The bulletin of the Southern Association of Africanists

THE FUTURE OF US./AFRICA RELATIONS
by Randall M. Robinson
(Randall M. Robinson (J.D., Harvard, 1970) is Executive Director of TransAfrica, a Black American lobby for Africa and the Caribbean. First incorporated in 1977, TransAfrica opened its offices in Washington, D.C. in 1978. Its purpose is to inform and organize popular opinion in the United States and to advocate policies that will help achieve a more progressive U.S. foreign policy toward the nations of Africa and the Caribbean. The board of TransAfrica is headed by Mayor Richard Hatcher of Gary, Indiana and includes Black leaders from labor, church, politics, and business. Mr. Robinson has served as Executive Director from the opening of this organization's Washington office. He is an active advocate of African and Caribbean peoples in a wide variety of forums within the United States.)
The following is a transcript of an informal discussion by Randall Robinson given at the University of Florida, sponsored by the Center for African Studies, on May 7, 1981. Questions from the audience, and answers, appear here following the discussion.
.We've consulted and do consult regularly with African leadership and attend the organization of African Unity meetings and meet with heads of state when I'm on the continent and we have pretty much a common mind on problems with U.S. policy historically towards Africa. I guess if you could say that two things concern Africa, two categories of things, the first would be the long-distance race of African countries to develop economically. Independent African countries. The other would be the rather short-term but highly-charged issue of the remaining work of the liberation struggle. Since 1942, of course, some fifty African countries have achieved independence. And there's no reason for us to believe that this charge southward is going to stop at the Limpopo River. There are two countries now remaining to be liberated, if you will, South Africa and Namibia. I think if any one issue unites and fuses opinion in the African world, it is the issue of South Africa. So I think it's helpful to look at these two historical problems and to see what U.S. policy has been, and what it is now. Just briefly I'll talk about the foreign assistance side of economic relations, and then go on to the more critical problem, at least currently demanding problem, of Southern Africa.
The United States has been traditionally quite stingy in its foreign
assistance to Africa. African countries want us to understand that they have pressing needs and want us to be generous in our economic assistance programs. In point of fact, U.S. aid is not now and has never been generous. We spent twelve times as much to rebuild Europe under the Marshall Plan than we spend for all foreign assistance put together now. Africa gets about $500,000,000. a year in economic assistance. We spend more in the U.S. on pet food than we do on that, and we're talking about a continent where twenty-one of the world's thirty-one poorest countries are located. By comparison, President Zia of Pakistan called a U.S. offer last year of $400,000,000. in assistance




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peanutsts" Well, those peanuts make up about eighty per cent of what the U.S. provides to some fifty countries in foreign assistance. So the U.S. doesn't give very much. As a matter of fact, eighty per cent of the U.S. military assistance goes to two countries, Israel and Egypt, and forty-two per cent of American economic assistance goes to the same two countries. So, the U.S. hasn't been terribly generous, and in real terms, American foreign assistance to Africa is less, adjusted for infl ation, than it was in 1962. So, in real terms the economic assistance has dropped. It's nothing more than a pittance.
Now, the question is, what, on this score, have the Reagan people done. I think the Reagan people probably have been judged a little unfairly inasmuch as they have not slashed aid in the way that has been commonly described. What they did was to slash the Carter request. As a matter of fact, over the last two Congresses, we'v 'e been operating under a continuing resolution. We haven't gotten a foreign assistance bill through. And so they cut that, and as a matter of fact, the request from Reagan this time is a little more than what actually was provided in economic assistance under the continuing resolution. Some countries have been cut out altogether. This is the major criticism with the Reagan administration as a point of departure from the Carter program. The assistance always has been too little. I think the Carter people deserve criticism for that as well. Consider that the arms bill in the world this year will be about $450,000,000,000, with the U.S. as the major suppliers, followed then by the Soviets. This is less than five per cent of that amount spent on official development by the industrialized nations in the world. Also that the U.S. is thirteenth on a list of sixteen aid-giving industrialized nations. The U.S. contribution is something less than three-tenths of one per cent of GNP, when in the decade of development we've made a committment to get up to seven-tenths of one per cent. Countries like Nigeria give better than one per cent of their GNP, and some of the Arab countries give in excess of that. So we can see the U.S. record hasn't been good. Carter needs to be criticized for that, and all of his predecessors.
But what is the real difference with the Reagan people? The difference is that they have married to this sort of stinginess an element of rewarding your friends and brutalizing your enemies. We've seen a country like Benin, that only got $4,000,000 last year, cut out of the request altogether because Benin in international forums has described the United States as the running dog, capitalist-lackey structure of the world. The folk in Washington didn't take kindly to that and cut them out altogether. The same thing has happened with Mozambique. Because of the recent difficulties in the relationship with Mozambique, the United States has taken the unfortunate course of cutting out food assistance. It is the first time in my memory that PL 480 assistance has been used as a political weapon. Of course, we have never given Nigeria a cent. It strikes me as extraordinary that we give to Israel $1,000,000,000 a year to three million people in economic assistance, and a country like
Nigeria where one out of every four Subsaharan Africans lives, we give nothing in economic assistance. A little technical program, but nothing of any consequence, when Nigeria remains a very, very poor country. Reagan has not disturbed that. The major change in policy is the increase in military assistance. Again, you reward your friends and you punish your enemies. The U.S. is going to provide the Sudan with $100,000,000 in military assistance, Kenya




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with $50,000,000, and Somalia with $20,000,000. 1 don't think it has a thing to do with any really genuine affection that the U.S. has for the Kenyans or the Somalis or the Sudanese. It has everything to do with what those governments have done in support of U.S. foreign policy objectives. Brezinskiand some of the people of old as well as the people of new, tend to perceive the world as a great chess board at which there are only two players, the Soviet Union and the United States. The rest of those little nations are merely pieces on the board to be moved around at will by them. I think in the final analysis it's a terribly disastrous policy. It grows out of a kind of western arrogance that is fed by western racism. We see countries but we don't see people in them. And we don't pay much attention to the objectives of these countries and what they want to do. And when you reduce countries and people in them to a subhuman status, then you don't understand what's going on in them, and when the governments get toppled that you installed, you're surprised. We were surprised by Iran. We are surprised by a lot of things. Kissinger said that the whites in Rhodesia and Mozambique and Angola would be there to stay in control, and I think perhaps before the statement was out of memory, all three white regimes fell apart. We don't have the sort of sensitivity to help us to understand what's going on in countries, and I think that's a major U.S. failing in foreign policy. It has gotten us in the position sometimes out of which we just don't know how to get.
For instance, U.S. foreign policy officials concede and admit that the CIA installed Mobutu in Zaire. We installed him in the same way we installed the Shah of Iran, and we've maintained him in the same way, and we know that a good percentage of our foreign assistance dollars to Mobutu ends up in a numbered bank account in Switzerland. That is the price you pay to keep governments on a tether. But in the final analysis, if governments are not responsive to the interests of their constituencies, those governments fall. Often times they fall on the U.S. as they did in Iran. And you get yourself in an embarrassing situation, as policy makers admit. For instance, where should we go in Zaire? You see, you can't take Mobutu out. If he falls, what is there to put in his place? I mean, there's always the thing about trying to engineer other governments. And it demonstrates sometimes how much we cherish democratic institutions at home, but how really little regard we have for democracy when it comes to notions of self-determination in other countries around the world.
I think this takes us to the situation in southern Africa. And I think
it's here that the Carter administration, against the tradition of U.S. foreign policy, deserves some fairly high marks especially on Zimbabwe and on Namibia. On South Africa, the Carter team did not do well. I think what the Carter administration did not sell well was the tremendous victory they got, together with the British, in Zimbabwe by holding the sanctions and keeping the pressure on until a formula was found to bring about a government that's representative, free, democratic, and led by the people who really made the fight there to win freedom for that country. And what it has resulted in is a government that still has good relations with the U.S., a government that this country needed to have good relations with. The same thing is true for Namibia. I think Andy Young and Don McHenry and President Carter deserve some credit for the carefully crafted four-year process of establishing the western power plan for democratic elections in Namibia. And one had hoped that that country would




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have had those elections by now. We'll get to why they haven't, I think, when we go on to talk about the Reagan administration a little bit.
On the question of South Africa, I think the Carter administration deserves bad marks. On the good side, it put in place or participated in the mandatory arms embargo. It deserves some credit for that. Although there are many holes in it and there were many breaches during the Carter administration, it also honored the process of placing restrictions on the export of technical data and commodities to the South African military and police, and it imposed a moratorium on the export of American nuclear enriched uranium materials to South Africa, and refused to recognize the Bantustans. But, on the other side, of course it made no move to disturb the substantial economic relations between the U.S. and South Africa. The investment now, of course, exceeds 2,000,000,000. The loans exceed 2,000,000,000. The diplomatic relations are fine, and in all likelihood will continue in that fashion. So Carter did nothing on that score.
Now we have the election of Ronald Reagan, which, from the South African point of view, caused nothing but pure jubilation. They knew that they had gotten a friend in the right place. Reagan said during the campaign in Chicago that the problem in South Africa was more tribal than racial. The South Africans said that's great stuff. He's just our candidate, you know. He's not even verligte, he's verkrapte. He's our guy. And when you looked at some of the other Reagan people, you saw similar attitudes. John Sears, Reagan's first campaign manager, now gets about $600,000 a year from South Africa as their official registered agent in Washington. A member of the Reagan transition team, Marian Smoak, gets $400,000 a year to represent the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance in Namibia. Through some sort of perverse humor, Reagan has nominated Ernest Lef ever as the Assistant Secretary of State for Humanitarian Affairs, and Ernest Lef ever believes that the United States must move closer into an alliance with South Africa. And our good friend, Alexander Haig, when he was a member of the National Security Council, in a book written by Chester Morris called Uncertain Greatness, was recorded to have, whenever African issues were raised at the National Security Council, made tom-tom beats on the table! So that gives you some real sense of the crowd of people who are now making policy vis-a-vis Africa.
So the South Africans were really jubilant, and we believed that because they thought that there was a green light, in January they felt that they could march into Mozambique and within the environs of Maputo kill'twelve people. And they felt that without reprisal they could walk out of the Geneva negotiations on Namibia in January. We had hoped to go to Geneva and finish with election details so that under the U.N. aegis elections could be held there in March, but the South Africans walked out and the Americans said nothing about it. Everyone knew that in order for this thing to work in Namibia, it had to work like it did in Zimbabwe. That the Africans had the responsibility of bringing
the Africans to the table. The front line states said, "We will get ZAPU and ZANJ. But it is the western powers that really have to bring in Ian Smith to the table." The black folk will talk to the black folk and the white folk will talk to the white folk. Same thing was true for Namibia, that the Africans would bring SWAPO to the table and make them agree and get Angolan compliance and all of that. They did that. SWAPO has agreed. They went to Geneva,




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offered a cease-fire, saying let's go ahead with the elections. It was going to require tremendous pressure from the western side to get South Africa to come to the table and comply, accept the cease-fire and go ahead with the elections. Well, the Reagan administration, at the very beginning, sent cables to the front line diplomats, the American ambassadors to the front line states, and to the American ambassador to South Africa. To the front line states, the cable said, on all questions concerning Namibia and the diplomacy there, all holds are off. Everything is under review. That's been the favorite phrase of this administration--everything is under review. And the statement to the American ambassador to South Africa was, you contact P. W. Botha and tell him that South Africa will not be stampeded into any agreement on Namnibia. Well, the South Africans were just pleased as punch with that, and of course
they walked out of the process knowing there would be no reprecussions from the United States. Now there are other kinds of moves. afoot: to lift the moratorium on the export of nuclear material, and to invite the prime minister of South Africa to visit the United States. We know Reagan recently characterized South Africa as a friendly government and a reliable ally. He's mistaken in his humanity and also mistaken in his history. If I recall correctly, South Africa was the only commonwealth country during World War II that did not declare war against Nazi Germany, so it has not been a reliable ally, and to characterize a government so heinous as that as a friendly government says as much about Reagan as it does about anybody else. There is now the contemplation of an invitation to invite Lucas Mangope, the leader of the Bophutatswana Bantustan, to visit the United States officially, thereby making the U.S. the first western nation to defacto recognize a South African Bantustan, thereby blessing the South African plan for a grand apartheid, you know, separation of thirteen percent of the land mass for seventy percent of the people, and the other eighty-seven per cent, the best land with all of the rainfall, all of the mineral goodies, for the whites. He was to be invited two weeks after, after Chester Crocker (now Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs) was confirmed. Whether that's still in the channels or not, I do not know. After the Botha invitation was sent up as a trial balloon and shot down, I think they began to rethink some things.
Now the current issue that is going on today is the vote on Angola. You know, the first thing that the administration did was to propose the repeal of the Clark Amendment that prohibits U.S. covert activity in Angola. The first thing that the Reagan administration did when it came to power was to express its loathing for Communism everywhere in the world. The view is that whatever is wrong in the world, the Communists are responsible for it. Now, that's a nice and tidy view, but in many parts of the world it just doesn't work. Jeane Kirkpatrick said recently that Marxism was worse than racism. Well, you tell that to South African families that see black children die every fifty-five seconds of malnutrition. You tell that to 20,000,000 people that can't vote. You tell that to a nation that executes more people per year than all of the western nations put together. You tell that to twelve and a half million people that have been arrested for passbook violations since 1950, and they don't understand what you're talking about. So it's a silly American policy to try and statistically analyze Southern Africa in that kind of context, and in so doing we sometimes push African countries who don't want to be solely in the Soviet embrace into that embrace. Angola is a perfect example of this.




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Angola is a government that is recognized by every western European
country, recognized by all African countries as far as I know save Senegal, recognized by Gulf Oil, recognized by Arthur D. Little, and General Tire and Rubber. These private concerns are doing quite well, and love the Cuban presence because, as Andy Young said, the Cubans have rather stablized things. And because if the Cubans weren't there, the South Africans would have run over the country a long time ago. As a matter of fact, South Africa invades the country on a daily basis, bombs it day and night, so that the southern part of the country looks like a lunar terrain, with South African bomb craters just littering the place. The Angolans have said that when the Namibian situation is cleared up and South Africa no longer enjoys that corridor into Southern Angola to kill Angolans and Namibian refugees alike, then the Cubans will leave. I think we can appreciate that the Angolans don't want foreign troops in their country. I don't think any country wants foreign troops in its country. So the Cubans will leave when that problem is cleared up. Well, what does the U.S. do? While we recognize the country of South Africa that is invading Angola, while we recognize Germany that has Soviet troops, while we recognize the Soviet Union and I'm told they have some Soviet troops there too, not only do we not recognize Angola but we seek to lift the Clark Amendment so that covert activity can begin to overthrow the government of Angola. Now that's not the way to win friends and influence people. But, happily, the sub-committee on Africa, under Howard Wolpe's leadership, voted seven to nothing to reject the presidential request. Some of you may have better information than I because I was flying during the full committee vote. I'm confident that the full committee turned us down as well. The vote will come up in the Senate next week. Now the Senate is likely to go along with the president to request repeal of the Clark Amendment, and we'll have to fight this out in the House-Senate conference when it comes to that. It's going to be tough. I'm pleased though that the Reagan people are not lobbying much for what they proposed. I think they've begun to see the folly in some of the policies they first tried to push.
However, on the Namibian question, there are other reasons for the South Africans to be happy. We negotiated something that everybody had agreed to, even the South Africans, to have elections first under U.N. supervision, and to have that elected constituent assembly work out a constitution for that country. The Reagan administration people say that that hasn't worked. It's kind of a self-fulfilling prophecy. It hasn't worked because South Africa hasn't agreed to it and South Africa hasn't agreed to it because there's been no real pressure coming from the Reagan administration to make them agree. So that now what they propose to do is to negotiate a constitution before they have the elections. Again, South Africa is very happy about that because all they sought to do in the first place was to buy time. Now they've come out with a statement that under no circumstances would they sit still for a SWAPO government in Namibia when they know that if there is a vote in Namibia it's going to go the same way it went in Zimbabwe. It's going to elect SWAPO. Here again--I must talk about my good friend, Chester Crocker, now--here again, it just shocks .me sometimes how some people can look at a sign on the wall, and the sign says "Go" and they will look at it and say, "No, it doesn't, it says 'Don't Go'." And you ask, "Are we looking at the same thing?" Response, "Yes, we are." Well, I used to talk to my good friend Chester Crocker. He told me that Bishop Muzorewa had support in Zimbabwe, and I would say to Chester, no, I don't think he does. I think Chester was somewhat influenced




