Front Cover
 Biographical sketches
 Biographical sketches

Title: Women's non-familial roles and population policy
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00085453/00002
 Material Information
Title: Women's non-familial roles and population policy
Physical Description: Archival
Language: English
Creator: Chaney, Elsa
B., Ximena Bunster
Chaney, Elsa M.
Publisher: Elsa Chaney
Place of Publication: Bronx, New York
Publication Date: 1974-1975
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Bibliographic ID: UF00085453
Volume ID: VID00002
Source Institution: University of Florida
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Table of Contents
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    Biographical sketches
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    Biographical sketches
        Page B-1
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Full Text




Ximena Bunster B., Ph.D.
Catedratica (full professor)
University of Chile
Santiago, Chile, S.A.

Elsa M. Chaney, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor
Department of Political Science
Fordham University
Bronx, New York 10458

Duration: September 1, 1974 -
August 31, 1975

Total Amount: $39,857.00



Ximena Bunster B., Ph.D.
Catedratica (full professor)
University of Chile 1
Santiago, Chile, S.A.

Elsa M. Chaney, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor
Department of Political Science
Fordham University
Bronx, New York 10458

Duration: September 1, 1974 August 31, 1975

Abstract: We propose to study in four communities
in Peru the factors affecting lower fertility in women, parti-
cularly women's roles outside the family. We believe that
knowledge about what makes smaller families salient to women
has important implications for policy -- if we are ever to go
"beyond family planning" in population programs.
Across cultures, evidence strongly suggests that
lower fertility is correlated with higher rates of female par-
ticipation in education and the workforce. But we know little
of what lies behind the aggregate data, and especially if it
is the nature of the work and the degree of role conflict which
are decisive in influencing women to want smaller families.
Small, pointed studies concentrated at the individual level may
reveal more exactly the conditions which motivate women to have
smaller families. Such information would be valuable to policy-
makers in deciding where to concentrate efforts and funding in
population programs.
The study also will attempt to pioneer new methods
for interviewing Indian, peasant and lower-class women, combining
techniques of survey research with projective and photographic
methods used by anthropologists.

Total Direct Cost: $39,857

Kindly do not communicate directly with Bunster because of
the current political situation in Chile. She is in regular
touch with Chaney and is able to leave Chile.




1. Objective: What factors--or combination of factors--
induce women to lower their fertility? This question is a
crucial one for policy planners, particularly in the Third
World where rapid population increase often "cancels out" the
most impressive rates of economic growth, and high dependency
ratios put a terrible strain on governments striving to pro-
vide housing, health care, education and municipal services.
While the influence of population growth on economic develop-
ment (and vice versa) is not entirely clear, many analysts
believe that even if developing nations strive as hard as
they can to develop economically, they may (unlike Alice)
not succeed even in remaining in the same place because of
continued high fertility.

Analyses of aggregate data now have established a
definite negative relationship between female employment and
fertility in industrialized countries. Evidence of a similar
relationship in the developing areas is less clear (see the
next section for documentation on this and other relation-
ships mentioned in this introduction). Stycos and Weller
(1967) were among the first to formulate the hypothesis of
"role incompatibility" as a key factor in inducing women of
the Third World to lower their fertility; Hass (1972) and
Goldstein (1972), among others, have recently elaborated on
their work. The theory of "role incompatibility" suggests
that only when women experience conflict in fulfilling their
work and motherhood roles will they make adjustments downward
in family size; as long as they can combine the two roles
with a minimum of strain, they probably will not attempt to
control their fertility. For example, agriculture or market
trading both permit women to oversee the care of children,
but work in a factory or as a domestic servant may be less
compatible with tending the needs of a large family. More-
over, the presence of kin in the rural setting may sometimes
reduce the strain in combining roles.

