
selves.” There were solemn instructions given them,
and there was much prayer. They soon reached
Southampton, and on the 5th August 1620 sailed
from thence for America. The Speedwell put back,
as unfit for the voyage, and the AZayffower at length,
on 6th September, set sail alone with 1o2 on board,
—men, women, and children,—without any warrant
from King James. After a boisterous voyage of sixty-
three days they cast anchor in the harbour of Cape
Cod. Before they landed they formed themselves
into a body politic by a solemn voluntary compact
“to frame such just and equal laws as shall be
thought most convenient,” and they pledged them-
selves to submission and obedience. They had to
encounter terrible difficulties in seeking for a secure
harbour, in the midst of a cold and stormy winter; but
at length, on 11th December, they chose a spot, which
they called Plymouth. When a body of Indians was
discovered hovering near, the colony assumed a military
organisation, with Miles Standish as the captain. Again
in April the 1Zayflower sailed for Europe; and in autumn
180 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

new emigrants arrived. In the summer the bay of
Massachusetts and harbour of Boston were explored.
The supply of bread was scanty; but, at their rejoicing
together ‘after the harvest, the colonists had great
quantities of wildfowl and venison. They had many
difficulties, but conquered them all, and soon became a
strong, free community, of high moral character and
devoted piety, though intolerant in some of their laws,
according to the spirit of the age. They became a
centre of attraction to many of the Puritans in England,
and their number thus increased rapidly. This colony
laid the basis of the principles of the United States con-
stitution,—adopted a century and a half later. It was
the true foundation of the great American nation.
OLIVER CROMWELL AND THE
SEA-POWER OF ENGLAND.

CHAPTER VIII.

A LONG INTERVAL IN NAVAL WARFARE ENDED.

ROMWELL, with his great grasp of mind, saw at
once the vast importance of the English navy,
which, during the civil wars, had been neglected, and
bent all his energies, not only to make it effective, but to
- give it the supreme command of the seas. The Dutch
had become, through the long discords in England, the
great traders of the world; they now aimed at nothing
less than securing naval supremacy. It was this that
brought about the fierce conflict between the two
nations, both Protestant, and both at the time liberal,—
which lasted for several years. The Dutch were un-
willing to pay deference to the English Commonwealth
by showing the wonted respect to the English flag in
British waters. They probably thought that England
182 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

was almost defunct as a sea-power, and they knew little
the ruler with whom they had to deal. Cromwell had
ulterior views, as to crushing the religious despotism
which, with Spain as its chief instrument, had been long
attempting to stamp out all Christian liberty. He could
not proceed, however, with his plans, while Holland lay
behind him as a possible enemy. Had the Dutch taken
at the time a statesmanlike view of the position, they
would have hailed the English Commonwealth as fight-
ing the very battle which they themselves had fought,—
and there might then have been a union of the naval
forces of the two nations, for the good of the world, as
afterwards, in the time of William III. But the Dutch
looked only to their passing commercial interests. It
was they that, by their exhibition of contempt for the
English flag, originated the war. The battles during
this war were about the fiercest ever fought on the seas.
The result seemed uncertain for a time, but in the end
England gained the day, and Holland had to succumb.
Then, with Holland powerless, Cromwell was free to
carry out his great policy, as to Spain and the Catholic
powers. The navy entered the Mediterranean, where.
England had before no position at all, and swept every-
thing before it, under its brave and godly commander,
Blake, who felt, as did Cromwell, that he was fighting the
universal battle of liberty of conscience. When Pied-

mont massacred numbers of her subjects, belonging to

A LONG INTERVAL IN NAVAL WARFARE ENDED. 185

the ancient Vaudois Church, in the Alpine valleys,
Cromwell was in a position, through his navy in the
Mediterranean, to command the cessation of the persecu-
tion, and he thundered forth in the ears of astonished
Europe, by his immortal secretary John Milton, such
threats as alarmed the whole array of persecutors, and
compelled submission to his demands, —for England
now commanded the seas, and could sweep the coast of
Italy, and all Mediterranean territory. To the foresight
and statesmanship of Oliver Cromwell, John Milton, and
Robert Blake is due, in great part, the position which
England has occupied ever since, as the leading
maritime power of the world.
ROBERT BLAKE,
‘THE GREAT ADMIRAL OF THE COMMONWEALTH,

—_o—_-

CHAPTER IX.

HE ACHIEVED FOR ENGLAND THE TITLE, NEVER SINCE
DISPUTED, OF ‘‘ MISTRESS OF THE SEA.”

“TO designate some of the naval heroes of early times

gallant “sea dogs,” is not disrespectful to these
worthies. Dashing courage, indomitable perseverance,
and open-handed generosity, were the qualities, by which
they were chiefly distinguished. But to apply such an
epithet to Robert Blake, “Admiral and General at Sea,”
would be altogether unsuitable.

Grave, scholarly, courageous, generous, disinterested,
wise in counsel, valiant in war, Admiral Blake occupied
a high place among the men of his time. He has
been pronounced one of the most perfect characters
of his age.

Robert Blake was born ateBridgewatcl, Somersetshire,
ENGLAND “‘ MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 187

in 1598, the year before that in which Oliver Cromwell
first saw the light. His father, Humphrey Blake, was
possessed of landed property, and was also a merchant
adventurer. He belonged to what Fuller, in his Worthies,
calls the ‘“middle-sized gentry.” The first portion of
his education he received at the Bridgewater grammar
school. When sixteen years of age he entered St.
Alban’s Hall, Oxford, and afterwards shifted to Wad-
ham College. He remained at Oxford for nine years,
and had probably a stronger inclination to follow a
scholastic life than for the adventurous career he passed
through. He felt drawn into the great struggle of his
time by his position and his sense of duty; the hurry
and distracting influences of the life of after years never
took away either the taste, which had made him learned,
or the earnestness which had made him a Puritan.

In the year 1625, Robert was recalled home on
account of the illness of his father, whose business
affairs were in a very unsatisfactory condition. The
father died in embarrassed circumstances, and upon
Robert devolved the charge of his widowed mother and
a large family, with a somewhat straitened income. He
discharged his duties as head of the family with fidelity
and success, and conducted himself in an exemplary
manner in his domestic, social, and business relations.
His brothers and sisters made their way in the world,
married, and settled respectably.
188 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

At the time of Blake’s return to Bridgewater, State
affairs and the relations between the sovereign and his
subjects were causing much excitement and turmoil.
Charles I. was at war with his Parliament, and wringing
taxes illegally from his people, which many of them
resisted. The king’s Catholic consort, Henrietta Maria,
daughter of Henry IV. of France, hated the Puritans,
and urged Charles to the exercise of absolute power,
in resisting their reasonable demands. His first and
second Parliaments refused the supplies he demanded.
His third Parliament wrung from him assent to the
famous “petition of right,’—a second Magna Charta,
—which he nominally granted, but in practice resisted.
From 1629 to 1640 there had been no meeting of
Parliament ; in 1640, when the Short Parliament, as it
was called, was summoned, Blake was returned as repre-
sentative for Bridgewater. In 1645 he was elected for
Taunton to serve in the Long Parliament.

Oxford was not a likely nursery for Puritans, but Blake
was a man of independent mind, and of resolute char-
acter. He considered the dissolution of the Short
Parliament a declaration of defiance to the people on
the part of the king, and took it as a signal for action,
and declared for the Parliamentarians. He raised a
troop of dragoons, who were among the first of the
Parliamentary army that took the field; they were
engaged in almost every action of importance in the
ENGLAND ‘MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 189

western counties. Blake, although himself only a raw,
untrained volunteer, distinguished himself above all the
men about him, in the “marvellous fertility, energy, and
comprehensiveness of his military genius ”—evidence of
native superiority. It has been stated that Prince
Rupert alone, in the Royalist force, could be compared
to him as a commander and leader. Blake distinguished
himself by his gallant defence of Prior’s Hill fort, at the
siege of Bristol in 1643, which he would have held, but
for the surrender by his chief, Colonel Fiennes. In his
next command, Blake had nota pusillanimous commander
to overrule him, and showed conclusively the stuff he was
made of. He had won the confidence of the Parliament,
and was appointed to the Somerset Committee of Ways
and Means, and to the lieutenant-colonelcy of Popham’s
regiment, a body of stalwart Roundheads, fifteen
thousand strong. He made an entry into Bridgewater,
with the intention of seizing the castle, but finding that
the attempt would be foolhardy, he desisted, and
marched with his regiment to Lyme, where he was
wanted for the defence of the place. He had a sad
memory to carry away from this visit to the familiar
scenes of the home of his youth. His younger brother
Samuel, who was with his force, strayed from head-
quarters, and boldly attacked a Royalist recruiting party
he fell in with. He was slain in the fray. When the
news reached the town, the officers were greatly dis-
190 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

tressed. Colonel Blake suspected from their grave
conferences that there was something wrong, of which
they were reluctant to tell him. He demanded informa-
tion, which was given reluctantly in the communication,
“Your brother Sam is killed,” explaining how the thing
came to pass. The colonel’s grave response was, “Sam
had no business there.” Retiring, however, to the
Swan Inn, he shut himself up in a room, and mourned ~
bitterly the loss of his brother.

Colonel Blake’s defence of the “little vile fishing
town” of Lyme, as Clarendon contemptuously calls it,
was a brilliant service. It was besieged by Prince
Maurice after he had failed in an attempt to take
Plymouth by storm. It was a small place, with a
population of about a thousand inhabitants. The
natural defences were very weak. The Cavaliers in
descending from the heights behind the town, drove in
Blake’s outposts, charged with horse, and a shower of
hand grenades. The prince summoned Blake to sur-
render, but the summons was only answered by a fire
that emptied many saddles, threw the attacking force
into confusion, and compelled them to retire. Day
after day, from week to week, the attack was renewed by
siege trains and storming parties, in which many gallant
Cavaliers were slain. Charles was at Oxford, where
he and his court waited in anxious expectation the
defeat of Blake and the fall of Lyme, the successful
ENGLAND ‘‘ MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 191

defence ot which seemed a marvel and a mystery.
Instead of receiving the welcome news of Blake’s defeat,
they had the mortifying intelligence, that his spirited
defence was rousing and rallying the dispersed Parlia-
mentary party in those parts. After a protracted siege,
Warwick’s fleet arrived, in time to save Colonel Blake
and his besieged heroes from being starved out. The
siege was raised, after a loss to the Royalists of two
thousand men, many of them of noble and gentle blood,
—Blake’s fire having been more deadly, and the cause
of heavier loss, than all the actions in the West since the
commencement of the war.

Blake’s name and fame were now established, and he
had proved his capacity sufficiently to be trusted to
cut out his own work. All over the western counties
the Cavaliers had strong fortresses, and consequently a
line of communication. Blake saw that the possession
of Taunton by his party would be of vital importance.
He made a rapid march upon it, and carried it almost
without encountering resistance. This was on the 8th
of July 1644, six days after Cromwell and the Scots had
defeated Prince Rupert at the battle of Marston Moor.
The possession of Taunton was as important to the
Cavaliers as it was to the Parliamentarians, and troops
poured round the lines that had been formed for the
defence of the inland town. Blake, who had been
invested with office as Governor of Taunton, was sum-
192 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

moned to surrender, but a deaf ear was turned to the
summons. Again, the Governor of Bridgewater, Wynd-
ham, sent an earnest entreaty to his old neighbour and
fellow-townsman to accept the liberal terms of surrender
offered, but Blake was influenced by a sense of public
duty with which considerations of friendly ties or his
own personal safety and comfort could‘not be allowed
to interfere. Appeals to the patriot were made in vain,
and so the siege began.

Governor Wyndham, who had charge of the attack,
formed a blockade, barricading the roads with trees. A
clever German officer who joined Blake made a dashing
attack on Wyndham’s line, and broke it, which gave a
short relief; but Goring’s forces came up from Wey-
mouth to join in the attack, their track marked by
every horror that can accompany civil war. Many of
the inhabitants, to escape slaughter, fled before Goring
to the besieged town, as to a sanctuary. Taunton
excited the king’s party to fury; numerous councils
were held, and various plans proposed, to effect its
speedy subjugation. Their whole power was brought
to bear upon it. Blake’s defence exhibited a rare com-
bination of civil and military genius. The spectacle was
one of the most remarkable ever presented in the history
of battles and sieges. An inland town, without walls for
defence, or any natural protection, surrounded by strong
castles and garrisons, and invested by an enemy numer-
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ADMIRAL BLAKE,
ENGLAND ‘“‘ MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 195

ous, watchful, and well supplied with artillery,—the
defenders successfully resisting the attacks persistently
made upon it for months. This stubborn resistance
paralysed the king’s power, and gave to Cromwell the
opportunity, of which he took full advantage, of re-
modelling his army. The besieged town was surrounded,
as by a wall of fire. The suburbs were burned and
pillaged, and the outer houses of the town crumbled into
rubbish before the continuous shower of cannon balls.
The brave defenders suffered the pangs of famine, but
Blake’s zeal sustained their drooping courage and con-
tinued resistance. One of his answers, during a parley,
to a repeated summons to surrender, was that he had
four pairs of boots left, and would eat three pairs of them
before he would give in. Another time, when threatened
that when the town surrendered, unless it surrendered
now, all but seven persons found in it would be put to
the sword, his reply was, that he wanted the names of
the seven, and their bodies would be sent out. He and
his brave comrades were almost in the last stage of
suffering and peril when Fairfax sent four regiments to
his relief, and the siege was raised on the 11th May
1645.

The country around Taunton was terribly devastated,
and almost completely depopulated, and the spectacle
presented by the town inexpressibly shocking. This
remarkable siege, which lasted a year, attracted the
196 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

attention and admiration of foreign military critics, who
did Blake the honour of pronouncing Taunton the
modern Saguntum. Goring, the Royalist commander,
had sworn fiercely that he would take the town, or leave
his body in the trenches. He did neither, but beat a
sullen retreat.

Blake’s victory was a great triumph for Parliament,
which voted him thanks, and a gift of £500. Although
elected to sit in Parliament for Taunton, and now
regarded as a distinguished national hero, he did not
attend Parliament, or put himself in the way of the popu-
lar ovations that many would have courted rather than
avoided. It is believed that he had no sympathy with
the regicides, and reported, indeed, concerning his feel-
ings on this subject, that he would “as freely venture
his life to save the king as he had ventured it to
serve the Parliament.” He was a practical and a
moderate man, and a gentleman, and had only opposed
the king, because the king’s policy and conduct had
been, as he considered, unjust, and dangerous to Pro-
testantism and the State. With the king in prison,
and his cause defeated, Blake was satisfied.

It was not desirable, Cromwell and his party probably
thought, that a man possessing, deservedly, such com-
manding influence, of such independent mind, and hold-
ing opinions so moderate, should be near the centre of
affairs or intrigues. Some such considerations may
ENGLAND “MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 197

have led to his being appointed to the chief naval
command. He possessed in an eminent degree the
higher qualities necessary in a naval commander, but
their cultivation was commenced at an unprecedentedly
late period in life. If he had commenced his nautical
training early, and continued it during the whole of his
life, he could scarcely have achieved higher fame than
he did, though his naval career began at fifty years of
age. He vacated his comparatively quiet post of
Governor of Taunton — his chief duties connected
probably with the rebuilding of the town—to assume
office as “General and Admiral at Sea,” a title after-
wards changed to “General of the Fleet,” and again to
‘ Admiral of the Fleet.”

Blake’s career and history are unique; among its
greatest men, the world has rarely seen an accomplished
scholar, a famous general, and still more famous admiral,
with such a splendid record, united in one and the
sane man, ‘The scope of his powers, the strength of
his character, his wonderful ability to adapt himself to
his position and surroundings, the rapidity with which
he acquired knowledge,—in a word, his master mind,
were abundantly displayed in the command of a force,
that employed a language and conducted operations with
which he had been previously entirely unacquainted.

It has been conjectured that the Blakes of Somerset-
shire came originally from Northumberland, and that the
198 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARIER-DECK.

“forbears” of the Northumbrian Blakes, Blackes, or
Blaks, a Scandinavian name, hailed from Norway or
Denmark.

Blake joined the fleet on the 18th April 1649, eight
months after the revolt of a part of the fleet to the
Royalists. His first expedition was against his old
adversary, Prince Rupert, who had also taken to the
sea, and whose exploits were not of a very dignified
character, consisting of picking up merchant ships in the
Channel, and conveying them to Kinsale harbour, on
the south coast of County Cork. Blake blockaded the
prince for a long time, but he contrived to escape, with .
the loss of three ships, and made for Portugal, whither
Blake followed, and again blockaded him in the river
Tagus. Here Blake seized the Brazil fleet of the
King of Portugal, and afterwards pursued and harassed
Rupert, hither and thither, in the Mediterranean. Blake
destroyed the principal part of the prince’s fleet at
Carthagena, and Rupert escaped with three ships to the
West Indies. He had been sheltered for a time at
Toulon, which Blake avenged by taking several French
ships. This first cruise in the Mediterranean by Admiral
Blake was the beginning of our maritime influence and
ultimate ascendency in those important waters.

The admiral’s maritime operations were watched with
lively interest at home, and the result of his first cruises
to Ireland, Portugal, and the Mediterranean was to
ENGLAND ‘MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 199

fairly inaugurate his naval fame. It had seasoned him
in his new profession, and made him every inch a
sailor. He very soon commanded the confidence of the
men,—became among them, indeed, an object of almost
affectionate adoration. The naval system of the time
stood greatly in need of reform, and no man could
have been found more capable and willing to effect
needed reforms than Blake. His care for the wellbeing
of the men, and his progressive reforms, commenced
at once with his going on board. It has been said
concerning him that “he was from first to last England’s
model seaman. Envy, hatred, and jealousy dogged the
steps of every other officer of the fleet.” The Council
of State conferred upon him almost unlimited powers,
which he exercised with masterly success, startling
officials and others by his bold and independent action,
and contempt for established routine and _ red-tape,
when they stood in the way of what he considered
the best means for attaining desired ends. With but
slender resources he performed extraordinary exploits.
He effectually suppressed Prince Rupert, and put an
end to his freebooting performances, and next directed
his attention to Sir John Grenville in the Scilly Isles,
and Sir George Cartaret in Jersey, who were seizing and
plundering homeward-bound traders. It had been an
axiom before Blake’s time that ships were not expected
to attack, and should not waste power in attacking,
200 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

castles. He had no respect for the restriction, and
brought down the strongholds that the piratical
Cavaliers had established in Scilly, Guernsey, and
Jersey. The unfortunate Cavaliers whom the civil
war had ruined, who had found refuge in these
islands, and occupation in plundering at sea, were thus
dispersed. For his services Blake was again thanked by
Parliament, and voted a thousand pounds. He was
also honoured with the appointment of Warden of the
Cinque Ports.

In the year 1652, Blake had reached the age of
fifty-three, but was still young and inexperienced as
commander of a fleet. Able or otherwise, competent or
incompetent, he was forced into conflict with the most
thoroughly experienced, courageous, and competent
naval commander, and the most powerful navy of the
time—that of Holland. It had to be settled, whether
England or Holland was to be sovereign of the seas.
The foes that Blake had hitherto encountered at sea,
such as Prince Rupert, Grenville, and Cartaret, were
comparatively insignificant; he was now called upon
to defeat, or be defeated by, such redoubtable and
experienced naval commanders as Van Tromp, De Witt,
and De Ruyter. Van Tromp, who of the trio named
was Blake’s first antagonist, was the son of a famous sea-
captain, and had been afloat since he was ten years old.

Blake’s first encounter with Van Tromp was caused
ENGLAND ‘‘MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 201

by an act of defiance on the part of the Dutch. During
the civil wars in England they had acquired great naval
power and commercial prosperity. They wished to
combat, therefore, the long maintained supremacy of the
English flag in the narrow seas, where foreigners were
accustomed to strike their colours on meeting our flag.
Van Tromp, with a fleet of forty-five men-of-war, appeared
in the Downs, where Blake was lying. Blake had only
twenty ships with him, but, on the approach of the
Dutch admiral’s ship, he fired three shots across his
bows, to require him to show the usual respect to the
flag, in seas considered to be under British dominion.
Van Tromp answered with a broadside, and hung out
the red flag as a signal for an engagement. Blake, ina
vehement passion, curling his whiskers, as he used to do
when angry, answered in kind, and for some time stood
alone in his flag-ship against the whole force of the
enemy, when, the rest of the squadron coming up, the
battle went on from four p.m. till nine,—the Dutch then
retreating, and leaving two of their vessels in his hands.
Blake continued to master the Channel. All pretence
of reserve being thrown away, in consequence of the late
engagement, he exerted all his power to harass the
enemy’s trade, and to fit out such vessels as had fallen
into his hand for immediate service against them. His
cruisers brought prizes into port almost daily during the
latter part of May and June. One day he received
202 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

intelligence that a Dutch fleet of twenty-six traders,
convoyed by three men-of-war, was coming up the
Channel. They were all captured, traders and convoy,
and the latter immediately manned and fitted for service.
In less than a month, to the surprise and ecstasy of the
Londoners, he had sent into the river more than forty
rich prizes, captured in open sea from their vigilant and
powerful enemy. The Dutch merchants were compelled
to abandon the Straits. Their argosies from the south
of Europe, and from the East and West Indies, had
either to run for safety into French ports, and send
their cargoes overland at an immense loss, or make the
long and dangerous voyage round by the north. This
brilliant success vivified the Council of State with new
life. Orders were given to strengthen Dover pier.
Forty sail were added by a vote to the fleet. At Blake’s
suggestion, six additional fire-ships were prepared. The
seamen’s wages were raised; and the vice-admirals of
all the maritime stations from Norfolk to Hampshire
were requested to summon together all mariners between
the ages of fifteen and twenty, young, ardent, docile,
and engage them in the State’s service. The Council
of State, of which Blake was a member, resolved that
the entire fleet-should be raised to 250 sail and 14 fire-
ships. At the end of one month from the fight off Dover,
the energetic admiral could count with patriotic pride no
less than tog vessels, carrying 3961 guns under his flag.
£08









































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































BATTLE BETWEEN BLAKE AND VAN TROMP,
OF Dover, 10th Decentber 1652.
ENGLAND “MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 205

“The Dutch preparations for the campaign were also
made ‘on the grandest scale’ In a few weeks their
renowned admiral, ripe in age, honours, and experience,
saw himself at the head of 120 sail of ships—a power
more than sufficient, in the opinion of every patriotic
Dutchman, to sweep the English navy from the face of
the earth.”

Blake proceeded to the North Sea, in the Resolution,
of sixty-eight guns, accompanied by a squadron of
smaller vessels, to disperse the great herring fleet of the
Dutch. While in the North Sea on this service, Van
Tromp followed him with a large fleet ; but a tremendous
storm scattered the Dutch forces, shattering on the rocks
some of the vessels, and dispersing the others, so that
the Dutch admiral had to return home to refit his vessels.
Blake had kept his fleet together under shelter of the
mainland of the Shetland Islands, and although he had
not escaped without serious injury to many ships, he
had not suffered nearly so much. He hung in the rear
of the disabled Dutch ships, ravaged the coasts of
Zealand, and reached Yarmouth with prizes and nine
hundred prisoners. Clamorous at a reverse in a fleet
from which victory had been expected, a Dutch mob
insulted Van Tromp, and, in a fit of disgust, he laid
down his commission, and retired into private life.

We may note here Van Tromp’s career. At ten years
old, he was present in his father’s ship at the famous
206 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

battle fought against Spain under the walls of Gibraltar
in 1607. Shortly after that memorable event, he was
captured by an English cruiser, after a brisk engage-
ment, in which his father lost his life. Two years anda
half he was compelled to serve in the menial capacity of
cabin-boy on board the captor,—and thus were the seeds
of hatred to England and the English sown in his proud
and passionate heart. Once planted, this hatred grew
with his growth, and strengthened with his strength.
For a long time his life was passed on board fishing-
boats and merchantmen; but his nautical genius was
irresistible, and he fought his way through legions of
obstacles to high command. At thirty years old he was
confessedly the ablest navigator in Holland. More than
twenty years he had now commanded his country’s fleet
with success against Spain,—and had done more than
any other individual to humble the pride and reduce the
power of that extensive empire.

The States-General of Holland associated De Ruyter
with De Witt in the supreme command of the Dutch
navy ; Blake and Ayscue were associated in the command
of the force which was to meet the next attack to be
delivered by the Dutch against the English in English
waters. Meantime Blake, with characteristic judgment
and promptitude, delivered a blow in another direction.
He overhauled and defeated a French squadron on its
way to relieve Dunkirk from the siege of the Archduke
ENGLAND “MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 207

Leopold. Blake’s intervention was completely successful,
and ensured prevention of the use of Dunkirk by the
Dutch against the English, with the connivance of the
French Government. This prompt action on Blake’s
part was evidence of his genius and of his keen percep-
tion as a commander, and of the confidence reposed in
him by the Commonwealth.