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because he's married to a white Rhodesian, but she was of liberal stripe, and I thought he ought to have better information than that. But Chester insisted that the Bishop had a wide base of support and thatdirty, filthy, Marxist, God-hating Robert Mugabe had none. And so we go to elections and the South Africans had provided the Bishop with four helicopters with which to campaign. The Bishop won fewer seats than he had helicopters! When I saw my friend Chester again I had to ask what happened. The landslide went the wrong way, and it's the same thing now in Namibia. It's almost like we never learn lessons. The fact is people in countries know who won for them their independence. If you went to that ceremony.,last year on April 18, and sat in that stadium in Salisbury, the most thrilling part of that thing was the way the people responded. There were 30,000 people there that night when the Union Jack went down and the new flag went up. They had all of the troops March in. They had the regular units of the Smith government and some other units, but when the units from ZAPU and ZANU marched in, when the guerillas came into the stadium, the people went crazy. Because the people knew who had won for them this struggle. People always know. Chester didn't know, but the people knew. And you see, it's the same thing in Namibia. Those people in that country know who is fighting for them. And if you put that to an election test, they're going to elect a SWAPO government. So how are we going to negotiate with South Africa now when they say under no circumstances will a SWAPO government be allowed to take the reins there? What we're about here is apparently not democracy, and the Reagan administration is apparently playing into the South African hands to delay as long as possible.
The other thing, in closing, that I don't understand. In regard to the
Angolan situation, Haig explained to newsmen in a private session one time that we don't have an African policy and we will never have an Angolan policy. What we have is a global policy. You see, we ... what would the Saudis think if we kept this Clark Amendment on the books? We not only have to worry about the message to Africa, we've got to worry about the message to the Saudis, and we don't want our allies to think we're weak. We have to let our allies know that they are going to enjoy our support whatever they do. So that's the theory here. We might lose all of Africa, but we'll have the Saudis. And the Saudis now have become principal suppliers of arms and money to Savimbi (of UNITA) who's trying to overthrow the Angolan government. It's kind of neat when you examine the thing more closely. But again on the South African issue, the feeling is that if we are friendly to the South Africans, and we don't condemn them, perhaps we can sort of lure them oqt of the lair. Well, that is the most ridiculous thing that I have ever heard! You know, I remember disagreeing with Andy Young about South African policies when Andy compared South Africa to the American Civil Rights struggle. That shocked a lot of South Africans. It shocked me too because if there are any similarities, they are very superficial. We in this country were always in a minority and we never threatened to take over the country. It might not be a bad idea, but I don't think we ever had the numbers to do that. What black South Africans are fighting for is not civil rights. It's not a question of who sits next to whom. They're fighting for the right to vote. They're fighting to take over the country, then they can determine who will sit where on an equal basis. The point is they're saying it's their country. So it's terribly dissimilar from the situation here. And they're struggling principally against Afrikaners. Unlike the English, they have nowhere to go. Can you expect, with moral




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suasion and friendship and the sort of Midas touch of Reaganto persuade Afrikaners to turn over the reins of government to these people they've been heaping abuse upon for hundreds of years? If I were an Afrikaner I wouldn't do that, because that's just simple. People don't give away power like that. It's going to take two elements. Just as it did in Zimbabwe, it's going to take some amount of fighting, and it's going to take some severe pressure from the Western powers to let South Africa know that they have no base of support in the West, so that they would serve themselves best to go to the table and negotiate in good faith, and for the best deal that can be gotten. I think in that way you limit the bloodshed in the final analysis.
If the sanctions had been lifted in Zimbabwe and the war had gone on, the whole infrastructure of that society might have been destroyed, and there would have been infinitely more bloodshed than there was. But to say that the situation in South Africa can be peacefully resolved is to not look at the facts of history. It's just ludicrous to me, which leads me to believe that the people in the administration are not acting in good faith, that they're not telling us the truth. I don't, in my own heart, believe that they really want change in South Africa. Obviously they think more about mineral rights than they think about human rights. I think they feel more comfortable with a government in white hands. It is a culture and a value system that they know. They are concerned about the Cape route, that tip of land that sits astride important sea lanes to the United States. There's talk about South Africa as part of some kind of South Atlantic treaty organization with direct ties to the Argentinas and the Brazils of the world as well as to the NATO powers. And I believe that the thinking here is to ram that down the throats of the gullible and go with it as far as you can. I don't know what more to say about that, except that it's very much related to our policy in Pakistan and our policy in other parts of the world where we still find ourselves supporting tyrannical and oppressive regimes with our dollars and our reputation.
I guess in ending, the real upshot here is that Americans generally know less about what America is about in the world than do other people in the world who are touched by American foreign policy. The sad thing about traveling in the world is to find out how woefully ignorant we are. And the saddest thing about it is that Americans are so arrogant in their superiority. Hell, this is the United States, the greatest country in the world! And the problem with being the greatest is that those less great always know more about you than you know about them, because you never deign to look down with real examination. So Americans don't speak anything but English. The U.S. is the most language-ignorant country in the world. We don't know much about anything west of Los Angeles or east of Washington. We're closed in by these oceans. Mexico is a place where you can't drink the water, and Africa's a place where Tarzan still reigns. The sad thing about it is that out of t is sort of socialization process, our foreign policy is produced, because wevre all captives of that. You can't read anything about anyplace else in the world in the paper. Thirty million children under the age of five starved to death last year, but nobody knows that. But we all know that Prince Charles fell off the horse twice. Nowthe question is, what is the foreign policy consequence of that further down the road? The consequence is that we produce people who take the reigns of government with blinders on, cultural blinders,




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so we can't even begin to understand the rest of the world on which we're becoming increasingly dependent. This is not near post-World War II, it is far-post and this is a very, very different world in which the United States had better learn, with the other western powers, how to relate more productively and sensitively to the other member states in this world.
QUESTIONS /ANSWERS
X: To what extent will world powers, ourselves included, decide to bring any
pressures to bear on South Africa, remembering that as far as precious
and strategic metals go, they are in a very good position?
R: A very good question. I think that by their own volition, the answer
is no. What is going to have to happen here, you're going to have to
see the population in the United States begin to make this a large moral issue. I think that's the real, great service to this country that the
Vietnam protest movement served, that it cut short the war, and that's
going to have to happen with regard to Southern Africa too. These
countries have a real huge conflict of interest here now. Great Britain has half its foreign investment in South Africa, and the British economy
is pretty ragged as it is, so there's not much base of support for a
British withdrawal or support for sanctions. It going to be hard to do.
In addition, the black population in Great Britain is much smaller than
it is here and less well organized. So that would be very difficult
there. The other leaders in South African investment, of course, are the
United States, West Germany, with about sixteen, seventeen per cent apiece.
In very strategic areas. With those corporations making pretty sizable
amounts of profit because of the system so that it's not going to be easy
to win U.S. support. You recall too that most of the world has already agreed to the imposition of sanctions, even the Scandanavian countries.
Sweden has moved on that legislatively at home and gives aid to
ANC, PAC, SWAPO, and other similar groups. Sweden, with 8,000,000 people, gives half as much foreign assistance as the United States. A remarkable
ratio. But when you get right down to the countries that can make the
sanctions work, essentially there are five countries: Great Britain,
West Germany, the U.S., France and Canada. Those are five with interest, and those are the five that have always blocked the sanctions. So that's
not going to be easy to do. It was one thing to have them impose sanctionE
against Rhodesia, it is quite another thing for them to impose sanctions against South Africa, because they have a much larger interest conflict.
I think there' s going to have to be some mushrooming of an anti-South
Africa feeling in this country to even get them to move in that direction.
I think it's the only way to check Reagan, because I think this is an issue
they don't want to go public on, since the record here is so indefensible.
They don't want to have to talk about it publicly, so it's to our advantage to try to push it into the public place .........The United States
sometimes uses governments as sort of client states through which they
move things to South Africa. Saudi Arabia is one, not to South Africa but
to other places. Obviously, Morocco has been another. And with respect
to South Africa, Israel has been one. There are a lot of weapons that
go to South Africa from Israel that A're assembled from western components,
including American components. And the Israeli relationship with South




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Africa has grown tremendously over the last twenty years, They have an
awful lot in common. They are pariah states in the world, including also
Taiwan. They are pariah states that are virtually recognized and
supported nowhere outside of the western community. Israel feels itself
besieged by Palestinians that they have disinherited in the same way
that South Africa has done with blacks. They have a connecting Jewry.
The South African Jewry is the largest per capita giving Jewry to Israel of any in the world, including the United States. And the Jews in South
Africa sort of struck a deal with the state that they have gotten away from the cause of blacks at home if they are allowed to continue their
support of Israel. We've seen a relaxation of restrictions on the exportof
capital and other things because of this sort of deal they struck with
the government, and their support of Israel has been lavish. So I think
that is a part, too, just as an aside, of the sort of coming apart of the traditional Black American-Jewish coalition in the United States.
X: In the presidential campaign President Carter suggested that President
Reagan has racist sentiment and is a warmonger. Looking at the new president's record, the last three months especially, do you tend to
agree with President Carter?
R: Sure I do. Racist probably in an absent-minded sense too. Itis sort
of like Gerald Ford. They used to say that Gerald Ford couldn't walk
past a fallen person in the street without offering his coat and picking
him up and taking him to feed them, but if they don't have to look at the victims, conservatives can just as easily wipe them out. I think,
in meetings that friends of mine have had with Reagan recently, they describe him as a man who'd been wealthy for so long that he really
doesn't have any appreciation for those who don't have those capacities.
They are not a part of his reality. He doesn't even think like that, he
doesn't even see you. You just don't register, and you're not in that crowd, we're not in the White House, we're not in the State Department.
It was bad enough under Carter. I used to walk into the State Department,
they have pictures on the board there of all the top level people, the
top hundred, and during Carter's best days there were only four or five blacks on the board. No ; the board is white, all white. So that's what
welre operating with here. And again, if you're making foreign policy
out of that kind of situation, you've got to be insensitive because you've
excluded from the process other points of view that would help sensitize
you, help you to make better policy. But threats a lot to be said in a
relationship between domestic policy and foreign policy. It is a policy that is insensitive, that is callous, that is cold, it doesn't care about
the human rights of people across the board. We got from Carter, just
before he went out of office, an executive order to ban the export of
hazardous waste. You remember they had the idea last year, some of the stuff you're scared to bury in the ground of this country, and a lot of
it was being buried in black communities in the south, this stuff that'll
bubble up in twenty years and kill everybody in town. This is the stuff
that they wanted to ship to Sierra Leone and other parts of the world.
The first thing Reagan did when he got into office was to rescind that
executive order. So we can start shipping that stuff again. Just completely knocked out the law of the sea understandings. I mean, across




the board, wherever Third World interests were concerned he did it.
Renewed relationships with Argentina. There's not a pariah state,
there's not a right-wing government repressive regime in the world that
was not cheered by Reagan's election. So it's not only a question of race. I don't think it's as simple as that. It's a question of his
clear class preference. He is a man who is concerned about the preservation of privilege.
X: I would be interested to bear a little bit more about the kinds of
strategies that you and your organization are pursuing to bring pressure
to bear . .
R: Last night in New York, former ambassador Carl McCall, there was a
reception for us, and Carl said that during the Carter administration
he used to walk in there to see Muskie and Vance. When he asked to see
the Secretary, he would go right up to the seventh floor, and he'd see
the Secretary. Now when he asks to see the Secretary, they point him to a clerk-typist. That's exactly what he gets to see, a secretary, so we
don't have that kind of access any more. But I think it might be there's
a silver lining in this. If I can point up the mistakes that I think that we have made, that blacks have made, it is that sometimes we have
been mesmerized by democratic access. It's what I call the East Room disease, you know. We got invited to the Carter White House more than
by any White House in history. I mean, I was over every other week, and you get mesmerized by it, so that you forget about the work you have to
be doing at the grass roots because you're sitting up there talking to the President. And the President knows that he can ignore you, too, if
you're not doing work at the grass roots. Because every politician thinks
when you sit down with him, "Can you help me, or hurt me?" And if you
have neither capacity, that is a nice discussion you are having, and it's cute, and you're very scholarly and cogent, but it's not worth anything.
That's the kind of fix that the democrats have often left us in. By
leading us to believe they're our friends, getting our votes and disappointing us. Carter did a lot of that in his early term in office, and
later on, particularly in his domestic programs. Now, Reagan is going
to force many of us to concentrate on what we ought to be concentrating
on, and that is building a constituency, building a system of response from the grass roots up that works. Administrations don't make up the government alone. And sometimes apathy can be your friend. See, most
Americans are apathetic. And that can be your friend as long as your group
is not one of those elements. I think that people talk about how much
impact the American Jewish community has had on Middle East policy. And it's true. But they've had that impact because they've been disproportionately industrious, while most Americans don't even know what the West
Bank is. They think it's somewhere that they can put money! They just
don't have any sense about these sorts of things, so it means that politics
is the business of competitive pressures. And most people who vote in
the Fouse of Representatives, most Congressmen, they vote on hundreds
and hundreds of things per session. They don't know what the bell they're
voting on. They go over there and they look for the leadership, they




12.
look for the whip. How can they know all these things? What is the MX? I mean, they're kissing babies half the time. So that it's the
business of competitive pressures. And if they get ten letters on an
issue, they think that's a crisis because they've got this formula,
they multiply that times a hundred, and say, "Well, there must be thousands of people in my district concerned about this." So Reagan is
going to force many of them to get down in the vineyards and do what we should have been doing all along, quit drinking that democratic liquor.
X: Would you briefly comment upon the way in which our information about
developing nations is obtained?
R: It's the thing that happened in coverage of the Zimbabwean war. The war
was covered by the New York Times and Washington Post in Salisbury, and if you didn't come into the hotels to talk to them, you just didn't get
your view into the paper. So they talked to less than one per cent of
the population, and overwhelmingly they got their information from Englishspeaking Zimbabweans. So they never got any sense of what the feeling
was in the country. I think in the American Embassy in Iran, there were
only three, two or three people who spoke Farsi, so they only talked,
essentially, to English-speaking Iranians, and so they never got any sense
of what the people in that country were thinking. And that's the real
problem with American intelligence, even soft intelligence data gathering.
We just don't have any sense what the people are really thinking in these countries. I think the other thing, too, is a lack of cultural sensitivity. I don't know if we understand the Muslim world very well at all.
I don't think we understand the significance or the importance of Jerusalem
to the Arab world. You know, it's difficult to take the blinders off
when you live in a country like this, but some effort has to be made if
we're going to do better.
X: How does TransAfrica stand with regard to promotion of trade between U.S.
and Africa?
R: Well, we' re in support of the African call for a fairer and more equitable
international economic order. You know, since I.M.F. and the World Bank and the rest were put together after World War II, African countries and the developing world in general have had neither the capacity to control the price of what they buy from the west or the price of what they sell.
And so they have really been put in a kind of bind, and now that's been
added to by the spiraling price of oil. I don't think all of this is
the fault of the west. Because the oil-producing countries have not done
the best that they can do either. But we would be in favor of a process that indexes, that helps developing countries adjust to world inflation, thlat helps developing countries make better use of their diminishing raw
materials. Nigeria for instance has about thirty years of oil left,
and that's it. If they haven't done it and don't do it [develop] in the
coming thirty years, they're in serious trouble. And so it's important
for the world to see that as a world concern. But instead of doing that




13.
you've got the law of the sea thing, and we've got all of those manganese
nodules down at the bottom of the ocean, with manganese and cobalt and
copper and what else is in there, there's something else, four or five of
them. Untold riches. Sort of windfall. Nobody's had it, and now the technology has been developed to go down there and get it. So, at the
beginning of this process, the U.N. determined that this was the common heritage of all mankind, and they had reached some understanding of how
the goodies were to be divided. You were to have some international
instrument that would fairly divide these goodies once they were mined.
So as to begin to close the gap between the rich and the poor. Now
the Reagan people have scrapped that in favor of the companies, western companies, that have the wherewithal to go down there and get them, and
so the western powers are saying, "Yes, this is the common heritage of
all mankind. If you can get down there, go ahead and get it." Now that's
raw power! But again, it shows how far away the western powers are from
making any sensitive approach to closing the gap. And the thing again,
I believe, is characterized by greed. The rich simply want to get richer,
without respect to the problems of the very poor. And we talk about
stability in countries. The main cause of instability, it doesn't make any difference whether the country's communist, capitalist, or whatever
it is, the main cause of instability in a country is poverty. And as
long as countries are ground into poverty, you're going to have that instability. And you really can't even blame petty elites, who take the
little bit and hog it because that happens in all countries. This country
just happens to be so wealthy that its elites are not focused on, because
the rest of us are anesthesized by having just enough not to focus on
wealth. And then wealth rides in Volkswagons sometimes here, and it makes
you miss them in traffic. But it's different in the Third World where there's not nearly enough to go around, and poverty is really painful.
You're not going to have stability under those circumstances, I don't care
what kind of ideology the government pursues.
X: What is the current U.S. policy regarding Somalia?
R: The current policy, again, is much like the old policy. It is to see
it in the East-West context. This administration, like the Carter administration, wants to make use of Somalia as a launching base into the
Persian Gulf. I remember having lunch with Brezinski and being shocked
that he had no real grasp of the history of that problem--of the disputed
border. He had no sense of the issue and didn't care, because the concern
was not about regional consequences. The concern was about what use we
could make of Berbera, Nogadeshu, in terms of our rapid deployment system
into the Persian Gulf. The current policy is much the same. Now,
Somalia has a million and a half refugees. About as many refugees as
stable population. The economy is in shambles and the last thing in the world they need are weapons. They need economic assistance, but
we're going to give them $20,000,000 in weapons, and they've demonstrated
over the last twenty years what they're going to do with the weapons.
They're going to go back into the Ogaden. I have never met a Somalian
who is not an irredentist, who does not believe that the Ogmaden is a part of Somalia. Not only the Ogaden but also northeastern Kenya and Djibouti.