Other variables may intervene, clouding any direct
relationship. In situations of decreasing fertility, more
education or later marriage rather than work involvement may
be the decisive factor, or the taking on of new values asso-
ciated with urban residence. One way to control for these
intervening variables would be to examine women who do
similar types of work in rural and urban places, controlling
for educational level and length of time in stable unions.
Goldstein (1972: 420) agrees with Gendell, et al. (1970) that
even though the relationship between lower fertility and
labor force participation in large urban places appears to
be universal, "the exact nature of the relationship in the



more traditional sectors, the smaller urban and rural areas
remains to be determined."

The purpose of our study is to acquire more exact
knowledge of the variables which are most influential for
women in reducing their family size. We want to concentrate
particularly on women's non-familial activity, not depending
upon gross correlations between, for example, overall labor
force participation of women and the general fertility rate,
but getting at what kinds of work and professional incentives
and community activities make smaller families salient.

To carry out our investigation we want to study four
groups of Peruvian women who are at different stages of
integration into the modern sector: women in a remote sierra
village, market women of the central sierra; recent migrants
to Lima in one of the "pueblos jovenes" (barriadas), and
women in a lower-class district in Lima who were born in the
city (see Section C for more details on the interview groups).
At the same time, since we believe that the questionnaire
survey is ill-adapted to eliciting accurate information from
Indian, peasant and lower-class women, we wish to attempt to
develop a methodology in which survey sampling techniques
will be combined with interviewing by trained women closely
related culturally to the subjects (probably primary or
secondary schoolteachers). The interviewers will work with
us also on developing new projective and photographic inter-
viewing devices (see Section C).

We believe that Bunster's ten years' work among the
Mapuche (Araucanian) Indians of Chile and her familiarity
with peasant cultures, combined with Chaney's extensive work
in Peru and Chile on women's professional, work and politi-
cal activities, together with her background in demography,
offer the basis for a fruitful and felicitous collaboration.
The principal investigators intend to devote full time to
the project: Bunster for twelve months and Chaney for eight
(with extensive collaboration during the writing phase, the
last four months in New York). Discussions and correspon-
dence on the project over the past six months both in Santi-
ago and New York have convinced them that they can work
together not only in uncovering needed information on women's
motivations in relation to fertility, but also in developing
new interviewing methods which later can be adapted for use
in other Latin American countries, and perhaps in other
regions as well. The principals themselves have in mind a
Chilean replication of the project at a later date.



2. Background on Previous Research and on the Co-Inves-
tigators: In a longer article, Chaney (1973) has explored
the literature on the relation of women's fertility to their
aspirations for and/or engagement in roles outside the home.
To sum up our current knowledge, there is impressive evi-
dence across cultures of a negative association between
women's non-familial activity and their fertility, especially
in industrialized countries The association between women's
educational level and family size appears to be the most
firmly established.2 We also know that in most countries
studied, women who work not only have fewer children than
those who stay at home, but that the longer the duration of
her working life in relation to her married years, the more
likely a woman is to have a smaller completed family.3 None
of the results has been conclusive, partly because much of
the analysis (outside the now increasingly questioned KAP
studies) has been based upon aggregate data and thus cannot

Data for the 1930's and 1940's on negative associ-
ation between workforce participation by married women and
their fertility is reported in United Nations, Department of
Social Affairs, Population Division (1953). Collver and
Langlois (1962) report on 20 countries circa 1950, and most
recently, Keele (1970), using data available for the years
closest to 1965, has shown the same trends for 32 countries.
Other studies and discussions showing a negative relationship
between education and/or workforce participation of married
women and natality include Berent (1970), Blake (1965 and
1969), Caldwell (1968), Chen (1973), Collver (1968), Davis
(1967), Day and Day (1969), Farley (1970), Federici (1968),
Freedman (1961-62: 59-61, and 1962), Gendell (1967), Gen-
dell, et al. (1970), Jaffe (1959), Jaffe and Azumi (19601,
Kupinsky (1971), Mazur (1968), Namboodiri (1964), Pratt and
Whelpton (1958), Ridley (1959), Safilios-Rothschild (1970),
Tabah and Samuel (1962), Tien (1967), United Nations (1953:
79-80 and 88), and Weller (1968a and 1968b). For some dis-
agreement on the meaning of the relationship between wives'
employment and lowered fertility, see Westoff, et al. (1961:
301-4), Westoff, et al. (1963: 187-90), Stycos (1965), and
Stycos and Weller (1968b: 518-20); Chaplin (1971: 225-28).