Much more imposing events in Blake’s career than
any hitherto recorded were now pending. It had to be
determined whether the English or Dutch were to be
“ Mistress of the Seas.” On the 28th September 1652,
the Dutch fleet were off the North Foreland under De
Witt, De Ruyter, and Evertsen. Blake, in the Resolution,
at about four o’clock in the afternoon, bore down upon
them, signalling the ships of his squadron to reserve their
fire for close quarters,—and a murderous fire it was at
close quarters till nightfall,—when the Dutch drew off,
but still fighting. Two of the Dutch ships went down
in the action, and two were carried, by boarding. Next
morning, De Witt would have continued the fight, but
De Ruyter and Evertsen refused to renew the action,
and the Dutch fleet, terribly cut up, went home. Blake
pursuing, was received with scorn and contempt; but
his return was hailed with enthusiasm by his grateful
countrymen.

The States, with wonderful energy and rapidity, got
together another great fleet to sweep English waters
208 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

of any power that might dare to oppose it. It was
commanded by Van Tromp, De Ruyter, Evertsen, and
Floritz. Blake’s commission was renewed as General
and Admiral of the Fleet, with General Monk and
Colonel Deane as colleagues. Not anticipating a re-
newed attack in force by the Dutch, Blake had
separated his force for a number of duties to different
destinations, and had only retained a fleet of thirty-
seven ships, including frigates, in the Channel. With
this small force he had to meet Van Tromp at the
head of a hundred Dutch men-of-war. Notwithstanding
the enormous disparity of force, Blake did not flinch, but
stood to his guns, and for once, as was not to be wondered
at, had the worst of the fight. In evidence that he
had swept the sea, Van Tromp cruised along the south
coast with a broom at his mast-head. Blake was dis-
satisfied with the conduct of some of his commanders,
and asked to be relieved of his command. His proffered
resignation was not accepted; on the contrary, the
Council of State thanked him for his conduct in the
engagement. Blake’s own brother Benjamin had not
conducted himself to the admiral’s satisfaction, and he
was sent ashore,—no excuse he could offer availing to
avert the disgrace,

In February 1653, Blake was again at sea with a fleet
of sixty ships, with Monk and Deane and a force of
soldiers on board, With him were Penn as vice-admiral,
ENGLAND ‘MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 209

and Lawson as rear-admiral. On the 18th, Van Tromp
was sighted near Cape de la Hogue; he was in charge
of a considerable convoy of merchantmen. As if eager
for the fray, he left them to windward, and bore down
upon the English. The leading ships of the English,
in which were the three admirals, were considerably
ahead of Monk and the main body of the fleet, for
whom, however, they did not wait. Van Tromp in the
Brederode passed. on the weather-side of the Triumph,
into.which he poured a broadside, which he repeated
from under the lee. The rearward ships of the English
fleet came up with all speed, and a terrific general action
ensued. ‘The incessant roar of the guns was heard with
exciting interest on both sides of the Channel, pro-
claiming the fierce struggle between the sea giants.
In the action itself and around it, startling evidence
abounded of its destructive character, and the resolute
purpose and fierce valour of the combatants on both
sides... Here, a ship on fire belching its towers of lurid
flame into the cold wintry sky ; there, two opposing ships
crashing against each other; in another place, the wild
shouts of the boarders, making headlong charges, met,
repulsed, and renewed with varying fortune. The battle
commenced in the forenoon; Monk, with the white
division of the English fleet, came up at noon, and the
whole of the forces continued engaged during the re-

mainder of the day. The day’s action cost the bold and
Oo
210 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK

bellicose Van Tromp eight of his ships by destruction or
capture. Sorely crippled and deeply wounded, but not
subdued, he retreated, only to look after the merchant-
men of his convoy that looked to him for protection.
Several of Blake’s fleet had been boarded, but recaptured ;
one of his ships, the Sampson, had the captain and a
large number of the men killed; those. who remained
were transferred to Blake’s own ship, the Zriumph,—and
the Sampson was allowed to drift to leeward. The
Triumph and her crew suffered greatly in the action;
Ball the captain was killed, the men were mown down
at their guns, Blake himself was wounded in the leg,
and the decks ran red with blood. The long night was
spent in sending away, and otherwise caring for, the
wounded, and in preparing for a renewal of the conflict
on the morrow.

Enclosing his convoy in such position as he thought
would best enable him to protect them, Van Tromp
sailed up channel with them in the morning with a light
breeze. Blake followed him up, and a running fight
was kept up throughout the second day, at the close of
which Van Tromp had lost five more of his ships, and
he retreated towards Boulogne. It was the Dutch
commander’s misfortune to be clogged by subordinates
who were unworthy to serve under such a courageous
leader. Some of his cowardly captains who advised
retreat were indignantly ordered to retire, and did so
ENGLAND ‘‘MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 211

during the night. On the morning of the third day, Blake
renewed the attack upon Van Tromp’s reduced forces,
—the gallant Dutchman suffering grave disadvantage
from the encumbrance of his convoy, as well as from
the demoralisation of a part at least of the officers and
men of the fleet. He endeavoured to send off the
merchantmen to Calais, but the wind was against them,
and the merchantmen and fighting ships got mixed up,
hindering his effective action. Blake, of course, made
legitimate use of his advantages, and, pressing him hard,
drove the defeated Dutch admiral—the broom no longer
at his mast-head—to take shelter with the remnant of
his fleet on the French coast. In the morning it was
found that Van Tromp had departed, carrying the
news of his own defeat. So ended this famous
battle, in which the English loss was great and grievous,
but that of the enemy much more disastrous. ‘The
flag-ship Zydumph suffered greatly in its encounters
with Van Tromp’s ship, the two commanding admirals
and their respective ships being much engaged in
close encounter with each other. Captain Ball of the
Triumph was shot dead ; Mr. Sparrow, Blake’s secretary,
fell at his feet while taking his orders; a hundred of the
crew were killed, and about as many wounded; the
Fairfax had a hundred men killed, the Vanguard and
other ships also suffering severely. Van Tromp’s ship
was disabled, and the greater part of its officers slain,
212 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Eight men-of-war and a large number of the Dutch
merchantmen fell into the hands of the English. The
Dutch loss in the three days’ engagement has been stated
at eleven men-of-war, thirty merchantmen, fifteen hundred
killed, and as many wounded. The English only lost
one ship, the Sampson, which, as stated, was allowed to
drift and founder, after the crew were taken off. Blake
made effective use of the soldiers on board, this being
one of the earliest occasions of the many upon which
the marines, as they are now called, have highly dis-
tinguished themselves in action.

Blake’s great victory caused much jubilation in London;
a national thanksgiving was appointed, and a Patriotic
Fund was formed for the benefit of the widows and
children of the men who had fallen in the conflict.
Blake remained for a time at St. Helen’s, refitting and
preparing for what might next happen in the way of a
Dutch attack. Learning that Van Tromp was again
preparing for-sea, Blake proceeded to the Texel, where
he did not exactly flourish a broom in sight of the
enemy, but treated him with like provocation, without
effect, however; and he next proceeded with a small
squadron, with which he cruised for a time off the east
coast. of Scotland, where he was.on zoth April 1653,
when Cromwell came down to the House of Commons,
drove out the Rump Parliament, locked the door of the
House, and put the key in his pocket. Admiral Blake


ADMIRAL VAN TROMP.,

213
ENGLAND ‘‘ MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 215

did not personally figure as a politician in these important
State events. As a commander of the State forces, he
held that it was not his “business to mind State affairs,
but to keep foreigners from fooling us,” and he remained
afloat at his post.

In June the Dutch again made a marine parade
in the Channel, with a hundred and twenty ships of
war, carrying four admirals. Admiral Lawson of the
blue squadron first fell in with them, and engaged De
Ruyter on the forenoon of the znd June. The ships of
both fleets came up promptly, and a desperate broadside
engagement at close quarters ensued. The fight was
continued to the close of the long summer day, and
after a few hours’ interval and some manceuvring, was
renewed with unabated fury in the morning. Blake,
who had joined the Channel fleet with his squadron from
the North, had with him his nephew, also a Robert Blake,
a young hero who distinguished himself by breaking the
Dutch line, amid the roaring cheers of the men of the
English fleet. Van Tromp was furious, and his men on
board the Brederode performed desperate feats of valour.
They boarded Admiral Penn’s ship, the James, but were
repulsed and followed to the Brederode, the sacred
quarter-deck of which was reached by the men of the
James. This was more than Van ‘Tromp could stand,
and he threw a firebrand into the magazine, which blew
up the decks and effectually dispersed the boarders,
216 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

The Dutch admiral’s own life was saved as if by miracle,
but belief that he was killed brought the crisis of the
battle. The Dutch fleet broke into wild disorder, and
sheered off, each taking its own course, the English in
hot pursuit, sinking one after another of the fugitives.
Van Tromp got away, but his defeat was crushing and
final. The Dutch had eight men-of-war destroyed, eleven _
captured, and a very heavy loss in officers and men.
The English ships were terribly battered and damaged,
but the loss in killed and wounded was much less than
that sustained by the enemy.

Hard work, hard living, and high pressure conquered,
in their combined attack, on Admiral Blake’s health
and strength, and he was reluctantly compelled to go
ashore, ill with a complication of disorders, including
the sailor’s peculiar distemper, scurvy, fever, and
threatened dropsy. While the great commander was
thus disabled, and involuntarily off duty, it devolved
upon Admirals Penn and Lawson and General Monk
to conduct the last grand encounter with the naval power
of the Dutch Republic. Van Tromp, De Ruyter, and
Evertsen, were again the opposing commanders. Again
the battle lasted for three days, and again the English
were completely victorious, and achieved for England
the title, never since disputed, of being “ Mistress of the
Seas.” On the last of these three days, the great Van
Tromp received a bullet in his heart, which, we feel sure,
ENGLAND “ MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 217

caused him much less pain, than he would have suffered,
had he been spared to cherish the bitter memory of his
defeat.

During his temporary retirement from the navy,
Admiral Blake attended in his place in Parliament,
transacted important business with the Navy Commis-
sioners, dined occasionally with Oliver Cromwell, and
gave energetically his personal attention and labours to
the important work of reform, not of the navy and its
administration,—in these he had already effected great
reforms,—but of other important public institutions,
He aspired, even, to “purging the churches of England of
ignorant, scandalous, and inefficient pastors.” Blake was
aman among ten thousand, and was doubtless equal to
the efficient discharge of even this delicate and difficult
duty. It may be noted that he wasa great student of
the Bible, and regularly conducted the family devotions
in his own house.

The naval supremacy that Admiral Blake had done so
much to achieve was not to remain inert or valueless.
Proud, priest-ridden Spain, the enemy of truth, righteous-
ness, and freedom of worship, had to be crippled and
humbled. A new naval force was created and organised
in 1654, and Blake, at the head of a fleet, sailed from
England, with sealed orders, towards the end of that
year. He first visited Cadiz, whence he sailed in pursuit
of the Duke of Guise, who was understood to have gone
218 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

to Naples with hostile intent. The duke was not there,
and Blake next proceeded to Leghorn, where he de-
manded and obtained from the Grand Duke of Tuscany
a large sum of money as compensation to the owners of
ships, that had been sold there by the Princes Rupert and
Maurice. The admiral’s name and fame had preceded
him, and his irresistible power caused consternation
among the states bordering on the Mediterranean.
Having settled with the Duke of Tuscany, he next sent
in his account against the sovereign pontiff, Alexander
VII., for ships sold by the same princes, in ports under
the sovereignty of His Holiness. The admiral did not
object to foreign coin in payment, and accordingly
received on board the sixty-gun ship George, the sum of
twenty thousand pistoles, in whole or part payment of his
Roman account. He next sailed southwards, with the
desire of bringing the piratical powers of North Africa
to a better state of mind and behaviour. The Bey
of Tunis resisted Blake’s overtures, and left the admiral
the only alternative of battering his forts and burning all
the corsair ships he could get at, both of which he did.
He visited in succession Tripoli, Venice, Malta, and
Versailles, and was received at some places with honour,
—at others with fear and constrained hospitality. He
may be regarded as the pioneer, the first of the long line
of English admirals that entered with pride the noble
bay of Valetta, as an English possession. At Algiers he
ENGLAND “MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 219

ransomed, for a moderate sum, a number of Englishmen
who had fallen into the hands of the Algerine corsairs.
A cheery illustration of the good heart of the jolly tars
of the time was given while the squadron lay off Algiers.
A number of captives, pursued by Moors, swam from the
shore to the English ships, and were readily hauled on
board, and found to be Dutchmen. The English sailors
raised a subscription for them,—many of the men giving
a dollar out of their wages,—and the Dutchmen were
sent home happy and grateful.

Admiral Blake next touched at Malaga, and reached
the Bay of Cadiz in June. By this time his ships were
getting much in need of overhauling and repair, and
stores were run out, particularly water, renewed supply
of which was often obtained with difficulty; and, most
distressing of all, the hero’s health and strength were
failing greatly, which naturally caused sore depression of
spirits. In a touching letter to Cromwell, dated
“ Aboard the George in Cascaes Road, August 30, 1655,”
he writes, after stating some of the difficulties he was
encountering: “Our only comfort is that we have a
God to lean upon, although we walk in darkness and see
no light. I shall not trouble your Highness with any
complaints of myself, of the indisposition of my body or
the troubles of my mind; my many infirmities will one
day, I doubt not, plead for me, or against me, so that I
may be free of so great a burden, consoling myself mean-
220 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

time in the Lord, and in the firm purpose of my heart
with all faithfulness and sincerity, to discharge the trust
while reposed in me.”

Although sick and broken, and having well earned his
rest, his great heart quailed not nor failed. Cromwell
had lost a number of his principal commanders by death
or defection, and Blake honoured the draft upon such
powers as remained with him. He superintended the
operations in the dockyard and arsenal when ashore.
At the end of February 1656, he was again afloat in the
Naseby. He took on board as his colleague Edward
Montague, afterwards Earl of Sandwich. The departing
fleet sailed down channel, westward. In the waning
light of the bleak brief day, the grave, grand, and heroic
patriot took his last look of the hills and vales and rock-
bound shores of old England—the country that he had
served so well, and that was honoured in having such a
son.

His first duty after leaving England was of a diplomatic
nature, being to effect, if possible, a satisfactory perman-
ent treaty with Portugal. He left a part of his squadron
to watch Cadiz, and came to an anchor with the re-
mainder of the fleet at the mouth of the Tagus. He
kept a lookout for the homeward-bound Spanish argosies,
and had- his patience severely tried. ‘The squadron
suffered greatly from a succession of violent gales.
Running short of provisions and water, the admiral
ENGLAND “MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 221

proceeded northwards to Portugal for supplies, leaving
the watching squadron of seven ships under the command
of Captain Stayner. They had not long parted company
ere the expected fleet was sighted—four splendid Spanish
galleons, and two Indian merchant ships, laden amongst
them with products rich and rare, in gold and silver,
pearls and gems, indigo, cochineal, tobacco, etc. It was
on the evening of 8th September that the homeward-
bounds caught sight of Stayner’s frigates, which they at
first mistook for a protecting guard that was to convoy
them into port in safety and glad triumph. They were
speedily undeceived by Stayner swooping down upon
them. They resisted desperately, and there were six
hours of hard fighting, in which heavy loss in life and
treasure was sustained. The treasure ships had on board
as passengers high dignitaries and members of some of
the proudest families of Spain and its possessions; one
of the ships plundered first, was afterwards the burning
tomb of a viceroy and his family who had sailed in it.
Montague took home the prizes. The treasure was
forwarded to London in thirty-eight heavily - laden
waggons, many of them freighted with gold and silver.
Under strong military escort, it passed along the streets
to the Tower, amid the ringing cheers of the crowd who
turned out to welcome its arrival.

Blake, amid hardships and trials that he was now
ill fitted to stand against, kept faithfully his post cff
229 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Cadiz. In the spring of 1657 he made a run to
Tetuan, and gave a salutary word of warning to the
Barbary pirates, that had a restraining effect upon
these marauders. ‘From information received,” but
from what source is not communicated, Admiral Blake
had reason to believe that another bullion fleet had
crossed the Atlantic, and had taken shelter some-
where about the Canary Islands: hither he repaired
with his squadron. It was even so, the silver fleet had
taken shelter in the strongly fortified harbour of Santa
Cruz, in the island of Teneriffe. The spacious harbour
is of horse-shoe shape, and was dominated by a strong
castle above the inner portion of the area, flanked on
each side by a series of forts, connected with earth-
works, available for musketry. The water was so deep
that the ships could lie close under the forts. The castle
and forts were well supplied with guns. The galleons
also had their broadsides turned to the narrow entrance
of the harbour. To an enemy the harbour entrance
seemed the veritable jaws of death. The governor
believed his position impregnable, and the precious fleet
in the harbour unassailable and absolutely secure. The
redoubtable admiral was prostrate from illness, but, with
indomitable spirit, he rose from his couch to preside at
a council of war. The plan of attack decided on was,
for the admiral to lead and direct the bombardment
of the castle and the forts, and for Captain Richard
ENGLAND ‘‘ MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 223°

Stayner to direct his force against the galleons. Blake
and Stayner had twenty-five ships between them. For
his second’s share in the action Blake chose the
innovation, as some authorities considered it, that he
had introduced, of attacking strong castles and forts
from the floating wooden walls of Old England. The
attacking ships were received by a tremendous simul-
taneous volley from the whole of the guns of the castle,
the forts, and the galleys, that could be brought to bear
upon them.

It was a battle of gunnery, of weight of metal, of
rapidity and precision of delivery. In these particulars
the English had the advantage. The forts were knocked
about the ears of the gunners that manned them, and
silenced one after another. That morning the ships’
companies had prayers before breakfast, and the terrible
day’s work commenced immediately after. About noon,
Blake had disposed of the land forces so satisfactorily as
to be at liberty to assist Stayner in completing the de-
struction of the galleons, which would have been brought
out and carried away as prizes, had this been possible.
About two o’clock the work of destruction had been
completed. Two of the Spanish ships went down in the
course of the attack, and the whole of the others were
burned. A favourable change in the wind carried the
victors out with flying colours, leaving the costly contents
and strong defences of the harbour utterly wrecked.
224 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

The English only sustained the almost incredibly small
loss of about fifty killed, and about three times that
number wounded. Of this action the historian Clarendon
says: “The whole action was so miraculous that all
men who knew the place wondered that any sober man,
with what courage soever endowed, would ever under-
take it; and they could hardly persuade themselves to
believe what they had done, whilst the Spaniards com-
forted themselves with the belief that they were devils,
and not men, who had destroyed them in such a
manner.”

This brilliant and daring feat of arms caused the
highest degree of admiration and delight at home.
Cromwell ordered a day of public thanksgiving for the
victory ; a ring of the value of five hundred guineas was
voted to Blake by Parliament; and a gratuity of one
hundred pounds to the captain who had brought the
intelligence; thanks were also voted to the officers,
sailors, and soldiers who had been concerned in the
action.

It was the great admiral’s last battle with mortal foes!
He was approaching to close quarters with “the last
great enemy.” On his way home he paid a visit to
Morocco, where he exercised his influence, in further
restraining the Sallee rovers, and in procuring the de-
liverance of some of their Christian captives. He was
completely successful in his negotiations, and at last,


THE DEATH OF ADMIRAL BLAKE.


ENGLAND “MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 227

suffering much, wearied and worn-out, he turned his
prow towards “home.” Cromwell’s letter, the thanks
of Parliament, and the jewel of honour met him on
the way, but he was past saving by such solace. While
crossing the Bay of Biscay, his illness increased rapidly
without check. When England was sighted he was
dying, and while others were delighting in the vision
of the long-looked-for shores, his noble spirit passed
away. He died on board his ship, the S# George, on
the 17th August 1657, when he was just entering his
sixtieth year. “The St George,” says Mr. Hepworth
Dixon in his Life of Blake, “rode with its precious
burden into the Sound; and just as it came into full
view of the eager thousands crowding the beach, the
pier-head, the walls of the citadel, or darting in countless
boats over the smooth waters between St. Nicholas and
the docks, ready to catch the first glimpse of the hero
of Santa Cruz, and salute him with a true English
welcome,—he, in his silent cabin, in the midst of his
lion-hearted comrades, now sobbing like little children,
yielded up his soul to God.”

His body, embalmed, and enclosed in lead, was
carried by sea to Greenwich, where it lay in state for
several days. Thence the remains were conveyed in a
splendid barge to Westminster Abbey for interment.
The imposing river procession embraced a large number
of mourners of wide variety in rank and condition,
228 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

including his relations and servants, Cromwell’s Council,
the Commissioners of the Navy, admirals and generals,
the Lord Mayor and aldermen of London, and a large
number of persons of distinction, in their barges and
wherries,—the whole marshalled by the heralds at arms.
At Westminster, the body had a guard of honour of
several regiments of foot, and was landed amid salvoes
of artillery. The remains were deposited in a vault in
Henry Seventh’s Chapel. Restoration, Blake’s remains, among those of some
others, were rejected from the Abbey, and buried in
the Abbey yard, where they have since, it is believed,
remained undisturbed. ‘To their eternal infamy,” says
his biographer, “the Stuarts afterwards disturbed the
hero’s grave... . Blake had ever been for mild and
moderate councils. He had opposed the late king’s
trial... The infamy belonged to Charles himself.
Good men looked aghast at such atrocity... .” Blake
‘*had laid the foundations of our lasting influence in the
Mediterranean, and, in eight years of success, had made
England the first maritime power in Europe.”

Blake exhibited a combination of high excellences ce
character and disposition, and capabilities that are rarely
met with in one man. As a leader and commander he
was undauntedly brave, fertile in expedients, irresistible
in action. Anxious only for the glory and interest of his
country, he took no care for personal aggrandisement.
ENGLAND “MISTRESS OF THE SEA.” 229

“His contempt for money, his impatience with the mere
vanities of power, were supreme. Bribery he abhorred
in all its shapes. He was frank and open to a fault ;
his heart was ever in his hand, and his mind ever on his
lips. His honesty, modesty, generosity, sincerity, and
magnanimity were unimpeached. The care and interest
with which he looked to the wellbeing of his humblest
followers made him eminently popular in the fleet. He
was one of England’s simplest, truest, bravest captains,
one of her greatest naval heroes, and he was truly a knight
sans peur et sans reproche.”
GEORGE MONK, K.G.,

DUKE OF ALBEMARLE,

CHAPTER X.

THE FRIEND OF CROMWELL, AND THE RESTORER OF
CHARLES II.

MONG the distinguished heroes of the seventeenth

century, men born to command, and qualified

above their fellows, to achieve renown in the “ profession

of arms,” as general in the army or as admiral of the

fleet, a foremost place has to be assigned to General and
Admiral Monk.

George Monk, son of Sir Thomas Monk, was a scion
of an ancient and honourable family, that had even by
the female line been related to royalty, a pedigree being
in existence that shows a descent of the family from
Edward IV. The fatnily were established at Potheridge,
Devonshire, where George was born on the 6th December

1608. His father’s means were very limited; and, having
230
THE FRIEND OF CROMWELL. 231

no fortune to divide amongst his family, he designed
George for a soldier of fortune, and proceeded to equip
him with a “sword” with which to open “the world—
his oyster.” His education was intended to prepare
him for following the art of war. In his seventeenth
year he joined, as a volunteer, a fleet that sailed to
Cadiz with hostile intent, under the command of Lord
Wimbledon. Two years later he accompanied an un-
fortunate expedition under Sir John Burroughs to the
fle de Rhé. His earliest experiences in warlike
adventure were the reverse of encouraging.

Sir Thomas had intended his son George to be a
soldier rather than a sailor, but circumstances, that may
be glanced at, diverted the young man’s course.
Charles I, at the beginning of his reign, visited Ply-
mouth to inspect the naval preparations in progress in
view of an expected war with Spain. Sir Thomas
wished to pay his duty to the king, and took this
opportunity for carrying out his loyal purpose. His
financial affairs were in a most unsatisfactory condition.
So he sent a considerable present to the under-sheriff of
the county, who, in return, gave him a promise of
freedom from “ molestation” while he paid his duty to
the king. The creditors of Sir Thomas, having heard
of this arrangement, sent a more considerable present to
this official, who unblushingly arrested the old gentleman
whom he had betrayed. George, his devoted and
932 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

plucky son, proceeded to Exeter to expostulate with the
sheriff, and procure, if possible, his father’s release.
He employed his rhetorical powers with much energy,
but scant patience. His arguments and appeals were
made in vain, and, finding that no redress was to be
obtained, he proceeded to give the sheriff a thorough
beating, and, without wasting time in leave-taking cere-
monies, escaped to Cadiz.