14.
The Somalis, of course, describe Ethiopia as a colonial power to be
considered with the British and French and everybody else. I know there
was subregional imperialism that was practiced in Africa before the coming
of Europeans, but if we broke up all the countries on that basis of pre1800 political configuration we'd have 1,000 countires. So that, I
understand the 0.A.U. position that you can't begin to redraw borders now. And Somalia doesn't appreciate the fact that it has no African
support. But it has U.S. support. And the Kenyans, of course, are up
in arms about it, and part of the reason that we have to get $50,000,000 in arms to Kenya is because we gave $20,000,000 in arms to Somalia. And
then we talk about Cubans in Ethiopia and how to get them out? Well, if you scare the hell out of Ethiopia, you push them further into the
Soviet embrace. Ethiopia is in a sad shape. They've got insurrections
in about four provinces. The less defensible one, in my view, is the Eritrean one. But you've got a country controlled by about thirty per
cent of the population, an advantaged group, and a country that's afraid
that it's coming apart at the seams. And so countries like that get paranoid, and that just pushes them further and further into the Soviet embrace.
It is foolish for the Americans to pursue this kind of policy. And when
Dick Moose was asked what would the U.S. do if we had facilities there
and American soldiers there if the Ethiopians bombed Berbera. He said we would fight back. And there you find yourself enmeshed in a war you don't have the faintest understanding of. So I just think, again, it's
a ridiculous policy because we refuse to look at the area. It's the
chessboard again.
X: You were speaking before about Americans' attitudes towards Africa being
characterized as racist and with ignorance. What can TransAfrica do
to change Americans' attitudes?
R: Well, I think the first thing we have to do is to try to chip away at the
ignorance problem. It's not only a problem towards Africa, I think it's
a problem towards all of the Third World. America has to do something.
When I think of media. . let's talk beyond media, let's just say education generally. I'm from Richmond, Virginia. I'm thirty-nine now, I f inished high school in '59, I went from grade one through twelve in high
school, and I don't think I heard an African country mentioned five times.
But I knew all about Europe. So that I wasn't prepared. I got to college, and I remember a Nigerian student told me he was from Lagos and
T didn't know what that was. There is no basis for conversation because
you don't know anything about anything. Well, where's that? Is that
near London? I'm sure the African students here have had much the same experience in the United States. I went to a photographer, I was going
to Brurudi last November, and taking my wife and my children with me.
I go to a photographer to get the passport pictures, he said, "You're
taking your oiillcyz to Africa?" You know, this kind of thing is offensive. He's a nice guy though, he's just ignorant. And the sad thing
about it, he doesn't know he is, and he's just so terribly ignorant.
The question is how do you deal with it? Obviously, universities have
a role, and all of us have a role in trying to reshape our early childhood public school education. God knows what to do about the media.




15.
We've got a few blacks in media who have a major, an enormous responsibility. But we've got to understand that blacks in this country are diseased in the same way. We've been victimized by the same system of
no information and at best bad information. So it's not an easy problem
to solve, but clearly, organizations have to try to do that. I think there's been some improvement. You know, twenty years ago, blacks in the United States didn't identify so readily with Africa. Now I don't
think of a single national organization, NAACP, Urban League, PUSH, all
the rest of them, that don't have foreign policy workshops, that don't
have resolutions on foreign policy. Just today, for instance, I talked
with Joe Lowry, I talked with Leon Sullivan, I talked with Jesse Jackson, I asked them all to get in touch with the House Foreign Affairs Committee
regarding repeal of the Clark Amendment. They all knew about the issue,
they all sent their telegrams, and made phone calls. That would have been
much harder to do twenty years ago than it is now. So I think there has been some real improvement in the black community. You know, improvement
in our own self image and our own identification with Africa. All of
my support comes from the black community. We have at our annual dinners in Washington 2,000 people, all blacks, payitig seventy-five dollars a head
just for a lobbying organization. I think I could hold that dinner in a phone booth twenty years ago. But things have changed, and that's a
good sign, but we have an awful long way to go.
X: Do you think these racist attitudes will have to be changed before we
can expect the American Congress to provide more financial assistance?
R: Well, some things are going to change anyhow, whether the Congress changes
or not, and that's a good part of the story. You know what they did to
Mugabe. One Saturday, Mugabe was a bloodthirsty communist, and the Monday
morning he was on the front page of the New York Times, walking with his
wife and the dog on the front lawn. All of a sudden Mugabe became a
school teacher and a Catholic and a lovely person. And they can do it.
It just shows you. We're talking about propaganda in other countries,
and how people control your thinking and that sort of thing, and we think
it doesn't happen here. But, you know bow they did in China. Overnight
we were seeing Mao on television. He was on television chatting with
Nixon and all this sort of thing, and China became an alright place to
go. What Americans do understand, they understand the power of dollar
and the power of the resources that they need. This country needs Zimbabwe. It's a strategically important country. We need Nigeria. And
when blacks take South Africa, and I think that's going to happen in my
lifetime--I don't quite agree with Bishop Tutu that Botha is the last
white prime minister, I think the Bishop is talking like a Bishop when
he says that--I think that attitudes are going to change here. They
have to change. You know, people start seeing things differently. But
right now, the white South Africans are doing enormous things in this
country. They are feeding to school systems all across this country
filmstrips and booklets and slick pamphlets. Very nicely written, big full color spreads, pictures, and all that sort of stuff. Spending an
enormous amount of money on that. But I think that slowly the thing will
turn around.




16.
REFUGEES IN AFRICA*
(In the decade of the seventies the number of African refugees rose from an estimated 750,000 to about 5, 000,000, more than the population of many African countries. Now approximately half of the world's refugees are i.n Africa. The notes which follow were disseminated in April 1987 by the U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs as an effort to keep the magnitude of the problem before the public. It is hoped that this information will be used by teachers, not to reinforce the attitude of North Americans who see Africa only as a place of human and geographical disaster, but to encourage further interest and inquiry about the continent.)
Background: Armed conflict, civil strife, and systematic oppression *have generated millions of homeless persons in Africa. The UN High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates thatinore than 3.1 million refugees--those who have crossed international borders--are living in over two dozen African countries. The refugees place immense economic, social, and political burdens on the countries of asylum. In keeping with longstanding African tradition, these countries, which together host the largest number of refugees in the world, have been remarkably hospitable to the refugees. The African nations often use their own meager resources to provide for the refugees, but largescale international assistance is still required. Among the most serious African refugee problems are the following:
Somalia: Since October 1979, refugees from the fighting in Ethiopia have been arriving in Somalia at an average of more than 1,000 a day. As of February, 1981, the Somali Government estimated the refugee population in more than 35 camps at over 1.3 million, the overwhelming majority of them women and children. Another 500,000 refugees are believed to reside outside the camps. However, since an exact count has been difficult to obtain, a thorough refugee census will be undertaken soon. Until the autumn of 1979, the Somali Government attempted to care for the refugees from its own resources. Then, in October, 1979, Somalia issued an appeal for $71 million in assistance, of which $25 million was received. This appeal was superseded in March 1980, when the UNI{CP called for $40.7 million in nonfood assistance and 158,495 metric tons of food for Somalia in 1980. Both UNHCR appeals were fully subscribed, with the US-the largest donor--providing $18 million worth of nonfood relief and about 114,000 metric tons of food valued at $35 million. To meet the needs of the refugees in 1981, the UNHCR and the World Food Program (WFP) have called for $85 million in nonfood assistance and 283,000 metric tons of food. The U.S.
*The United Nations held an International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa April 9-10, 1981 in Geneva. A small booklet grew out of that conference entitled Refugees in Africa, a country-by-country survey. For a copy contact: UNHCR, Palais des Nations, CH-1211, Geneva 10, Switzerland.




17.
plans to contribute significantly to both programs. The outlook for an early solution to Somalia's refugee problem, complicated by the ever-increasing numbers and a limited infrastructure, is not good.
Sudan: Sudan is host to nearly 500,000 refugees, more than 350,000 of them Eritreans who have fled the civil war in Ethiopia and are now living in cities and the rural regions north and west of the Ethiopian border. More than 100,000 Ugandans, including about 60,000 who left after Idi Amnin' s overthrow in 1979 and another 50,000 who crossed more recently during electoral and other disturbances in Uganda, are living in the southern Sudan. Sudan traditionally has hadone of the most liberal asylum policies in the world, and in mid-1980 the country offered the refugees permanent resettlement. In June 1980, the Sudanese Government held an international conference on refugees in Khartoum during which it announced plans for a $240 million program to resettle the refugees in areas where they can become self-sufficient. Contributions to this program have been minimal. Most US refugee aid to Sudan is channeled through contributions to the general program budgets of the UNHCR and the WFP. In response to the conference request, an additional $3 million will be granted to Sudan to construct a refugee water supply system in Port Sudan.
Zaire: During late 1980, many residents of Uganda's West Nile region, f leeing the continuing disturbances there, joined the 54,000 Ugandan refugees who came to northeastern Zaire when Amnin was overthrown. A recent US Government study team estimated a total of 80,000-100,000 Ugandans in northeastern Zaire; it also found that the refugees frequently moved back and forth across the border to acquire food and to escape military or rebel harassment. Although the refugees present nutritional status is good, assistance will be required in a few months when the current harvest runs out. In cooperation with a Belgian rural development association, the UNHCR is planning a regular program of relief and resettlement for refugees wishing to remain in northeastern Zaire. Similar programs are envisioned for the Ugandans in Sudan and for refugees returning to Uganda's West Nile region. Zaire also is host to about 400,000 other refugees, mostly from Angola. Most US assistance to refugees in Zaire is transmitted through the UNHOR. The US has authorized UNHCR to use part of its African general program contribution to help begin an immediate relief effort in northeastern Zaire.
Cameroon: Following the outbreak of fighting in Ndjamena, Chad, in. March 1980, much of the city's population fled into northern Cameroon. Some 80,000 Chadian refugees in the area around Kousseri, Cameroon, still need assistance. In the first weeks after the refugee influx, the European Community (EC), France, and the US provided immediate bilateral aid. The US diverted 6,300 metric tons of food destined for Chad to feed refugees in Cameroon. In early June 1980, the UNHCR issued a $7.6 million appeal, to which the US contributed $1.7 million. An additional $1.3 million was applied to the UNHCR Cameroon
program from the US Government's regular contribution for the UNHCR's Africa program. other donors, including the EC, fully subscribed the appeal. Recently, the US contributed another 6,000 metric tons of food, to be delivered before the end of May 1981.




US assistance: In FY 1980, the US contributed nearly $105 million worth of assistance to African refugees, including more than $48 million in food and $56 million in nonfood assistance. These contributions went to the UNTICR, the WFP, the International Committee of the Red Cross, private voluntary agencies, and directly to African governments. The US anticipates similar contributions in FY 1981.
International conference: The UN Secretary General's Office, in conjunction with the Organization of African Unity and the UNHCR, called an International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, April 9-10, 1981, in Geneva. Its purpose was to bring the world's attention to the scope of African refugee problems and to raise funds from the international community to help address them. The US participated in the development of the conference and sent a high-level delegation.
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19.
THE POLITICS OF AFRICAN INDEPENDENCE
IN AMERICAN CHILDREN'S BOOKS
by Nancy J. Schmidt
(Dr. Schmidt is Librarian at Tozzer Library, Peabodl Musewn of Archaeologyf and Ethnology, Harvard University. Her latest book, Children's Fiction about Africa in English was recently published by Conch. This article originally appeared in Africa Today Vol. 27, No. 3 (7980), and is reprinted here with permission.)
During the last twenty years both scholarly and popular literature
about African politics has increased in geometric proportions, as has literature about Africa in general. Political scientists have been developing new theories about political process, as well as about political structure to deal with political behavior in Africa and other "emerging" nations. Africanist scholars have broadened the framework for the discussion of African politics through historical research and field studies which aim to learn about African perspectives of political events and behavior. The mass media have discovered political crises in Africa, which are typically reported without background and are rarely followed through with regular coverage until their conclusion.
What has happened to the presentation of African politics in American children's books since the beginning of the era of independence more than two decades ago? What perspective of African politics will American children obtain from reading books? Does this perspective reinforce that presented by the mass media, or that presented in scholarly materials? These questions will be addressed in this essay through a brief survey of the kinds of children's books available and specific examples that illustrate how African politics are presented. Most of the books discussed are works of non-fiction. However, a few works of fiction will be mentioned for the topics about which they have been written.1
Social Science Surveys
The most common form in which American children are introduced to African politics is in social studies surveys of African nations or geographical regions. Almost all of these surveys appear in social studies series such as Enchantment of Africa (Children's Press), Finding Out About Geography (Day), First Book (Watts), Getting to Know (Coward McCann), Portraits of Nations (Lippencott), and Understanding Your World (Laidlaw). Typically one or two of eight to twelve chapters in a book of approximately sixty to one hundred pages is devoted to a topic such as independence, government, or the future.
The conceptual framework for all of these series, including Enchantment of Africa,2 is Euroamerican. At least half of the series have a tourist orientation, in the sense that young readers are introduced to "highlights" of the country through the eyes of an American traveler. In books in these series




20.
the coverage of politics is exceedingly superficial. In almost all social studies surveys the approach to politics is wholly structural. Features of political organization that have no Euroamerican counterparts are usually ignored, as are how the political structures are integrated with African sociocultural context and how personnel are recruited to fill political positions.
In American children's books-that appear in social studies survey series the concept of political process seems to be absent. Where the structure of the colonial government is mentioned, which it often is not, the two structures are briefly described without mention of how the change occurred when the colonial structure was replaced by the independence structure. These descriptions typically involve only a manipulation of labels such as "parliament," monarchyhy" "one party state" etc, without any details. Mention of preindependence African political organization is almost always ignored in the chapter on government unless a "chief" or "chiefs" were incorporated into the government at independence. However, in the chapter on "tribes" and their customs some facets of preindependence political organization may be mentioned, but their contemporary relevance is neither mentioned nor discussed. In this chapter on "tribes" and their customs it is also sometimes stated that there
was no ''tribal' government or political organization.
Although details of how contemporary governments function are typically not included, mention of their failures to function (from the author's perspective) are almost always enumerated. Thus in Benin (Chicago: Children's Press, 1978) by Allan Carpenter, for example, the series of post independence coups is enumerated without any background for understanding their causes or consequences. In general, coups are presented in children's books as "bad" events which disrupt political structure, rather than as part of political processes characteristic of postcolonial politics as European-derived political structures are adapted to African sociopolitical realities. The authors universally seem to assume that the only appropriate type of government is a stable government.
For the most part, presentations of African governments in social studies surveys are depersonalized, with the exception of the mention of names of nationalist leaders at the time of independence, or of the current heads of state. However, these surveys are so short that the political roles of independence leaders and current heads of state are neither enumerated nor described.
Biographies of Political Leaders
Biographies of political leaders usually include more information about political structure and political process in African nations than do social studies surveys. However, very few biographies of African political leaders have been written for American children.3 Those which are available usually focus on leaders of English speaking African nations at the time of independence who have become internationally prominent, such as Kenneth Kaunda, Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, and Haile Selassie. Patrice Lumumba is the only political leader outside of English-speaking Africa who is the subject of a book-length biography written for American children.




21.
Typically biographies of African political leaders focus on their
adult lives. Topics that never enter social studies surveys are included, such as the development and organization of political parties, the formal and informal processes of obtaining independence, rivalry for political power both before and after independence, relationships with other African nations and their leaders during the independence struggle and the nation building period, and the roles of such groups as labor unions and women's societies in politics.
The accuracy and depth, of coverage in biographies of political leaders varies considerably, depending upon the knowledge of the author of the biography and the sources that he or she used for learning about the political leader. Among the better biographies that discuss both political structure and political process are Sophia Ripley Ames, Nkrumah of Ghana (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1961) and Shirley Graham Dlu Bois, Julius K. Nyerere: Teacher of Africa (New York, Messner, 1975). The biography of Nkrumah closely follows his autobiography, Ghana, The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah (London: Nelson, 1957),4 and though now dated in perspective, provides more information on preindependence politics in Ghana than any other book written for American children. The biography of Nyerere is based on the author's lifelong familiarity with African politics, as well as her personal familiarity with Nyerere. Unlike most biographies of African political leaders for children, it provides balanced coverage of both Nyerere's early and adult life, thus showing the personal and cultural origins of his adult political behavior. It Includes mention of details of political life rarely found in other books for children such as Africanization, building an army, annual political party celebrations, and how Nyerere responds to complaints about the government.
There also are collections of short biographies about African political leaders of the present and past. Because of the limited space devoted to the biography of each person, few details about politics are included, although numerous political events are enumerated. Collections of biographies of African political leaders may focus entirely on leaders of the past, such as Naomi Mitchison, African Heros (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1968), or include leaders of both the past and present, such as Florence T. Polatnick and Alberta L. Saletan, Shapers of Africa (New York: Messner, 1969), or focus on leaders of the last two decades, such as Edna Mason Kaula's Leaders of the New Africa (New York: World, 1966).
By far the most successful collection of biographies for revealing political process is Colin and Margaret Legum, The Bitter Choice (Cleveland: World, 1968). subtitled Eight South Africans' Resistance to Tyranny, this book presents a unique political perspective of South Africa among children's books. Instead of focusing on the formal structure of the South African government, as do almost all books written for American children, it focuses on the resistance to that structure by persons who favor equality under the law and the representation of the African majority. It shows how workers, clergymen, "tribal" leaders, and a poet have been drawn into the political arena in South Africa as a response to legislation based on principles of apartheid. Unlike other collections of biographies written for children, it is united both by a common theme and a three chapter introduction that discusses the sociopolitical realities of South Africa of the 1960s. Also unique is the