See United Nations (1953: 89, and 1971: 57) for
some references; also Freedman (1961-62: 96-100); Ridley
(1968: 16), and Weller (1968b: 597-08).

3See Blake (1965: 1196-97), Freedman (1962: 223),
Freedman, et al. (1963a: 376-77), Kupinsky (1971: 358),
Pratt and Whelpton (1958: 1254), and Ridley (1959: 277).



discriminate which factors--and in what degree--play the
greatest role in influencing women to desire and achieve
smaller families.4

For ten years, Ximena Bunster has worked among the
Mapuche Indians of Southern Chile. During this time, she
has had a particular interest in women, and has just com-
pleted (in collaboration with one of the three identifiable
women leaders the Mapuche has produced) the "autobiography"
of a Mapuche woman who became a "spontaneous leader" of her
people. Now at a period in her professional career when she
feels the need to widen her research interests to other
indigenous groups in Latin America, Bunster brings to the
project her long experience among peasant peoples combined
with a knowledge of the kinds of approaches and techniques
(she already has experimented with some of them) that need
to be developed to reach them. At Oxford University where
she was invited to lecture during January-June, 1973, she
has familiarized herself with the literature and approaches
to the new field of political anthropology, as well as
acquainting herself with the perspectives of political sci-
ence and the relevant population literature.

Elsa Chaney became interested in the population ques-
tion during fourteen months' field research in Peru and
Chile in 1966-67 (see Chaney, 1971). She interviewed 167
women of all social classes active in politics at the local
and national level and discovered that only three were con-
cerned about population growth. She spent the summer of 1971
taking part in the Summer Institute of Demography sponsored
by Cornell University's International Population Program;
she also took part in May, 1972, in a workshop on population
policy at the Carolina Population Center, University of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill (see Chaney, 1973). Chaney plans to
spend time during the coming year reading in anthropology
under Ximena Bunster's direction and also in a fall, 1973
course taught at the City College, CUNY, by June C. Nash.
Conrad M. Arensberg and Margaret Mead have promised their
counsel and assistance for the project; additions and modi-
fications of our original ideas also have grown out of con-
versations with David Chaplin, Western Michigan University;
Anthony Leeds, St. Antony's College, Oxford; John Macisco of
Fordham University; June C. Nash, the City College, CUNY, and
J. Mayone Stycos of Cornell University. We also plan to seek
the help of others who know the situation in Peru at first-
hand, as indicated in Footnote 7, page 7.

For recent discussions on the limitations of the so-
called Knowledge, Attitude, Practice studies, see Sills,
1964; Hauser, 1967; Marino, 1971 and Godwin, 1973.



3. Rationale: If we are interested in expanding popu-
lation policy "beyond family planning,"5 small, pointed
studies concentrating on the individual rather than the ag-
gregate data level would appear to be appropriate and timely.
Gross correlations between education and/or labor force
statistics and national fertility rates do not tell us, for
example, whether opportunity to work actually influences
women to have fewer children, or whether women who have
fewer children from other complex motives take outside
employment because they are freer to do so. Nor do gross
correlations and statistics reveal whether most women who
work at low level, repetitive jobs and in discontinuous fash-
ion have higher fertility than those whom Tien (1967: 226-
27) has characterized as "working wives."

If women's non-familial role alternatives are unat-
tractive, will women continue to "validate" themselves by
producing large families? Do women who are committed to
responsible jobs and professions and who take time off to
bear children have fewer children than "working mothers" who
take time off from raising their children to work--often
because of dire economic need?6 As Hass (1972: 118) has
pointed out, we cannot learn for certain which way the in-
fluence runs without comparing individual work histories to
childbearing histories; thus community level studies are
crucial for confirming or disproving what aggregate data
can only suggest.