Monk remained connected with the navy till 1628,
when he went to Holland, and served with valour under
the Earl of Oxford. He returned to England, and from
1641 did military duty in Ireland. In 1643, when the
disputes between Charles I. and the Parliament were at
their height, Monk was arrested by Fairfax, and im-
prisoned in the Tower. The king sent to Monk from
Oxford a hundred pounds in gold as an expression of his
esteem ; considering the king’s circumstances, the gift in
coin was certainly evidence of his generosity.

Early in 1647, the royal cause being hopeless, Monk
obtained his liberty by accepting a commission to serve
under his relative Lord Lisle, who was appointed by
Parliament to the government of Ireland. He incurred
the displeasure of Parliament by entering into a treaty
with Owen O’Neile. This he had felt to be the only
means by which he coulds ave the remnant of troops
left under his command, and preserve the interest of the
Parliament in the country. In 1650, Monk accepted a


GENERAL MONK.

233
THE FRIEND OF CROMWELL. 235

commission to serve under Cromwell in Scotland.
‘These engagements seem to have been inconsistent in a
loyalist. He was only, it may be, keeping his hand in
as a combatant, until the king should “enjoy his own
again.” Leaving out of consideration his inconsistency,
it may be said with truth that, in Scotland Monk
rendered Cromwell most important service, by counsel
as well as action.

The Dutch war gave occasion for removing Monk, now
a general, from his command in Scotland, to give him
employment on board the fleet. He was now forty-five
years of age, which seems an advanced period of life for
entering upon a profession, for which he had not been de-
signed. The case of Blake, who was older than Monk when
he changed from military to naval service, was similar.
Both of these distinguished commanders were capable of
playing, worthily and. well, a variety of parts. At the
beginning of his career Monk had been connected with
the navy, although he had not had any experience
fitting him for high command. His remarkable natural
powers and strength of character had to make up for
slender experience.

In May 1653 he was afloat, in joint command with
Admiral Deane, of a fleet that had been prepared for
conflict with the Dutch. Both of the admirals were on
board the Resolution. On the 2nd June they fell in
with the Dutch fleet, and immediately attacked them
236 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DEOK.

with desperate vigour. The English fleet consisted of
ninety-five men-of-war and five fire-ships. The Dutch
fleet consisted of ninety-eight men-of-war and six fire-
ships ; it was commanded by the famous Admirals De
Ruyter, De Witt, and Van Tromp.

Early in ‘the course of the action Admiral Deane was
killed by a chain shot.! Monk was close by, and, with
admirable presence of mind, threw his cloak over the
mangled body of his colleague, the sight of which would
have had a dispiriting effect upon the crew. After a few
turns and encouraging the men in the action, he had the
body removed, quickly and quietly, to his cabin. No
intimation of the loss that had been sustained was made
to the fleet, and Monk, now sole commander, continued
the action with undiminished energy. ‘The action, which
commenced at about eleven o’clock, was continued with
great fury till late at night. A forty-two gun ship of the
Dutch fleet was sunk, and another large ship, commanded
by Van Kelson, was blown up in the course of the action.
Admiral Blake arrived at night with a squadron of
eighteen ships,

Van Tromp would have avoided renewal of the conflict
next morning had his honour permitted, but it was forced
upon him. Fire was opened about eight o’clock, and the
battle raged with great fury till about noon, when the

* The invention of this murderous missile is attributed to the
Dutch Admiral De Witt.
THE FRIEND OF CROMWELL. 237

Dutch fell into great confusion, and got away as well and
as fast as they could, escaping with difficulty to Zealand.
Six of the Dutch ships were sunk, two blown up, and
eleven taken. Six of their captains were made prisoners,
and upwards of fifteen hundred men. The English
had Admiral Deane and a captain killed, and a com-
paratively small number of men, and did not lose a
single ship.
The Dutch, undismayed by defeat, fitted a fresh fleet
of upwards of ninety ships, that were afloat ready for
renewed action in a few weeks. On the 2gth July 1653,
the hostile fleets came in sight of each other. Monk, in
the Aesolution, and a squadron of thirty ships, came up
with the Dutch fleet, and boldly charged and dashed
through their line. Darkness ended the action. The
following day was so foul and windy, and the sea ran so
high, that fighting would only have been wasting ammu-
nition. Sunday, 31st July, the weather being more calm,
witnessed a renewal of the deferred battle. The action
raged with terrible fury for about eight hours. De
Ruyter’s ship was so severely injured that it had to be
towed out of the fleet; the brave admiral, however, did
not leave with his ship, but went aboard another to
continue the action. The brave Van Trormp was shot
through the body. His fall was to his countrymen a
paralysing disaster, that seemed to take the heart out of
them, and utterly quench what was left of their drooping
238 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

spirit. The Dutch had only one flag left flying,—Van
Tromp killed,—all going against them! Again they
sought refuge behind the sandbanks on the coasts of
their country, whither the victors followed, as closely as
their knowledge of the navigation would permit. In the
pursuit of the flying foe, the lightest of the English ships
took the most prominent part. The Dutch admiral,
perceiving that they were only frigates that pursued him,
turned upon them, but heavier ships coming up, he was
not permitted to sink his tenacious tormentors, but had
his own ship captured before he reached the Texel.

This battle was a terrible blow to the Dutch. Twenty-
six of their ships were burned or sunk. Five of their
captains were taken prisoners, and between four and five
thousand men killed. Such is the statement of the his-
torian, which should perhaps be taken with a deduction ;
for the celerity with which the Dutch provided new fleets
and fresh crews, after such disastrous losses, was wonder-
ful. The English are reported to have lost two frigates
—the Oak and the Hunter, and had six captains and
about five hundred seamen killed. The Dutch Admiral De
Witt, in a report to the States, confesses toa heavy loss
in ships, and to his having been compelled to retreat,
for which he assigns two reasons—that the best of their
ships were much shattered, and that many: of his officers
had behaved like poltroons, by “retiring out of the reach
of the enemy’s cannon, as well in this engagement as
THE FRIEND OF CROMWELL. 239

formerly.” He adds, with conclusive force: “If they
had been hanged for behaving so before, they had not
had it in their power to have acted the same parts over
again.”

In this important action a number of merchant ships
were engaged. To prevent their making concern, for the
safety of their owners’ ships and cargoes, their paramount
consideration, and a curb upon their fighting energy,
Monk astutely placed the captains in other ships than
those to which they were respectively attached. This
expedient fully justified itself in the result,—the merchant
ships and their captains behaving admirably. Monk also
issued orders at the beginning of the fight that quarter
was neither to be given nor taken. This order was not
given from wanton recklessness of life, but because
the taking of ships and conveying them to harbour
occupied much time, diverted needed strength, and
risked opportunities of advantage. There is no reason
to believe that General Monk was displeased with the
English crews taking about twelve hundred Dutchmen
out of the sea, while their ships were sinking. The “no
quarter” order was doubtless intended to apply to ships,
not men.

General Monk exhibited, personally, unresting energy
and steadfast bravery, from first to last of the battle.
Of five Dutch admirals’ flags displayed at the commence-
ment of the action, Monk brought down three—those of
240 HALF HOURS ON 1HE QUARTER-DECK.

Van ‘Tromp, Evertsen, and De Ruyter. Monk’s own
ship, the 2esolution, was so shattered that it had to be
towed out of the line; all of the great ships, indeed, were
so leaky and unseaworthy as to compel them to give up,
lest they should sink, and return home for repair.

Parliament, on the 8th August 1653, ordered gold
chains to be sent to Admirals Blake and Monk, in token
of appreciation of their services; also to Vice-Admiral
Penn and Rear-Admiral Lawson, and to the flag-officers,
and medals to the captains. The 25th of August was
appointed as a day of solemn thanksgiving. At a great
banquet in the city, Oliver Cromwell put the chain of
honour on Monk, with grave words of commendation for
his public services.

The war had lasted two years, in which time the
English had taken from the Dutch seventeen hundred
prizes, valued at sixty-two million guilders, or six millions
sterling. The prizes taken by the Dutch did not amount
to a fourth, in number or value.

A treaty of peace with Holland was made, 4th April
1654. Cromwell had declared himself Lord Protector,
and, feeling the weight of governing three kingdoms, he
sought out competent officers to share the labour with
him. General Monk was appointed to Scotland as a sort
of Lord Lieutenant, and commenced his duties in April
1654. He made his residence at the house of the
Countess of Buccleuch, at Dalkeith. He is said to have










































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































DEFEAT OF THE DUTCH FLEET BY MONK,
THE FRIEND OF CROMWELL. 243

governed the country more absolutely, than many of its
monarchs had done. His private life was quiet and
unostentatious,—husbandry and gardening being his chief
amusements.

General Monk’s loyalty to Cromwell was doubted,
although his zeal for the Protectorate seemed more
effusive, during his tenure of office in Scotland, than it had
ever been before. He set a price upon the heads of the
principal Royalists in the North, and erected magazines
and garrisons for maintaining the Protectorate throughout
Scotland, and governed it absolutely, yet with much
wisdom,—the effects of his government conducing greatly
to the welfare of the Scottish nation. Certain Parliament-
arians plotted to take Monk’s life, as a traitor to their
cause. Oliver Cromwell himself suspected Monk’s Jond
jides. A short time before his death, Cromwell. wrote a
long letter to Monk, that ended with the following
remarkable postscript: “There be that tell me that
there is a certain cunning fellow in Scotland, called
George Monk, who is said to be in wait there, to intro-
duce Charles Stuart. I pray use your diligence to
apprehend him, and bring him up to me.”

Cromwell died 3rd September 1658, and Monk at once
proclaimed his son Richard. Uncertain what turn the
public mind would take, he thought it prudent to affect
for the present attachment to the Protectorate carefully,—
meanwhile, securing his own power. Richard Cromwell’s
244 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

incapacity to rule soon showed itself, as Monk probably
foresaw. Monk possessed powerful influence in the
direction of public affairs, and employed it in promoting
the restoration of the king. There has been more than
one “Vicar of Bray” in the domestic and national
history of England, and the species will never probably
become extinct.

General Monk’s adherence to the two opposing parties
in the State, Parliament and the Royalists ; his service of
the two masters, Cromwell and King Charles ; his motives,
and his talents, have been much discussed, and his
merits hotly disputed by historians and critics. Monk
has been credited with having been mainly instrumental
in initiating, promoting, and consummating the Restor-
ation. Up to this point in Monk’s career he had proved
himself a valiant and skilful captain in Ireland, a firm
and wise governor in Scotland, an able admiral in the
war with Holland, and it is not too much to claim for
him that he had proved himself to be also a profound
statesman.

On the 23rd of May 1660, an English fleet brought
Charles IJ. and his court from Holland. The king
reached the Palace, Whitehall, on the 29th of the same
month. On resuming the kingly dignity, almost the
first use the king made of the royal prerogative was to
elevate Monk to the peerage, as Duke of Albemarle,
to invest him with the order of the Garter, and to appoint
THE FRIEND OF CROMWELL. 245

him Vice-Admiral of England under James, Duke of
York. :

Passing over a few years, in which the Duke of
Albemarle was a prominent personage in the king’s
Government, we come to renewed war with Holland.

The dissolute life and extravagant habits of the king
kept him in constant want of money, and to fill his
purse he did many mean things, amongst them, marry-
ing Catherine of Portugal, for her dowry of half a
million sterling. He also favoured the sale of Dunkirk
to the French king for the beggarly sum of five
thousand livres. He also plunged into a war with
Holland. The Duke of Albemarle and Prince Rupert
were associated in the command of the fleet that
had been equipped against the Dutch. They went
aboard in April 1666. Prince Rupert, with the
white squadron, was detached to go in quest of a
French contingent, reported to be hastening to join the
Dutch. The duke was left with a fleet of about sixty
sail. On the 1st June the Dutch fleet of about ninety
men-of-war came in sight. The duke called a council of
war, at which it was resolved that, notwithstanding their
manifest numerical inferiority, and that several of their
ships were not fully manned or ready, refusal to fight the
Dutch was not to be thought of,—and the fleet was
accordingly made ready to fall into line. The battle
lasted throughout the day, and notwithstanding their
246 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

greatly superior power the Dutch gained no important
or decided advantage. A furious battle was fought
between the flag-ships of Albemarle and De Ruyter,
the Dutch admiral, which was- maintained with dogged
obstinacy for many hours,—but neither side could claim
a victory. Both of the ships were greatly crippled by its
adversary.

The bravery and skilful handling of their ships by the
English commanders was above all praise, but their ships
were badly provisioned. King Charles, to his shame,
recked not that the lives of the bravest of his subjects
should be sacrificed, if he could indulge, unchecked, the
career of a Sybarite and profligate. It has been written
by the careful historian that—‘‘The money voted by
Parliament for the war was squandered by the king in
his wicked pleasures; and ships leaky and badly rigged
were sent out to contend with the splendid fleets of
Holland.”

Albemarle discreetly sought the decision of a council
of war before renewing the action on the second day.
What his own feeling was may be gathered from the
reported gist of the address he delivered to the assembled
commanders: “If we had dreaded the number of our
enemies we should have retreated yesterday ; but though
we are inferior to them in number of ships, we are in
other things superior. Force gives them courage; let
us, if we need it, borrow resolution from the thoughts
THE FRIEND OF CROMWELL. 247

of what we have formerly performed. Let our enemy
feel that, though our fleet is divided, our spirit is united.
At the worst it will be more honourable to die bravely
here on our own element than to be made spectacles to
the Dutch. To be overcome is the fortune of war, but
to fly is the fashion of cowards. Let us teach the world
that Englishmen had rather be acquainted with death
than with fear.”

Much terrible damage was again done by the belli-
gerents to each other, but no decisive victory could be
claimed by either power. On the 3rd of June, the
duke, on a survey of the condition of his fleet, felt
compelled to burn three of his disabled ships. He sent
away, in the van, the ships that had suffered most, and,
covering them in the rear, drew off. On the 4th of June,
Albemarle’s spirits revived, and his strength was materi-
ally increased by the arrival of Prince Rupert with his
squadron. Thus strengthened, he again sought the
enemy, and came up with them about eight in the
morning. Five times the English charged through the
enemy’s line, firing into them right and left. The con-
flict, fiercely sustained on both sides, lasted till seven in
the. evening, when, as if by tacit agreement or sheer
exhaustion, the wearied, worn-out warriors desisted from
their murderous activity.

The loss was calamitous on both sides. Amongst
the brave officers who fell, mention must be made of
248 HALF HOURS ON TUK QUARTER-DECK.

Sir William Berkeley, vice-admiral of the blue, whose
squadron led the van in the first day’s action. Towards
the close of the day, Sir William’s ship, the Swiftsure, a
second-rate, and two others were cut off from the English ;
hemmed in and overwhelmed by greatly superior force,
Sir William fought desperately. The following account
of his gallant death-struggle is given by Lediard:
“Highly to be admired was the resolution of Vice-
Admiral Berkeley, who, though cut off from the line,
surrounded by his enemies, great numbers of his men
killed, his ship disabled and boarded on all sides, yet
continued fighting almost alone, killed several with his
own hand, and would accept of no quarter, till at
length, being shot in the throat by a musket ball, he
retired into the captain’s cabin, where he was found
‘dead, extended at his full length upon a table, and
almost covered with his own blood.” To their honour,
the Dutch treated the hero’s remains with the utmost
respect. The body was embalmed and deposited in
the chapel of the great church at the Hague by order
of the States, and a message was sent to King Charles
for his orders for the disposal of the remains. This
brave officer, a scion of an ancient and honourable
family, had not reached his twenty-seventh year.

Another distinguished hero who fell in the action
was Sir Christopher Myngs, vice-admiral, who led the
van of Prince Rupert’s division on the fourth day of the
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SEA FIGHT WITH THE DUTCH.
THK FRIEND OF CROMWELL. 251

fight. Myngs also was a young officer of proved
vigilance, valour, and capacity. In this his last action,
while fighting with desperate bravery, he received a
musket ball in the throat. No persuasion could pre-
vail with him to retire to have it dressed or to leave the
quarter-deck ; for nearly half an hour he held his finger
in the wound to stop the flow of blood. Another
musket ball in the neck, and the hero fell, and so
finished his gallant career.

The Dutch claimed the victory, but admitted that if
the English were beaten, they deserved honour in their
defeat, and had proved incontestably their invincible
courage.

On the 2sth July 1666, the English fleet under
Albemarle and Prince Rupert, and the Dutch fleet
under Admirals Evertsen and De Ruyter, again came
into conflict; a long and bloody battle ended in a
complete and indisputable victory to the English. This
was the last great naval action in which Albemarle took
part. While he is taking the leading part in this
bloody drama on the high seas, king and people alike
want him urgently at home, for help and guidance in
a time of sore trouble, from an unprecedented calamity.
London is ablaze with the great fire; who among men has
heart, head, and hand, tender, clear, and strong, fitting
him to be a comforter, guide, and shield at such a time?
The king recalled Albemarle from his naval duties to
252 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

direct, deeply distressing, domestic affairs; the people wail
piteously, perhaps not wisely, “If the duke had been here,
London-had not been burned.” Such was the confidence
reposed in his wisdom and strength.

A vast amount of life and work had been crowded
into his years, and the great man was wearing out. In
1667 he wisely exerted himself in warding off renewal of
hostilities with the Dutch, and gave attention to his own
much neglected domestic affairs. On the 3rd January
1669, he died peacefully while sitting in his chair, aged
sixty-two years. By order of the king, his body lay in
state for some time at Somerset House, and was interred
in Westminster Abbey.

George Monk was a man distinguished by great
personal valour. His zeal in the public service was
indefatigable. He was wise in counsel, fearless in battle;
as a commander a strict disciplinarian, but also the
stern enemy of oppression and tyranny, on the part of
naval and military officers. Few men have ever attained
to the influence and power he wielded, with less of
personal ambition.

He was commanding in person, robust in constitution,
an early riser, and a hard worker; loyal, faithful, and
affectionate, in his public, social, and domestic relations.
EDWARD MONTAGUE,

EARL OF SANDWICH.

CHAPTER XI.

NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND THE
DUTCH.

EMARKS, by persons of mature age, are not un-
common, in our time, upon the precocity of the
rising generation. It is alleged that we have no boys
and girls nowadays, that they are too forward, know
too much for their years, and are men and women before
their time. Edward Montague, afterwards Earl of
Sandwich, furnishes a notable illustration of precocity, in
his generation.

Edward was the only surviving son of Sir Sidney
Montague, and was a grandson of Lord Montague of
Boughton, a staunch Royalist. Sir Sidney also adhered
firmly to Charles I., and submitted to expulsion from

the House of Commons, of which he was a member,
253
254 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

rather than subscribe to an oath of allegiance to the
Earl of Essex “to live and die with him,” in his con-
spiracy against the king.

Edward Montague was born 27th July 1625, the year
of Charles I.’s accession to the throne, and of his marriage
with Henrietta Maria, daughter of Henry IV., King of
France. Some years before he reached his majority,
young Montague entered the whirl of domestic and
State affairs. When only seventeen years of age he
married Jemima, daughter of Lord Crewe of Stene.
In the following year, 1643, he received a commission
from the Earl of Essex,—whom his father had refused to
support,—to raise a regiment of horse, to serve against
the king, to whom his father adhered. Such was the
influence at the command of the young chief, and the
ardour with which he entered upon the execution of his
commission, that in six weeks he was ready to take
the field at the head of his regiment, and he entered
immediately upon active service. He assisted at the
storming of Lincoln in May 1644, and also exhibited
great bravery, at the battle of Marston Moor, in the
July following. In 1645 he had a great deal of stirring
service, fighting at Naseby in July, and taking part in
the storming of Bridgewater. In September he com-
manded'a brigade in the attack on Bristol, and sub-
. scribed the articles of the capitulation of that city by
Prince Rupert. With Colonel Hammond he was
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 255

deputed to carry the intelligence of this important
success, to the Parliament in London.

While yet under age, so prominent a character was he
in connection with public affairs, as to be elected, or
more properly appointed, by those who had the power,
a member of Parliament for Huntingdonshire. It is
stated concerning his conduct as member of Parliament,
that the plottings and contests of parties were distasteful
to him, and that he shunned these,—as he did also
intrigues and cabals in the army. His opinions were
sought after and valued, and notwithstanding his youth,
he exercised considerable influence in the direction of
affairs. Cromwell affected to despise nobility and
family lineage, but he had a keen eye for the men
fitted to promote his objects, could fully appreciate their
value, and was skilful and effective in his methods of
attaching them to his person and cause. Montague
had rendered distinguished service, but he was a
supporter of a very different stamp from the ordinary
Roundheads,—and his allegiance was held by a more
uncertain tenure. His social and family relations prob-
ably drew him in a different direction. Cromwell was
solicitous to have Montague fully committed to his
cause; he extolled his valour, discretion, and independ-
ence, and snared him into a seat, at his Treasury board.

Montague rendered effective service at the Treasury,
but was not in his element in the civil service, from
256 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

which he obtained release in 1656, when, at the request
of Admiral Blake, he was appointed, in conjunction
with that distinguished commander, to the command of
the fleet in the Mediterranean. Montague found great
discontent with the service, prevailing among the officers
of the fleet. Exercising patience and discretion with
the disaffected, he succeeded in allaying their discontent,
and the fleet sailed under the direction of its dis-
tinguished commanders, who cherished magnificent
‘ projects,—to be accomplished ere they returned to
England. One of these was to fall upon the Spanish
fleet in Cadiz harbour, which, however, on careful
survey, they concluded it would be foolhardy to attempt.
Another project designed was the reduction of Gibraltar.
Montague doubted the success of an attack by sea, and
decidedly favoured attack by a land force,—approaching
by the isthmus. However, the attack was not then
made, and, after cruising about for a time, the fleet
made for the opposite coast of Barbary, the intention of
the commanders being the chastisement of the Tripoli
and Salee rovers, Notwithstanding the terror that Blake
had inspired by a former visit, the pirates had become
as troublesome, daring, and destructive to traders as
they had been before.

Montague had experience in his early life, as a
combatant, in successful land attacks, and seems to have
had a decided preference for that method, which he






















































































EARL OF SANDWICH—DUKE OF YORK,

BATTLE OF SOUTHWOLD OR SOLE BAY,

R
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 259

again recommended in the conflict with the pirates, who
were doubtless difficult to get at,—and who were not to
be subdued by ordinary means. He was decidedly of
opinion that forcible possession should be taken of a
position on shore, as the best means of operating against
the pirates, and protecting our trade in the Levant.
Instructions from home, restricting rather than extend-
ing the powers of the admirals, prevented Montague’s
design from being carried into effect.

The fleet was ordered back to Cadiz, to give the
Spaniards an opportunity of engaging, if they would.
While the main body lay off Cadiz, three ships were
despatched to a bay along shore to take in fresh water,
and obtain what provisions they could. On this
expedition the detached squadron fell in with eight
galleons, returning from South America, and promptly
pounced upon them. One of the galleons was sunk,
another burned, two were forced ashore, and others taken,
on board of which were found treasure to the value of
six hundred thousand pounds. In writing to Secretary
Thurloe, Admiral Montague gives the following account
of the silver taken in the galleons: “There have been
some miscarriages by our ships that took the ships of
Spain ; I judge the best way to improve mercies of this
kind is to look forward: however, that is my business at
this time. The silver they brought is on board this ship,
and in the vice-admiral: in the admiral we have five
260 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

hundred and fifty bars of silver, and boxes of plate, and
nine pieces of silver, not well refined, like sugar loaves.
In the vice-admiral there are a hundred and twenty-four
bars of silver, all of which we judge may produce nearly
two hundred thousand pounds. I hope that it will
make much more. In the galleons, also, there is a
space between the main-mast and the bulkhead of the
bread-room, not yet rummaged.”

Montague was charged with instructions to bring the
treasure to England, and he requested that some trusty
persons might be sent to Portsmouth to receive the
silver. Great pains were taken to impress the public
with a sense of the magnitude of the prize. When the
silver reached London, it was placed in open carts and
ammunition waggons, and conveyed in a_ triumphal
procession through Southwark to the Tower to be
coined. To show their confidence in the people, a
guard of only ten soldiers accompanied the treasure.
The intention of these arrangements was fully realised,
and greatly increased Cromwell’s popularity. Montague
also, although he had really had nothing to do with the
actual capture of the treasure, but had only conveyed it
home in safety, became quite a popular hero. Crom-
well loaded him with praise, and Parliament thanked
him formally, through the Speaker.

Montague was on the most intimate terms with
Cromwell, and held in high esteem by the Protector, but
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 261

he does not appear to have been cordially attached to
his public employment, or satisfied with the instructions
under which he was called to act.