22.
final chapter that raises questions about tyranny in South Africa and its implications for the future. Most children's books that deal with African politics conclude either with a myopic statement about the great promise of the future or a statement of the "things fall apart" variety indicating that political stability has not followed independence instaneously.
The only preindependence African political leaderwho is the subject of a book-length biography written for American children is Chaka.5 However, Chaka is not presented as a nationalist leader by either Daniel Cohen in Shaka, King of the Zulus (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1973) or Bern Keating in Chaka, King of the Zulus (New York: Putnams, 1968). Chaka's relationships with Europeans are both presented and evaluated from the perspective of South African whites. Chaka's political activities are presented almost in a vacuum in which Europeans are of no consequence. The overhwelming focus of both biographies, as is all children's fiction about Chaka, is on warfare and its brutal aspects. Nevertheless, some aspects of political process are mentioned in this context, since Chaka is considered a military genius and numerous details are given of military organization and reorganization during the years of Chaka's leadership. As in most biographies of contemporary African political leaders, the biographies of Chaka ignore his relationships with other African leaders and with his religious and political officials who helped him achieve his political goals.6
Although more can be learned about politics in Africa from biographies of political leaders than from social studies surveys, social studies surveys are far more numerous than are biographies. In addition, almost all biographies are written for high school students, whereas social studies surveys are written for upper elementary school children, as well as for children in junior and senior high school.
Books on African Nationalism
Most of the children's books on African nationalism were written in the 1960s, as were most other children's books dealing with the politics of African independence. There is only one book which attempts to p:ovide historical background for the independence of African nations that began in the late 1950s, Robin McKown, The Colonial Conquest of t 'rica (yfhw Yok, 1971).7 Because it attempts to cover the entire continent in eighty-eight pages no details of either political structure or political process are included. However, there is-an enumeration of political events, primarily in the nineteenth century, within a context that emphasizes the brevity of European control in terms of African history and the exploitive nature of colonialism.
Most books that deal with nationalism in the mid-twentieth century are equally superficial and restricted in scope. For example, in the sixty-three pages of Leslie A. Lacy, Black Africa on the Move (New York: Watts, 1969), there are one and a third pages on colonialism and two pages on independence movements, with the space devoted to such topics as freedom fighters and problems in South Africa being measured in paragraphs rather than pages. Almost all of the specific examples are from West Africa, an area with which the author is personally familiar. Sydney Lens, Africa--Awakening Giant (New York: Putnams, 1962) is nearly three times as long as Lacy's book and thus can discuss more




23.
factors related to the emergence of twentieth century African nationalism, such as slavery, colonialism, and the return of African soldiers from fighting in the two world wars. There is also space for five case studies of Egypt, Ghana, Guinea, Nigeria, and Tanzania, which were largely determined by the date at which the book was written. The case studies are written from a biographical perspective so that the independence of each nation is viewed largely as an extension of the activities of the national leader at the time of independence. The text, like the title, of this book includes numerous cliches about Africa. This is typical of books on African politics written for American children.
The most successful book of this type is Jill Hollings, African Nationalism (New York: Day, 1972).8 This is the only children's book that discusses both black and white nationalism in Africa within the same conceptual context, mentions early twentieth century African nationalists and nationalism between the two world wars, discusses details of the emergence of political parties, mentions economic factors related to the expression of nationalism, and explicitly states that the nationalist struggle continues after independence. The book is too short to discuss many details of political structure or political process, but it does provide specific examples from all of the major geographical regions of Africa and all nationalities of colonial control, except Spanish.
Although not conceptually written as a book on African nationalism, A. F. Addona, The Organization of African Unity (Cleveland: World, 1969) contains information about political processes involved in the development of African nationalism. Negritude and Panafricanism are discussed as factors related to African independence, the process of decolonization is explicitly labeled and outlined, and the formation of blocs of African nations as the OAU receives considerable attention. The major problems with which the OAU was concerned in its early years also are discussed: African liberation, the Congo crises, refugees, and regional cooperative groups. In a sense this book complements other children's books that deal with African nationalism by focusing on the intra-African components of African nationalism and by detailing some of the interests and activities of national political leaders outside the borders of their own nations.
Reference Books
Apart from children's encyclopedias there are few books that provide basic data pertaining to the politics of African independence.9 What data there are in children's books are extremely limited. Ben Wattenberg and Ralph L. Smith, The New Nations of Africa (New York: Hart Publishing Company, 1963) is a country-by-country survey with numerous photographs that includes information on ethnology, industry, economics, and education, in addition to government and politics. It is full of cliches and factual errors. Since it has not been revised, it has extremely limited value.
Africa 1966 (Washington, D.C.: Stryker-Post, 1966) is the first of a
series of reference books in the World Today Series prepared by Pierre Etienne Dostert that has been published annually since 1970. Each volume usually appears in the autumn of the year for the date in the title. In it one can find political facts such as the former colonial status of each nation, date




24.
of independence, current head of state, capital, and official language, plus a statement on the future of the country, which is usually a comment on its political stability and whether it tends to be communist, democratic, or socialist. When an unusual political event occurs in a country, it may be described in one or a few paragraphs. For example, in Africa 1968 there are several paragraphs on the Biafran conflict in the entry on Nigeria, and in Africa 1976 the Tipending independence of the Transkei is mentioned in the entry on South Africa. In addition, a general up-date section precedes the individual country entries, which are grouped regionally. Over the years this section has included brief commentary on such topics as the unliberated areas of Africa, which are referred to as dependencies, activities of the OAU, Angolan independence, and the activities of Idi Amin.
In Africa 1975 a map shows the "political face" of Africa with a symbol for each nation indicating military rule, one-party state, dependent territory, military control, or democratic government. The same labels are used in the country entries. This source describes neither political structure nor political process, but it does include some political facts. It is up-dated relatively little from year to year, and changes in political names are often considerably belated, the change from Southwest Africa to Namibia being a case in point. 'Despite such lags, it is the most up-to-date reference source for children on political facts for the continent of Africa, since neither children's encyclopedias nor social studies surveys are up-dated with any frequency, if at all.
Fiction
The politics of African independence are not covered in any systematic way in fiction written for American children. In fact, children's fiction about Africa is notable for ignoring political background regardless of whether it is set in times of independence or colonialism. However, it seems to be significant that on-those few occasions when politics are included in fiction written for American children, it is only political violence that is mentioned or described. This is as true of Dorothy Robinson, The Legend of Africania (Chicago: Johnson Publishing Co., 1974), an allegory about the colonial era, as it is of Charles Kearey, Last Plane From Uli (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972), a first person description of the Biafran conflict by a European mercenary.
Usually political violence is mentioned only in the background of a
novel that has some other focus. For example, election riots briefly disrupt the activities of the boy hero of Mary Louise Clifford, Salah of Sierra Leone (New York: Crowell, 1975), and guerrilla fighting in Angola is briefly mentioned in Alice Wellman, The Wilderness Has Ears (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1975), a modern-day exotic novel about an American girl's experiences of Kimbutu religion. Perhaps fiction is worth mentioning in this essay only to illustrate that stereotypes about African violence die hard, and that routine politicalbehavior is not yet a part of the fictional world of Africa, whereas warfare still is, as it has been ever since Europeans first contacted Africa and began to write fiction about it.10




25.
Conclusion
The preceding review of the topics of American children's books that
in some way deal with the politics of African independence does not do justice to the quality and accuracy of the books. Many of the books include out-ofdate information, factual errors, imprecise maps, and illustrations that do not accurately complement the text. Few of the authors have expertise on Africa or even any particular interest in Africa. The same is true of the editors who revise their work. Neither authors nor editors, with a few
notable exceptions that will be obvious to readers of Africa Today, are familiar with either the scholarly literature or current, indepth political reportage' on Africa. Thus, they have selected popular, biased, and sometimes out-dated sources to use as background for their children's books. The very few books on the politics of African independence that have been written by experts on Africa are for older children of above-average reading ability.
It seems that most writers of children's books have a very limited perception of African independence that is more similar to that portrayed by the mass media than by Africanist scholars. Independence is presented as a onetime event that begins and ends when the colonial control ceases. It is very rarely presented as a process with historical roots and sociocultural and economic ramifications after the independence celebrations are over. Perhaps this accounts for why relatively more children's books dealing with African independence were published in the 1960s than in the 1970s. It is evident that little recent scholarship on the politics of African independence has been utilized in writing children's books. American children will obtain a very limited and extremely biased view of the politics of African independence from reading children's books.
NOTES
1. This article deals only with children's books written in English for
American children. It deals with trade books not text books. The
generalizations are based on all of the American children's books
about African politics that I have read, most of which are briefly
described in Children's Books on Africa and Their Authors: An Annotated Bibliography (New York: Africana, 1975) and Supplement to Children's
Books on Africa and Their Authors (New York: Africana, 1979).
2. The conceptual framework for the Enchantment of Africa series is the
same as for The Enchantment of America and Enchantment of South and
Central America series. For details about the series see my articles
in Bulletin of the Southern Association of Africanists, 3, 1, (1975)
35-42; 4, 3, (1976) 24-31; and 6, 3, (1978) 1-10.
3. A wider range of biographies is available for African children in such
series as African Historical Biographies (Heinemann) and Makers of African History (Longman). More of the political biographies for
African children are written by scholars than are those written for
American or British children.




26.
4. For details of the content of this book and how it compares with
other children's biographies of Nkrumah, see my article "Who is
Kwame Nkrumah?" Newsletter of the Southern Association of Africanists
3, 3(1975) 25-28.
5. There are book-length biographies written for British children that
are not available in the U.S. such as David Killingray, Samori Toure: Warrior King (Amersham: Hutton, 1973), as well as ones
written for African children in the series mentioned in the third
footnote.
6. Cohen does mention "wizards, witch doctors and witch finders" whose
independent power Chaka tried to reduce. However, this is more in
the context of calling attention to unusual influences among the Zulu
political organization. Both Cohen and Keating used what were "standard"
sources on the Zulu, such as E. A. Ritter, before the recent trend in
African historiography to utilize oral traditions and view political
history from an African perspective.
7. A more detailed and African-oriented book on this topic written for
British children is David Killingray, A Plague of Europeans (Hamondsworth: Penguin, 1973).
8. This book was originally written for British children and published
in London by Hart Davis in the Young Historian series. Many books
on Africa published in the U.S. are reissues of British books.
9. For an evaluation of the coverage of Africa in children's encyclopedias
see my "Entries on Africa in Reference Books for Children." Newsletter
of the Southern Association of Africanists 3.2 (1975) 3-9.
10. See Dorothy Hammond and Alta Jablow, The Africa That Never Was (New
York: Twayne, 1970) for extensive documentation of this point.




27.
SETSWANA: AN AFRICAN LANGUAGE UNIT
FOR THE CLASSROOM
by M. L. A. Kgasa
Southern Africa is frequently in the limelight for its political activities, which tend to overpower both information and interest in
other aspects of their cultures. Botswana in particular, an independent country of only 850,000 people, is little known to North American classrooms. One of the ways to stimulate further interest in the peoples of
Botswana is to involve school children in speaking its national language, Setswana. The following notes on Setswana are meant only as a brief exposure to the language. Teachers are reminded that. some language accuracy in this program has been sacrificed to brevity. A cassette tape accompanies this program. For further information contact: Outreach Coordinator, Center for African Studies, University of Florida, 470 Grinter Hall, Gainesville, Florida 32621.
PRONUNCIATION GUIDE
STRESS
The main stress in a Setswana word is determined by the number of
syllables in the word. If it has two syllables the stress is on the last syllable (eg. bala). If it has three or more the stress is on the next to
the last syllable (eg. dumela; moruti).
VOWEL SOUNDS
a is like 'a' in father (aba give) e is like 'i' in bill (bela boil)
e is 1ke 'e' in sell (sela pick up)
i is like 'e' in tea (ila hate)
R no English equivalent (lcma bite)
6 is like 'aw' in awful (6ra sit by the fireside)
u is like 'oo' in ooze (pula rain)
Some Setswana sounds can have either a high or a low tone, thus
altering the meaning of a word. For example, 8 means "you" (singular)
and 6 means "he/she."
examples: 0 ya k.ae? (Where are you going?)
0 ya kae? (Where is he going?) Listen to the tape for the high and low sounds. Other difficult sounds
will be made clear by the tape.




28.
I, COMMON GREETINGS
dumela a general greeting for anytime of the day
rra father/sir
mma mother/madam
Ee Yes
0 a concord which refers to the pronoun 'you'
kae? where?
ke a concord which refers to the pronoun 'I'
teng fine
tlhotse the whole day
sentle well (adv.)
Practice (1)
James: Dwnela, ma. (Good day, madam)
Sharon: Ee, dwnumela rra. (Yes, a good day sir.)
James: 0 kae? (How are you? lit. You are where?)
Sharon: Ke teng. (I am fine.)
Note: If it is evening time, the greeter would say "A o tlhotse" (ie. How did you spen-d the day?) in place of "O kae." The answer would be "Ke tlhotse sentle" (lit. I was well the whole day.).
bana children (in a general greeting also includes the wife)
Go? What?
utlwalang news
Lefa ele sepe nothing (lit. There is nothing)
Practice (2)
James: Dumela, rra.
Fred: Ee, dumela, rra.
James: 0 kae?
Fred: Ke teng.
James: Bana ba kae? (How are your wife and children?)
Fred: Ba teng, rra. (They are fine, sir.")
James: Go utZwalang? (What is the news?)
Fred: Lefa e le sepe. (There is no news.)
2, SOME COMMON USAGES
Ee Yes.
Nnyaa No.
Kea itumela. Thank you.
Tsena. Come in.
Nna fatshe. Sit down.
Tla kwano. Come here.
Nxe! Sorry (when someone is hurt)
Bona! Look out!




29.
Reetsa! Listen (pl. Reetsang)
Didimala! Be quiet!
Tsamaya! Go awa,,y!
Tswa! Get out!
Thata very much
0 dirang? What are you doing?
Go ntse jalo. It is so.
Kea itse. I know.
Ga ke itse. I don't know (lit. Not I know)
Practice
Choose an appropriate response to the sentences below
by drawing upon the list of common usages above.
(a) Have you been to Botswana?
(b) Do you like travelling?
(c) Act in such a way as to demonstrate anger and say
(d) Act in such a way as to demonstrate a warning
and say
(e) Act in such a way as to demonstrate disgust and say
(f) Do you study other languages?
(g) Act in such a way as to demonstrate the need for silence.
(h) Express sympathy with your friend who is hurt.
(i) Question whether something is true.
(j) Express thanks.
(k) Act as if you don't know and say
[Make up other situations which require similar responses.]
3, SELECTED NOUNS
mma mother or madam (pl. bomma)
rra father or sir (pl. borra)
rre my father (pl. borre) mine my mother (pl. bomme) ngwana a child (pl. bana)
motho a person ( pl. batho)
mosimane a boy (pl. basimane)
mosethsana a girl (pl. basetsana)
moruti a teacher (pl. baruti)
morutwa- a student (pl. barutwa)
buka a book (pl. dibuka)
sekole a school (pl. dikole)
lokwalo a letter (pl. dikwalo)
pampiri- paper (pl. dipampiri)
pena pen (pl. dipena)




30.
tafole table (pl. ditafole) setilo a chair (pl. ditilo) madi money
tiro work (pl. ditiro) thuto education or a lesson nama meat
tee tea
metse water
sukiri- sugar
sejo food
borotho bread
koloi an automobile (pl. dikoloi) koko chicken or fowl (pl. dikoko) ntlo house (pl. matlo) bothata problem or difficulty lorato love
masi milk
nako time (pl. dinako) watshe a watch (pl. diwatshe)
Practice
After practicing pronunciation of the nouns, the teacher should, by pointing, lifting an object, showing pictures or dramatically acting out a situation, indicate one of
the comon nouns and illicit the correct Setswana word
from the student.
A Useful Prepositional Form
We can add '-ng' to many nouns and designate place.
examples: (1) sekole (school)+ ng = sekoleng (to/from school)
tafole (table) + ng = tafoleng (to/from the table) sentilo (chair) + ng = setilong (to/from the chair) moruti (teacher)+ ng = moruting (to/from the teacher)
(2) 0 ya kae? (Where are you going?)
Kea sekoleng. (I am going to school.) 0 tswa kae? (Where do you come from?) Ke tswa moruting. (I come from the teacher.)
FORMING SIMPLE SENTENCES
In English, simple action sentences may answer three questions:
who? (the subject) usually a noun or pronoun what? (what the subject is doing)- a verb form
when? (when the subject is doing the action)- the verb tense




31.
examples: (who) (when) (what)
I am reading.
She will teach.
He teaches.
They ran..
Sometimes this action takes an OBJECT: He is teaching STUDENTS.
They like FOOD.
It is similar in Setswana. For example:
Ba tlaa kwala = They/will/write.
(who) + (when) + (what)
Kea bua = I am speaking.
(who) + (when & what)
OR
Ke bala buka I/am reading/a book.
(who) + (when & + OBJECT
what)
Each of the following paragraphs provides you with building blocks for creating simple sentences.
(a) Pronouns used with verbs (Concords)
In Setswana, concords have both long and short forms.
The short form must take an OBJECT (eg. Ke bala buka.
- I am reading a BOOK.). The long form does not have
an OBJECT. (eg. Kea bala. I am reading.). These forms, so essential to forming sentences, are given
below.
(short forms) singular plural
ke I re we
0 you o10 you
6 he/she ba they
Note: The symbol means the voice goes down, and
the symbol means the voice goes up.
examples: Ke rata hamburgers. I like hamburgers.
-Q ja eng? What are you eating? (lit. You are eating what?) d nwa metse. He is drinking water. Ba ya Tampa. They are going to Tampa. Re tswa Ocala. We come from Ocala.