The value to policymakers of increasing knowledge
of women's motivations in having children is obvious. In
many world areas increasing availability of birth control
technology does not automatically reduce population growth
rates to more manageable levels. From what we know of the
apparently limited results of.government programs (particu-
larly of legal measures such as raising the age of marriage
in India [United Nations, 1972: 49-50] or unveiling women
and sending them out to work, the device used by the Com-
munist Party in its attempt to break up the traditional Mus-
lim societies in Soviet Central Asia [Massell, 1968]), it
would seem unlikely that in either the developed or develop-
ing world will women increase or reduce their fertility on

Berelson (1969) deals with the need for cross-
disciplinary discourse and research on other means of limit-
ing family size that go beyond the current, almost exclusive
concern with family planning.
6Motives of women for taking jobs and the discontinu-
ous nature of their work and career patterns are discussed
in Baker (1964: Ch. 22), Ginzberg (1966: 5-14), Myrdal and
Klein (1956), and Rostow (1964: 211-35).



demand in response to overall government plans for socio-
economic development. It would seem that the polity must
somehow translate its general economic and social programs
into terms of the family's, and particularly the woman's,
personal aspirations and goals. To do so, policy planners
need to know much more exactly what women's aspirations are,
especially in relation to activity outside the family.
(We do not deal here with the fact that many developing
economies are unable to offer educational opportunities or
provide steady employment even to one breadwinner per family
unit. Still, we may at least be clearer on the nature of the
tasks before us if we can discover what does motivate women
to want smaller families, rather than to imagine--as is the
tendency now--that the problem will be solved once we dis-
cover the "perfect contraceptive.")

Nor can we disregard the role of the male partner in
this question of relating aspirations to family size. Kubat
and Bosco (1969) have shown that men have definite ideas on
the subject, and Zarate and Martinez (1967) also have done
work on male decision-making in this area. Our research
design includes, in its last phase, intensive interviewing
of both partners to discover and compare male and female

Let us say a little more about our decision to study
four groups of women in Peru, rather than women in four dif-
ferent countries with widely different national fertility
levels. We took our cues from Chaplin (1971: Ch. 11) and
from Keele (1970: 12) who suggest that cross-national com-
parisons of fertility/female incorporation into the work-
force are difficult to interpret because so many other fac-
tors outside employment may affect fertility. Keele thinks
that Federici (1968) in Italy, Mazur (1968) in urban areas
of the Soviet Union and Collver (1968) in the United States
have avoided this problem to some degree by comparing dif-
ferent regions within a single country; thus, in a rough
way at least, they control for socio-cultural factors and
(again, in very rough fashion) for an important element
which might be called the "climate of public opinion,"
i.e., national norms, if such exist, on family size as re-
flected in women's own perceptions of what is good and proper
in relation to the number of children they ought to procre-
ate. Are there generalized attitudes on family size in the
society? If so, who generates these attitudes? What are
the role models for women in relation to family size, and
how are these norms diffused (the telenovela, the fotonovela,
speeches of the President's wife, mother-of-the-year observ-
ances, national heroines, sermons from the pulpit, and the
like)? What part do the males play in the decision? We
believe it is extremely important to make refined studies of


small units located in the same country or even in the same
city, since great differences in fertility may simply be
blurred out in aggregate data at the national level.

In addition, we intend to further refine our control
of social and cultural variables by studying differences in
fertility as well as the motivations of working and non-
working married women in each of the four groups we select.


The study proposes to measure the impact of women's
non-familial roles on their fertility. More specifically,
exactly how does the degree of integration into the modern
sector and the kind of work the women do affect family size?
An attempt to answer this question will be made in the fol-
lowing manner:

1. Continued updating of the literature review and
familiarization of the two investigators with each
others' disciplines;

2. Fieldwork generating data on working and non-working
married women in each of the four groups we select;

3. Developing of new interviewing techniques and

4. Analysis of data and suggestions for the replication
of the study in other countries.


The investigators plan to divide their year roughly
as follows:
September-November General familiarization with the
situation and selection of pro-
ject sites;7 protesting of re-
search instruments.