In 1657, Montague was appointed to the command of
a fleet in the Downs, the objects of which were—to keep
a strict watch upon the Dutch, and to carry on the war
with Spain. In his command of the fleet in the Downs
he found no opportunity for useful action, and he chafed
under the enforced stagnation; when called upon to act,
he was not satisfied as to the justice of following the
line the authorities wished him to take, or that it was
compatible with manly honesty and safety to himself.
His letters to Cromwell show the difficulties in which he
felt himself placed, and also that the Protector expected
him to follow his own course, although in doing so he
might be unable, after the event, to justify himself, by
official sanctions. A letter from Richard Cromwell to
Montague illustrates the policy of the Protector, and the
danger to which it exposed his admiral. He was
commanded in express terms to insist upon honour to
the flag, within the British seas, from all nations,—the
writer stating, at the same time, that he did not know
what were the limits of the British seas, and that the
admiral must execute his orders with caution,—as peace
or war might depend upon his acts. It was extremely
difficult to obey such equivocal instructions, without
incurring blame from one side or the other. Montague
262 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

displayed great sagacity and prudence in the discharge
of his delicate and difficult duties, but did not escape
bitter complaints from the Dutch, because of the
diligence he displayed in searching their vessels.

In 1658 Denmark and Sweden were at war. The
Dutch believed it to be their interest to help Denmark ;
Cromwell thought that the defeat of Sweden would be a
calamity to England,—and a powerful fleet was despatched
to the Baltic under the command of Admiral Montague,
with the avowed intention of negotiating an honourable
peace between the belligerents. In the midst of these
great events Oliver Cromwell died at Whitehall on the
3rd September 1658, and his son Richard was pro-
claimed ruler in his stead.

Although Montague was nominally in command of
the Baltic fleet, three commissioners had been sent to
conduct the negotiations, and control his actions.
Before he had left home, Montague had suffered
what seemed an unprovoked indignity, in being dis-
joined from his regiment of horse. He had never
at any time, probably, been a very hearty Crom-
wellian,—and this treatment operated sharply in
alienating him from the Parliamentary party. Montague
had powerful personal influence in the fleet. The
three commissioners— Colonel Algernon Sidney, Sir
Robert Heywood, and Mr. Thomas Boon—regarded him

“as a disaffected subordinate, and the relations, between
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 263

the commissioners and the admiral commanding, were
the reverse of cordial. Montague’s colleagues were at
Copenhagen, when he determined upon decisive action.
He called a council of the flag-officers of the fleet, and,
submitting to them a plain statement of the impossibility
of doing anything for the honour of their country, by
remaining where they were ;—not having any authority
to fight, and being therefore useless,—he suggested the
necessity of returning home, which want of provisions,
indeed, would soon compel them to do, as they had
scarcely enough left to carry them to England. There
was no dissent in the council, and the admiral at once
issued orders to weigh anchor, set all sail, and shape
course for England. Montague’s diplomatic colleagues
had the mortification of witnessing, from the shore, the
procession of the homeward-bound fleet. The rapidity
of the movement was fortunate, as these diplomats had
in their possession secret instructions to arrest Montague
on board his own ship, and to place the command of
the fleet in other hands. The worst they could do now
was to send a strongly condemnatory despatch to the
Parliament, charging Montague with treachery and
desertion. Without waiting for a summons, he
presented himself before Parliament, to give an account
of his conduct. He had the unanimous support of his
flag - officers, and presented such an unanswerable
vindication, that Parliament had to be content with
264 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

accepting his resignation, and letting him go. He
retired from public life and service for a time, to his
estate in the country.

A time of turbulence and anarchy ensued, which
led to the restoration of Charles II. in the year 1660.
In full accord and friendship with General Monk,
Duke of Albemarle, Montague returned to the public
service, and resumed naval command. He went with
Monk to the Hague to bring over the king. After
completion of certain ceremonials at the Hague,
Montague conveyed the king to England,—the Duke of
York being Lord High Admiral under the restored royal
ruler. Two days after the king’s landing, he sent to
Montague, by Garter king at arms, the Garter, in
acknowledgment of his eminent services. He was also,
as soon as the court was established, created by letters
patent, Baron Montague of St. Neots, Viscount
Hitchinbroke in Huntingdon, and Earl of Sandwich in
Kent. He was sworn a member of the Privy Council,
appointed Master of the King’s Wardrobe, Admiral of
the Narrow Seas, and Lieutenant Admiral to the Duke of
York.

As Admiral of the Narrow Seas, the duty devolved
upon Lord Sandwich of conveying or escorting all per-
sons of distinction, passing between England and foreign
countries. He gave much attention to State affairs, and
was a constant attender at meetings of the Privy Council,
c

ca































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































DUNKIRK.
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 267

especially when questions of foreign policy were under
consideration, and, ere long, was regarded as one of the
king’s most capable and deservedly influential and trusted
advisers.

An important question, in the settlement of which he
took a leading part, was the disposal of Dunkirk, which
had been taken by Cromwell from the Spaniards. The
Commonwealth being at an end, the Spaniards claimed
the restoration of the place; the question for the deter-
mination of the Privy Council was whether Dunkirk
should be sold or kept. The matter caused lively and
protracted discussion, and has been treated very fully by
Clarendon, Burnet, and others. For advising or sanc-
tioning the sale or surrender of Dunkirk, some historians
have condemned, while others have defended, Lord
Sandwich.

The Earl of Sandwich had courtly duties to perform in
his capacity of Admiral of the Narrow Seas. In September
1660, with a squadron of nine ships of war, he proceeded
to Helvoetsluys to bring over the Princess of Orange, the
king’s sister. When the fleet returned, the king and
the Duke of York went on board the Resolution, the
admiral’s ship, where they passed the night, and they
reviewed the squadron on the following day.

In 1661 an imposing fleet was equipped, with the
several objects of bringing home the Infanta of Portugal
to be married to the king,—of securing Tangier against

“
268 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

the Moors,—and of punishing the Barbary and Algerine
pirates, who, since the death of Admiral Blake, and in
disregard of the terms which that powerful commander had
imposed upon them, had resumed their rapacious, destruc-
tive attacks upon the merchant ships of England, as also
upon those of Holland and France. The fleet consisted
of eighteen men-of-war ships, and two fire-ships; it was
placed under the command of the Earl of Sandwich and
Sir John Lawson. The fleet sailed from the Downs on
the r9th June, and was before Algiers on the 29th July.
A council of war was held under the presidency of Lord
Sandwich, which determined to require—as an article in
any treaty with the Algerines—an undertaking that, for
the future, English ships were not to be liable to search,
upon any pretext whatever. Captain Spragge and Mr.
Brown, the English consul, were deputed to attempt
negotiation of a treaty with the Algerian Government,
who professed willingness to enter into a treaty, but
refused point-blank to give up their right of search, and
insolently followed up their refusal by opening fire upon
the fleet. The strength of the land batteries greatly pre-
ponderated over the power of the fleet for either attack
or defence, and Lord Sandwich prudently withdrew from
range of the guns, but did not abandon the purpose of
crippling the pirates. Sir John Lawson was left with a
strong squadron to cruise in the Mediterranean, for the
protection of English merchantmen and the chastisement
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 269

of the pirates. Sir John swept as many of the pirates off
the seas as he could get at,—and at Algiers, Tripoli, and
Tunis, made such imposing demonstrations as compelled
the barbaric powers to renew their treaties with England.
At Algiers, however, he had much difficulty in arriving
at a satisfactory settlement. He obtained the release
there of one hundred and fifty slaves, —English, Irish, and
Scottish sailors, who had been captured by the pirates.
These men he sent home, with several captured ships,
but the Algerines stopped short at surrender of the goods
in the ships that had been captured. Lawson continued
hostilities, seized an Algerine corsair of thirty-four guns,
and sold the Turks and Moors by which it was manned
to the French admiral, who was then cruising in the
Mediterranean. Lawson was called home, and the duty
of suppressing the pirates taken up by his successor, Sir
Thomas Allen, who replaced him with twelve ships of
war, and, acting with great energy and skill, compelled
the Algerines to accept a satisfactory treaty. The Earl
of Sandwich, in accordance with his instructions, pro-
ceeded to Tangier, of which he obtained possession from
the Queen Regent of Portugal,—as part of the dowry of
the Infanta, affianced to the King of England. After
manning Tangier with English soldiers, and settling
affairs, Lord Sandwich set sail for Lisbon, to take on
board the royal bride. His reception at Lisbon was all
that he could have desired ; house, equipage, and appoint-
270 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

ments ona scale befitting his dignity, as an ambassador
extraordinary to the queen. But the “business” entrusted
to him presented a most unsatisfactory aspect. The
dowry of the Infanta had been fixed, and his instructions
were explicit ; he was to ask for no more, but to take no
less, than the sum that had been agreed upon, and to take
payment only in “hard cash.” Tangier had already been
secured, as part of the dowry, but the part to be paid in
specie was not forthcoming. The queen-mother pleaded
poverty, and asked for “time.” She averred that “the
straits and poverty of the kingdom were so great that
there could at this time be paid only one-half of the
queen’s portion ; that the other half should infallibly
be paid within a year, with which she hoped the king,
her brother, would be satisfied ; and that, for the better
doing it, she resolved to send back the ambassador, who
had brought so good a work, with God’s blessing, to
so good an end, with her daughter to the king.” The
situation was further awkward, in this, that it was pro-
posed to make the half payment in kind, not in cash—in
jewels, sugar, and other commodities. The earl had
no difficulty about taking off the young lady, but the
“goods” were aserious embarrassment ; his royal master
he knew right well wanted cash badly, but he did not sup-
pose him to be solicitous about “goods consignments.”
The earl proved equal to the occasion. He distinctly
refused to accept goods of any kind, at any “quotation”
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 271

as regards price or value, but he would permit them to
be shipped,—to be received and accounted for by some
person in London, who should be appointed to transact
the business. This difficulty was got over, and the
goods were satisfactorily converted into cash, through the
instrumentality of Diego Silvas, a wealthy Jew of Amster-
dam, who accompanied the goods to London. Lord
Sandwich gave a receipt for any denomination of money
paid on account of the Infanta’s dowry, and took from the
queen-mother a special promise to pay the balance,
within the year following date of agreement. The Infanta
and her retinue were safely landed at Portsmouth in
May 1662.

In the great naval conflict between the English and
the Dutch in 1664-65, the Earl of Sandwich highly dis-
tinguished himself. The English fleet was made up of
114 men-of-war and frigates, 28 fire-ships and ketches,
and about 21,000 sailors and soldiers. It was divided
into three squadrons; the first, under the red flag, was
commanded by the Duke of York, and with him
Admirals Penn and Lawson; the white squadron was
commanded by Prince Rupert, and the blue squadron by
the Earl of Sandwich. The fleet arrived at the Texel
on the 28th April 1664, and cruised off the Dutch
coast for about a month. Towards the end of May the
Dutch fleet was descried near the Dogger Bank.
Accounts vary as to the strength of the Dutch fleet.
272 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

One careful historian puts it at 121 men-of-war, besides
fire-ships, yachts, etc. Other writers give lower estimates
of the strength of the fleet. It carried 4869 guns, and
upwards of 22,000 men. It was divided into seven
squadrons, commanded by valiant and skilful admirals,
some of them of the highest renown. They were,
Admirals Baron Opdam, Evertsen, Cortenaer, Stilling-
werth, Van Tromp, son of the famous old fighting
admiral, Cornelius Evertsen, and Schram.

It was said that neither the king nor the Duke of
York approved the policy of this war, and it was believed
that influences were at work to diminish the zeal and
enthusiasm of the Dutch. De Witt, who was the ruling
spirit in the States, sent a letter to Opdam of a peremptory
character, ordering him to attack at once. Opdam and
his officers were agreed that the time was inopportune,
and would have delayed, for a brief space at least, until
the wind and other circumstances were more favourable,
but his orders were imperative, and he felt that his
honour demanded prompt action upon them. The
Dutch admiral came in sight of the English fleet not far
from Harwich, in the early morning of the 3rd June.
He bore down upon the duke’s ship with the intention
of boarding. At the commencement of the action the
English had the advantage in the weather-gage. The
two fleets charged through each other’s lines‘with great
fury and intrepidity. Critics have given the opinion that










































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































CASTLE OF TANGIERS,


















































































































































































NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH, 275

the English, having the wind in their favour, ought to
have contented themselves with meeting the attack of
the enemy, without changing their relative position more
than could be avoided. For nine hours the onslaught
was terrible and sanguinary, without either party having
gained any decided advantage. About mid-day a brilliant
movement was executed by the Earl of Sandwich, that
greatly improved the prospects of the English. With his
blue squadron compactly arranged, Lord Sandwich broke
through the enemy’s centre, and threw the whole Dutch
fleet into confusion and dire disorder.

Opdam’s determination from the beginning of the fight,
to board the English admiral, had never slumbered. In
the midst of the consternation caused by the dashing
action of the Earl of Sandwich, Opdam, in the Zendrac/,
of eighty-four guns, was engaged in a fierce contest
with the Duke of York in the Royal Charles, of eighty
guns. The fight was close and deadly—yard-arm and
yard-arm. The Earl of Falmouth, Lord Muskerry, Mr.
Boyle, son of the Earl of Burlington, and a number of
others, the duke’s attendants, were killed by a chain-
shot, when quite near His Grace’s person. In_ this
terrific onslaught, either by accident or by a grenade
from the Royal Charles, the gun-room of the Lendract,
the Dutch admiral’s ship, was ignited, and the ship blown
up. Five hundred men perished in this terrible catas-
trophe, including the noble and valiant Baron Opdamn,
276 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

and a number of volunteers belonging to some of the
best families in Holland.

The greatest confusion prevailed among the Dutch
ships; they fell foul of, and burned each other. The
whole Dutch fleet seemed to be ablaze, and the cries of
the wretched men perishing by fire and water were even
more frightful and hideous than the noise of the cannon,
The shelter of night permitted the shattered remnant of
the Dutch fleet to escape. Had the light held out a
little longer, the entire remainder of the armament
would have been captured or destroyed. In addition to
Opdam, Admirals Stillingwerth and Cortenaer were killed,
upwards of four thousand of the Dutchmen perished,
and two thousand were taken prisoners. Eighteen
of the largest Dutch ships were taken, and fourteen
more were sunk or burned. The English had one ship
taken, had two hundred and fifty men killed, and three
hundred and forty wounded. The fight lasted without
intermission from three o’clock in the morning, till seven
o’clock in the evening.

The Duke of York was severely blamed by some
critics for his failure to secure the full advantages that
might have been gained by this decisive victory.
Clarendon says apologetically, that “the duke had
received so many blows on his own and the other ships,
that it was necessary to retire into port, where they
might be repaired.” Bishop Burnet’s account of the
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 277

duke’s conduct after the fight puts His Grace in an
unenviable light and position. Burnet, in his circum-
stantial style of minute narration, says: “After the
flight of the Dutch vessels, the duke ordered all the
sail to be set on to overtake them. There was a council
of war called to concert the method of action, when
they should come up with them. In that council, Penn,
who commanded under the duke, happened to say that
they must prepare for hotter work, in the next engage-
ment. He knew well the courage of the Dutch was
never so high as when they were desperate.” Bur-
net adds that “the Earl of Montague, a volunteer, one
of the duke’s court, said to me it was very visible, that
made an impression. All the duke’s domestics said
he had got honour enough,—why should he venture
a second time? The duchess had also given a strict
charge to the duke’s servants, to do all they could, to
hinder him from engaging too far. When matters were
settled, they went to sleep; and the duke ordered a call
to be given him, when they should get up to the Dutch
fleet. It is not known what passed between the duke
and Brounker, who was of his bed-chamber, and was
then in waiting; but he came to Penn, as from the
duke, and said the duke ordered sail to be slackened.
Penn was struck with the order, but did not go to
argue the matter with the duke himself, as he ought
to have done, but obeyed the order. When the duke
278 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

had slept, he, upon his waking, went out on the quarter-
deck, and seemed amazed to see the sails slackened,
and that thereby all hope of overtaking the Dutch was
lost. He questioned Penn upon it; Penn blamed
Brounker, who said nothing. The duke denied having
given any such order, but he neither punished Brounker
for carrying it, nor Penn for obeying it. He put
Brounker out of his service, but durst do no more,
because he was so strong in the king’s favour. Penn was
more in his favour after that than even before,—which
favour was continued to his son after him, though a
Quaker; and it was thought that all that favour was
shown to oblige him to keep the secret. Lord Mon-
tague did believe “that the duke was struck, and that
he had no mind to engage again, and that Penn was
privately with him.” Other accounts of the affair have
been given,—but none of them are a satisfactory vindica-
tion of the duke’s valour, or evidence that he followed
up his advantage, as a brave and capable commander
should have done.

The fleet returned home, and was refitted with ex-
pedition, and in less than a month was again ready for
sea. Sixty ships sailed from Southwold Bay on the 5th
July 1665, under the command of the Earl of Sandwich.
The fleet sailed northwards, and at Bergen engaged in a
series of tangled manceuvres and operations,—complicated
by the part necessarily taken by the Danish authorities.
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 279

In the course of his cruise, the earl, on the 4th September,
fell in with four Dutch East Indiamen and several
merchantmen in the North Sea. They were protected
by a strong convoy. Lord Sandwich promptly attacked
the Dutch, and, after a severe conflict, captured eight
of the Dutch men-of-war, two of the richest of the
East Indiamen, and several of the merchant ships ;—
the others were scattered by the storm, and escaped.
On the gth of September, four men-of-war, two fire-ships,
and thirty merchantmen, losing their courses in the fog,
joined the English fleet by mistake, and were all taken,
with upwards of a thousand prisoners. The Earl of
Sandwich brought home his fleet in triumph. The
contribution to the Treasury from this expedition was
most acceptable, and much needed to provide for further
costly naval operations, necessary to maintain England’s
“sovereignty of the seas.”

The valiant Earl of Sandwich, like most other eminent
and successful men, had his enemies and detractors,
and foremost among these was Sir William Coventry, the
secretary to the Duke of York; ‘‘a sullen, ill-natured,
proud man, whose ambition had no limits, nor could
be contained within any.” He had prevented Prince
Rupert from being associated with Lord Sandwich in
the command of the fleet, not to favour the earl, but to
mortify the prince. Clarendon pronounced him a man
“who never paid a civility to any worthy man, but as it
280 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

was a disobligation to another, whom he cared less for.”
Without provocation he proceeded to pluck the earl of
the honours he had taken part in conferring upon him.
Coventry did his utmost to have the earl dismissed from
the service.

In 1666 the Earl of Sandwich was appointed to an
office of great trust and dignity—Ambassador Extra-
ordinary, to mediate and negotiate a peace between
England and Spain and Portugal. He accomplished
his delicate mission with signal success, and in the
course of a year brought the complicated negotiations
to an amicable conclusion. He arrived at Madrid
on the 26th May 1666, and a treaty of forty articles
was signed, on the 13th May 1667. Having been
successful with Spain, he next proceeded to Lisbon, and
successfully arranged the conditions of a treaty with
Portugal, which was signed on the 13th February 1668.

The Earl of Sandwich achieved a high reputation by
the manner in which he conducted these important
affairs of State. His despatches were pronounced
models of sound judgment, dignity, and patriotism,—
remarkable alike for accuracy of expression and honesty
of purpose. In Spain and Portugal he produced a
highly favourable impression, tending powerfully towards
the cultivation of friendly relations with England. “The
king and the Duke of York sent Lord . Sandwich
autograph letters complimenting him highly upon the
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 281

skill and success with which he had fulfilled his mission.
On his return to England he was received with marked
favour, and admitted to greater confidence at court than
he had ever, up to that time, enjoyed.

The earl was, on the 3rd August 1670, sworn in
President of a newly-appointed Council in Trade and
Plantations, to whom the government of the Colonies
was entrusted. As Vice-Admiral, Privy Councillor, and
President of the Council of Trade, he had many
opportunities of rendering important public services.
He availed himself of these with great zeal, and
exercised his authority in the most impartial spirit.
He set his face against all factions, and in doing so,
made for himself some bitter enemies. The Cabal
did all they could to thwart and undermine him. He
introduced a new system into the navy, founding
promotion upon meritorious services. He was idolised
by the fleet, but hated by the hunters after rank, who
had no better claim to promotion than connection
or private interest.

In 1672 war with the Dutch again broke out. The
interval that had elapsed, since the close of the former
hostilities, had been diligently employed by the Dutch
in refitting their navy, and they turned out a powerful
fleet of ships, improved in construction, well equipped,
and commanded by the distinguished Admiral De Ruyter.
The naval force of France acted in conjunction with
282 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

that of England. The Duke of York, although his
conduct in the former actions had been at least question-
able,.again assumed the chief command of the English
fleet, in the red squadron which took the centre. The
Earl of Sandwich commanded the blue squadron, and
Count D’Estrées, the French vice-admiral, the white
squadron. A trustworthy writer has given the strength
of the united English and French fleets as sixty-five line
of battle ships, exclusive of frigates and all necessary
attendant vessels, making up the total force, including
the French contingent, to something above one hundred
sail. The Dutch fleet consisted of seventy-five large
ships, and forty frigates and fire-ships, commanded by
De Ruyter as chief, by Bancquert in the van, and Van
Ghent in the rear. These divisions corresponded with
those of the combined fleet.

After cruising about from the first week in May till
the 28th, the Dutch fleet was descried at break of day,
approaching with great speed. The utmost haste was
needed in the English fleet to prepare for battle; and
many of the ships had to cut their cables to get away
and form in order. The blue squadron, commanded by
the Earl of Sandwich, in his flag-ship the Royal James,
of one hundred guns, commenced the action by a hot
attack on the squadron of Van Ghent. The earl’s
object in his attack was partly to give the vessels of the
combined fleet time to form. In this he was completely














































































































































































































AN =
a Le





































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































ACTION BETWEEN THE EARL OF SANDWICH AND ADMIRAL DE RUYTER.
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 285

successful, Captain Brackel, in the Great Holland, made
a furious attack upon the Royal James, but got much
the worst of the fight, and was, with several others
of the Dutch men-of-war, disabled by their powerful
antagonist, which also sank three of the Dutch fire-
ships. The white squadron, under D’Estrées, the French
vice-admiral, withstood for a time the fierce onslaught
of the Dutch, but soon sheered off,—keeping aloof from
the engagement during the remainder of the day.

The Duke of York and De Ruyter were warmly
engaged against each other for several hours. The
main-mast of the St. AZichael, the duke’s ship, was shot
down, and it sustained such serious damage as to com-
pel him to change into the Zoyal London. The most
desperate part of the battle was that in which the Earl
of Sandwich was engaged. Soon after he was attacked
by the Great Holland, which had grappled with him for
an hour and a half, when the whole of Van Ghent’s
squadron bore down upon him. He was completely
surrounded by Dutch men-of-war and fire-ships. In
the midst of this tremendous struggle Van Ghent fell.
The Great Holland was shattered, and became a wreck ;
Brackel, the commander, was wounded, and almost all
the other officers were killed or wounded. In this
unequal contest, which had lasted for more than five
hours, the Earl of Sandwich defended his ship with the
most heroic and dauntless bravery, and—although he
286 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK,

had not received from the rest of the squadron the
support he had a right to claim and expect—he suc-
ceeded in so far repulsing the enemy as to break through
their wall of fire, and continue his daring conflict with
them from the outer side. He carried on, against fearful
odds, the struggle for victory. In his desperate strait,
the vice-admiral, Sir Joseph Jordan, might have assisted
him, had the duke demanded his assistance, but he sailed
past, heedless of the condition of the wrecked flag-ship,
and the claims upon a brave comrade, its gallant com-
mander. When the earl saw Jordan pass unheeding,
he exclaimed, “There is nothing left for us now but to
defend the ship, to the last man.” The situation was
appalling. Of one thousand men on board the Royal
James at the commencement of the action, six hundred
lay dead upon the deck. The devastation continued,
—men dropped rapidly,—and the ship was so shattered
that it was impossible to carry her off. A fourth fire-
ship grappled the doomed Aoyal James, and accom-
plished its mission of destruction. The gallant ship was
speedily in flames. The earl entreated his captain, Sir
Richard Haddock, his servants, and all who could, to
get into the boats and save themselves, which at last
they did. Haddock was afterwards taken out of the sea
alive, but severely wounded in the thigh. The attempts
to extinguish the fire by the few sailors who remained
on board were utterly vain, and about noon the Royal
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 287

James blew up, and all who had remained in the ship
perished, including the brave Earl of Sandwich and one
of his sons. The body of the earl was not recovered
till a fortnight after the terrible event. The following
announcement appeared in the Gazette of 1oth June
1672 :—
** FIARWICH, 10th June.