32.
(long forms)
singular plural
kea I rea we
Oa you loa you
Oa he/she baa they
examples:
Kea kwala. I am writing. Kea bona. I see. Oa bua. He is speaking. Baa ruta. They are teaching. Oa ema. She is standing.
Practice
List the six English pronouns on the board. Give the class a basic verb construction (eg. Kea kwala I am writing). As you point to one of the English pronouns, have the students substitute the
Setswana equivalent in the given verb construction.
example: (pointing to "we", students should
respond with "Rea koala." We are writing.)
(b) Verbs and Verb tenses
Most Setswana verbs in the PRESENT TENSE end in "-a"
(bala-read, ema-stand, dira-work, etc.).
examples: Ke bala buka. I am reading the book.
Ba rata sejo. They like food.
The PAST TENSE is formed by substituting "-ile"' for "-a"
in the verb root. For example, ruta (educate) becomes
rutile (educated); bua (speak) becomes buile (spoke);
and dira (do) becomes dirile (did).
examples: Ke rutile John. I taught John.
Ke dirile setilo. I made a chair.
The FUTURE TENSE of all verbs is always formed by simply
using "tlaa" plus the present tense:
Ba tlaa kwala. They will write. Ke tlaa tsamaya. I shall go.




33.
The following is a list of commonly used Regular Verbs and three of their tense forms:
present past future
dira do or work dirile did tlaa dira will do or work
bala read badile read tlaa bala will read
kwala write kwadile wrote tlaa kwala will write
rata love or like ratile- loved or liked tlaa rata-will love or write
ruta teach rutile taught tlaa ruto will love or like
tsamaya walk tsamaile walked tlaa tsamaya will walk
itse know itsile knew tlaa itse- will know
tla come tsile came tlaa tla will come
re say rile said tlaa re will say
ya go ile went tlaa ya will go
lere bring lerile brought tlaa lere will bring
batla want batlile wanted tlaa batla will want
bua speak buile spoke tlaa bua will speak
Some verbs, however, are Irregular because they form the PAST TENSE in a different way. Note the following common verbs:
present past future
botsa ask boditse asked tlaa botsa will ask
ema stand eme stood tlaa ema will stand
nna sit nntse sat tlaanna will sit
bona see bonye saw tlaa bona will see
tulwa hear/understand utlwa heard/understood tlaa tulwa will hear or understand
ja eat jele ate tlaa ja will eat
bula open butse opened tlaa bula will open
tswala close tswetse closed tlaa tswala will close
tsena come in/enter tsenye entered tlaa tsena will enter
tswa go out dule went out tlaa tswa will go out
tsaya take tsere took tlaa tsaya will take
nwa drink nole drank tlaa nwa will drink




34.
Note: The infinitive form of the verb (eg. to go) is formed in
Setswana by "go" + verb root.
examples: go bala (to read)
go ruta (to teach)
go bona (to see)etc.
Practice (1):
Vocabulary practice can be done by dramatically acting out
the action indicated by the verb and requiring students
to identify the Setswana verb.
Practice (2):
Choose one basic verb construction and practice substituting
the three different tenses. You should practice using the
verbs from the lists on the previous page. Example:
basic construction: Oa ruta. (He is teaching.)
substitute: present tense = Oa ruta (He is teaching.) past tense = 0 rutile (He taught.)
future tense = Oa tlaa ruta (He will teach.;
Practice (3):
Begin by writing a full sentence construction on the board, such as "Rea kwala" (We are writing.). The teacher should then provide students with cues for them to change either
the concord, the tense, or the verb. Given the cue, students
should then respond with the appropriate Setswana sentence
construction, followed by its English translation.
basic construction: Rea kwala (We are writing.)
cues response
past tense Re kwadile (We wrote.)
they Baa kwala (They are writing.)
bala Rea bala (We are reading.)
future Re tlaa kwala (We will write.)
etc.




35.
5, COMMON ADVERBS
now jaanong
soon/shortly kgantele
yesterday maabane
today gompieno
tomorrow kamoso recently maloba slowly ka bonya
quickly ka bofefo
very much thata
examples: Nna fatshe jaanong! (Sit down now!)
Ke tsamaya kgantele. (I am going shortly.) Ke ile toropong maabane. (I went to town yesterday.)
0 buile gompieno. (She spoke today.) Tsamaya ka bonya. (Walk slowly.) Ke rata Euka thata. (I like the book very much.) Tla ka bofefo. (Come quickly.)
6, PERSONAL PRONOUNS WHICH STAND ALONE
singular plural
naa I, me rona we/us
wena you lona you
ene he/she bone they/them
examples: -Lo batla mang? (Whom do you want?)
-Wena. (You.)
-Ba bua le mang? (With whom do they speak?)
-Nna. (Me.)
-Lo bonye mang? (Whom did you see?)
-Bone. (Them.)
-Nna kea bala. (I myself am reading.)
-Ba batla nna. (They want me.)
- Wena botsa bone. (You ask them.)
-Bone ba utlwa lona. (They hear you.)
7, FORMING QUESTIONS?????????
(a) Using "A"' to begin a sentence
You can take a simple sentence and turn it into a question
by beginning the sentence with "A".




36.
examples: A o batla sejo? (Do you want food?) A 6 rata sekole? (Does he like school?) A ba tlaa tla? (Will they come?) A o ya Orlando? (Are you going to Orlando?)
(b) Using special words
kae? where?
eng? what?
leng? when?
jang? how?
go reng? why?
question answer
0 ya kae? Ke ya sekoleng.
(Where are you going?) (I am going to school.)
Ba tswa kae? Ba tswa Tampa.
(Where do they come from?) (They come from Tampa.)
Lo dira eng? Rea kwala.
(What are you doing?) (We are writing.)
Lo tlaa tsamaya leng? Ga ke itse.
(When will you go?) (I don't know.)
O kwala jang? Ke kwala sentle.
(How do you write?) (I write nicely.)
O kae? Ke teng.
(How are you?) (I am fine.)
0 dira eng? Kea bala.
(What are you doing?) (I am reading?)
Ba ya kae? Ba ya Ocala.
(Where are they going?) (They are going to Ocala.)
0 batla eng? Ke batla madi.
(What do you want?) (I want money.)
Go reng a tsamaile? 0 ile go bala.
(Why did he go?) (He went to read.)
Practice
You can now begin to ask your students questions and expect simple answers. Use vhe questions above for practice, and begin to substitute other verbs and nouns in your questions
and answers.




37.
SHow TO DESCRIBE
-ntle beautiful, nice
-leele tall (for a person)
-telele tall, long (for things)
-tona big, large
-nnye small, tiny
-ntsi many, much
-kima thick, stout
-sesane thin, narrow
In Setswana, adjectives do not stand alone unchanged as in
English. They exist as stems and take on a prefix which is determined by the noun they modify. For example, to form "beautiful person," you take the noun (motho person) and the adjective stem (-ntle beautiful), and join them in this way:
motho + yo + montle = a beautiful person (lit. a person of beauty.)
examples: motho + yo + moleele = motho yo moleele
(person) (of) (tallness)=(a tall person)
selo + se + sentle = selo se sentle
(thing) (of) (beauty) = (a beautiful thing)
dibuka + tse + dintle = dibuka tse dintle (books) (of) (beauty)= (beautiful books)
Note: Nouns belong to different classes. Each class has a
different way to form the preposition ("of") which joins the noun and the adjective stem. The three nouns in the
above examples are from different classes and form "of"
in slightly different ways.
If you omit the combining preposition and write, for
example, "motho montle" you change the meaning significantly.
"Motho montle" becomes "The person is beautiful."
Similarly,
motho moleele = The person is tall. selo sentle = The thing is beautiful. dibuka dintle = The books are beautiful.
Colors
-sweu or -tshweu white
-ntsho black
-tala blue or green
-khubidu red




38.
examples:
mosimane yo mosweu a white boy
koko e ntsho a black fowl
koloi e tshweu a white auto
tafole e tala a blue table
pena e khubidu a red pen
pena e tala a blue or green pen
OR
motho mosweu the person is white
moruti mokima the teacher is stout
tafole tala the table is blue
buka tona the book is big
Practice
Match the following nouns with appropriate adjectives given in
the second column. Remember that they can be combined in two
different ways.
dibuka -leele
barutwa -ntsi
mosimane -ntle
madi -kima
tzo -tona
koloi -nnye
tafoZle -sweu
pena -tala
sejo -khubidu
SLET'S COUNT
nngwe one
pedi two
tharo three
nne four
tlhano five
thataro six
supa seven
fera bobedi eight
fera bongwe nine
some ten
In Setswana, when we are referring to persons (instead of animals or
things) different words are used for the numbers 1-6. Note the
following examples.




39.
one pen pena e le nngwe
one person motho a le mongwe
two chairs ditilo di le pedi
two people batho ba le babedi
three chickens dikoko de le tharo three children bana ba le bararo
four books dibuka de le nne
four students barutwa ba le bane
five papers dipampiri di le tlhano
five girls basetsana ba le batlhano
six teachers baruti ba le barataro
six tables ditafole di le thataro
seven watches diwatshe di supa
seven children bana ba supa
eight books dibuka di fera bobedi eight people batho ba fera bobedi
nine automobiles dikoloi di fera bongwe
ten people batho ba le some
ten pens dipena di le some
twenty teachers baruti ba le masome mabedi
a hundred people batho ba le lekgolo
a hundred dollars didollar di le lekgolo
Practice
One effective way to learn the use of numbers is to write
down aZll of the numbers that are important to you and practice saying them in Setswana. For example: your
telephone number (and you friends'), your social security
number, zip code, street number, etc. The teacher can make
up other questions which require the student to compute and answer in Setswana (eg. How many days to Christmas?
How many days in the week? How many sisters or brothers
do you have? The number of books on your desk? etc.)
10, PUTTING IT ALL TOGETHER
The teacher may use and elaborate upon the following
exercises to practice the Setswana learned thus far.




4Q.
(1) Questions and Answers
(Question) (Answer)
Lo dira eng? Rea bala.
(What are you doing?) (We are reading.)
Ba ya kae? Ba ya Ocala.
(Where are they going?) (They are going to Ocala.)
0 batla eng? Ke batla madi.
(What do you want.) (I want money.)
A o bona mme? Ee, kea mmona.
(Do you see my mother?) (Yes, I see her.)
A o tsere pena? Nnyaa.
(Have you taken the pen?) (No.)
A o bona buka e tona? Ee.
(Do you see the big book?) (Yes.)
A o rata madi? Thata.
(Do you wike money?) (Very much.)
Go reng a tsamaile? 0 ile go ja.
(Why has he gone?) (He has gone to eat.)
(2) Miscellaneous Statements
Lere buka. (Bring the book.)
Moruti o buile sentle. (The teacher spoke well.) Ngwana o rata nama. (The child is fond of meat.)
Ke kwadile lokwalo maloba. (I wrote a letter recently.)
Lo tlaa bona rre kamoso. (You will see my father tomorrow.)
Lere ditilo di le thataro. (Bring six chairs.)
Re tswetse sekole maabane. (We cloosed the school yesterday.)
Bula ka bofefo. (Open (the door) quickly.)
Basimane ba le lekgolo ba rata sekole. (One hundred boys like school.)
Go ruta ngwana go batla madi a mantsi. (To teach a child needs much money.)
Ba tsere dipena di fera bongwe. (They took nine pens.)
Ke tlaa go bona kgantele. (I shall see you shortly.)
Baruti ba tswa sekoleng. (The teachers come from school.)
Nxe! (Sorry you're hurt.)
(3) Questions and Answers (using adjective forms)
The teachers should first question students. Students may
then turn and question one another.




41.
Teacher: A sekole se sentle? (Is the school beautiful?)
Student: Ee, sekole se sentle. (Yes, the school is beautiful.)
Teacher: A moruti o moleele? (Is the teacher tall?)
Student: Nnyaa, moruti mokhutshwane. (No, the teacher is short.)
Teacher: A tiro e ntsi? (Is there much work?)
Student: Nnyaa, tiro nnye. (No, there is little work.)
) Conversation:
Ruth: Dumela, tma. Good day, madam.
June: Ee, dumela, mma. Yes, good day, madam.
Ruth: 0 kae? How are you?
June: Ke teng. I am fine.
Ruth: Bana ba kae? How are your wife and children?
June: Ba teng. They are fine.
Ruth: Go utlwalang? What is the news?
June: Lefa e le sepe. Nothing.
Ruth: 0 ja eng? What are you eating?
June: Ke ja hamburger. I am eating hamburger.
Ruth: John o dira eng? What is John doing?
June: Ga ke itse. I don't know.
Ruth: 0 botsa mang? Whom are you asking?
June: Wena. You.




42.
BULLETIN OF THE SOUTHERN ASSOCIATION OF AFRICANISTS:
ARTICLES AND MEDIA REVIEWS 1973 1981
The first issue of the Newsletter of the Southern Association of
Africanists was published in February 1973 with support from the Department of Government and International Studies at the University of South Carolina, Columbia. In 1975 the Newsletter became the Bulletin, and major responsibility for publication shifted to the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. Since its beginning, this publication has appeared three times a year. A few back issues are still available for purchase, and special arrangements can be made for SAA members who wish to obtain photocopies of those volumes which are out of stock (see the notes on ordering and on SAA membership immediately following the INDEX). The following Index covers Volumes 1-8 and Volume 9, Number
1. The Index is divided into two parts: articles, which focus primarily on problems and suggestions related to teaching;and media reviews, mostly of published books. Omitted from the Index are reviews of filmstrips, miscellaneous announcements, and items of news. To conserve space and time, we have ommitted dates. For reference:
Vol. 1 1973
2 1974
3 1975
4 1976
5 1977
6 1978
7 1979
8 1980
9 1981
Special thanks go to Ms. Betty Sue Odom, graduate student in Social Science at Western Carolina University, for her work in compiling the Index.
INDEX TO ARTICLES
Bergerol, Jane. "Facing Independent Realities" in Vol. 3, No. 3.
Brana-Shute, Rosemary. "Post-Independence Africa: An Annotated Bibliography"
in Vol. 4, No. 2.
"Post-Independoice Africa: An Annotated Bibliography (Part II)" in Vol. 5, No. 1.
Brooks, George E. "A Scheme for Integrating Africa into World History" in Vol.
3, No. 3.
Brown, Walter T. "Funding International Studies: The Challenge of Globalizing Education" in Vol. 6, No. 2.
DeLancey, Mark. "Some Cameroon Authors in the African Writers Series of Heinemann Educational Books" (Review Essay) in Vol. 4, No. 1.




43.
"A Return Visit to Nigeria" in Vol. 4, No. 1. "Some Nigerian Views on the Angolan Conflict" in Nol. 4, No. 2. "Bills to Establish and African Development Foundation" in Vol. 6, No. 2.
Dudman, Mary K. "Rhodesia and South Africa: A Selected Reading List" in Vol. 6, No. 1.
Dumont, Rene. "Population and Cannibals" in Vol. 3, No. 1. Dunbar, Roberta Ann. "The Validity of African Studies in American Education:
the SAA Position" in Vol. 8, No. 1.
English, Marti. "The Changing Role of Women as Illustrated in God's Bits of
Wood" in Vol. 3, No. 3.
Erb, Karen Simmons. "Books on Africa in the Local Library A Critique" in
Vol. 5, No. 2.
Fuller, Thomas. "Synthesizing African History" (Review Essay) in Vol. 4, No. 1. Gals, Steven H. "American Studies in Liberia" in Vol. 7, No. 2/3. Glover, Karen. "Teaching Multi-Cultural Studies in High Schools" in Vol. 7,
No. 2/3.
Hall, Susan. "African Fiction in Class" in Vol. 2, No. 3.
"Tarzan Lives! A Study of the New Children's Books About Africa"
in Vol. 6, No. 3.
Hansen, Kathryn. "Idi Amin" (Review Essay) in Vol. 7, No. 2/3. Harris, Joseph E. "Afro-American Africanists and African Studies: A Statement"
in Vol. 5, No. 2.
Hartwig, Gerald W. "Empathetic Learning Reconsidered" in Vol. 5, No. 1. Heggoy, Alf Andrew. "North African History in English" in Vol. 8, No. 3. Herskovits, Jean. "Dateline Nigeria: A Black Power" in Vol. 6, No. 2. Huff, Carolyn B. "Southern Africa" (Review Essay) in Vol. 4, No. 3. Issacman, Allen. "U.S. Press Smears Mozambique" in Vol. 5, No. 3. Kenski, Henry C. & Margaret C. Kenski. "Teaching African Politics at American
Colleges and Universities: A Survey" in Vol. 5, No. 3.
Knipp, Margaret and Ronald Cohen. "Women and Change in West Africa" A
Synthesis" in Vol. 9, No. 1.