Sites-will be chosen in consultation with members
of the Cornell-Peru: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos "Proy-
ecto de Estudio de Cambios en Pueblos Peruanos" (directed
by Jose Matos Mar and William F. Whyte); with members of
the social science faculty at the Universidad Catolica,
Fundo Pando campus; the equipo at the Servicio de Empleo y
Recursos Humanos, Ministerio del Trabajo y Asuntos Indige-
nos, Lima, and the staff of the Centro de Estudios de
Poblacion y Desarrollo, Lima. An affiliation is being
sought with one of these institutions.



December-February Research in sierra; interviewing

March-April Research in Lima; interviewing

May-August Coding of data; writing up of
project report and book in New

As we see the project now, our four groups of inter-
viewees will probably be chosen as follows: A) Women of a
remote sierra pueblo (where there is, however, steady migra-
tion to Lima); B) Huancayo: the market women as an example
of an intermediate group whose work role may not involve
conflict; C) women in Lima, recent migrants from the same
general area as Group A, and D) women from a lower-class
district in Lima.8 It appears now that we will carry out
our study in three stages:

A) A preliminary anthropological investigation which
will consist in description of community and social proces-
ses related to the family and to the structure of work op-
portunities; and explication of the demographic findings,
especially those linked to intercourse variables. For ex-
ample, what are the sources of information in the community
on contraceptives, and are any available? Are there any
persons in the community who perform abortions, and what is
the estimated incidence (to be determined through checking
with local medical posts and any surveys which may exist).

B) An "extensive" or social systems level study which
will uncover, through a small purposive sample (probably
fifty interviewees in each group), information on such spe-
cifics as age at marriage, marriage patterns, work histor-
ies and type of work performed, contraception and abortion
histories; "ideal family size" versus number of living
children, child-care provisions of those who work, and re-
lated questions.

C) Finally, an "intensive" or psychological level ap-
proach through which (using the techniques of depth inter-
viewing) we will attempt to uncover motivations not only of
the women but of the family towards smaller or larger fami-
lies. In these cases, the fathers also will be interviewed.
The anthropological phase, together with the general liter-
ature review, will give us general cues on how to structure

8We do not intend to include domesticas in the pres-
ent study since a major investigation of this group has
just been completed. See Smith, 1972.



the survey; the survey will give us broad coverage of the
four groups; the in-depth interviewing confined to 24 fami-
lies chosen from the survey groups (12 rural, 12 urban)
will get at attitudes and further refine the survey infor-
mation. The respondents will be chosen in such a way that
certain variables will be held constant:

High Fertility Families Low Fertility Families

Urban working mothers 3 working mothers
3 non-working mothers 3 non-working mothers

l 3 working mothers 3 working mothers
3 non-working mothers 3 non-working mothers

Note: This breakdown suggested by a similar
technique employed in J. Mayone Stycos
and Robert H. Weller, "Female Working
Roles and Fertility," Demography 4, No.
1 (1967), p. 216.

To elaborate a little more on the methodology of
the proposed study, since we intend to experiment with some
new approaches, we suggest the following methodological

1. Examination of the organization of domestic groups
among the women chosen for the study; participant
observation and interviewing techniques will focus
on the role of women with the family network of
relationships and outside it. This method has a
two-fold aim:

A) Isolation of culture patterns and traits
conducive to the formation of attitudes
affecting fertility, and

B) Isolation of the elements and components
of the specific social systems (communi-
ties) to which the women of the study be-
long and which are responsible for the
extension and transmission of highly-
patterned styles of social learning which
impinge on the decision related to the
determination of family size.



2. Event analysis: major political and economic issues
impinging upon women's individual lives according to
the generation to which they belong. Macrocosmic
and interrelated microcosmic analysis.

3. Detection of standard expected life-crises and cul-
turally-patterned solutions. Utilization of the life
history on a highly selected sample of women cross-
generationally and "cross-regionally" compared, with
a strong emphasis on open-ended interviewing and the
use of projective photographic material.