“This day the body of the Right Honourable
Edward, Earl of Sandwich, being, by the order
upon his coat, discovered floating on the sea by
one of His Majesty’s ketches, was taken up and
brought into this port, where Sir Charles Littleton, the
governor, receiving it, took immediate care for its em-
balming and honourable disposing, till His Majesty’s
pleasure should be known concerning it; for the obtain-
ing of which His Majesty was attended at Whitehall the
next day by the master of the said vessel, who, by Sir
Charles Littleton’s order, was sent to present His
Majesty with the George found upon the body of the
said Earl, which remained, at the time of its taking up,
in every part unblemished, saving by some impression
made by the fire upon his face and breast; upon which
His Majesty, out of his great regard to the deservings of
the said Earl, and his unexampled performances in this
last act of his life, hath resolved to have his body
brought up to London; there at his charge, to receive
the rites of funeral due to his great quality and merits.”
288 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Reverting to the terrible contest, it is stated that the
battle raged with incessant fury from a little after seven
in the morning until nine o’clock in the evening.
Tremendous losses were sustained by both the English
and the Dutch, on whose side their admirals, Evertsen
and Van Ghent, with many of their chief officers, were
killed, and De Ruyter was wounded. The English also
lost many officers, besides the brave Earl of Sandwich,—
and vast numbers of men fell in bothfleets. Victory
was claimed by both sides, but it seems to have been
gained by neither. They fought as long as a remnant
of fighting life and strength were left in either of them.
At the end of the dreadful day’s work the Dutch sailed
away, which does not look like victory. The English
did not pursué them, which looks also as if they had
had enough of it.

The body of the deceased earl was conveyed from
Harwich to Deptford in one of the king’s yachts. The
Gazette of 4th July informs us that the body was at
Deptford on the 3rd July 1672, “laid in the most
solemn manner in a sumptuous barge, and conveyed to
Westminster Bridge,! attended by the King’s barge, His
Royal Highness the Duke of York’s, as also with the
several barges of the nobility, Lord Mayor, and the
several companies of the city of London, adorned suit-
ably to the melancholy occasion, with trumpets and

1 A causeway so called at that time.’
NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 289

other music that sounded the deepest notes. On pass-
ing by the Tower, the great guns there were discharged,
as well as at Whitehall; and about five o’clock in the
evening, the body being taken out of the barge at West-
minster Bridge, there was a procession to the Abbey
church, with the greatest magnificence. Eight earls
were assistant to his son Edward, Earl of Sandwich,
chief mourner; and most of the nobility, and other
persons of quality in town, gave their assistance to his
interment.” In this order they proceeded through a
double line of the King’s Guards drawn up on each side
of the street, to the west end of the Abbey, where the
dean, prebends, and choir received them, and conducted
them into Henry Seventh’s Chapel, where the remains of
the Earl of Sandwich were most solemnly committed to
the Duke of Albemarle’s vault,—which done, the officers
broke their white staffs, and Garter proclaimed the titles
of the most noble earl deceased. The great earl
perished in the prime of life, having only reached his
forty-seventh year.

The high character and noble qualities of the Earl of
Sandwich are so clearly revealed in his life, as to render
comment upon his character, or enumeration of his
qualities, superfluous. He took no share in intrigues,
either under the Commonwealth or the Monarchy, both
of which he served. His life was a continuous series of

public services, He was brave, wise, just, and generous,
T
290 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

—the advocate of no party. His highest ambition
was to be instrumental in promoting the prosperity of
his country, and maintaining its honour among the

nations.
PRINCE RUPERT,

NAVAL AND MILITARY COMMANDER.

CHAPTER XII.

THE DUTCH DISCOVER ENGLISH COURAGE TO BE
INVINCIBLE,

OME heroes of the olden time played many parts,
which are in these later days assigned to distinct

and separate performers. The division of labour was
not then so well understood and appreciated,—and
specialists were more rare. Prince Rupert, like Blake,
his great antagonist, with whom he repeatedly came into
conflict upon land and at sea, distinguished himself
highly as a military as well as a naval commander.
He was, in addition, an accomplished chemist and
metallurgist, and in general scientific culture and attain-
ments much in advance of his age. Rupert was endowed
with a degree of native energy that swept aside tempt-

ations to indulge in luxurious idleness, and made
291
292 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

effeminacy impossible. He was preternaturally restless,
active, and impetuous; so much so, as to have made
his name a proverbial adjective, expressive of these
qualities. This was illustrated in the case of a dis-
tinguished deceased statesman, Earl Derby, who was
fitly pronounced “ the Rupert of debate.”

Prince Rupert was the third son of Frederick, Elector
Palatine, King of Bohemia, and Princess Elizabeth,
eldest daughter of King James I., and sister of Charles I.,
King of England,—to whom he was accordingly nephew.
He was born at Prague, 18th December 1619. He was
probably educated and trained, as most German princes
were then,—and have continued to be since,—with a view
to his following the profession of arms. In 1630 he was
a student at Leyden, and proved himself an apt scholar,
particularly in languages. Military studies, even as a
boy, he prosecuted with much zest. In 1633, a lad of
fourteen years, he was with the Prince of Orange at the
siege of Rheneberg, and served as a volunteer against the
Spaniards in the Prince’s Life Guards. In 1635 he was
at the English court, and in the following year took the
degree—or had it conferred upon him—of M.A. at
Oxford. In 1638 he was again at the Hague, and took
part in the siege of Breda, at which he exhibited his
characteristic reckless bravery. He was taken prisoner
by the Austrians, and was confined for three years at
Linz. Overtures were pressed upon him, which he




PRINCE RUPERT AT EDGEHILL,

ENGLISH COURAGE DISCOVERED TO BE INVINCIBLE. 295

steadfastly resisted, to change his religion, and take
service under the emperor. In 1642 he was released,
and returned to the Hague, proceeding shortly after-
wards to England, where he was made Master of the
Horse, otherwise commander of the king’s cavalry,
when only twenty-three years of age. He joined the
king at Leicester in August 1642, and was present
at the raising of the royal standard at Nottingham.
He was about that time admitted to the dignity of
Knight of the Garter. He introduced important im-
provements in cavalry movements and general military
administration. He displayed great activity and bravery,
in the actions at Worcester and Edgehill. He was
opposed in his march to London, and led valiantly in
some desperate fighting. In 1643 he took Cirencester
for the king, but failed in his attempt to take Gloucester.
He had a number of stirring military actions and adven-
tures in different parts of the country, and amongst
them a conflict with John Hampden at Chalgrove on
the 18th June, in which the patriot was slain. ‘Through-
out the war Rupert exhibited unwavering intrepidity.
In token of appreciation of his services, the king raised
him to the dignity of a peer of England, under the title
of Earl of Holderness and Duke of Cumberland, and
appointed him Generalissimo of the army. In the
course of events, during the contest between the king
and the Parliament, Rupert achieved some victories,
296 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

but sustained also many reverses, which culminated in
the defeat of the king’s forces, at the battle of Naseby.
Rupert was regarded with envy, jealousy, and dislike
by a large party of the courtiers, who intrigued against
him, and sought to diminish or destroy his influence.
The queen was also against him. From Naseby the
king and his shattered army fled to Bristol, which
Rupert engaged to hold for four months, but sur-
rendered in three weeks,—not from lack of bravery, but
from impatience, and inability to endure an inactive
life—he was as a caged lion. A contemporary critic
says of him that he was “the boldest a¢taguer in the
world for personal courage, but wanted the patience and
seasoned head to consult and advise for defence.”
Although impetuous and courageous to a fault, he was
not utterly reckless,—and his view of the situation,
estimate of forces, and calculation as to probabilities,
led him to counsel the king to endeavour to come to
terms with the Parliament.

A brilliant incident in Rupert’s career, in which the
heroism of a noble lady shines resplendent, merits a brief
reference. Lathom House, the seat of the Earl of
Derby, was left in charge, during the absence of the earl
on public affairs, of his countess, Charlotte de la Tre-
mouille. The Parliamentary forces demanded possession,
which the countess promptly and uncompromisingly
resisted, although confronted with an army ten times the
ENGLISH COURAGE DISCOVERED TO BE INVINCIBLE. 297

strength of her garrison. The siege commenced on the
24th February 1644. The fortress was bombarded by
chain shot, bars of iron, stone balls of thirteen inches
diameter, weighing eighty pounds, and all sorts of terrible
missiles. The artillery of the assailants slackened for a
time, and the beleaguered garrison made a gallant sortie;
they slew thirty of the enemy, and took from them
“forty guns and a drum.” Although suffering great
privations, the answer of the countess to the repeated
demands to capitulate was, that they would never be
taken alive, but would burn the place and perish in the
flames rather than surrender. Prince Rupert and his
gallant cavalry arrived on the 27th May, put the be-
siegers to the rout, and relieved the long-suffering, noble
countess and her gallant garrison.

The civil war was virtually ended with the battle of
Naseby, June 14, 1645. Rupert applied to Parliament
for a pass to go abroad, which they would only grant
upon conditions that he could not accept. He was
taken prisoner by Sir Thomas Fairfax, the Parliamentary
commander. On the demand of the Parliament, Rupert
proceeded to France, where he was made a marshal in
the French army, and commenced at once active service.
He sustained a wound in the head at Armentitres in
1647. Part of the English fleet, that had adhered to the
king, sailed to Holland, whither Rupert went also, to
commence his career as a naval commander. In con-
298 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

junction with the Prince of Wales, to whom part of the
Parliamentary fleet had revolted, he assumed the com-
mand of the fleet; the sole command, very soon after,
devolved upon Prince Rupert.

He set out upon a piratical expedition, inflicted con-
siderable injury upon English trade, and after relieving
Grenville at the Scilly Isles, sailed for the coast of
Ireland, with the desire to assist, if possible, the king’s
nearly hopeless cause. Rupert took the harbour and
fort of Kinsale, but not for use or according to his
own pleasure, for his old antagonist Blake was upon
him, with a powerful squadron, which the prince must
either engage or remain blocked up in Kinsale. With
his characteristic dashing bravery, he attempted to force
his way out of port, and did so, but at the loss of
the Roebuck and the Black Prince, two of Rupert’s best
ships, which were sunk in the encounter. Rupert sailed
for Portugal, and was well received by the king, but
Blake followed hard after him, and blockaded him in
the Tagus. Again the gallant Rupert broke through,
and sailed for the Mediterranean. He refitted at
Toulon, and did a good deal of not altogether unprofit-
able piratical work in a cruise about Madeira, the
Canaries, the Azores, Cape de Verd, and the West
Indies. Blake, however, followed him whithersoever he
went, and attacked him on every opportunity. Rupert
was greatly overmatched, and his strength continuously
ENGLISH COURAGE DISCOVERED TO BE INVINCIBLE. 299

reduced. Having lost most of his ships, with the re-
mainder shattered and unfit for sea, at the close of 1652,
he took the remnant and such prizes as he had made,
and been able to keep, to Nantes, where he sold them,
and with the proceeds paid the wages of his faithful
crews, whom he discharged,—and then laid aside his
command as an admiral.

Louis XIV. invited Rupert to Paris, and made him
Master of the Horse in the French army. The restless
energy of the prince prevented his settling,—and he
travelled in France for atime, returning to Paris in 1655.
About this time he took a turn of work in the laboratory,
and completed a series of experiments, in which he
succeeded in very greatly increasing the explosive force
of gunpowder. He prosecuted his studies and re-
searches in relation to other arts also, including mezzo-
tint engraving, of which he was the reputed inventor.

On the restoration of Charles II]. in May 1660,
Prince Rupert was sent for by the king, and appears to
have been connected with the court for a few years. In
1661 the prince, in company with a number of noble-
men and persons of rank and eminence, was called to
the Bar of the Inner Temple. In the following year
he was sworn as a member of the Privy Council, and
was also declared a Fellow of the Royal Society, which
was then founded, the king subscribing the statutes as

founder and patron.
300 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

In 1664, Prince Rupert was appointed admiral of a
fleet, that had been equipped to watch the movements of
the Dutch. He hoisted his flag on board the Henrietta,
and afterwards on the Royal James. He took part, as
admiral of the white, in the great sea-fight between the
English and Dutch fleets, off Lowestoft, in June 1665.
The English fleet was commanded by H.R.H. James,
Duke of York, afterwards James II., King of England ;
the Dutch were commanded by Admirals Opdam and
Van Tromp. The English got the weather-gage of the
Dutch, and about three o’clock on a fine summer morn-
ing, commenced the action, awaking the inhabitants of
Lowestoft by the thunder of their artillery. The contest
was desperate, victory trembling in the balance during
many hours. About noon the Earl of Sandwich came
up with a reinforcement, and fell upon the Dutch centre,
which threw them into the confusion that ended in their
defeat. The Duke of York in his flag-ship, the Roya?
Charles, of eighty guns, and the Dutch Admiral Opdam
in the Lendracht, of eighty-four guns, were engaged closely,
ship to ship, yard-arm and yard-arm, when about noon
the Lendracht blew up with a tremendous explosion,
the disaster attributable, probably, to careless manage-
ment of the powder magazine, and distribution of the
ammunition. Admiral Opdam and five hundred men
perished ; many of them were volunteers belonging to
some of the best families in Holland, with a number of
10s



























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































rragesed

sii FO



TOULON.
ENGLISH COURAGE DISCOVERED TO BE INVINCIBLE. 303

Frenchmen, whose lives were the price they paid for the
gratification of their curiosity to witness a sea-fight.
Only five of the crew escaped. The explosion was one
of a succession of misfortunes that befell the Dutch.
A number of their best ships ran foul of each other, and
were burnt by the English fire-ships. With a greatly
reduced fleet, the gallant Van Tromp doggedly continued
the unequal contest, and retreated fighting. The Duke
of York was much censured for his failure to pursue his
advantage, and terminate, at least for a time, the contest
with Holland, as some authorities thought he might have
done. This we have already referred to.

The impetuosity that had characterised Rupert in his
earlier actions, and had detracted from the value of his
services, was now tempered and subdued, and made him
what he was not before, a safe commander. In the action
with Opdam’s fleet, the prince rendered most important
service, that encouraged the belief that he would achieve
high distinction as a naval commander. On the 24th
June, Prince Rupert again attacked the Dutch, pursued
them to their own coast, and blocked them up in their
harbours. Again, in the autumn of the same year,
having the sole command of the English fleet, Prince
Rupert, learning that the Dutch were endeavouring to
form a junction with a French squadron of forty sail,
followed them so closely into Boulogne Roads as to place
them in imminent danger. A violent storm compelled the
304 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.,

prince to return to St. Helen’s Bay, and prevented him
from following up his advantage. Sir Thomas Allen did
so shortly afterwards.

Prince Rupert on his return was warmly welcomed by
the king and the nation, with whom he was becoming a
popular favourite. He was now associated with the
Duke of Albemarle in the command of the English navy.

In the spring of 1666 the duke and Prince Rupert
were afloat with a fleet that had been equipped for
operations against the Dutch. It was unfortunate that
their power should have been divided, by detaching
Prince Rupert with a squadron, to look for the French
and thwart their naval operations. The duke had a fleet
of sixty ships. On the morning of the rst of June he got
sight of the Dutch fleet, under Admirals Evertsen, De
Ruyter, and Van Tromp,! which was found to consist of
ninety-one ships, many of them first-rates, with a number
and weight of guns greatly superior to those of the
English fleet. Lord Albemarle, without hesitation, gave
battle. The fight was carried on with desperate bravery
during the whole of that day, and resumed on the day
following. The action is described in our notice of
the Duke of Albemarle. Prince Rupert could find
no trace of any French fleet destined to assist the
Dutch, and returned to his home station. On the 3rd

1 Cornelius Van Tromp, second son of the great admiral killed
in 1653.
ENGLISH COURAGE DISCOVERED TO BE INVINCIBLE, 305

June he came up with the Duke of Albemarle, whose
greatly overmatched squadrons had been so knocked
about and reduced, as to necessitate retreat, which he
conducted with great skill and undiminished courage.
‘In joining forces with the duke, a great misfortune
happened to Prince Rupert’s squadron. The Royal
Prince, commanded by Sir George Ayscough, the largest
and heaviest ship in the fleet, ran aground on the Galloper
Sands; being without hope of relief, it was surrendered,
and Ayscough, its commander, taken prisoner.

On the morning of the 4th June, the combined squad-
rons of Albemarle and Rupert, although still greatly
inferior in power to the Dutch, staited after them in
pursuit,—the Dutch being almost out of sight. About
eight in the morning they again commenced their
onslaught upon each other. Five times the English
fleet charged through the Dutch line, firing into it, right
and left. Rupert’s ship became disabled, and that of
Albemarle terribly shattered, and the injuries on both
sides were most disastrous. About seven in the evening
the hostile fleets drew off from each other,—their com-
manders appearing to agree, tacitly, in thinking that they
had enough of it, for the present.

This, which may be pronounced a drawn battle, has
been regarded as the most terrible action fought in this,
or perhaps in any other war. So the Dutch admirals also

considered it, De Witt says of it: “Ifthe English were
U
306 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

beat, their defeat did them more honour than all their
former victories ; all that the Dutch had discovered was,
that Englishmen might be killed, and English ships
might be burned, but English courage was invincible.”
It is not easy to say who were victors on the whole, and
what the losses were of the victors and the vanquished
respectively. Dutch historians compute our loss at
sixteen men-of-war, of which ten were sunk and six
taken. Our writers put the Dutch loss at fifteen men-of-
war, twenty-one captains, and five thousand men. The
Dutch themselves admit that they lost nine ships, and
had a prodigious number of men slain. Discounting
even the lowest estimates, it seems impossible to realise
the scenes that produced such ghastly results.

Only a short breathing-time was taken by the com-
batants, and a brief space for a hurried repair of damages.
Before the end of June the Dutch fleet was again at sea,
and was met by an English fleet of eighty men-of-war of
different sizes, and nineteen fire-ships, divided into three
squadrons. The command was again with the Duke of
Albemarle and Prince Rupert. The Dutch fleet of
eighty-eight men-of-war, and twenty fire-ships, was also
in three squadrons, commanded by Admirals De Ruyter,
John Evertsen, brother to the admiral who was killed in
a former engagement, and Cornelius Van Tromp.

About noon the hostile fleets came into contact off
the North Foreland. Rupert and the duke, who were
ENGLISH COURAGE DISCOVERED TO BE INVINCIBLE. 307

in the same ship, made a desperate attack upon De
Ruyter’s ship, which was in the centre of the Dutch
fleet. After fighting for about three hours, their ship
had sustained such serious injuries as to force them to
betake themselves to another. The most dogged bravery
was displayed on both sides, but the English had the best
of the battle. The Dutch retreated. All that night
Prince Rupert and the duke followed in pursuit of De
Ruyter. When the gallant Dutchman found himself so
hard pressed, and his fleet in such imminent danger, he
is said to have cried in despair, ‘“ My God, what a wretch
am I! Is there not one of these thousands of bullets to
put me out of pain?” He reached, however, the shallow
coast of Holland, where the English could not follow
him. Prince Rupert sent a small shallop, with two small
guns on board, close up to De Ruyter’s ship,—the men
rowing it into position,—and opened fire upon the
admiral. A return shot proved convincing to the
assailants that this was too dangerous, and the shallop
was rowed back.

This, it is stated, was the most decided and un-
questioned victory gained during the war. The Dutch
were completely defeated, and the two great admirals, De
Ruyter and Van Tromp, could only attempt their defence
by angry recriminations. The Dutch lost twenty ships
in the action; four of their admirals, and a great many
captains, and about four thousand men were killed, with
308 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

as many wounded. The English lost one ship burnt,
had three captains and about three hundred men killed.

From 1666 till 1672 there was an interval of peace,
during which Prince Rupert applied himself to scientific
pursuits. On the death of the Earl of Sandwich in 1672,
Rupert was appointed to succeed him as Vice-Admiral
of England, and when the Duke of York shortly after
retired from command of the fleet, Prince Rupert was
appointed Lord High Admiral of England.

Prince Rupert commenced his active duties with the
new dignity in April 1673. He effected an important
change in naval spirit and method. The Dutch had
hitherto come to us, Rupert went to them. The
Hollanders were rather surprised to find an English fleet
at their doors in the middle of May 1673. De Ruyter
was riding within the sands at Schonebeck, and occupied
a very advantageous position, from which it was desirable
he should be drawn. About nine in the morning of the
28th a squadron, consisting of thirty-five frigates and
thirteen fire-ships, were accordingly detached to lure the
enemy from his anchorage. The ruse was successful,
and the action- commenced at noon. ‘The advanced
detachment engaged Van Tromp, and the prince attacked
De Ruyter. The contest was obstinate, and the con-
tending ships inflicted tremendous punishment upon
each other. Van Tromp shifted his flag four times,—
and his English antagonists, Spragge and the Earl of
.

\\ NS



ADRIAN DE RUYTER,
309
ENGLISH COURAGE DISCOVERED TO BE INVINCIBLE. 311

Ossory, had to do the like. Rupert, on his part, did all
that could be expected from a wise and valiant com-
mander. ‘Towards the close of the battle, which lasted
till night, Rupert’s ship had taken in such quantities of
water as to throw out of use the lower tier of guns. The
Dutch retreated behind their sands, which averted what
would have been their defeat. In reporting on the
action to the Earl of Arlington, Prince Rupert writes:
“Had it not been for the shoals, we had driven them
into their harbours, and the king would have had a
better account of them.”

With the advantage of recruiting immediately, being
at home,—the Dutch were again at sea at the beginning
of June. Suspicious that the enemy meant to take us
by surprise, Prince Rupert went on board the Loyal
Sovereign on the evening of 3rd June, and watched
during the whole of the night. On the morning of the
4th the Dutch were seen bearing down upon our fleet.
Rupert, more than willing to meet them, ordered his
cables to be cut. The action lasted from about four in
the afternoon till dark, but no great damage was done,
and there was no fighting at close quarters. Between
ten and eleven at night the Dutch bore away to the
east.

Considerably strengthened, the hostile fleets came
together again in August, when Prince Rupert encoun-
tered De Ruyter for the third time. The French
312 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

were in this action our allies, but Rear-Admiral De
Martel was the only commander in the French contin-
gent that was, in honesty and earnestness, a combatant.
Rupert had to trust to himself, and to Sir Edward Spragge,
for such help as he might be able to get from him.
Against Prince Rupert and his squadron that occupied
the centre of the English line of battle, the attack was
concentrated. The English fleet consisted of about
sixty men-of-war, and the French of thirty. The Dutch
fleet had about seventy ships, but the numerical superior-
ity of Rupert’s force was illusory. With the exception of
De Martel, none of the French commanders rendered
any assistance,—they were mere spectators. They deserted
their own countryman,—the brave Martel,—and looked
on with craven stare as he bore unaided the combined
attack of five Dutch ships,—one of which he disabled,
and made the others sheer off. The contest was furious
and protracted, but indecisive. The conduct of Prince
Rupert throughout the action was resolute, courageous,
judicious, and worthy of the highest admiration. The
pusillanimity of-the French, and the disobedience or
misconception of orders, on the part of his subordinate |
admirals and commanders, prevented the action from
being a signal victory.

Soon after this action Prince Rupert retired from
public life, although he did not resign his Admiralty
commission till 1679. The years of his retirement were
ENGLISH COURAGE DISCOVERED TO BE INVINCIBLE. 313

passed chiefly at Windsor Castle, his time being much
given to literary and scientific studies and pursuits. He
was an active member of the Board of Trade, and a
governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company. Reference
has already been made to his skill as an engraver, and to
his improvement in the composition of gunpowder. He
was the inventor of a method of treating plumbago,—
converting it into a tractable fluid. Amongst his other
inventions were the amalgam, named after him prince’s
metal, for sheathing ships; a screw applied to a quadrant
at sea, which prevented shifting, either from the unsteadi-
ness of the observer’s hands or from the ship’s motion;
a rapid discharging gun; an engine for raising water; an
improved method of blasting in mines; a quick and
accurate method of drawing in perspective.

Prince Rupert died in his house in Spring Gardens,
London, on the 29th November 1682, in the sixty-third
year of his age. He was interred in the Chapel of
Henry VIL, in Westminster Abbey, with the honour and
respect due to his rank and character.

Throughout life he was eminently brave. He had
natural and acquired powers, that lifted him high above
the run of common men. He was thoroughly straight-
forward, detested cabals and intrigues, and kept entirely
aloof from them, although he suffered from them,—
especially as a naval commander. He never meddled
with affairs of State or Cabinet, or matters that were not
314 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

his business. In religion he was a steady Protestant ;
to the State a zealous and faithful servant; to his king
a loyal and devoted subject. It is not too much
to say of him that he was an honest, wise, and brave

man,
SIR EDWARD SPRAGGE,

ONE BORN TO COMMAND,

CHAPTER XIII.

THE DUTCH AVOW SUCH FIERCE FIGHTING NEVER
TO HAVE BEEN SEEN.