44.
Lemarchand, Rene. "Ethnic Genocide in Burundi" in Vol. 4, No. 1. Lyons, James E. "The University Press of America" in Vol. 8, No. 1. Manning, Patrick. "Things Fall Together: The Use of Literature in Teaching
African History" in Vol. 8, No. 3.
Meyers, B. David. "Teaching Teachers About Africa" in Vol. 3, No. 2. Motani, Nizar A. "The Expanding Frontier of African History: From Oliver
and Atmore to Robin Hallett" (Review Article) in Vol. 4, No. 3. Minter, William. "Learning from Guinea-Bissau" in Vol. 7, No. 1.
_ "The United States and Southern Africa: Some Reading Suggestions"
in Vol. 5, No. 3.
Omotoso, Sam 0. "Balance and Relevance in the U. S. Public School" in Vol. 6,
No. 1.
O'Toole, Thomas and Daniel Schafer. "Clearing the Jungle out of African Studies"
in Vol. 3, No. 1.
"The World History Teacher and Africa" in Vol. 4, No. 2.
_ "Teaching About Africa" in Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
"Understanding Contemporary Central African Society" Vol. 8, No. 2. Outreach Program of the African Studies Center (University of Wisconsin, Madison).
"Media About Africa in Outreach to Minority Groups" in Vol. 8, No. 3. Pounder, Lona. "Teaching About Africa" in Vol. 1, No. 3. Rich, Evelyn Jones. "Mind Your Language" in Vol. 4, No. 3.
"Mark My Word" in Vol. 5, No. 1.
"Media to Teach About Africa in Secondary Schools and Beyond:
An Overview" in Vol. 8, No. 2.
Rosenthal, Jerry E. "The Creeping Catastrophe" in Vol. 2, No. 1. Sanzare, James. "Checking the Labels" in Vol. 1, No. 2. Schmidt, Nancy J. "Four Perspectives on African History for Secondary School
Students" in Vol. 2, No. 1.
"Textbook Introduction to Africa: General or Specific?" in
Vol. 2, No. 3.
. "Enchantment of Africa: A New Series for Children" (Review
Essay) in Vol. 3, No. 1.




45.
"Entries on Africa in Reference Books for Children" in Vol. 3,
No. 2.
"Who Is Kwame Nkrumah?" (Review Essay) in Vol. 3, No. 3.
i "Fiction About African Children for African Children: Books
in Series" in Vol. 4, No. 3.
. "Enchantment of Africa: Recent Additions to the Series"
(Review Essay) in Vol. 4, No. 3.
"The African Bookshelf: Basic Books for High Schools" in Vol. 5,
No. 3.
"Conceptual Frameworks for Study of Africa in American Secondary
Schools" in Vol. 6, No. 1.
. "African Sketches: A New Curriculum Unit From Inter-Culture
Associates" in Vol. 6, No. 3.
"Enchantment of Africa: Tbe Rush to Finish the Series" in
Vol. 6, No. 3.
"Africa in Children's Fiction: American Views 1830-1979" in
Vol. 9, No. 1.
Scott, Patrick. "The Cultural Significance of T. N. Aluko's Novels" in Vol. 7,
No. 1.
Seckel, Jr., Clarence G. "African Oral Literature in the Secondary School
Curriculum" in Vol. 4, No. 2.
Stanley, W. R. and K. E. French. "Studying the Human Geography of Sub-Saharan
Africa" in Vol. 2, No. 3.
Stevens, Jr., Phillip. "On The Teaching of African Anthropology" in Vol.. 8, No. 1. Walsh, Gretchen. "Textbook Publishing in Africa" in Vol. 7, No. 2/3. Walter, Kenneth G. "Library Development for Areal Studies: Cameroons" in Vol.
1, No. 2.
Zimra, Clarisse. "Women in Contemporary Arabic Fiction" (Review Essay) in Vol.
7, No. 2/3.




46.
INDEX TO MEDIA REVIEWS
Abdel-Rahim, Muddathir. Changing Patterns of Civilian-Military Relations in
the Sudan. (Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1978). Reviewed
by Gerald Hartwig. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Abrahams, Peter. Mine Boy. (Heinemann, 1963). Reviewed by Joan Lewis. Vol. 2.
No. 1.
. Mine Boy. (Heinemann, 1963). Reviewed by Harriet Wells. Vol. 3,
No. 1.
Accad, Evelyne. Veil of Shame: The Role of Women in the Contemporary Fiction
of North Africa and the Arab World. (Editions Naaman, 1978). Reviewed by
Clarisse Zimra. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Achebe, Chinua. Things Fall Apart. (McDowell, Oblinshey, 1959). Reviewed by
Susan Hall. Vol. 2, No. 3,
_ No Longer at Ease. (Publications, Inc., 1969). Reviewed by
Russell Linnemann, Vol. 3, No. 1.
Morning Yet on Creation Day. (Doubleday Anchor Books, 1975).
Reviewed by Esther Fisher. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Africa Research Group. Race to Power: The Struggle for Southern Africa. (Anchor
Books, 1974). Reviewed by Carolyn Huff. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Akintoye, S. A. Emergent African States: Topics in 20th Century African History.
(Longman, 1976). Reviewed by R. L. Watson. Vol, 5, No. 3.
Akpan, Moses E. African Goals and Diplomatic Strategies in the United Nations:
An In-Depth Analysis of African Diplomacy. (Cristopher Publishing House,
1976). Reviewed by Robert Mundt. Vol. 6, No. 1.
Nigerian Politics: A Search for National Unity and Stability.
(University Press of America, 1977). Reviewed by James S. E. Opolot. Vol.
6, No. 2.
Alland, Alexander. When the Spider Danced. (Anchor Press/Doubleday). Reviewed by
Steven Nachman. Vol. 8, No. 2.
Amadi, Elechi. The Concubine. (Heinemann, 1966). Reviewed by Mary Jane Schenck.
Vol. 3, No. 1.
Amengual, Michael. Une histoire de l'Afrique est-elle possible? (Les Nouvelles
Editions Africaines, 1975). Reviewed by Daniel M. McFarland. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Ames, Sophia. Nkrumah of Ghana. (Rand McNally, 1961). Reviewed by Nancy J.
Schmidt. Vol. 3, No. 3.




47.
Arco Publishing Company. Peoples of Africa. (Arco, 1978). Reviewed by Nancy J.
Schmidt. Vol. 3, No. 2.
Arnold, Guy. Modern Nigeria. (Longman, 1977). Reviewed by Mark W. DeLancey.
Vol. 6, No. 3.
Austin, Dennis. Politics in Africa. Reviewed by Sandra Wurth-Hough. Vol. 8,
No. 1.
Awooner, Kofi. The Breast of the Earth, A Survey of the History, Culture, and
Literature of Africa South of the Sahara. Reviewed by Patrick Greig Scott.
Vol. 6, No. 1.
Bastide, Roger. The African Religions of Brazil. Trans. by Helen Sheba. (John
Hopkins Press, 1978). Reviewed by Thomas O'Toole. Vol. 8, No. 2.
Bebey, Francis. Agatha Meudio's Son. (Heinemann Ed. Books). Reviewed by Mark
DeLancey. Vol. 4, No. 1.
Bender, Gerald J. Angola Under the Portuguese: The Myth aLd the Reality. (University of California Press, 1978). Reviewed by Joseph C. Miller. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Berghahn, Marion. Images of Africa in Black American Literature. Rowman and
Littlefield, 1967). Reviewed by Larry E. Rivers. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Bernheim, Evelyn and Marc. A Week in Aya's World: The Ivory Coast. (MacMillian
Co., 1969). Reviewed by Jean Travillion. Vol. 3, No. 1.
. In Africa. (Atheneum, 1973). Reviewed by Jean Travillion. Vol.
3, No. 1.
Best, Alan C. G. and Harm J. deBilj. African Survey.' (John Wiley and Sons, 1977).
Reviewed by Jeffrey W. Neff. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Beti, Mongo. Mission to Kala. (Heinemann, 1964). Reviewed by Susan Hall, Vol.
2, No. 3.
. The Poor Christ of Bomba. (Heinemann Ed. Books). Reviewed by
Mark W. DeLancey. Vol. 4, No. 1.
Bhagavan, M. R. Zambia: Impact of Industrial Strategy on Regional Imbalance and Social Inequality. (Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1978).
Reviewed by Eugene Hermitte. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Birks, J. S. Across the Savannas to Mecca, the Overland Pilgrimage Route from West Africa. (Frank Cass and Co., 1978). Reviewed by Claude Chauvigne.
Vol. 9, No. 1.
Bissell, Richard E. Apartheid and International Organizations. (Westview Press, 1977). Reviewed by Mark W. DeLancey. 7ol. 6, No. 2.
Blair, Dorothy S. African Literature in French. (Cambridge University ?ress, 1976). Reviewed by Pat Umfress. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.




48.
Bleeker, Sonia. The Ibo of Biafra. (William Morrow and Co., 1969). Reviewed
by Jean Travillion. Vol. 3, No. 1.
Boateng, Yaw M. The Return: A Novel of the Slave Trade in Africa. (Pantheon
Books, 1977). Reviewed by Elaine Greenberg. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Boesak, Allan Aubrey. Farewell to Innocence: A Socio-Ethical Study on Black
Theology and Power. (Orbis Books, 1977). Reviewed by Paul Blankenship.
Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Bono, Salvatore. Le Frontiere in Africa. (Guiffre, 1973). Reviewed by Anthony
S. Reyner. Vol. 3, No. 2.
Booth, Newell S., ed. African Religions: A Symposium. (NOK Publishers, 1977).
Reviewed by J. R. Crawford. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Brooks, Lester. Great Civilizations of Ancient Africa. (Four Winds Press,1971).
Reviewed by Thomas Fuller. Vol. 4, No. 1.
Burchett, Wilfred. Southern Africa Stands Up: The Revolutions in Angola, Mozambique, Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa. (Urizen Books, 1978). Reviewed
by Joseph Miller. Vol. 8, No. 2.
and Derek Roebuck. The Whores of War: Mercenaries Today.
(Penghin Books, 1977). Reviewed by Mary Jo Bratton. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Burness, Donald. Fire: Six Writers from Angola, Mozambique, and Cape Verde.
(Three Continents, 1977). Reviewed by Maria Luisa Nunes. Vol: 7, No. 2/3.
Butere Girls High School, Form IV A (1968). Loice, High School Student. (East
African Publishing House, 1970). Reviewed by Steve Burgess. Vol. 2, No. 2.
Butler, Jeffrey, Robert I. Rotberg & John Adams. The Black Homelands of South
Africa: The Political and Economic Development of Bophuthatswana KwaZulu.
(University of California Press, 1977). Reviewed by Carolyn B. Huff. Vol.
6, No. 3.
Carlsson, Jerker. Transnational Companies in Liberia: The Role of Transnational
Companies in the Economic Development of Liberia. (Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1977). Reviewed by Donald E. Vermeer. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Carpenter, Susan and Pat Burke Guild. Cultural Iniative Series: Africa. (Intercultural Associates, 1974). Reviewed by Phyllis Alexander. Vol. 3, No. 1.
. Africa--Cultural Iniative Series. (Intercultural Associates, 1974).
Reviewed by Tom Erb. Vol. 5, No. 2.
Casada, James A., ed. African and Afro-American History: A Review of Recent
Trends. (Conch Magazine Ltd., 1978). Reviewed by William C. Henderson.
Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Chamberlain, M. E. The Scramble for Africa. (Longman, 1974). Reviewed by R. L.
Watson. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Chanock, Martin. Britain, Rhodesia, and South Africa. (Frank Cass, 1977). Reviewed by K. Nyamayaro Mufuka. Vol. 7, No. 1.




49.
Chester, Edward W. Clash of Titans: Africa and United States Foreign Policy.
(Orbis Books, 1974). Reviewed by Dennis Schroeder. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Chirenje, J. Mutero. A History of Northern Botswana, 1850-1910. (Farleigh
Dickinson University Press, 1977). Reviewed by Richard Sigwalt. Vol. 6,
No. 2.
Clissold, Stephen. The Barbary Slaves. (Rowman and Littlefield, 1977). Reviewed
by Dwight L. Ling. Vol. 6, No. 1.
Cohen, David William. Womunafu's Bunafu: A Study of Authority in a Nineteenth
Century African Community. (Princeton University Press, 1977). Reviewed
by Harris W. Mobley. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Comins, Jeremy. Getting Started in African Crafts. (Bruce Publishing Company,
1971). Reviewed by Jean Travillion. Vol. 3, No. 1.
Cooper, Frederick. Plantation Slavery on the East Coast of Africa. (Yale University Press, 1977). Reviewed by Gerald W. Hartwig. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Craton, Michael, James Walvin and David Wright. Slavery, Abolition and Emancipation: Black Slaves and the British Empire. (Longman, 1977). Reviewed
by Mary Jo Bratton. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Crowder, Michael. West Africa: An Introduction to its History. (Longman, 1977).
Reviewed by K. David Patterson. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Crowley, Daniel J., ed. African Folklore in the New World. (University of Texas
Press, 1977). Reviewed by Lauren Yoder. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Cruickshank, Robert, Kenneth L. Stand and Hugh B. L. RUssell, eds. Epidemiology
and Community Health in Warm Climate Countries. (Livingston, 1976). Reviewed by K. David Patterson, Vol. 7, No. 1.
Curtain, Phillip, Steven Feierman, Leonard Thompson and Jan Vansina. African
History. (Little, Brown and Company, 1978). Reviewed by Tom O'Toole.
Vol. 6, No. 1.
African History. (Little, Brown and Company, 1978). Reviewed
by John Zarwan. Vol, 6, No. 2.
Dalby, David, R. J. Harrison Church and Faima Bezzaz. Drought in Africa. (International African Institute, Special Report 6, 1975). Reviewed by Jeffrey
Neff. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Dathorne, 0. R. African Literature in the 20th Century. (University of Minnesota
Press, 1977). Reviewed by Charles F. Dameron, Jr. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Davenport, T. R. H. South Africa: A Modern History. Second Edition. (University
of Toronto Press, 1978). Reviewed by K. David Patterson. Vol, 8, No. 2.
Decalo, Samuel. Historical Dictionary of Dahomey--People's Republic of Benin.
(AHD#7). (Scarecrow Press, 1976). Reviewed by Daniel MacFarland. Vol. 7,
No. 1.




50.
. Historical Dictionary of Chad. (AHD#13). (Scarecrow Press,
1977). Reviewed by Daniel MacFarland. Vol. 7, No. 1.
DeLancey, Mark. W. and Virginia H. A Bibliography of Cameroon. (Africana
Publishing Co., 1975). Reviewed by James W. Brown. Vol. 4, No. 1.
DeLancey, Mark, ed. Aspects of International Relations in Africa. (Indiana
University, 1979). Reviewed by Karen A. Mingst. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Deng, Francis Mading. Dinka Folktales: African Stories from the Sudan. (Holmes
and Meier Publishers, Inc.). Reviewed by Paul A. Kotey. Vol. 3, No. 2.
. Africans of Two Worlds: The Dinka in Afro-Arab Sudan. (Yale
University Press, 1978). Reviewed by Edwin S. Segal. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Dipoko, Mbelle Sonne. Because of Women. (Heinemann Ed. Books). Reviewed by
Mark W. DeLancey. Vol. 4, No. 1.
. A Few Nights and Days. (Heinemann Ed. Books). Reviewed by Mark
W. DeLancey. Vol. 4, No. 1.
Doudu, Cameron. The Gab Boys. (Fontana). Reviewed by Allyn Purvis. Vol. 3, No.
Egejuru, Phanual Akubueze. Black Writers, White Audience: A Critical Approach to
African Literature. (Exposition Press, 1978). Reviewed by Patrick Greig
Scott. Vol. 8. No. 1.
Egero, Bertil. Research Report n-42 Mozambique and Angola: Reconstruction in the
Social Sciences. (The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1977). Reviewed by Mario Azevedo. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Egudu, Romanus N. Four Modern West African Poets. (NOK Publishers, 1977). Reviewed by Patrick Greig Scott. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Ekwensi, Cyprian. Jagua Nana. (Fawcett World Library, 1969). Reviewed by
Russell J. Linnemann. Vol. 5, No. 1.
Ellis, June, ed. West African Families in Britain, A Meeting of Two Cultures.
(Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978). Reviewed by Risa S. Ellovich. Vol. 7,
No. 2/3.
Elphick, Richard. Kraal and Castle: Khoikhoi and the Founding of White South
Africa. (Yale University Press, 1977). Reviewed by John Zarwan. Vol. 7,
No. 2/3.
Fage, J.D., ed. The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 2: From c. 500 to A.D. 1050.
(Cambridge University Press, 1979). Reviewed by Stuart A. Marks. Vol. 8,
No. 3.
Fernea, Elizabeth. A Street in Marrakech. (Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1976). Reviewed by Wilfred C. Bailey. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Flint, John, ed. The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: From c. 1790 to c. 187
(Cambridge University Press, 1976). Reviewed by Roberta Ann Dunbar. Vol. 8,
No. 3.