4. Construction of highly reliable open-ended interview
sets which can be used transculturally:

A) These will be built on preliminary socio-
cultural information obtained from group
discussion of the women involved in the

B) In this way, we intend them to really par-
ticipate in the first stages of research in
the sense that their reactions will guide
the researchers into the problem areas or
conflict situations stemming from their
lack of participation in the determination
of their "style of life-cycle."

5. Construction of sets of photographic sequences which
will serve the purpose of pinpointing sensitive
areas in the life-cycle of those women selected as
informants, with a strong emphasis on values attached
to fertility, sexual intercourse, childbearing, etc.
These sets of photographs could easily be adapted or
standardized to fit the needs of other Indian and
lower-class groups.

What we will be attempting to determine at all these
levels will be whether or not there is a definite point at
which smaller families become salient to women, i.e., the
point where non-familial roles pose a role conflict in such
a way that the woman (and/or the family) must make a conscious
choice to limit the number of children in order to continue
her activities outside the home. The conflict may be deter-
mined by the nature of the work itself and its incompatibil-
ity with a large family (our investigation will include ob-
servation of the "culture of the job," especially its relation
to exposure variables, i.e., we will observe women who work
in agriculture, the market, the factory, both on and off the


The conflict also may be related to familial pressures
such as the non-availability of mother surrogates to care for
the children, and may even be linked to such factors as the
expectations of the extended family, particularly the woman's
mother and mother-in-law, on the number of children appropri-
ate for the daughter and daughter-in-law. Or, at a higher
level of analysis, we may find the influence of events at
the community level or the national level affect the domestic
scene. For example, did the earthquakes threaten the sense
of life and continuity sufficiently to encourage births?


Across cultures, evidence strongly suggests that
lower fertility is correlated with higher rates of female
participation in education and the workforce. But we know
little of what lies behind the aggregate data. Small,
pointed studies concentrated at the individual level may re-
veal more exactly the conditions which motivate women to
have smaller families. Such information would be valuable
to policymakers and planners in deciding where to concen-
trate efforts and funding in population programs.

The study will also attempt to pioneer new methods
for interviewing Indian, peasant and lower-class women, com-
bining techniques of survey research with projective and pho-
tographic methods used by anthropologists.


We are in process of negotiating arrangements with
the entities designated in Footnote 7. Chaney has had per-
sonal relationships with two of the organizations cited,
and Bunster with one.


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Berelson, Bernard
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Berent, Jerzy
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Blake, Judith
1965 "Demographic science and the redirection of
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Chaney, Elsa M.
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Chen, Pi-chao (Peter)
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Farley, Jennie
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Federici, Nora
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Dr. Conrad M. Arensberg
445 Riverside Drive
New York, New York 10027

Dr. Anthony Leeds
Dept. of Anthropology
Boston University
232 Bay State Road
Boston, Massachusetts 02215

Dr. Margaret Mead
211 Central Park West
New York, New York 10024

Bunster's professor; has re-
mained in touch with her and
knows of her work in Chile

Worked with Bunster during
her semester as visiting lec-
turer, St. Antony's College,
Oxford, and has discussed
project with her in detail.

Ximena Bunster's mentor for
Ph.D. work at Columbia. Has
remained in touch with her
and knows of her current work
and research interests.


Dr. Charles W. Anderson
Dept. of Political Science
University of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisconsin 53705

Dr. David Chaplin, Chairman
Dept. of Sociology
Western Michigan University
Kalamazoo, Michigan 49001

Chaney's mentor at Wisconsin;
has remained in touch with her
and knows of her current work
and research interests.

Also a thesis mentor for Chaney
while he still was at Wisconsin;
Peru expert; knows of Chaney's
work in population.

Dr. J. Mayone Stycos, Director Chaney participated in his
International Population two-week seminar on Latin
Program America during Summer Insti-
Cornell University tute in Demography, 1971;
Ithaca, New York 14850 definition of project owes much
to Stycos' own work in this
area of investigation.


Bunster B., Ximena

Catedratica (full professor)
of sociology of education and
professor of anthropology,
department of anthropology and
archeology, University of
Chile, Santiago.