HOSE who are “born great” enjoy favourable

conditions for also achieving greatness, provided
they are possessed of the necessary qualifications. On
the other hand, there have been many instances of men
who have proved themselves “born to command,” whose
forebears have left no trace of their existence. The
naval heroes of the later half of the seventeenth century
belonged to all classes, princes of the blood royal, scions
of ancient and honourable houses, and many without any
early records. The brave Sir Edward Spragge belongs
to the last category.
Sir Edward Spragge, in 1661, was captain of the Port-

Jand, and afterwards, in succession, the Dover, the Zion,
316
316 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

the Royal James, and the Triumph, which he com-
manded in the great battle with the Dutch off Lowestoft,
on the 3rd June 1665. The mighty Dutch fleet in this
battle comprised a hundred and three men-of-war,
eleven fire-ships, and seven yachts. It was in seven
squadrons, commanded by Admirals Opdam, Van
Tromp, John Evertsen, Cornelius Evertsen, Cortenaer,
Stillingwerth, and Schram. In this important action,
referred to in the sketch of Prince Rupert, Spragge
and Van Tromp made each other’s acquaintance as
antagonists. Amongst many devoted heroes on both
sides, Spragge distinguished himself highly by his con-
spicuous bravery, which procured him the honour of
knighthood, conferred on the 24th June of the same
year.

In 1666, Sir Edward was promoted rear-admiral
of the white, and again, vice-admiral of the blue. As
commander of the Dreadnought, he took a distinguished
part in the four days’ battle with the Dutch in June
1666,—his brave and skilful conduct attracting the
particular notice of the Duke of Albemarle. On the
24th July, Spragge, carrying his flag in the blue squadron,
again engaged Van Tromp; he completely disabled
Tromp’s vice-admiral, killed his rear-admiral, and
ruined the rigging of his ship,—thus contributing greatly
to the success of the action.

In the following year Sir Edward was appointed to an
SUCH FIERCE FIGHTING NEVER WAS SEEN. 317

onerous duty, by the Duke of Albemarle—the defence
of the fort at Sheerness, threatened by the Dutch. On
the roth June 1667, the Dutch attacked the fort. The
place was really incapable of effective resistance, its sole
defence consisting of a platform on which fifteen iron
guns were mounted. He bravely continued to resist for
a time the combined fierce attack of about thirty men-
of-war. Continued resistance, however, would have
resulted in the inevitable destruction of his gallant
garrison, and he skilfully made good his retreat.

The appearance of the Dutch fleet in the Thames, and
the capture of Sheerness, created a panic in London and
in England generally, and brought many reproaches on
Charles II.,—stirring up remembrances of Cromwell and
the Commonwealth, under whose auspices the dignity
and honour of the country had always been maintained.
The fort of Sheerness was destroyed. The Dutch (who
had received very little damage), it was feared, might at
the next tide sail up the Thames, and extend their
hostilities even to London Bridge. Thirteen ships were
in consequence sunk at Northfleet and four at Black-
wall; platforms were raised in many places, and furnished
with artillery; the trained bands were called out, and
every place was in violent agitation.

Spragge collected such naval force as he could, and
retreated up the Medway, with a squadron of five frigates,
seventeen fire-ships,—an extraordinary proportion !—and
318 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

a few tenders. He took his station near the battery at
Gillingham, opposite Upnor. Castle, where he gave the
Dutch, under Admiral Van Ness, a very warm reception,
as they attempted to force their way up the river. The
Dutch retreated, and, after paying a hostile visit to
Harwich, returned again to the Medway, and on the
23rd July sailed up to near the Hope, where a squadron,
slightly reinforced, and placed under the command of
Sir Edward Spragge, awaited them. When the Dutch
came up, Sir Edward unfortunately had not arrived to
take the command, and the enemy were very near
snatching a victory. Hostilities were renewed on the
second day, under Sir Edward’s personal command.
The enemy were attacked with great vigour and effect,
and the Dutch sheered off, with Spragge in hot pursuit.
By dexterous management he contrived so to tow his
fireships as to burn twelve of the enemy’s, with an
expenditure of six of his own fire-ships. On the 25th,
at daylight, the Dutch had dropped down as far as the
buoy at the Nore. Sir Edward following them was
compelled by the tide coming up against him, to come
to an anchor at a point a little below Lee. At one
o’clock, the flood being spent, the Dutch fleet got under
way, and our squadron resumed pursuit. ‘The fleets
opened fire upon each other, but at too great a
distance for the guns, such as they were at that period,
to be effective. On the 26th, Sir J. Jordan arrived


















































THE DUTCH FLEET CAPTURES SHEERNESS.

SUCH FIERCE FIGHTING NEVER WAS SEEN. 321

from Harwich with a reinforcement. He contrived to
pass the Dutch fleet, which lay between him and
Spragge, and joined in the attack upon the Dutch ;
on the 27th the Dutch were out of sight, without
having given Sir Edward a chance of closing with
them. This was the last action in that war with the
Dutch.

In 1668, Sir Edward was appointed an envoy to the
Constable of Castile, who had recently been made
Governor of the Spanish Netherlands. Sir Edward’s
function was to compliment the governor on_ his
appointment, and to complete further negotiations in
relation to certain State measures in which Sir Edward
was interested, and with which he was conversant. The
estimation in which Sir Edward was held may be
inferred from the following extract from a letter of
Lord Arlington to Sir William Temple. It is dated
London, December 11, 1668. “The bearer, Sir
Edward Spragge, is sent by His Majesty to the Constable
of Castile, to compliment His Excellency upon his
arrival in Flanders ; where it is possible you may either
meet him, according to your late credential, or send to
him, in order to something in His Majesty’s service, I
thought I could not do less than, in a few lines, let. you
know that he is a brave man, and hath long served His
Majesty faithfully (particularly with much gallantry in

the last Dutch wars); that you may on all occasions put
x
322 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

that value upon him which is his due, and which shall
be always acknowledged by,” etc. Sir Edward returned
to Whitehall from his embassy on the 29th of January
following.

While the Dutch and English had been fighting each
other, they had given a golden opportunity, of which
an enemy common to both—the Algerine corsairs—
had taken full advantage. These pirates infested the
Mediterranean, and were the scourge of the traders of
Western Europe. Expeditions had been repeatedly sent
against them by both the English and the Dutch. . They
had been often punished in skirmishing actions, and
cowed for a little while,—but never crushed. They
entered readily into treaties, binding them to better
behaviour, but broke the treaties, and their promises,
before the negotiators of the other part reached their
respective home ports. The merchants complained
loudly of their heavy losses at the hands of the corsairs,
and of the ruinous risks, incurred in the conduct of
foreign commerce. The king and his advisers, unable
to deny that the complaints were well grounded, selected
Sir Edward Spragge to command a squadron to be sent
against the pirates, in the hope that he would be
successful in his operations, and especially that he would
follow up and establish his success more effectively than
had been done hitherto. Sir Edward had the character
at court of possessing a sound judgment, resolute
SUCH FIERCE FIGHTING NEVER WAS SEEN. 323

purpose, daring courage, and withal a captivating
address, and the most polished manners.

Sir Edward sailed from England in the spring of the
year 1671, with five frigates and three fire-ships, in the
expectation of being joined by other ships on the way,
so that he might have a fleet of about twelve sail in all.
Misfortunes befell the squadron on the way. The Zagle
fire-ship became disabled in a storm, and another ship
sprang her main-mast, and had to leave for repair. The
Eagle had such refitting as could be done, and the
squadron held on its way, and about May Day 1671,
entered the Bay of Boujeiah, or Bugia, in a brisk gale.
The intention was to fire the ships of the Algerines,
and a night attempt was made upon them by the men
and boats of the squadron, but was frustrated by the
premature lighting of the fire-ship that was to have
carried the flames into the midst of the Algerines.
They took alarm, and in haste unrigged their ships, and
for defence made a strong boom of the spars, lashed
together, and buoyed up with casks, The discharge of
a pistol by a drunken gunner set light to a second fire-
ship, which was destroyed, leaving only one more, the
Little Victory, which unfortunately drew too much water
to approach the part of the bay where the Algerines lay.

On the 8th May 1671, a body of horse and foot
were seen on shore; they were an escort to a large
supply of ammunition, that had been sent from Algiers
324 HALF WOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

for their ships. On its safe arrival, the Algerines fired
off their cannon, as a joyous salute. Sir Edward
Spragge, uncertain as to future reinforcements, con-
cluded that prompt energetic action was the most
hopeful course to pursue. He directed the Lz#ile
Victory to be lightened, so that she might not draw
above eight feet. About noon a fine breeze sprang
up, and the admiral gave the signal for the men-of-
war to draw into line, and bear into the bay. The
ships bore in as directed. The admiral came to an
anchor in four fathom water, and was a mark within
range for the castle guns, which directed their fire upon
him for two hours. His own pinnace and those of the
Mary and the Dragon were manned with crews told off
for the honourable and dangerous service of cutting the
boom, which they did gallantly, although not without
loss in killed and wounded. In the admiral’s pinnace
there were seven men killed, and all the rest wounded,
except Mr. Harman, who commanded. Lieutenant
Pierce, of the Dragon, with ten of his men, were
wounded, and one man killed. Lieutenant Pinn, of
the Mary's boat, was wounded, and eight of his men
besides. The boom being cut, the fire-ship went in,
and, getting up athwart the bowsprits of the Algerine
ships,—the Zz¢#le Victory being thoroughly well alight,—
set fire to, and destroyed the whole of the enemy’s ships.
Captain Harris, who commanded the fire-ship, his
SUCH FIERCE FIGHTING NEVER WAS SEEN. 325

master’s mate, a gunner, and one of the seamen, were
badly wounded, and the well-planned attack might have
failed in execution, but for the forethought of the
admiral in c pointing a deputy commander to act in
case of need, This was Henry Williams, master’s mate,
who had formerly commanded the fose fireship. As
deputy and acting commander, he performed admirably,
with unflinching courage, the duties thus devolving upon
him. The Algerine ships destroyed were—the Waz¢e
Fforse, the Orange Tree, the Three Cypress Trees, each
of thirty-four guns; the Zhree Half Moons, twenty-eight
guns; the earl, twenty-six guns; and the Golden
Crown, and Half Moon, each of twenty-four guns.

This loss to the Algerines was almost irreparable.
These picked men-of-war ships had been specially selected
to fight Sir Edward Spragge. They were armed with the
best brass guns that could be brought together, taken
from their other ships. They were manned by about
nineteen hundred picked men, and commanded by their
most courageous and experienced admiral. Nearly four
hundred of the Algerines were killed. The castle and
town were greatly shattered, and a large number of
people in them killed and wounded. The personal
suffering was greatly aggravated from the surgeons’
chests having been burned with the ships,—thus cutting
off the surgical aid and relief that might otherwise have
been given. In addition to the ships enumerated, there
326 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

were destroyed with them (of necessity, not willingly) a
Genoese ship, a small English prize, and a settee.

In this memorable and important engagement, Sir
Edward Spragge had seventeen men killed and forty-
one wounded; a loss extraordinarily small, when it is
borne in mind that his fleet was exposed to the fire of
the guns of the fortress on land, as well as of the ships.

The internationally interesting fact is worthy of men-
tion here, that in all our wars with the Algerines, the
Spaniards allowed us the free use of the harbour of
Port Mahon,—the English being regarded as the cham-
pions of civilisation and the protectors of the commerce
of the Mediterranean. Sir Edward accordingly repaired to
the harbour of Port Mahon, and there refitted sufficiently
to enable him to bring his ships home. He returned
in triumph.

In the subsequent Dutch wars Sir Edward Spragge
took a prominent part, and discharged his duties with
consummate skill and invincible courage. He acted as
vice-admiral of the red in the battle of Solebay, and
was afterwards appointed to succeed the Earl of Sand-
wich as admiral of the blue. Between this time and the
war conducted by Prince Rupert, Sir Edward was sent
to France on an embassy, which he conducted with
sound judgment, to the entire satisfaction of the court.

His Royal Highness the Duke of York having re-
solved to resume command of the navy, the duty was
SUCH FIERCE FIGHTING NEVER WAS SEEN. 327

assigned to Sir Edward Spragge to make all necessary
preparations for his reception.

At the Solebay fight, 28th May 1673, Sir Edward
Spragge took an active part, and distinguished himself
greatly. It is stated that when he received his appoint-
ment from the king for this particular service, he pro-
mised that he would bring to the king, Van Tromp,
dead or alive,—or lose his own life in the attempt.
Spragge’s contest with Van Tromp, ship to ship, lasted
for seven hours, in the course of which the gallant
Dutchman was so assailed by his antagonist as to be
compelled to shift from the Golden Lion into the Prince,
again into the Amsterdam, and yet again, into the Come.
In this last ship, Spragge would have, in part at least,
redeemed his promise to the king, and have done his
adversary to death or captivity, but for Admiral De
Ruyter coming to his assistance. Sir Edward’s ship was
also so much damaged as to force him to shift into
another, and again into a third. Prince Rupert and
Spragge had had a quarrel, some time previous to this
action, and the breach had not been healed, but this did
not prevent the prince from bearing frank and honourable
testimony to Sir Edward’s bravery. Ina letter to the Earl
of Arlington, he says: “Sir Edward Spragge did on his
side maintain the fight with so much courage and resolu-
tion, that their whole body gave way to such a degree
that, had it not been for fear of the shoals, we had
328 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

diiven them into their harbours.” Sir Edward had the
advantage of Van Tromp in this action; Dutch writers
admit the extraordinarily pertinacious bravery of Sir
Edward, and Van Tromp himself admits that he was
forced to retreat before it was dark.

A third battle was fought between these redoubtable
combatants on the 11th August 1673. Sir Edward,
with the blue squadron, was in the rear as the fleet
neared the enemy. He had engaged to keep closely in
company with Prince Rupert, but with lynx eye detecting
what he considered a provocation on the part of Van
Tromp, he laid his fore-topsail to the mast to wait for
him, and, having engaged his squadron, maintained a
hot contest for many hours, at a distance of several
leagues to leeward of the main body of the fleet. Sir
Edward, at the beginning of the action, fought on board
the Royal Prince; Van Tromp was in the Golden Lion.
It is recorded that Van Tromp avoided —and that
Spragge strove to get to—close quarters; however this
may be, after a terrible onslaught on each other for some
time, both of the flag-ships became so much disabled as
to compel the two admirals to change to other ships,
Sir Edward to the Sz George, and Van Tromp to the
Comet. Having got on board these ships, the fight was
renewed with, if possible, increased fury, and with de-
termination on both sides to end it, with either death or
victory. Again the S¢. George, Sir Edward’s flag-ship, was
































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































FF ALGIERS,

E O

ATTACKING A PIRAT



329

SUCH FIERCE FIGHTING NEVER WAS SEEN. 331

so battered that he was fain to leave it and take to the
Royal Charles. This movement, alas! resulted in a fatal
disaster. He had not been rowed many yards from the
St. George when a shot struck the boat. The crew made
every possible exertion to get back to the ship they had
just left, but failed to reach it, and thus this brave com-
mander perished miserably by drowning. Sir Edward
sank with the boat, and, when it rose again, he rose
with it, clutching it by the gunwale, with his head and
shoulders above water, but—dead. How deplorable
that this courageous commander should have been
conquered in a trial out of which the dusky, untutored
child of a South Sea Island savage would have come
in safety; the hero could fight from early morn till dewy
eve, could possess his soul in patience on the water for
voyages lasting many weeks, covering many leagues,—
but he could not swim a few yards.

In the history of his own times, Bishop Parker thus
refers to the last gallant fight and death of Sir Edward
Spragge :—

“There was a remarkable fight between Spragge and
Van Tromp; for these, having mutually agreed to attack
each other, not out of hatred, but from a thirst of glory,
engaged with all the rage, or, as it were, the sport, of
war. They came so close to one another that, like an
army of foot, they fought, at once with their guns and
their swords. Almost at every turn, both of their ships,
332 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

though not sunk, were bored through,—their cannon
being discharged within common gunshot range; each
ship pierced the other as if they had fought with spears.
At length, after several ships had been shattered, as
Spragge was passing from one ship to another, the boat
was overturned by a chance shot, and that great man,
being unable to swim, was drowned, to the great grief of
even his generous enemy, who, after the death of Spragge,
could hardly hope to find an enemy equal to himself.”
The author of the Life of De Ruyter, referring to this
fierce conflict, says: ‘‘The Dutch avow the like never to
have been seen ; their own two ships (the ships of Tromp
and Spragge) having, without touching a sail, strangely
endured the fury of three hours’ incessant battery.”

It is difficult to get at anything approaching an ade-
quate conception of the horrible scenes of carnage that
must have been presented by this sanguinary conflict.
Some particulars respecting Sir Edward’s flag-ship, the
Royal Prince, with which he went into action, may assist
in forming an idea of the dreadful devastation. The
feoyal Prince was a first-rate, of 1400 tons burthen, armed
with one hundred pieces of brass ordnance, and carrying
seven hundred and eighty men. She was well built, in
perfect condition in all respects, and as fine a ship as
any in either of the fleets. Before Sir Edward Spragge
left the Royal Prince, the masts had all been shot away,
most of the guns on the upper tier were disabled, four
SUCH FIERCE FIGHTING NEVER WAS SEEN. 333

hundred men had been killed, and the ship was almost
a helpless wreck. In this lamentable condition a large
Dutch man-of-war, with two fire-ships, bore down upon
the miserable object,—the Dutch commander resolving
to burn, sink, or capture the Royal Prince. The first
lieutenant, considering continued resistance hopeless,
ordered the colours to be struck, and bid the men shift
for themselves as they could. Richard Leake, the
heroic master gunner, could not accept any such finish to
the fray; he boldly took the command, ordered the
lieutenant to go below, sank the two fire-ships, compelled
~ the Dutch man-of-war to sheer off, and, wreck as it was,
brought the Loyal Prince into port. This hero, father of
the famous Sir John Leake, was afterwards appointed
Keeper of Ordnance Stores, and Master Gunner of
England.

Sir Edward Spragge was highly distinguished for skill
and bravery as a naval commander. To urbane and
polite manners he united a resolute and daring spirit.
He was beloved by his men, idolised by his friends,
feared yet honoured by his enemies. His achievements
in life commanded the enthusiastic admiration of his
countrymen ; his death was universally mourned.
SIR THOMAS ALLEN.

—_—0O-—

CHAPTER XIV.

THE PROMOTED PRIVATEER.

HE martial and naval heroes of England have
been recruited from all classes, patrician and
plebeian, with a large contribution from the class inter-
mediate, to which Allen belonged. Some commanders
rendered eminent service, to each of the great parties
in the State, about the middle of the seventeenth
century, who contended for supreme power — the
Royalists and the Parliamentarians. Allen was not of
these ; he and his family were always steadfast in their
adhesion to the royal cause. He is supposed to have
been the son of a merchant and shipowner of Lowestoft,
Suffolk, He rendered effective service as a privateer in
the North Sea, before receiving a commission in the
Royal Navy.

At the Restoration, Allen was rewarded for his
334
THE PROMOTED PRIVATEER. 335

fidelity, by being appointed to the command of the
Dover, which was one of the first of the ships com-
missioned by the Duke of York. In the two following
years he was in succession appointed to the command of
the Plymouth, the Foresight, the Zion, and the Rainbow.
In 1663 he was appointed commodore and commander-
in-chief of the fleet in the Downs, and was allowed the
special distinction of flying the Union flag at his main-
top,-—the St Andrew being his flag-ship. In August
1664 he was appointed commander-in-chief in the Medi-
terranean, in succession to the gallant Sir John Harman,
who was ordered home. He seems to have been entrusted
with diplomatic as well as naval functions, which may
be inferred from Pepys recording, in his Déavy, under
date Nov. 28, 1664, “certain news of the peace made
by Captain Allen at Tangier.” Specific instructions
were given to him, however, to take in tow or destroy
any Dutch men-of-war he might fall in with, and
especially to capture their Smyrna fleet. He had a
squadron of seven ships, which he posted so as to
command the Straits of Gibraltar. His patience in
waiting was not greatly strained. The Dutch Smyrna
fleet—forty sail in all—hove in sight about the time
expected, the escort consisting of four men-of-war.
England had declared war against the Dutch States-
General, and Allen attacked—it was in spring of 1665—
without hesitation. The contest was obstinate; the
336 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Dutch, as usual, brought the stoutest of their merchant
ships into the line of battle. Brackel, the Dutch com-
modore, was killed; the line was broken ; several of the
Dutch ships were sunk, and four of the richest were
captured, but one of these was so much damaged in
action that it foundered on the passage to England. Its
cargo was valued at more than £150,000. A portion of
the Dutch fleet took shelter in Cadiz, where they were
blockaded by Allen, until the state of his supplies com-
pelled his return to England, when the Dutchmen were
allowed to come out. This important victory was not
gained without loss on the part of the English, including
two ships, the Phenix and the Monsuch, which were so
much damaged as to become unmanageable; other two,
the Advice and the Axfelope, were also much injured.
The Dutch men-of-war did a great deal of firing at
comparatively long range; Allen did not fire a shot, until
the antagonists were within pistol shot. The Dutch
commodore, Brackel, was killed in the action. The
fight was close in shore, and was watched by crowds of
Spaniards, who, it is stated, laughed to see the alacrity
with which the Dutch made for refuge. On his return
to England, Allen was made admiral of the blue, and
had also a special commission to act as vice-admiral of
the fleet, then under the command of the Earl of Sand-
wich. On the 24th June 1665, the honour of knighthood
was conferred upon him. In the following year he was
THE PROMOTED PRIVATEER. 337

appointed admiral of the white, and hoisted his flag on
board the Royal James, which Princé Rupert made his
flag-ship, — Allen remaining on board, however, as
captain of the fleet. The prince, with a squadron, pro-
ceeded down the Channel on the lookout for a French
naval force, which was expected to join the Dutch.
Prince Rupert, in conjunction with Monk, Duke of
Albemarle, commanded the Channel fleet. While Prince
Rupert, with Sir Thomas Allen, were thus looking out for
the expected hostile French fleet, Albemarle, greatly out-
numbered,—-sixty sail against ninety-one,—was engaged
with the splendid Dutch fleet, commanded by the three
famous admirals, De Ruyter, Evertsen, and Van Tromp.
The fight had lasted for three days, and would probably
have resulted in the defeat of Albemarle, but for the
timely arrival, 4th June, of Allen’s white squadron, which
compelled the Dutch to withdraw. On the 25th July
the hostile fleets again met, both eager to renew
hostilities. Sir Thomas Allen had the post of honour.
He led the van, and commenced the battle by a furious
attack on Admiral Evertsen, who commanded the Fries-
land and Zealand squadrons. The carnage was awful,
and the Dutch loss crushing. Evertsen, chief in com-
mand of the combined squadrons, was killed, as were
also his vice-admiral, De Vries, and his rear-admiral,
Koenders. The Zo/en, commanded by Vice-Admiral

Banckart, was taken and burned, with another large man-
Y
338 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

of-war. The defeat of the Dutch was decisive. Their
fugitive ships were pursued to the shores of Holland.
There was great rejoicing in London on receipt of the
news of the victory. On the 29th July the following
notice was read from the pulpit at Bow: “The Dutch
have been totally routed; fourteen ships taken, twenty-
six burnt and sunk, two flag-ships taken, and with them,
twelve hundred men,—six thousand men taken in all.
Our ships have blocked up the Zealanders in Flushing,
and ride before them top and top-gallant. The Dutch
fleet are got into the Texel, and we ride before the same.
The Lord Mayor ordered thanks—to be given this fore-
noon throughout the city.” On the 18th September a
valuable prize fell into Allen’s hands in the Channel—a
French ship, quite new, and considered the finest in the
French navy, the Rudy, of fifty-four guns. De Ja Roche,
commander, mistook Allen’s white squadron for a
squadron of the French navy, and was captured before
he could make more than a faint show of resistance.

The Duke of York, desirous to commemorate the
victories over the Dutch, commissioned Sir Peter Lely,
the court painter, to paint a portrait group embracing
the “flag men” and heroes of the fleet. The Duke of
York had himself commanded at the brilliant action off
Lowestoft on the 3rd June 1665, when the Dutch, under
Admirals Opdam and Van Tromp, sustained a total
defeat. The picture by Lely included the principal
339

THE PROMOTED PRIVATEER.

























































































































_ SSS SS
SSS SSS 3 | SSS
SSS _ SS SS SS
SSS —_ SSS
LSS] —————— SS
SSS SSS) SSS
= =e









f the time ;—and th
clusively that the age was rich in

———— ee 7 A









SS =
ee

naval commanders o e time ;—a
how:

AN ALGERINE CORSAIR.

figures shows con

Lord High Admiral; Prince

Rupert ; George Monk, Duke of Albemarle ; Montague,

cts in this historical painting

s. Among the subje
rk,

are the Duke of Yo

heroe
340 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Earl of Sandwich; Admirals Sir Thomas Allen, Sir
George Ayscough, Sir Thomas Teddiman, Sir Chris-
topher Myngs, Sir Joseph Jordan, Sir William Berkeley,
Sir John Harman, Sir William Penn, and Sir Jeremy Smith.