51.
Foray, Cyril P. Historical Dictionary of Sierra Leone. (AHD#12). (Scarecrow
Press. 1977). Reviewed by Daniel MacFarland. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Furley, 0. W. and Tom Watson. A History of Education in East Africa. (NOK
Publishers, 1978). Reviewed by David Gardiner. Vol. 8, No. 1.
Gann, L. H. and Peter Duignan. South Africa: War, Revolution or Peace? (Hoover
Institute Press, 1978). Reviewed by Carolyn Huff. Vol. 8, No. 2.
Gay, John. Red Dust on the Green Leaves: A Kpelle Twins' Childhood. (Interculture Associates, 1973). Reviewed by Alice Estes. Vol. 2, No. 1.
Red Dust on the Green Leaves. (Interculture Associates, 1973). Reviewed by Clive Kileff. Vol. 4, No. 1.
Gerhart, Gail M. and Thomas Daris, eds. Political Profiles, 1882-1964. (Hoover
Institution Press, 1977). Reviewed by Ted Hemmingway. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Gibson, Richard. African Liberation Movements: Contemporary Struggles Against
White Minority Rule. (Oxford University Press, 1972). Reviewed by Carolyn
Huff. Vol. 4, No. 3.
Gray, Richard, ed. The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4: From c. 1600 to c. 1790.
(Cambridge University Press, 1974). Reviewed by R. L. Watson. Vol. 8, No. 3.
Grimal, Henri. Decolonization: The British, French, Dutch, and Belgain Empires,
1919-63. (Westview Press, 1978). Reviewed by Tyler Blethen. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Guerry, Vincent. Life with the Baoulg. (Three Continents Press, 1975). Reviewed
by Steven Nachman. Vol. 8, No. 2.
Gugler, Joseph and Milliam C. Flanagan. Urbanization and Social Change in West
Africa. (Cambridge University Press, 1978). Reviewed by Wilfred C. Bailey.
Vol. 8, No. 1.
Gwyn, David. Idi Amin, Death Light of Africa. (Little, Brown, and Company, 1977).
Reviewed by Kathryn Hansen. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Haley, Alex. Roots. (Doubleday, 1976). Reviewed by Tom O'Toole. Vol. 5, No. 1.
Hall, Richard. Zambia: 1890-1964. (Longman, 1976). Reviewed by Eugene Hermitte.
Vol. 6, No. 3.
Hall, Susan J. Africa in United Stated Educational Materials: Thirty Problems
and Responses. (African-American Institute, 1976). Reviewed by Thomas Owen
Erb. Vol. 5, No. 3.
Hallett, Robin. Africa Since 1875: A Modern History. (University of Michigan
Press, 1974). Reviewed by Nizar A. Motani. Vol. 4, No. 3.
Hammond, Dorothy and Alta Jablow. The Myth of lfrica. (The Library of Social
Science, 1977). Reviewed by Mary Jo Bratton. Vol. 6, No. 2.




52.
Hansen, Emmanuel. Franz Fanon: Social and Political Thought. (Ohio State
University Press, 1977). Review by Wade Smith. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Harris, Grace G. Casting Out Anger: Religion Among the Taita of Kenya. (Cambridge University Press, 1978). Reviewed by Susan Abbott. Vol. 8, No. 2.
Harsch, Ernest and Tony Thomas. Angola: The Hidden History of Washington's War.
(Pathfinder Press, 1976). Reviewed by Carolyn Huff. Vol. 4, No. 3.
Hartwig, Gerald W. and William O'Barr. Student Africanist's Handbook. (Schenkman
Publishing Co., 1974). Reviewed by Dennis W. Schroeder. Vol. 3 No. 3.
and K. David Patterson, eds. Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies. (Duke University Center for Commonwealth
and Comparative Studies, 1978). Reviewed by Ira E. Harrison. Vol. 8, No. 1.
Hetherington, Penelope. British Paternalism in Africa: 1920-1940. (Frank Cass,
1978). Reviewed by James A. Casada. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Hodder, B. W. Africa Today: A Short Introduction to African Affairs. (Africana
Publishing Co., 1978). Reviewed by Robert Mundt. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Honwana, Luis Bernardo. We Killed Mangy-Dog and Other Mozambique Stories. (Heinemann, 1969). Reviewed by Lauren W. Yoder. Vol. 6, No. 1.
Howell, John Bruce. East African Community: Subject Guide to Official Publications.
(Library of Congress, 1976). Reviewed by Gerald W. Hartwig. .Vol. 5, No. 2.
Hull, Richard W. African Cities and Towns Before the European Conquest. (W. W.
Norton and Co., 1976). Reviewed by R. L. Watson. Vol. 5, No. 3.
Ibrahim, Sonallah. The Smell of It. (Heinemann, 1971). Reviewed by Susan Hall.
Vol. 2, No. 3.
Idowu, E. B. African Traditional Religion. (Orbis Books, 1975). Reviewed by
K. Mufuka. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Ilogu, Edmund. Christianity and Igbo Culture. (NOK Publishers, 1974). Reviewed
by Patrick Greig Scott. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Imperato, Pascal James. Historical Dictionary of Mali. (Scarecrow Press, 1977).
Reviewed by Mark LaPointe. Vol. 6, No. 1.
Indakwa, John. Expansion of British Rule in the Interior of Central Africa: 18901924: A Study of British Imperial Expansion into Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Malawi.
(University Press of America, 1977). Reviewed by Eugene Hermitte. Vol. 6,No.3.
Innes, C. L. and Bernth Lindfors, eds. Critical Perspectives on Chinua Achebe.
(Three Continents Press, 197). Reviewed by Janice Spleth, Vol. 9, No. 1.
Irwin, Graham W. Africans Abroad: A Documentary History of the Black Diaspora
in Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean During the Age of Slavery. (Columbia
University Press, 1977). Reviewed by Arnold Shankman. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.




53.
Isicheri, Elizabeth Allo. History of West Africa Since 1800. (Africana Publishing
Co., 1977). Reviewed by Leland C. Barrows. Vol. 8, No. 1.
Jassy, M. Perrin. Basic Community in the African Churches. (Orbis Books, 1973).
Reviewed by K. Mufuka. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Johnson, Rhoda Omosunlola. lyabo of Nigeria. (Alpha Iota Chapter of Pi Lamda
Theta, 1973). Reviewed by Alice Estes. Vol. 2, No. 1.
Jorre, John St. A House Divided: South Africa's Uncertain Future. (Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, 1977). Reviewed by Dennis Schroeder.
Vol. 6, No. 3.
Joy, Charles, R. Emerging Africa. (Scholastic Book Services, 1965). Reviewed by
Jean Travillion. Vol. 3, No. 1.
Kane, Cheik Hamidou. Ambiguous Adventure. (Macmillian, 1969). Reviewed by
Lauren Yoder. Vol. 2, No. 3.
Kapungu, Leonard T. Rhodesia: The Struggle for Freedom. (Orbis Books, 1974).
Reviewed by Dennis Schroeder. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Kaula, Edna Mason. The Land and People of Tanzania. (J. P. Lippincott Co., 1972'.
Reviewed by Allyn Robertson. Vol. 2, No. 2.
Keenan, Jeremy. The Tuareg: People of Ahaggar. (St. Martin's Press, 1977). Reviewed by Richard L. Smith. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Kileff, Clive and Wade C. Pendleton, eds. Urban Man in Southern Africa. (Mambo
Press, 1975). Reviewed by Carolyn Huff. Vol. 5, No. 3.
Killingray, David. A Plague of Europeans: Westerners in Africa Since the Fifteenth
Century. (Penguin Ed., 1973). Reviewed by Thomas Fuller. Vol. 4, No. 1.
Kimenye, Barbara. Moses and the Ghost. (Oxford University Press, 1971). Reviewed
by Allyn Robertson. Vol. 2. No. 2.
Kitchen, Helen, ed. Africa: From Mystery to Maze. (Lexington Books, 1976).
Reviewed by R. Hunt Davis, Jr. Vol. 5. No. 3.
Knight, C. Gregory and James L. Newman. Contemporary Africa: Geography and Change.
(Prentice Hall, 1976). Reviewed by Claude Chauvigne. Vol. 5. No. 3.
_ Contemporary Africa: Geography and Change. (Prentice Hall, 1976).
Reviewed by Jeffrey W. Neff. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Knoll, Arthur J. Togo Under Imperial Germany 1884-1914. (Hoover Institution Press,
1978). Reviewed by Donn M. Kurtz. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Kyemba, Henry. A State of Blood: The Inside Story of Idi Amin. (Ace Books, 1977).
Reviewed by Kathryn Hansen. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.




54.
LaGuma, Alex. And A Threefold Cord. (Seven Seas Publishers, 1964). Reviewed
by Susan Hall. Vol. 2, No. 3.
Lappe, Frances Moore and Joseph Collins. Food First: Beyond the Myth of Scarcity.
(Houghton Mifflin Co., 1977). Reviewed by Janice E. Baker. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Laye, Camara. Dark Child: The Autobiography of an African Boy. (Farrar, Strauss
and Cirou, 1954). Reviewed by Carolyn Huff. Vol. 2, No. 3.
Lee, Richard B. and Irven DeVore, eds. Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers. (Howard
University Press, 1976). Reviewed by Brian du Toit. Vol. 8, No. 2.
Legum, Colin. Southern Africa: The Year of the Whirlwind. (Africana, 1977).
Reviewed by Mark DeLancey. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Lemarchand, Ren6, ed. African Kingships in Perspective. (Frank Cass and Co.,
1977). Reviewed by James William Jordan. Vol. 6, No. 1.
Levtzion, Nehemia, ed. Conversion to Islam. (Holmes & Meier, 1979). Reviewed
by Bruce Haight. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Lindfors,Bernth, ed. Critical Perspectives on Nigerian Literatures. (Three Continents Press, 1976). Reviewed by Dolores Smith. Vol. 8, No. 1.
Lipschutz, Mark R. and R. Kent Rasmussen. Dictionary of African Historical Biog (Aldine Publishing Co., 1978). Reviewed by Daniel M. MacFarland,
Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Listowel, Judith. Amin. (IVP Books). Reviewed by Kathryn Hansen. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Mabogunje, Akin L. and Adetoye Faniran, eds. Regional Planning and National Development in Tropical Africa. (Ibadan University Press, 1977). Reviewed by Donald
E. Vermeer. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Madubuike, Ihechukwu. A Handbook of African Names. (Three Continents Press, 1976).
Reviewed by Harris W. Mobley. Vol. 8, No. 1.
Mahomo, Nana. Last Grave at Dimbaza. (film). Reviewed by Nancy J. Schmidt. Vol.
5, No. 2.
Mahmoud,Zaki Naquib. The Land and People of Egypt. (J. B. Lippincott Co., 1972).
Reviewed by Allyn Robertson. Vol. 2. No. 2.
Markovitz, Irving Leonard. Power and Class in Africa: An Introduction to Change
and Conflict in African Politics. (Prentice-Hall, 1977). Reviewed by Karen
A. Mingst. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Marquard, Leo. The Peoples and Policies of South Africa. (Oxford University
Press, 1969). Reviewed by Carolyn Huff. Col. 4, No. 3.
Marshall, Anthony P. The Malagasy Republic. (Watts,.1972). Reviewed by Jean
Haworth. Vol. 2, No. 2.




55.
Martin, David. General Amin. (Faber and Faber, 1974). Reviewed by Kathryn
Hansen. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Martin, Phyllis M. and Patrick O'Meara, eds. Africa. (Indiana University Press,
1977). Reviewed by Tom O'Toole. No. 6, No. 2.
Mbaeyi, Paul Maegha. British Military and Naval Forces in West African History,
1807-1874. (NOK Publishers, 1978). Reviewed by Perry E. Leroy. Vol. 8, No. 1.
MacFarland, Daniel. Historical Dictionary of Upper Volta. (Haute Volta).(AHD#14).
(Scarecrow Press, 1978). Reviewed by Janice Baker. Nol. 7, No. 1.
McKown, Robin. Nkrumah. (Doubleday, 1973). Reviewed by Nancy J. Schmidt.
Vol. 3, No. 3.
Melady, Thomas Patrick. Burundi: The Tragic Years, An Eyewitness Account.
(Orbis Books, 1974). Reviewed by Elinor Sosne. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Sand Margaret. Idi Amin Dada: Hitler in Africa. (Sheed, Andrews
and McMeed, 1977). Review by Kathryn Hansen. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Melander, Goran and Peter Nobel, eds. African Refugees and the Law. (Scandinavian
Institute of African Studies, 1978). Reviewed by James S. E. Opolot. Vol. 8,
No. 1.
Mensah-Brown, A. Kodwo. Introduction to Law in Contemporary Africa. (Conch
Magazine, Ltd., 1976). Reviewed by James S. E. Opolot. Vol. 8, No. 1.
Miers, Suzanne and Igor Kopytoff, eds. Slavery in Africa: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives. (University of Wisconsin Press, 1977). Reviewed by
Melvin Page. Vol. 8, No. 2.
Mitchinson, Naomi. Sunrise Tomorrow, A Story of Botswana. (Farrar, Straus, and
Giroux, 1973). Reviewed by Jean Haworth. No. 2, No. 2.
Mojekwu, Christopher, Victor Uchendu and Leo Van Hoey. African Society, Culture
and Politics: An Introduction to African Studies. (University Press of America, 1977). Reviewed by Anita Spring and Art Hansen. Vol. 8, No. 1.
Murphy, E. Jefferson. History of African Civilization. (Thomas Y. Crowell,Co.,
1972). Reviewed by Thomas Fuller. Vol. 4, No. 1.
Mufuka, Nyamayaro N. Missions and Politics in Malawi. (Limestone Press, 1977).
Reviewed by John R. Crawford. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Mutswairo, Solomon M. Mapondera, Soldier of Zimbabwe. (Three Continents Press,
1978). Reviewed by Eugene Hermitte. Vol. 8, No. 2.
Naden, Corrine J. The Nile River. (Franklin Watts, 1972). Reviewed by Steve
Burgess. Vol. 2, No. 2.
Nagenda John. Mukasa. (Macmillan, 1973). Reviewed by Alice Estes. Vol. 2, No. 1.




56.
Nolen, Barbara, ed. Africa is People: Firsthand Accounts from Contemporary Africa.
(E. P. Dutton and Co., 1968). Reviewed by Steve Burgess. Vol. 2. No. 2.
Nwulia, Moses D. S. Britain and Slavery in East Africa. (Three Continents Press,
1978). Reviewed by Mary Elizabeth Thomas. Vol. 8, No. 2.
Nyang, Sulayman Sheih, ed. Seminar Papers on African Studies. (Howard University Press, 1974). Reviewed by Richard Spencer. Vol. 3, No. 2.
Nyangoni, Wellington W. African Nationalism in Zimbabwe. (Rhodesia). (University
Press of America, 1977). Reviewed by Dennis Schroeder. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Ofeogbu, Mazi. R. Living Together in Africa. (Book One). (Conch Magazine, Ltd.,
1972). Reviewed by Marcia Texler Segal. Vol. 8, No. 1.
Ohaegbulam, Festus Ugboaja. Nationalism in Colonial and Post-Colonial Africa.
(University Press of America, 1977). Reviewed by Sandra Wurth-Hough. Vol.
7, No. 1.
Okonjo, I. M. British Administration in Nigeria 1900-1950: A Nigerian View.
(NOK Publishers, 1974). Reviewed by Donn M. Kurtz, II. Vol. 8, No. 1.
Oliver, Roland, ed. The Cambridge History of Africa Vol. 3: from c.1050-c. 1600.
(Cambridge University Press, 1977). Reviewed by Richard L. Smith. Vol. 8,
No. 3.
and Anthony Atmore. Africa Since 1800. (Cambridge University Press,
1972). Reviewed by Nizat A. Motani. Vol. 4, No. 3.
Omer-Cooper, J. D., E. A. Ayandale, A. E. Afigbe and R. J. Gavin. The Making of
Modern Africa. (Humanities Press, 1972). Reviewed by Nizar A. Motani, Vol.
4, No. 3.
Osinya, Alumidi. The Amazing Saga of Field Marshall Abdulla Salim Fisi, or
How the Hyena Got His. (JOE Publications and Transafrica Book Distributors,
1977). Reviewed by Lauren W. Yoder. Vol. 6, No. 1.
O'Toole, Thomas. Historical Dictionary of Guinea. (AHD#16). (Scarecrow Press,
1978). Reviewed by Daniel MacFarland. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Oyono, Ferdinand. Houseboy. (Heinemann, 1967). Reviewed by Susan Hall. Vol. 2,
No. 3.
. The Old Man and the Medal. (Macmillian, 1971). Reviewed by
Russell J. Linnemann. Vol. 3. No. 3.
. Boy' (Macmillian Co., 1970; Collier Books, 1970). Reviewed by
Russell J. Linnemann. Vol. 4, No. 1.
Pachai, B. Land and Politics in Malawi. (Limestone Press, 1978). Reviewed by
K. Nyamayaro Mufuka. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Palmberg, Mai, ed. Problems of Socialist Orientation in Africa. (Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1978). Reviewed by Joseph Smaldone. Vol. 9, No. 1.




57.
Palmer, Robin. Land and Racial Domination in Rhodesia. (University of California
Press, 1977). Reviewed by Elizabeth Normandy. Vol. 8, No. 2.
Paton, Alan. Cry, The Beloved Country. (Scribner). Reviewed by Thomasenia J.
Benson. Vol. 3, No. 2.
_ Cry, The Beloved Country. (Scribner). Reviewed by Donna Conrad.
Vol. 3, No. 1.
p'Bitek, Okot. gong of Lawino (East Africa Publishing House, 1966).
Reviewed by Susan Hall. Vol. 2, No. 3.
Pellow, Deborah. Women in Accra: Options for Autonomy. (Reference Publications
Inc., 1977). Reviewed by Clairesse Zimra. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Pinney, Roy. Slavery Past and Present. (Thomas Nelson, 1972). Reviewed by
Alice Estes. Vol. 2, No. 1.
Plaatje, Sol T. Mhudi. Edited by Stephen Gray. (Three Continents Press, 1978).
Reviewed by G. E. Gorman, Vol. 9, No. 1.
Powell, Erica. Kwame Nkrumah of the New Africa. (Nelson, 1961). Reviewed by
Nancy J. Schmidt. Vol. 3, No. 3.
Proceedings, First Annual Meeting, 1975; Proceedings, Second Annual Meeting, 1976;
French Colonial Studies/Etudes Colonials Francaises, 1977. (The French Colonial Historical Society). Reviewed by Daniel M. MacFarland. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Ranson, Roger L. and Richard Sutch. One Kind of Freedom: The Economic Consequences
of Emancipation. (Cambridge University Press, 1977). Reviewed by Ted Hemmingway. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Rich, Evelyn Jones and Immanuel Wallerstein, eds. Africa: Tradition and Change.
(Random House, 1972). Reviewed by Nizar A. Motani. Vol. 4, No. 3.
Robinson, David Jr. and Douglas Smith, eds. Sources of the African Past.
(Africana Publishing Co., 1978). Reviewed by John Zarwan. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Rogers, Barbara. White Wealth and Black Poverty. American Investments in Southern
Africa. (Greenwood Press, 1976). Reviewed by Richard Leonard. Vol. 5, No. 3.
Roscoe, Adrian. Uhuru's Fire: African Literature East to South. (Cambridge
University Press, 1977). Reviewed by G. E. Gorman. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Rose, Willie Lee, ed, A Documentary History of Slavery in North America. (Oxford
University Press, 1976). Reviewed by Larry E. Rivers. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Rotberg, Robert I. and John Adams. The Black Homelands of South Africa. (Univerversity of California Press, 1977). Reviewed by Carolyn Huff, Vol. 6, No. 3.
Samkange, Stanlake. African Saga: A Brief Introduction to African History.
(Abingdon Press, 1971). Reviewed by Thomas Fuller. Vol. 4. No. 1.