Place of birth Nationality
Santiago de Chile Chilean

University of Chile, Santiago

University of Chile, Santiago

Columbia University, New York City

Columbia University, New York City



de Estado


1949 Philos-
ophy &

1957 Anthro-

Fulbright award, Columbia University, 1956-57 (for completion
of M.A.)
Foreign Scholar grant, Columbia University, 1958-59 (for be-
ginning Ph.D.)
UNESCO grant, Columbia University, 1958-59
Alumni Fellow grant, Columbia University, 1959-60
Rockefeller Foundation grant, 1965-67 (for elaboration of
field data and completion of Ph.D. at Columbia University)

Major Research Interest
Indigenous and peasant peoples
(applied cultural anthropology);
role of peasant and Indian women

Research Support
University of Chile, field research 1961-63 in reduccion-
community of Plom Maquehue, Chile (amount N/A)
National Health Service and Office of Indian Affairs, Con-
sultant (1961-63) (amount N/A)

Research and Professional Experience
Catedratica (full professor) of sociology of education,
University of Chile, Santiago, 1963-present
Professor of anthropology, department of anthropology and
archeology, University of Chile, Santiago, 1972-present
Visiting lecturer, anthropology, St. Antony's College, Ox-
ford, England, January-June 1973


Research and Professional Experience (continued)
Professor of anthropology and education, department of edu-
cation, University of Chile, Santiago, 1971
Professor of social anthropology, Catholic University of
Chile, Santiago, 1968-70
Lecturer, Peace Corps Training Program for Peru and Chile,
Columbia University Teachers College, 1966
Lecturer in cultural anthropology, seminar on continuing
education for UNICEF, OMS and Chilean government, Santi-
ago, 1964
Lecturer, intensive course in applied anthropology for head
nurses from all over Chile, Santiago, 1964
Professor of cultural anthropology, school of psychology,
University of Chile, Santiago, 1961-65
Head, center for anthropological studies, department of
social sciences, University of Chile, Santiago, 1961-62
Lecturer in cultural anthropology, inservice postgraduate
seminar for social workers, National Health Service, 1960-
61. Introduced teaching of anthropology in curriculum of
Schools of Social Work.
Lecturer, anthropology, University of Chile, Arica, 1960
Assistant, department of philosophy and the social sciences,
Teachers' College, Columbia University, New York City,
Major assistant to the Catedra of sociology of education,
University of Chile, Santiago, 1954-56

Research professor, University of Chile and Catholic Univer-
sity of Chile, Santiago, in connection with the Mapuche
Indian problem. Travels currently twice a month to pro-
vince of Cautin where research in social anthropology is
being done.
Consultant in anthropology, mental health service, research
unit, Albert Einstein College of Medicine, Lincoln Hos-
pital, New York City, 1968
Research assistant in urban anthropology, research institute
for the study of man, New York (worked with Oscar Lewis),
Director, research team of secondary school teachers and
graduate students of psychology in an anthropological
study of a segment of the urban poor of Santiago, Chile,
"Life in the City of the Dead" (deals with semiskilled
workers in cemetery in Santiago).
Field work in province of Cautin, 1961-63:
-set up living quarters at Plom Maquehue; field research
sponsored by University of Chile yielded data for doctoral
dissertation, "Adaptation in Mapuche Life: Natural and


Research (Continued)

-Initiated pioneer work in applied cultural anthropology
in an effort to demonstrate to Chilean professionals
dealing with the Mapuche how social science knowledge is
a necessity for the solution of vital human problems.
-Consultant for National Health Service, Temuco, Chile,
and Office of Indian Affairs in bringing about a sequence
of planned changes among the Mapuche.