In November 1666, Allen had the honour conferred
upon him of being elected an Elder Brother of the
Trinity.

The Dutch war being apparently over, the naval
authorities were left at liberty to prosecute more civil-
ising, although not purely pacific, enterprises. In the
autumn of 1668, Allen sailed in command of a squadron
to repress the Algerine pirates, who had taken advantage
of the war to ply their nefarious occupation against
all such merchant ships as came in their way which
they considered worth rifling,—killing and destroying
with ready ferocity where they could not rob. Nation-
ality was with them no object. The Dutch suffered
as well as the English, and the whilom enemies were
united in seeking redress for their common grievance.
The Dutch sent a squadron under Admiral Van Ghent,
with the same object in view as England had, in sending
Allen. The united squadrons drove the corsairs on to
their own shores. Large numbers of English and Dutch
prisoners made slaves, who had formed the crews of
ships captured by the pirates, were released and ex-
changed by Allen and Van Ghent.

Ere he returned home, Allen visited Naples and
THE PROMOTED PRIVATEER. 341

Florence, and was received with great honour at both
places. After paying these visits he returned to Algiers,
where he received fresh assurances that the terms of
the treaty for the suppression of piracy would be
scrupulously observed. He returned to England, but
as soon as he had left, the corsairs resumed their
depredations. Allen returned to Algiers, and inflicted
summary vengeance on the persons and property of the
pirates, destroying a large number of their vessels. In
1670 he was recalled at his own request, and on his
return home was appointed Comptroller of the Navy. [n
1678, war with France appearing imminent, he was again .
appointed to a command at sea. Happily, the occasion
for his active service did not arise, and he passed the few
closing years of his life at Somerleyton, an estate that
he had purchased near his native place. He lived
there in quiet privacy, respected by all who knew him,
in the enjoyment of what he had well earned—Peace
with honour.
SIR JOHN HARMAN.

—_o——_

CHAPTER XV.

“BOLD AS A LION, BUT ALSO WISE AND WARY.”

F the early life of this gallant commander there

are no records extant. It is known that in

1664 he commanded the Gloucester, of fifty-eight guns,

and in the following year the Royal Charis. He

received the honour of knighthood for his distinguished
services.

In the action with the Dutch on the rst June 1666,
Sir John Harman’s bravery was most conspicuous. He
led the van of the fleet under the Duke of Albemarle.
He boldly dashed into the centre of the Zealand
squadron, and was the object of a concentrated attack
by a number of their best ships. His ship, the Henry,
becoming disabled, Evertsen, the Dutch admiral, offered
Sir John quarter, which he bluntly. and promptly re-
fused, saying, “It was not comme to that—not yet.” Sir
“BOLD AS A LION.” 343

John’s ship was grappled by a fire-ship on the starboard
quarter, and in great danger of being destroyed, and
probably would have been captured or burned but for
the heroic conduct of Lieutenant Thomas Lamming, who
swung himself into the fire-ship, and by the light of the
fire found the grappling-irons, cast them loose, and
swung back to his own ship! A second fire-ship was
sent against the Afexry, and grappled on the larboard
quarter. This attack was more successful than that of
the assailant Lamming had cast loose. The sails of the
Henry caught fire; and a panic took possession of the
crew, a number of whom leaped overboard. With drawn
sword, Sir John Harman commanded the remainder of
the crew to their duty, and threatened with death the
first who should attempt to leave the ship or fail to
exert himself to put out the flames. The fire was got
under, but a third fire-ship was sent against the Henry.
Happily,sbefore the fire-ship could get to close quarters,
a volley from the guns of the Heury’s lower deck was
so well directed as to sink it—while a broadside directed
against the Dutch flag-ship included in its terrible effects
the death of Evertsen, the brave admiral.

Harman did not escape severe personal injury in the
conflict. During the hottest part of the fight, some of
the burnt rigging fell upon him and broke his leg, but

1Â¥For this gallant act, Lamming was promoted to the command
of the Ruby.
344 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

he did not retire. He took the Mery into Harwich
for such repairs as could be effected in a few hours.
Notwithstanding his broken leg, he rejoined the fleet,
—no entreaties could dissuade him,—to take his part
in the continuation of the battle.

Arriving at the scene of conflict, although eager for
action, Rupert and Albemarle, in consideration of his unfit
and suffering condition, absolutely forbade his pursuing -
his determination, and insisted on his retiring for the rest
essential to his recovery.

In March 1667, Sir John Harman sailed in command
of an expedition to the West Indies. His squadron
consisted of seven men-of-war and two fire-ships. He
had permission to carry the Union flag at the main-top
of his flag-ship, the Zon, of fifty-eight guns, as soon as
he got out of the Channel. At Barbadoes he added
four men-of-war to his squadron, and sailed thence to
Nevis, where he arrived on the 13th June. He learned
there that the French fleet, consisting of twenty-four men-
of-war, was at anchor under Martinique. This information
he laid before a council of war, and it was determined
to attack the French. When he came up with the
French, he found them so posted as to preclude the
possibility, with the wind as it was, of forcing them to
engage. Sir John was bold as a lion, but was also
wise and wary, and felt his responsibility for the lives
of his crews. On the 25th, the wind being favourable,
“BOLD AS A LION.” 345

he attacked the French fleet, albeit double the strength
of his own. His success was complete. Eight of the
French fleet were soon on fire, a number of others were
sunk, and only three or four escaped.

A curious circumstance is recorded concerning the
bearing of Sir John during this action. He had not
fully recovered from the accident he had sustained in
the preceding year, when he had his leg broken. He
was also suffering from a severe attack of gout, and was
very lame. On bearing in on the enemy’s fleet, he got
up, walked about, and gave orders, as if in perfect
health, till the fight was over, when he again became as
lame as before.

He after this made a voyage to the Straits under Sir
Thomas Allen, and, although suffering much from
physical infirmities, conducted himself with characteristic
bravery and discretion. The spirited action at Solebay,
and the second battle in 1672, between Prince Rupert
and De Ruyter, in which Harman rendered most effect-
ive service, were the last actions of importance in which
he was engaged. He had attained to the rank of admiral
of the blue when bodily infirmity compelled him to retire
reluctantly from the service.




|

ADMIRAL BENBOW.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE KING SAID, ““WE MUST SPARE OUR BEAUX, AND
SEND HONEST BENBOW.”

OHN BENBOW is represented to have been born
J at Shrewsbury about the middle of the seventeenth
century, and to have been apprenticed to a butcher,
but to have broken his indentures and joined the AuZert,
under Captain Herbert, in 1678. His first active ser-
vice was in connection with a small squadron sent to
redress the wrongs that had been sustained by English
merchants and the mercantile marine, and to suppress
the perpetrators—the pirates of Algiers, Tunis, and
Tripoli, that infested the Mediterranean.

Benbow so conducted himself in action as to
secure the goodwill of his superior officer, Captain
Herbert (afterwards Earl of Torrington), and speedy
promotion. He was, in 1679, appointed master of the
“HONEST BENBOW.” 347

Nonsuch. In 1681, Benbow had an experience that
was not pleasant. In conflict with an Algerine corsair,
the British ship Adventure got the worst, and had to
sheer off. The Algerine was taken in hand by the
Nonsuch, and captured. Some crowing and chaffing on
the part of the men of the Nonsuch at the expense of
the crew of the Adventure, led to Benbow being tried
by court-martial on the complaint of Captain Booth of
the Adventure. Benbow was sentenced to forfeit three
months’ pay (412, 158.), which was to be used for the
benefit of the wounded men of the Adventure. He
was also required to apologise to Captain Booth, which
he did, declaring that he had only repeated the words
of others, without any malicious intention.

The MWonsuch was, shortly after the Adventure affair,
paid off, and Benbow next comes into view in connec-
tion with a ship named after, and owned and commanded
by himself—the Benbow frigate. The merchants on
Change, among whom Benbow was well known and
highly esteemed, may have assisted him in the acquisi-
tion of such a valuable property,—but, however this
may be, we find him in 1686 acting as sole owner and
responsible commander. In that year, in a passage to
Cadiz, a Salee rover, greatly an overmatch in number of
fighting men, attacked the Benbow, whose crew made a
valiant defence. The Moors boarded the Benbow, but
were beaten off, with the loss of thirteen of their number.
348 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Captain Benbow ordered their heads to be cut off, and
thrown into a tub of salt pickle. On arriving at Cadiz,
he went ashore, followed by a negro servant carrying
the pickled heads in a sack. The tide waiters, spying
the sack, asked if he had “anything to declare,” that is,
anything subject to import duty. He answered, only
salt provisions for his own use, and affected indignation
that, well known as he was, he should be suspected of
running goods. ‘The officers replied that they could not
grant him a dispensation from search, but the magis-
trates, who were sitting close by, might do so if they
would. The party proceeded in formal order to the
custom-house, Captain Benbow leading,—the negro, with
the suspected contraband goods, following,—and the
revenue officers bringing up the rear. The magistrates
received Benbow with great civility, and assured him
that the custom-house officers had not exceeded their
duty in requiring him to show the contents of the sack,
and in conducting him hither. They politely asked him
to satisfy them, as he could do so easily. Benbow
answered, with real or assumed sternness, “I told you
they were salt provisions for my own use. Pompey,
show the gentlemen what you have got.” Whereupon
the negro, nothing loth, tumbled out the baker’s dozen
of Moors’ heads, to the astonishment of the Alcalde and
his colleagues, who were assured by Benbow that the
heads were quite at their service. An account of
“HONEST BENBOW.” 349

Benbow’s valiant exploit in defeating, with his small
force, a number much larger of the fierce and ruthless
barbarians who were the scourge and terror of the seas,
was forwarded to the court of Madrid. Charles IL.,
then King of Spain, expressed a desire to see the bold
Benbow, whom he received with honour, presented
with a handsome testimonial of his respect, and entrusted
with a letter to King James of England, warmly recom-
mending Benbow, as worthy of the king’s confidence
and favour.

The Benbow frigate was, it may be supposed, paid off,
or otherwise disposed of, and its late owner rejoined
the King’s Navy in 1689, as lieutenant in the Elizabeth,
of seventy guns. He was soon after appointed in succes-
sion, as captain, to the York, the Bonaventure, and the
Britannia. Wis rapid promotion was probably, in part
at least, attributable to the influence exercised on his
behalf by his former commander, Herbert, now admiral,
and a high authority in naval affairs. It has been con-
jectured that during the time of the Revolution, Benbow
was attached to the fleet under Admiral Herbert’s com-
mand, and was its pilot, in landing William at Torbay.

From the Britannia Captain Benbow was appointed
Master Attendant of Chatham Dockyard, and afterwards
to alike office in Deptford Royal Dockyard, which he
held for about six years. During this period, on several
occasions, he was told off for special service. In the
350 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

unfortunate action between the united English and
Dutch and the French fleets off Beachy Head, in June
1690, Captain Benbow, of the Sovereign, served under
the Earl of Torrington, commander-in-chief, as Master
of the fleet. Benbow’s evidence in the trial of Lord
Torrington by court-martial had great weight in leading
to his acquittal. Continuing master of the Sovereign,
Benbow again discharged the important duties of Master
of the fleet at the battles of La Hogue and Barfleur in
1692, under Admiral Russell. In acknowledgment of
the value of his special services as Master of the fleet,
his pay as Master while afloat was added to his pay for
his dockyard office.

Benbow was next employed, 1693 to 1695, in the
command of flotillas of bomb vessels and fire-ships in
attacks upon St. Malo, Dunkirk, and other localities on
the French coast. At Dunkirk he saved the Virginia
and West Indian fleets from falling into the hands of
the French privateers, and for this service received the
thanks of the merchants. He was by this time so well
known as to be sometimes referred to as ‘‘the famous
Captain Benbow.” So well satisfied were the Admiralty
authorities with his services, as to order that he should
be paid as rear-admiral during the time he had been
employed on the French coast, as a reward for his good
service. In 1696 he was promoted to the substantial
rank of rear-admiral. After cruising service, directed to







a

SS
5














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ve

ib

AL BENBOW.

ADMIR

351
“ HONEST BENBOW.” 353

the protection of English and Dutch traders, he was
appointed, in 1697, commander-in-chief of the king’s
ships in the West Indies, with special orders to suppress
the pirates. By a threat to blockade Carthagena, he
obtained the restoration of two English merchant ships,
which the governor had detained to form part of a pro-
jected expedition against the ill-fated Scottish colony at
Darien. Benbow’s action stopped the intended raid.

In 1700 the admiral returned to England, and was
for a time in command in the Downs, and served for
some months as vice-admiral of the blue in the grand
fleet under Admiral Sir George Rooke. In 1701 it was
again thought necessary to send a strong squadron to
promote and protect the national interests in the West
Indies. Benbow was proposed by the ministry, but the
king claimed for him that he had only just returned,
and had been subjected to great difficulties in his West
Indian command, and that it was but fair that some
other officer should have a turn. Several officers were
named and consulted, but they all with one consent
made excuse—“ health,” “family affairs,” etc. ‘‘ Well,
then,” said the king, in conference with his ministers,
“we must spare our deaux, and send honest Benbow.”
Asked if he was willing to go, Benbow answered bluntly
that he did not understand such compliments as were
paid to him; it was not for him to choose his station.

If His Majesty thought fit to send him to the East or
Z
354 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

West Indies, or anywhere else, it was for him to cheer-
fully obey orders. He sailed with his new command in
September 1701, with ten ships,—Sir George Rooke,
admiral of the fleet, convoying him as far as Scilly with
a strong squadron. For action in the West Indies, the
French were also making extensive preparations. A
squadron, consisting of five ships of the line and several
large vessels, laden with arms and ammunition, sailed
from Brest in April 1701, under the command of the
Marquis de Coetlogon. Count de Chateau Renaud also
sailed with fourteen ships of the line and sixteen frigates,
and in addition to these, M. du Casse, Governor of St.
Domingo, sailed also with a squadron, Admiral Benbow
the while having received no fresh supplies or reinforce-
ments, and being in danger apparently of being utterly
crushed by the superior power of his enemies. He
had made on arrival wise and skilful dispositions and
arrangements for securing our own trade and crippling
the enemy. The French saw with amazement the
defeat of the schemes they had been able to mature
from the possession of earlier intelligence of intended
war. Even after the arrival of Marquis Coetlogon, the
French had to confine themselves to acting on the
defensive, and found all their grand projects for attacking
Jamaica and the Leeward Islands entirely frustrated.
The Dutch accounts of the state of affairs at the time
state that, notwithstanding all the bluster of the French,
“HONEST BENBOW.” 355

Admiral Benbow, with a small squadron, remained
master of the seas, taking many prizes, giving all
possible support to the private trade carried on by the
English on the Spanish coasts.

The situation changed for the worse for Benbow and
his small fleet. Renaud, he learned, had arrived at
Martinique with a squadron much stronger than his own.
This had been joined by the squadron of Coetlogon
from Havannah. The inhabitants of Barbadoes and
Jamaica were excessively alarmed by the approach of a
hostile fleet, which the English had no force capable of
resisting.

Notwithstanding most of his ships being short of their
complements of men, Admiral Benbow concluded it to
be his best course under the circumstances to put to sea
and cruise between Jamaica and Hispaniola. He sailed
with this intention on the 8th May 1702, and was joined
about this time by Rear-Admiral Whetstone. In cruis-
ing on the coast of St. Domingo, he received news of the
French fleet having gone to Carthagena and Porto Bello.
On the 19th August he sighted it near Santa Marta, It
consisted of four ships of from sixty to seventy guns,
one of thirty guns, and four frigates, all under the
command of M. du Casse. The English force consisted
of seven ships of from fifty to seventy guns, but the
ships were much scattered, and their commanders
showed no disposition to close up for action. Late in




k
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356 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

the afternoon there was a scrambling action that was
closed by nightfall, Admiral Benbow, in the Breda, of
seventy guns, closely followed by Captain Walton in the
Ruby, of fifty guns, kept company with the enemy
through the night, and was well up with them at day-
break, but the other English ships kept aloof during the
whole day. The 21st and three following days brought
no more worthy resolution to the captains of the English
squadron. Walton of the Ady, only, and Vincent of
the “almouth, supported the admiral in his persistent
and resolute attempts to bring Du Casse to action, and
for some time these three sustained the fire of the
whole French squadron, while the other ships held
aloof. The zdy was disabled on the 23rd, and ordered
to make the best of her way to Port Royal. For five
days, against such overpowering odds, brave Benbow
maintained the desperate conflict, sustained by the
devoted loyalty and unflinching courage of his officers
and men. On the 24th the brave commander had his
right leg shattered by a chain shot. After the surgical
operation below, the lion-hearted hero had himself
carried up again to the quarter-deck to direct the con-
tinued action. Captain Kirby, of the Defence, came
on board, and urged the hopelessness of the conflict
and chase. All the other captains being summoned,
eagerly expressed their concurrence with Captain Kirby,
and reduced their finding to writing. The morally and
“HONEST BENBOW.” 357

physically depressed, shattered, and exhausted com-
mander could contend no longer or further, and was
thus compelled to return to Jamaica. A noble letter
from his late enemy, Du Casse, would have been enough
as a suggestion for inquiry into the conduct of the
captains of his squadron. It was as follows :—

“S1r,—I had little hopes on Monday last but to have
supped in your cabin; but it pleased God to order it
otherwise. I am thankful for it. As for those cowardly
captains who deserted you, hang them up, for, by ——,
they deserve it.—Yours, Du Casse.” }

At Jamaica a court-martial was assembled by order of
Admiral Benbow. Captains Kirby of the Defence, and
Wade of the Greenwich, were condemned to be shot;
and Captain Constable of the Windsor to be cashiered.
Captain Vincent of the Fa/mouth, and Captain Fogg of
the flag-ship, who had signed the protest, were sentenced
to suspension during the sovereign’s pleasure. Kirby
and Wade were shot on board the Bristo/ in Plymouth
Sound, 16th April 1703.

Benbow was careful to secure such promotion and
advantage as was in his power to the officers who had
supported him in the engagement, as well as to bring
the deserters to justice. He had a leg amputated after
the action ; fever supervened, and he died in Jamaica,

1 Campbell’s Lives of the Admirals, vol. iii. p. 524.
358 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

after about a month’s painful illness, sustained with much
fortitude, on the 4th November 1702, and was buried in
St. Andrew’s Church, Kingston. His portrait, by Sir
Godfrey Kneller, is in the Painted Hall, Greenwich.
Benbow’s bravery has not, we believe, been ques-
| tioned, but his tact and temper were not, some of his
critics have alleged, of as good quality as his courage,
and the disaffection of his subordinates in the action
with Du Casse has been attributed to defects in this
direction.


SIR CLOUDESLEY SHOVEL.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE SHOEMAKER WHO ROSE TO BE REAR-ADMIRAL
OF ENGLAND,

LOUDESLEY SHOVEL was born at or near
Cley, a small town on the north coast of Nor-
folk, about the year 1650. At that time Cley, which
is about ten miles west from Cromer, had a good
harbour, and a considerable shipping trade ; but the
harbour has been since silted up, and the rising genera-
tion of the place in this age are not brought so directly
into contact with ships and maritime affairs as young
Shovel, who was named Cloudesley in homage to a rich
relative from whom the family had great expectations,
which were not realised.
The boy was sent to learn the art and craft of shoe-
making and mending, which did not accord with his

inclination, and, from which he ran away,—and, offering
359
360 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

his services to Sir John Narborough, was accepted
by that famous seaman, and served as his cabin-boy.
Sir John had himself commenced his naval career as
cabin-boy to Sir Christopher Myngs, and probably took
kindly to the runaway youngster, from that fellow-
feeling which makes one wondrous kind. The lad
showed great affection and respect to Sir John, who had
him thoroughly instructed in navigation and other
branches of useful knowledge. He proved an apt and
diligent pupil, and became in due time an able and
thoroughly capable seaman.

Sir John Narborough was the ever-ready and generous
patron of merit, and had sufficient influence to obtain
for his apprentice a lieutenant’s commission. Shovel
served in this rank at the close of the second Dutch war.

The pirates of Algiers and Tripoli greatly harassed the
traders of our own and other countries with the Levant,
and a squadron was sent out in 1675, under the com-
mand of Sir John Narborough, to chastise their insolence,
and, if possible, put an end to their predacious practices.
Sir John found the corsairs in great force, and ready to
give him a warm reception. The Algerines and the
Tripolines combined in their defence, had their war ships
in position, protected by the guns of the fort. Sir John
had been instructed to try negotiation in preference to
force, and, in view of the strength of the confederates,
thought it might be well to at least attempt to obtain




















































































































































































































SNS

WSs



SIR CLOUDESLEY SHOVEL.

361
THE SHOEMAKER WHO ROSE TO BE REAR-ADMIRAL. 363

treaty promises of amendment by diplomacy, although
he had little hope of a satisfactory result from this
method. He despatched Lieutenant Shovel to the Dey
of Tripoli as his representative. ‘The Dey, despising the
youthful ambassador, treated his message with contempt,
which Shovel duly reported to his commander. He was
sent back with a second message, and was received with
even greater discourtesy than on the first occasion. He
bore all patiently, however ; appearing to be quite cool
and unobservant, at the same time noting the number
and disposition of the pirate ships. Returning to Sir
John, he duly reported the insolent reception he had
received, and added to the report a strong recom-
mendation that a night attack should be made upon
the enemy, with the object of burning their ships,
stating his readiness to conduct the expedition. His
recommendation was adopted, and at midnight on the
4th March, Lieutenant Shovel at the head of the boats
of the English fleet, well manned, and well supplied
with inflammable materials, put off, with muffled oars,
from their own ships, and, stealthily approaching the
pirates, boarded and set them on fire,—leaving them a
blaze to light them back to their own vessels. This
brilliant service Shovel accomplished without suffering
the loss of a single man on the English side. The cor-
sairs destroyed included the White Eagle of fifty guns,
the AZivror of thirty-six guns, the Sancta Clara of twenty-
364 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

four guns, and another ship of twenty guns, besides
smaller vessels. The Tripolines were struck with amaze-
ment by this successful action, and sued for peace. When
an attempt to treat was made, however, they refused
to accede to the proposed terms, so far as regarded
making good the losses that had been sustained by the
English. Sir John cannonaded the town, but produced
little effect. He drew off to a place about twenty leagues
distant, where he destroyed a vast magazine of timber,
stored for shipbuilding, but still failed to reduce the
pirates, and sailed to Malta, whence, after staying a
short time, he returned suddenly, and renewed his
attack with so much spirit and success that the enemy
were glad to conclude a peace on the terms that Sir John
had proposed. Shortly after this, a number of the cor-
sairs’ ships that had been at sea plying their nefarious
vocation, returned to port. They repudiated his treaty
and deposed the Dey for having made it, and continued
the perpetration of their lawless practices. Again Sir
John returned, this time with a force of eight frigates,
which arriving before Tripoli, commenced a vigorous
cannonade, and so battered the place as to make the
inhabitants eagerly sue for peace. Peace was, for the
time, concluded, and the authors of the late disturbances
were brought to punishment. Lieutenant Shovel took a
leading part in these actions.

In 1676, Shovel, whose conduct was warmly reported
THE SHOEMAKER WHO ROSE TO BE REAR-ADMIRAL. 365

upon and commended by Sir John Narborough, was
given the command of the Sapphire, and not long after
of a larger ship, the James Galley, in which he continued
till the death of Charles IT.

Captain Shovel was not a pronounced politician, but
such leaning as he had was in the opposite direction to
the Jacobite side. King James thought it to his interest,
doubtless, to conciliate and employ such an able com-
mander, and appointed him to the command of the Dozer,
which he held when the Revolution took place in 1688.
He closed heartily with the new Government, to which
he rendered active and successful service, that brought
him rapid promotion. He was in the first naval action
in this reign, the battle of Bantry Bay, in 1689, in which
he commanded the Zdgar. In this action his valour and
activity were so conspicuous as to lead the king to confer
upon him the honour of knighthood. During the winter
of 1689 he was employed in cruising on the coast of
Ireland, to prevent the enemy from landing recruits.
Here he received advice that several ships of war, French
and Irish, were in Dublin Bay, where, at low water, they
lay on the sands. Sir Cloudesley immediately stood for
the bay, in which he noticed an English ship of good
size, a French man-of-war, and several other ships filled
with soldiers. These forces were not sufficient to deter
Sir Cloudesley, who determined to destroy the ships, in
sight of King James’s capital and of a powerful garrison.