Death in the Street: An Anthropological Interpretation of
the Animitas in Chile, in collaboration with Jane Meleney.
To be published in 1973.
Autobiography of a Mapuche Woman, The Life-Cycle of a
Mapuche Woman Guerrilla Leader. Santiago de Chile: Edi-
torial Universitaria, forthcoming.
"Adding to the Traditional Female Role: The Case of the
Chilean Professional Woman," in an anthology edited by
women anthropologists of the Museum of Natural History of
New York, 1972.
"Algunas consideraciones en torno a la dependencia cultural
y al cambio entire los mapuches," in Segunda Semana Indi-
genista. Temuco: Ediciones Universitarias de la Frontera,
Adaptation in Mapuche Life: Natural and Directed. Ph.D.
thesis, Columbia University, New York City, 1968.
"La vivienda araucana de hoy," paper delivered at the Socie-
dad Chilena de Antropologia, Santiago de Chile, 1965.
"Una experiencia de antropologia aplicada entire los araucanos."
Santiago de Chile, Anales de la Universidad de Chile, No.
130, 1964.
"La familiar como una entidad cultural," Santiago de Chile:
Documento No. 5, FAO/UNICEF Seminario sobre Educacion
para el Hogar, 1964.


Dr. Conrad M. Arensberg Bunster's professor; has remained
445 Riverside Drive in touch with her and knows of
New York, New York 10027 her work in Chile
Dr. Anthony Leeds Worked with Bunster during her semes-
Dept. of Anthropology ter as visiting lecturer, St. Antony's
Boston University College, Oxford
232 Bay State Road
Boston, Mass. 02215
Dr. Margaret Mead Bunster's mentor for Ph.D. work at
211 Central Park West Columbia. Has remained in touch with
New York, New York 10024 her and knows of her current work and
research interests


Chaney, Elsa M. Assistant Professor of
Political Science

Place of birth Nationality Sex
Los Angeles, California U.S. citizen Female

Conferred Scietific Field
Fordham College, New B.S. 1960 Mass communi-
York City cations
University of Wiscon- M.S. 1965 Political Science
sin, Madison
University of Wiscon- Ph.D. 1971 Political Science
sin, Madison
Cornell University, 1971 Demography
Ithaca, N.Y.

Land Tenure Center fellow, University of Wisconsin, 1964-65
NDFL Title-VI grant, University of Wisconsin, 1965-66
OAS fellowship, 1966-67, declined to accept NDFL-Fulbright
for 14 months research in Peru & Chile
Postdoctoral fellowship, Summer Institute of Demography,
Cornell, 1972

Major Research Interest
Public policy issues;
demography; role and status
of women

Research Support
Wisconsin Area Ford Fellowship, Summer, 1965, research on
women in politics, Lima, Peru
NDFL-Title VI grant as noted above under "honors"; research
for Ph.D. dissertation on women in political leadership,
Peru and Chile

Research and Professional Experience
Assistant Professor, department of political science, Ford-
ham University, Bronx, New York, 1970-present
Research Associate, Land Tenure Center, University of Wis-
consin, Madison, 1969-70
Participant, Summer Institute of Demography, Cornell Univer-
sity, Summer 1972

Publications and Papers
"Women in Allende's Chile," in Jane Jaquette, ed., Women and
Politics, a collection of original articles accepted by
Wiley-Interscience for publication in late 1973


Publications and Papers (continued)
"Women and Population: Some Key Policy, Research and Action
Issues," in Richard L. Clinton, ed., Population and Poli-
tics: New Directions in Political Science Research.
Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, forthcoming.
"Old and New Feminists in Latin America," Journal of Marriage
and the Family, 35, May, 1973.
"Women in Politics in Latin America: the Case of Peru and
Chile," in Ann Pescatello, ed., Female and Male in Latin
America. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press,
The Politics of Agrarian Reform: Land Tenure Research Paper.
Madison: University of Wisconsin Land Tenure Center,
The Political Participation of Women in Lima, Peru. Madison:
Ibero American Studies Program, University of Wisconsin,
"Rosa's Future...Will Alternative Roles for Women Mean
Smaller Families in Latin America?" UNICEF NEWS, December,
"Women in Three Cultures: Chile, Cuba and North Vietnam," in
Ruby Rohrlich-Leavitt, ed., Cross-Cultural Perspectives on
Women's Status and the Women's Movement. Paris and The
Hague: Mouton, forthcoming.

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