366 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

He left the flag-ship, and went on board the Monmouth
yacht. Ata little more than halfflood, with the JZon-
mouth, two hoys belonging to men-of-war, a ketch, and
the pinnaces, he -passed over the bar with dashing
bravery. The Irish fleet cut their cables, and sailed as
close in shore as the sands would permit, and fired a few
shots at the threatening force, calling also for assistance
from the Dublin garrison. Sir Cloudesley, despite the
fire of the ships, and the shower of bullets from King
James’s militia, pressed forward, and as soon as he was
near enough, signalled the fire-ship to advance. The
soldiers deserted the largest ship, and those on board
the others ran them aground. Sir Cloudesley ordered
the boarding of the largest ship, the Pelican, of twenty
guns, and directed her load to be lightened, which was
done, and the ship was towed away, to the confusion of
the witnesses ashore. The Pelican was the largest man-
’ of-war then in King James’s possession. It had been
taken by the Scots the previous year from the French,
on the occasion of their having conducted forces to the
assistance of the Highlanders, then in rebellion. In
turning out of the bay, the wind, which had veered, drove
one of the hoysaground. At the lowest ebb the hoy was
upon dry ground; thousands of people crowded the
strand, King James and his guards amongst them.
Cloudesley’s crews remained in their boats, ready for any
encounter. The Irish battalions discharged a volley or two,
THE SHOEMAKER WHO ROSE TO BE REAR-ADMIRAL. 367

which were warmly returned. As soon as the rising tide
permitted, the English left the bay with their prize, very
much to the chagrin of King James and his adherents.

In June 1690, Sir Cloudesley was appointed to convey
King William and his army to Ireland. In this service
he had command of five men-of-war, six yachts, and
a large number of transport vessels. Unfavourable
weather was encountered, but the landing of the whole
force at Carrickfergus, on the 14th June, was successfully
accomplished. ‘The king was so highly pleased with the
skill and dexterity displayed by Sir Cloudesley in this
difficult transport service, as to promote him to be rear-
admiral of the blue, and he delivered the commission
with his own hands,

On the roth July the king received information that
the enemy intended to send a fleet of frigates into St.
George’s Channel to burn the transport ships, and Shovel
was ordered to cruise off Scilly, or in such other station
as he should think best for frustrating this design, and
to send scouts east and west to gain intelligence respect-
ing the movements of the French fleet. Nothing remark-
able came of this cruise. The remainder of 1690 was
spent by Sir Cloudesley chiefly in cruising, till he was
appointed to join Sir George Rooke’s squadron, which
escorted the king to Holland in January 1691. All the
services of Sir Cloudesley were not alike brilliant, but all
were well intended, and his courage and sincerity were
368 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

never questioned. His promotion by the king, in the
spring of 1692, to be rear-admiral of the red, gave general
satisfaction. On his return from Holland in that year, Sir
Cloudesley joined Admiral Russel with the grand fleet,
and had a great share in the danger, and a deserved
share in the glory attaching to the famous naval battle
off La Hogue.

The combined fleet sailed from Spithead on the 18th
May 1692. Admiral Russel, in the red squadron, had
his flag on board the Britannia of 100 guns; his vice
and rear admirals were Sir Ralph Delaval in the Royal
Sovereign and Sir Cloudesley Shovel in the London, each
of 100 guns. The blue squadron was commanded by
Sir John Ashby in the Victory of 100 guns; his vice-
admiral was Sir George Rooke in the Windsor Castle
of go guns, and his rear-admiral, Richard Carter, in the
Albemarle of 90 guns. The English fleet comprised 63
ships carrrying 4504 guns and 27,725 men, to which was
united a Dutch fleet of 36 ships under Admiral Alle-
monde, carrying 2494 guns and 12,950 men. ‘Total, 99
ships, 6998 guns, 40,675 men. The French fleet con-
sisted of 63 ships of war, of which 55 carried from 104
to 60 guns each, and 8 from 58 to 50 guns each. In
addition the French had 7 smaller vessels, 26 ships avmée
en flute, and 14 others; in all, 110 vessels. The design of
the French was the restoration of James to the English
throne.






















































CARRICKFERGUS CASTLE,
THE SHOEMAKER WHO ROSE TO BE REAR-ADMIRAL. 371

On the 18th May the fleet sailed from Spithead, the
most powerful, probably, that had ever assembled in the
reign of the wooden walls of England. On the morning
of the r9th the French fleet was sighted to the westward.
At 8 a.m. the line of battle was formed, the Dutch in the
van, Admiral Russel in the centre, and Sir John Ashby
in the rear. At 11.30 the French flag-ship, the Soled/
Royal of 104 guns, opened fire upon the English admiral’s
flag-ship, the Britannia. The light air of wind having
died away, the rear division was prevented from closing
with the enemy ; the red division bore accordingly the
brunt of the battle. The Solei? Royal was so shattered as
to have to cease firing, and was towed out of the action.
About noon a dense fog came on, and the firing conse-
quently ceased. The fog continued till the evening, and
the weather being calm, the ships drifted with the tide,
and got considerably mixed, friends and foes, so as to
make firing dangerous as touching unintentional billets
for the bullets. The rear of the English fleet became
partially engaged from about 7 till 9.30 p.m. After the
day’s action the allied fleet stood to the north-west, and
on the following day proceeded in chase of the enemy.
The ships that escaped capture or destruction took refuge
in the harbour of La Hogue, which gave the name to
the glorious action. Sixteen French sail of the line
were captured or destroyed by the English. In the
action on the roth, and the subsequent pursuit of




372 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

the defeated enemy, Sir Cloudesley’s activity and
valour were conspicuous; his ship fought in superb
style, and he was entitled to the principal share of
such credit as attached to burning the French ships
of war.

The next notable action in which Sir Cloudesley took
part was one of the few that have detracted from
England’s glory and renown as ‘‘mistress of the seas.”
In the battle of Beachy Head the glory was appropriated
by the Dutch; if shame attached to any party in the
contest it was to the English; but for mismanagement or
failure Sir Cloudesley was inno degree responsible. He
was responsible for the handling and fighting of the
ships under his command, but had to take the orders of
his admiral for the plan of action. In June 1690 the
French fleet, under the Count de Tourville, embracing
seventy-eight men-of-war, chiefly of large size, and carry-
ing an aggregate of four thousand seven hundred guns,
with twenty-two fire-ships, sailed from Brest, with the
intention of creating a diversion in favour of King
James, and, with this view, made a descent upon the
coast of Sussex. Intelligence having reached Spithead
of the enemy’s approach, the British fleet, under the
Earl of Torrington, put to sea on the 21st June, and
soon came in sight of the French. The English were
joined by a Dutch squadron of twenty-two large ships,
under Vice-Admiral Evertsen. On the 3oth, at daylight,
THE SHOEMAKER WHO ROSE TO BE REAR-ADMIRAL. 373

Admiral Torrington signalled to bear up in line abreast ;
and the Dutch in the van bore down with their charac-
teristic bravery, and did not bring to until closely
engaged with the French van at about 9 a.m. The blue
squadron, following the example of their allies, gallantly
attacked the rear of the French; but the centre, under
the command of Lord Torrington, hung back, and did
not close with the enemy. The French, taking advan-
tage of the backwardness of the red division, kept their
wind, and, passing through the wide opening in the line,
completely cut off the Dutch squadron, that still, how-
ever, kept up the fight with dogged bravery. The fight
lasted throughout the day, and at 5 p.m. the allied fleets
anchored, but at 9 weighed anchor, and retreated east-
ward. One English ship, and three of the Dutch ships,
were destroyed or sunk. The Earl of Torrington was
tried by court-martial for his conduct of this action, and
acquitted.

In September 1694, Sir Cloudesley sailed with a
frigate squadron for an attack on Dunkirk. Commodore
Benbow was in command of -the smaller ships of the
squadron, and had with him a Mr. Meesters, and a num-
ber of infernal machines invented by him; he had also
a number of Dutch pilots. On the 12th September, the
fleet, consisting of thirteen English and Dutch men-of-
war ships, two mortar vessels, and seventeen machines,

and small craft, arrived before Dunkirk, and on the 13th
374 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

commenced the attack with the boats, and two of the
machines, which were to be directed by the engineer,
assisted by the pilots. The first machine took fire before
it had reached near enough to damage the enemy, and
the second machine was caught by piles the French had
driven to obstruct the approach. Sir Cloudesley found
Dunkirk too strong for the appliances at present at his
command. He sailed for Calais, which he shelled, and
destroyed a large number of houses. He was interrupted
in this occupation by a gale of wind, and returned with
his fleet to the Downs.

In 1703, Sir Cloudesley was sent on special service to
Vigo, to look after and bring home the spoil of the
French and Spanish fleets that fell to Sir George Rooke
in the previous year. In this action, seven French ships,
with 334 guns and 2030 men, were burnt and otherwise
destroyed, and ten ships were taken by the English and
Dutch, the total loss of the French being seventeen
ships, carrying 960 guns and 5832 men, and, in addition,
some Spanish galleys. Sir Cloudesley, left in charge
of the prizes, succeeded in rescuing a large portion of
the treasure from the sunken galleons, and recovered
the Dartmouth, a fifty-gun ship, that had been captured
in the previous war. He also took out of some of
the French ships, which were lying aground severely
damaged, fifty brass guns, and a larger number of guns
from the shore defence. Before leaving the port (Vigo),
THE SHOEMAKER WHO ROSE TO BE REAR-ADMIRAL. 375

he completed the destruction of every ship he could not
tow away.

In 1704, Sir Cloudesley served under Sir George
Rooke in the Mediterranean, and in 1705 was pro-
moted to be Rear-Admiral of England, and shortly after-
wards made Commander-in-chief of the British fleets,
In 1705 he co-operated with the Earl of Peterborough in
taking Barcelona.

Sir Cloudesley, having determined to open the passage
of the bar, where the French were strongly entrenched,
directed Sir John Ncerris, with four English and one
Dutch ship, to sail into the river. They advanced to
within musket-shot of the enemy’s works. He opened
a well-directed fire, and the cavalry, with the greater
portion of the infantry, taken by surprise, and quite
unprepared for the sudden attack, quitted the camp. Sir
Cloudesley, noticing this, ordered Sir John to land with
the sailors and marines, and attack the French in flank.
This service was effectively performed, and the French
fled in confusion from the entrenchments, clearing the
way for the Duke of Savoy, our ally, who passed up
the river without meeting with any resistance.

On the r7th July 1707 an attempt was made upon
Toulon by the combined English and Dutch forces,
assisted by the fleet under the command of Sir Cloudesley
Shovel. A hundred guns were landed from the ships
for the batteries, with seamen to serve them ; Sir Thomas
376 HALF HOURS ON THE QUARTER-DECK.

Dilkes also bombarded the town from the fleet; but
the attack did not prevail, and the attacking forces
withdrew, not without having inflicted heavy damage
and loss upon the French; eight of their largest ships
were burnt; several magazines, and more than a hundred
houses, were destroyed. Sir Cloudesley was greatly
annoyed and disappointed by the partial failure of this
expedition, and departed for England upon his last
and fatal voyage. He left a squadron to blockade
Toulon, under the command of Sir Thomas Dilkes.

The fleet had got so near home as the Scilly Isles,
when, in the night of 22nd October 1707, Sir Cloudesley’s
ship, the Assocdation, and two others, struck the rocks
known as “The Bishop and his Clerks.” Not a soul
of the eight hundred on board with Sir Cloudesley
was saved. The catastrophe was seen from on board
the St George. The Association went down in less
than five minutes after striking the- rock. Sir George
Byng, in the S¢ Ane, had a very narrow escape. With
Sir Cloudesley, on board the flag-ship, were his two
stepsons, sons of Lady Shovel and Sir John Narborough,
his brother James, Mr. Trelawney, eldest son of the
Bishop of Winchester, and other persons of distinction.
Sir Cloudesley’s body was cast ashore, and recovered
next day. His remains were deposited, with the honour-
able and solemn ceremony due to his worth, in West-
minster Abbey.

PRINTED BY MORRISON AND GIBB LIMITED, EDINBURGH
2

LIST OF WORKS

Mr. R. M. BALLANTYNE.

‘*In his tales of the sea, of the forest and the flames, and in all
that he writes, there is a fidelity to nature and a knowledge of many
paths of life which are not surpassed by any author in his special
field of literature.”—Morning Post.



With Illustrations. Hx. Crown 8vo. 5s.
THE WALRUS HUNTERS.
A Tas or Esquimaux Lanp.

‘‘Admirably diversified in incident, and full of interest in all
respects. ”—Saturday Review.

With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. each.
THE HOT SWAMP.
A RomANcE oF OLD ALBION.
‘¢ Full of action and adventure. ”—Scotsman.

THE BUFFALO RUNNERS,
A TALE oF THE RED River PLAtINs.

‘Mr. Ballantyne tells an admirable story of ‘the struggle for
life’ valiantly and victoriously fought by the early colonists of the
Red River region in North-Western America.”—Daily Telegraph,

CHARLIE TO THE RESCUE,
A TALE oF THE SEA AND THE ROCKIES.

‘In ‘Charlie to the Rescue’ Mr. Ballantyne supplies his con-
stituency—which is now a large and well-satisfied one—with a
sufficiency of battles, sieges, and escapes; the troubles of ranchmen,
whose lives are threatened both by white and black scoundrels, are
admirably reproduced. It is a capital story.” —Spectator,

BLOWN TO BITS;

Or, THE Loney Man or Raxata. A TALE OF THR
Matay ARCHIPELAGO.

“A capital story, written in the author’s old style, and full of
life and action from beginning to end.”—Standard.

BLUE LIGHTS;

Or, Hot Work in tun Soupan. A Tae or Soxprer Lire
IN SEVERAL OF ITS PHASES.

“The soldier's career is graphically depicted, and the story is in
every way a good one,”—Literary Churchman.

5s.

3s. 6d.
each.
2 List of Works by Mr. R. M. Ballantyne—continued.



3s. 6d. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. each.
oe THE FUGITIVES;
Or, Tur Tyrant QuEEN oF MapAGascaR.

“There is plenty of adventure in the shape of imprisonment and
combats with men and animals, and a negro and a sailor between
them supply a comic element of the best quality. Everything con-
sidered, this is one of the best stories even Mr. Ballantyne has
published.” —Academy.

RED ROONEY;

Or, Tue Last oF THE CREW.

THE ROVER OF THE ANDES.
A TALE oF ADVENTURE IN SouTH AMERICA.
“ An admirable boys’ story.”—Scotsman.

THE YOUNG TRAWLER.

A Story or Lirs anp DzatH AND RESCUE IN THE
Nortu SEA.

“‘Few men have laboured so steadfastly in their generation to
provide sound, wholesome fare for ‘our boys’ as Mr. Ballantyne,
and ‘The Young Trawler’ is worthy of his reputation,”—A cademy.

DUSTY DIAMONDS, CUT AND
POLISHED.

A TALE oF Crty-ARaB Lire.

THE BATTERY AND THE BOILER;

Or, Tae ELECTRICAL ADVENTURES OF A TELEGRAPH
CaABLE-LAYER.

*‘ The interest never flags.” —Academy.

THE GIANT OF THE NORTH;

Or, Poxincs RounD THE POLE.
“Of variety of perilous adventure, and peril ingeniously sur-
mounted, there is no lack.”—Daily News.
THE LONELY ISLAND;
Or, THE REFUGE of THE MUTINEERS.

‘“‘Mr, Ballantyne weaves the romantic episode of the mutiny of
the ‘Bounty’ into a most effective narrative.” —Graphic.
List of Works by Mr. R. M. Ballantyne—continucd. 3



With Ilustrations. Crown 8vo. 38s. 6d. each.
POST HASTE.

A Tate or Her Masrsty’s MaIts,

“The book should find a place in every boy’s library; it is full
of interest.” —Leeds Mercury.

IN THE TRACK OF THE TROOPS.
A Tate or Moprrn Wark.

“Mr, Ballantyne has blended with the incidents of war on the
Danube a story of personal adventure spiritedly told,”—Daily News.

THE SETTLER AND THE SAVAGE.
A Tae or Peace AND WAR IN Sourn AFRICA.

‘A capital story of South African life. Mr. Ballantyne, through
the medium of a thoroughly manly and healthy tale of sport and
war, frolic and danger, full of stirring yet not exaggerated scenes,
presents a sketch of a very important period of the early history of
our colony at the Cape of Good Hope.”—Tmes.

UNDER THE WAVES;
Or, Divine In DrEP WATERS.

“ Mr. Ballantyne enlarges the already gigantic debt due to him
by the young by his ‘ Under the Waves,’ a story meant to illustrate
the practice and peril of diving in deep water, which it does in not
only an interesting, but often in an amusing manner.” —Zimes.

RIVERS OF ICE,

A Tate ILLUSTRATIVE OF ALPINE ADVENTURE AND GLACIER
ACTION.

«A tale brimful of interest and stirring adventure.”—Glasgow

Herald.
THE PIRATE CITY.
An ALGERINE TALE.
“The story is told with Mr. Ballantyne’s usual felicity, and, as

it is plentifully sprinkled with horrors, no doubt it will be greatly
enjoyed by some boys.” —Athenewm.

BLACK IVORY.
A Tate or ADVENTURE AMONG THE SLAVERS OF East AFRIca.

“A captivating story. We heartily recommend it.”— Record.
‘Boys will find the book about as delightful a story of adventure
as any of them could possibly desire.” —Scotsman.

8s. 6d.
each.


8s. 6d.
each.

4 List of Works by Mr. R. M. Ballantyne—continued.





With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. each.
THE NORSEMEN IN THE WEST;

Or, AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS.

“This thoroughly delightful book is an adaptation of the Saga of
Iceland, and also of Mr. Laing’s ‘Heimskingla; or, Chronicles of
the Kings of Norway,’ supplemented by Mr. Ballantyne’s own
experience and adventures in the wilderness of America, These
ingredients are put together with the skill and spirit of an accom-
plished story-teller; and the result is a book that cannot possibly
be laid down till the very last word of the last line has been read.”
—Athencewm.

THE IRON HORSE;.
Or, Lirz on tur Linz. A Rattway Taz.
‘*A captivating book for boys.”—Guardian.

ERLING THE BOLD.
A Taz or Norse Sra-Kives.
A capital tale of the Norse Sea-Kings.”— Times.

FIGHTING THE FLAMES.
A TALE OF THE FIRE-BRIGADE.

‘Many a schoolboy will find keen enjoyment in the perusal of
‘Fighting the Flames,’ and assure his little sisters with suitable
emphasis that Mr. Ballantyne is ‘a stunning good story-teller.’”—

Atheneum.
DEEP DOWN.
A Tae or THE Cornisu MINEs,

‘By reading Mr. Ballantyne’s admirable story a very large
amount of knowledge concerning Cornish mines may be acquired;
whilst, from the fact of the information being given in the‘form of a
connected narrative, it is not likely very soon to be forgotten. . .
A book well worthy of being extensively read.”—Mining Journal.

THE FLOATING LIGHT “OF THE
GOODWIN SANDS.

‘“‘The tale will be especially interesting to adventure-loving
boys.”—Record.

SHIFTING WINDS.

A ToveH YARN.

‘*A hearty, vigorous, bracing story, fresh with the pure breezes
and sparkling with the bright waters of the everlasting seas.”—
Atheneum.
List of Works by Mr. R. M. Ballantyne—continued. 5



With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. each. 3s. at
each.
THE LIGHTHOUSE,
Or, Tue Srory or a Great FicHT BETWEEN MAN AND THE SEA.

“Thoroughly at home in subjects of adventure, the author has
made this, like all his stories for boys, smart in style, thrilling in
interest, and abounding in incidents of every kind.”—Quiver.

THE LIFEBOAT.

A TALE oF oUR Coast HEROES.

THE GOLDEN DREAM.

A TALE OF THE DIGGINGS.

THE RED ERIC;

Or, THE WHALER’s Last CRUISE.

GASCOYNE, THE SANDALWOOD
TRADER.

A TALE OF THE PACIFIC.

“Full of cleverly and impressively drawn pictures of life and
character in the Pacific.” Caledonian Mercury.

FREAKS ON THE FELLS,

AND

WHY | DID NOT BECOME A SAILOR.
THE WILD MAN OF THE WEST.
THE IBIG-O7- CER.

A Tate or THE Great Nor’-WEST.

With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 2s. 28.

Pee KE PeN PVE Gi EMSs;

Or, Great Barrnes AND GRAND VICTORIES.

‘We have copied the title-page of this amusing and instructive
quarto for little folks. Nothing further is necessary. Mr. Ballan-
tyne stands at the head of all our children’s story-tellers facile
princeps.”— Churchman.

With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. 2s. 6d.
BATTLES WITH THE SEA;

Or, Herors or THE Lirepoat AND THE ROCKET.
6 = List of Works by Mr. R. M. Ballantyne—continued.



28. a With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. each.
oor HUNTED AND HARRIED.
A TALE oF THE ScoTTIsH CoVENANTERS.
A COXSWAIN'S BRIDE;
Or; Tur Ristne Trpe: And other Tales.

THE GARRET AND THE GARDEN;
Or, Low Lirs Hicu UP:
aa JEFF BENSON ; or, THe Youne CoaSTGUARDSMAN.

THE CREW OF THE WATER WAGTAIL.

A Story oF NEWFOUNDLAND.
THE MIDDY AND THE MOORS.
An ALGERINE TALE.
THE PRAIRIE CHIEF.

LIFE IN THE RED BRIGADE.

A Frery Tats. AND FORT DESOLATION ; or, SoLrrupE In
THE WILDERNESS.

THE ISLAND QUEEN;
Or, DeTHRONED BY Finn AND WaTER. A TALE OF THE
SouTHERN HEMISPHERE.

TWICE BOUGHT.

A TALE oF THE OREGON GOLD FIELDS.
THE MADMAN AND THE PIRATE.
PHILOSOPHER JACK.
A TALE oF THE SOUTHERN SEAS.
THE RED MAN’S REVENGE.
MY DOGGIE AND I.
SIX MONTHS AT THE CAPE.

LETTers To PERIWINKLE FROM SoutH Arrica. A RECORD oF
PERSONAL EXPERIENCE AND ADVENTURE.

3s. 6d. Crown 8vo. Price 3s. 6d. each.
each: TALES OF ADVENTURE BY FLOOD,
FIELD, AND MOUNTAIN.
TALES OF ADVENTURE;
Or, Witp Work IN STRANGE PLACEs.

TALES OF ADVENTURE ON THE, COAST.
MR. R. M. BALLANTYNE’S

MISCELLANY OF ENTERTAINING
AND INSTRUCTIVE TALES.



With Illustrations. 1s. each.
Also in a Handsome Cloth Case, Price 20s.



The Atheneum says:—‘‘There is no more practical way of
communicating elementary information than that which has been
adopted in this series. When we see contained in 124 small
pages (as in Fast in the Ice) such information as a man of fair
education should possess about icebergs, northern lights, Esquimaux,
musk-oxen, bears, walruses, etc., together with all the ordinary
incidents of an Arctic voyage, woven into a clear, connected narra-
tive, we must admit that a good work has been done, and that the
author deserves the gratitude of those for whom the books are
especially designed, and also of young people of all classes.”

: I.
Fighting the Whales; or, Doings and Dangers on a Fishing Cruise.

II.
Away in the Wilderness; or, Life among the Red Indians and
Fur Traders of North America.
III.
Fast in the Ice; or, Adventures in the Polar Regions.

IV.
Chasing the Sun; or, Rambles in Norway.

Vv.

Sunk at Sea; or, The Adventures of Wandering Will in the
Pacific.

VI.

Lost in the Forest; or, Wandering Will’s Adventures in South
America.

4s.
each.
4s.
each.

8 Mr. f. M. Ballantyne’s Miscellany—continued.



VII.

Over the Rocky Mountains; or, Wandering Will in the Land
of the Red Skins.

VIII.

oad by the Lifeboat; or, A Tale of Wreck and Rescue on the
oast,

IX.

The Cannibal Islands; or, Captain Cook’s Adventures in the
South Seas,

X.
Hunting the Lions; or, The Land of the Negro,

XI.
Digging for Gold; or, Adventures in California.

XII.
Up in the Clouds; or, Balloon Voyages.

XII.

The Battle and the Breeze; or, The Fights and Fancies of a
British Tar.

XIV.
The Pioneers: A Tale of the Western Wilderness,
XV.
The Story of the Rock.
XVI.
Wrecked but not Ruined,
XVII,
The Thorogood Family.
XVIII.

The Lively Poll; A Tale of the North Sea.

Lonpon: JAMES NISBET & CO., 21 Berners Street, W.


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