58.
Schmidt, Nancy J., ed. Children's Literature and Audio-Visual Materials in
Africa. (Conch Magazine Ltd., 1977). Reviewed by Thomas 0. Erb. Vol. 6,
No. 3.
Sembene, Ousmane. God's Bits of Wood. (Anchor-Doubleday, 1970). Reviewed by
Coletia Brown. Vol. 2. No. 2.
Setai, Betheul. The Political Economy of South Africa: The Making of Poverty.
(University Press of America, 1977). Reviewed by Christopher W. Herrick.
Vol. 6, No. 2.
Shaw, Timothy M. and Kenneth A. Heard, eds. Cooperation and Conflict in Southern
Africa. (University Press of America, 1977). Reviewed by Carolyn Huff,
Vol. 8, No. 2.
Shepherd, George W. Jr. Anti-Apartheid: Transnational Conflict and Western Policy
in the Liberation of South Africa. (Greenwood Press, 1977). Reviewed by
Mark W. DeLancey. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Shorter, Aylward. African Christian Theology, Adaptation or Incarnation? (Orbis
Books, 1977). Reviewed by Paul Blankenship. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Siriex, Paul-Henri. Felix Houphouet-Boigny: l'homme de la paix. (Les Nouvelles
Editions Africaines, 1975). Reviewed by Daniel ". MacFarland. Vol. 6, No. 2.
Smith Robert. Warfare and Diplomacy in Pre-Colonial West Africa. (Harper & Row
and Methuen, 1976). Reviewed by Mary Elizabeth Thomas. Vol. 7, No. i.
State University of New York. Review, Vol. I, Numbers 1 and 2 (1977). Reviewed
by Thomas O'Toole. Vol. 6, No. 3.
Stavrianos, Liften and Loretta Kreider Andrews. Sub-Saharan Africa. (Allyn and
Bacon, Inc., 1967). Reviewed by Jean Travillion. Vol. 3, No. 1.
Steinhart, Edward I. Conflict and Collaboration: The Kingdoms of Western Uganda,
18S0-1907. (Princeton University Press, 1977). Reviewed by Kathryn W. Hansen.
Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
T~temeyer, Gerhard. Namibia Old and New: Traditional and Modern Leaders in
Ovamboland. (St. Martin's Press, 1978). Review by Carolyn Huff. Vol. 8,
No. 2.
Tracey, Hugh. The Lion On the Path. (Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., 1967). Reviewed
by Linda Meadows. Vol. 2, No. 2.
Troup, Freda. Forbidden Pastures: Education Under Apartheid. (International
Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa, 1976). Reviewed by Carolyn Huff.
Vol. 8, No. 2.
Udo, Reuben K. A Comprehensive Geographv of West Africa. (Africana Publishing
Co., 1978). Reviewed by Jeffrey W. Neff, Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Vengroff, Richard. Botswana: Rural Development in the Shadow of Apartheid.
(Farleigh Dickinson University Press, 1977). Reviewed by Richard Sigwalt.
Vol. 6, No. 2.




59.
Verger, Pierre, Trade Relations Between the Bight of Benin and Bahia from the
17th to 19th Century. (Ibadan University Press, 1976). Reviewed by Thomas
O'Toole, Vol. 7, No. 1.
Voll, John Obert. Historical Dictionary of the Sudan. (Scarecrow Press, 1978).
Reviewed by Gerald W. Hartwig. Vol. 7, No. 1.
deVilliers, Les. South Africa: A Skunk Among Nations. (Tandem, 1975). Reviewed
by Carolyn Huff. Vol. 6. No. 2.
Vilakazi, Absalom L. Africa's Rough Road: Problems of Change and Development.
(University Press of America, 1977). Reviewed by Thomas O'Toole. Vol. 7,
No. 1.
Wauthier, Claude. The Literature and Thought of Modern Africa. (Three Continents
Press, 1978). Reviewed by Lauren Yoder. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Weinrich, A. K. H. Mucheke: Race, Status and Politics in a Rhodesian Community.
(Holmes and Meier Publishers, 1976). Reviewed by Marcia Texler Segal. (Vol.
8, No. 2.
Wellesley Editorial Committee. Women and National Development: The Complexities
of Change. (University of Chicago Press, 1977). Reviewed by Elizabeth
Normandy. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Were, Gideon S. A History of South Africa. (Africana Publishing Co., 1974).
Reviewed by Penny Campbell. Vol. 3, No. 3.
Widstrand, Carl and Samir Amin, eds. Multinational Firms in Africa. (Scandinavian
Institute of African Studies, 1975). Reviewed by Donald E. Vermeer. Vol. 6,
No. 3.
Willmer, John E., ed. Africa: Teaching Perspectives ahd Approaches. (Geographic
and Area Study Publications, 1975). Reviewed by Tom O'Toole, Vol. 5, No. 1.
Wilson, Ellen Gibson. A West African Cookbook. (M. Evans and Co., Inc.. 1971).
Reviewed by Angela W. Ransom. Vol. 3, No. 2.
Wilson, Henry S. The Imperial Experience in Sub-Saharan Africa S.nce 1870.
University of Minnesota Press, 1977). Reviewed by Richard L. ,n;th. Vol.
7, o. z,3.
Windrich, E. Britain .id t. t Rhodesian Independence. (Africana, 1978).
Reviewed by K. Nyamayaro Mufuka. 'ol. 7, No. 1.
Wright, Donald R. The Early History of 'Tiumi: Settlement and Foundations of a
Western Mandinka State in Gambia. (Ohio University Press, 1977). Reviewed
by Tom O'Toole. Vol. 7, No. 1.
Wright, Richard, ed. African Philosophy: An Introduction. (University Press of
America, 1977). Reviewed by Paul Blankenship. Vol. 7, No. 2/3.
Zekiros, Astair and Marylee Wiley. Africa in Social Science Textbooks. ( isconsin Department of Public Instruction, 1978). Reviewed by Thomas O'Toole.
Vol. 7, No. 2/3.




60.
SUBSCRIPTIONS AND BACK ISSUES
Persons interested in learning about or teaching about Africa may wish to subscribe to the Bulletin of the Southern Association of Africanists. This journal is published three times a year through the auspices of the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida, Gainesville. The content of the journal is directed towards teaching and features short articles, reivews and review essays, and syllabi. A membership form is provided below.
Available back issues can be purchased for $1.50 each, Issues out of stock can be photocopied for current subscribers at cost, presently 6 per page. Send your request to the Center for African Studies, 470 Grinter Hall, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611.
SAA MEMBERSHIP APPLICATION FORM
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(street) (city) (state) (zip)
INSTITUTIONAL AFFILIATION
Enclosed is $ for my dues in the SAA ($4.00 per year).
Make checks payable to the SAA and send to:
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Spartanburg, S.C. 29303
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IZ [ Change of address




61.
REVIEWS
NOTES FROM THE MEDIA REVIEW EDITOR
We continue to present readers with a mixed bag of reviews. Leading
of f are a number of short notices from the Scandinavian Institute of kfrican Studies followed by a single short review from the Centre for Development Research in Uppsala. Many thanks to the reviewers, who took time to do these small pieces on potentially overlooked sources.
The next group of reviews are focused mainly on West Africa and offer
a broad spectrum of potential interest for comparative purposes. Two reviewE of Ivory Coast development are especially valuable as are those reviews of three works on Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. We are then warned away from a work on Liberian mass communications. This is followed by reviews of thorough studies on the EEC and Africa, Anglophone West Africa's perspective of the Italo-Ethiopian crisis, colonialism and underdevelopment in Ghana, and a contrasting study of German rule in Africa.
Reviews are welcome, especially of works of pedagogical value, but
reviewers should be warned that editing and time lag in publication are a reality.
Research Reports of the Scandinavian Institute of 'African Studies (numbers 1-41). Uppsala, Sweden: Uppsala Offset Center AB, 1962-1977. No price available, soft cover. Review by James Williamn Jordan, Longwood College.
The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies was organized in 1962 in Uppsala, Sweden as a center for the collection and distribution of information about Africa. One principal task of the Institute is to publish relatively short research reports which are then circulated to educational institutions, private and state agencies, and individual scholars concerned with African issues. Most of the research activities of the Institute are in the fields of the social sciences, modern history and modern biography. For up-to-date information on the travelling scholarships, sponsored research activities, annual international seminars, and publication list of the Institute's Africana Library, scholars may subscribe to the Institute's annual Newsletter which is available free of charge from the Institute at P.O. Box 2126, S-750 02, Uppsala, Sweden.
This review deals only with the Research Reports of the Institute.
Forty-one Research Reports have been published but Numbers 1-6, 9 and 20 are out-of-print and were unavailable for review. Each of the 33 *Reports still in print is bound in booklet form and the average length of the 33 is 59 pages. No attempt is made here to note the contents of each Report but a list of the




62.
number, title, and author of each is given so that readers will be able to order a specific Report if the title seems appropriate to their interests.
Number
7. Selinus, Ruth, The Traditional Foods of the Central Ethiopian Highlands.
8. Haag, Ingemund, Some State-controlled Industrial Companies in Tanzania. 10. Linne, Olga, An Evaluation of Kenya Science Teachers College. 11. Nellis, John R., Who Pays Tax in Kenya? 12. Bondestam, Lars, Population Growth Control in Kenya. 13. Hall, Budd L., Wakati Wa Furaha. 14. St~hl, Michael, Contradictions in Agricultural Development. 15. Linn6, Olga, An Evaluation of Kenya Science Teachers College. 16. Lodhi, Abdulaziz Y., The Institution of Slavery in Zanzibar and Pemba. 17. Lundqvist, Jan, The Economic Structure of Morogoro Town. 18. Bondestam, Lars, Some Notes on African Statistics. 19. Jensen, Peter F~ge, Soviet Research on Africa. 21. Ndongko, Wilfred A., Regional Economic Planning in Cameroon. 22. Pipping-van Hulten, Ida, An Episode of Colonial History: The German
in Tanzania 1901-1914.
23. Magnusson, Ake, Swedish Investments in South Africa. 24. Nellis, John R., The Ethnic Composition of Leading Kenyan Government
Positions.
25. Francke, Anita, Kibaha Farmer's Training Centre: Impact Study 1965-1968. 26. Aasland, Tertit, On the Move-to-the-Left in Uganda 1969-1971. 27. Kirk-Greene, A.H.M., The Genesis of the Nigerian Civil War and the Theory
of Fear.
28. Okereke, Okoro, Agrarian Development Programmes of African Countries. 29. Kjekshus, Helge, The Elected Elite: A Socio-Economic Profile of
Candidates in Tanzania's Parliamentary Election, 1970.
30. Frantz, Charles, Pastoral Societies, Stratification, and National
Integration in Africa.
31. Esh, Tina, & Rosenblum, Illith, Tourism in Developing Countries Trick
or Treat? A Report from the Gambia.
32. Clayton, Anthony, The 1948 Zanzibar General Strike. 33. Pipping, Knut, Land Holding in the Usangu Plain. 34. Lundstr~m, Karl Johan, North-eastern Ethiopia: Society in Famine. 35. Magnusson, Ake, The Voice of South Africa. 36. Ghai, Yash, P., Reflection on Law and Economic Integration in East Africa. 37. Carlsson, Jerker, Transnational Companies in Liberia. 38. Green, Reginald H., Toward Socialism and Self Reliance: Tanzania's
Striving for Sustained Transition Projected.
39. Sjstrm, Rolf & Margareta, Literacy Schools in a Rural Society. 40. StAhl, Michael, New Seeds in Old Soil. A study of the land reform
process in Western Wollega, Ethiopia 1975-76.
41. Holmberg, Johan, Grain Marketing and Land Reform in Ethiopia.
The primary strength of the Research Reports is their presentation of data and sensitive observations from the field. Most of these data would probably not find their way to African scholars in other forms. A weakness of most of the reports is their frequent lack of theoretical perspective and sophisticated analysis of the data presented; in most instances this weakness is compensated by the richness and unique quality of the field observations.




63.
There are three uses for which the Research Reports are well fitted. The first of these is, of course, specific Reports will fall within the sub-disciplinary specializations of various students of African culture and society and can be useful as additional data. The second use is in the classroom; the length and degree of complexity of most of the Reports make them ideal as a basis for student oral presentations in advanced undergraduate or graduate level courses in African culture. Students will find sufficient material upon which to base a 15-30 minute seminar report and the frequent lack of interpretative or discussion sections in most Reports will provide the instructor the opportunity to force the students to carry out this task also as a part of the pedagogical process. The third use of the Reports is as a source of case studies or illustrative material for instructor's lectures. I have employed Bondestam's report on dangers in the interpretation of African statistics, Frantz on pastoral societies, and Esh and Rosenblum on tourism in developing countries in my own courses and been pleased with the results. The high degree of specificity of the data can complement nicely a more general discussion of the same topic.
A Critique of "Appropriate" Technology for Underdeveloped Countries. By M. R. Bhagavan. Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Research Report No. 48.
Inter-relations Between Technological Choices and Industrial Strategies in Third World Countries. By M. R. Bhagavan. Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Research Report No. 49.
Industrial Planning and Development in Mozambique, Some Preliminary Considerations. By Jens Erik Torp. Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Research Report. No. 50.
Review by A. Wade Smith, University of South Carolina.
These Research Reports are delightfully instructive, critical, and yet somewhat uneven. While the condensation of several complex issues allows a single volume to treat a range of important issues, the result is a report containing dense and extensive treatment of some topics while lightly passing off others.
Bhagavan's Critique of Appropriate Technology for Underdeveloped Countries takes considerable effort to define and describe "aptech" (appropriate technology), and to contrast aptech and "modtech" (modern technology). While instructive in both the economic and social relations resulting from the struggle of aptech vs modtech, Bhagavan expends considerable effort in pointing fingers at the politics both influencing and resulting from the choice of techniques involved in technological development. This is distracting, and uses space that would be more valuable in outlining those considerations that determine which alternative is the more realistic.




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For all of the faults of the previous volume, Bhavagan is forgiven if one reads his Inter-relations Between Technological Choices and Industrial Strategies in Third World Countries. While instructing the reader as to why the choice of industry (i.e. choice of product) always preceeds the choice of technique of industrialization, Bhagavan also manages to analyze the conditions leading underdeveloped countries to their respective decisions. 'The flaws of Critique are avoided, replaced by the shortcoming of glossing over developments occurring in socialist developing societies.
While best described as an even, instructive effort, Torp's Industrial Planning and Development in Mozambique is relatively uncritical. This volume describes the efforts of Mozambique's newly formed socialist government to cope with the maintenance and redirection of one of Africa's most industrialized economies. Eschewing nationalization whenever possible, FRELIMO encourages foreign participation, yet allows the import substitution of consumer (luxury) goods to collapse. Torp describes this policy as pragmatic, but also depicts- it as an attempt to resolve the contradictions existing between the government and the industrial sector. As this is a political strategy, not an industrial one, the entire discussion is descriptive as opposed to analytical, and therefore somewhat tentative.
Colonization & Migration: A Summary of Border-crossing Movements in Tanzania Before 1967. By Bertil Eger6. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1979. Review by Marcia Texier Sega., Indiana University Southeast.
This pamphlet will be useful to Africanists seeking quantitative data, some not previously published, on migrants into and out of Tanzania during the colonial period and first decade of independence. It will also be useful to teachers as a case study illustrating the interplay between colonialism and population movements.
Eger6 uses historical sources and 1948, and 1967 census data to estimate the numbers and movements of Europeans, Arabs, Asians and Africans offering brief but accurate and informative explanations for trends, and insights into their consequences. The reliability of the data is assessed.
Data from the 1967 census show over 440,000 persons living in mainland Tanzania who were born elsewhere including over 38,000 non-Africans. Native and foreign born non-Africans made up just over 1% of the mainland population. in 1967.
Labor migrations into and out of Tanzania can be documented, but movement across colonially defined borders by people whose traditional homelands are split, and the movements of political and other refugees are more difficult to estimate.
The text and tables, apart from a few awkward phrases, are readable.




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The map on p. 35 would be more useful if placed nearer the beginning of the text and accompanied by a caption explaining the numbers. A useful bibliography and list of all publications in the series are included.
Aspects of Agro-Pastoralism in East Africa. Research Report No. 51. By Per Brandstr~m, Jan Hultin, Jan Lindstr6m. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. Review by Frank FilZo, University of FZorida.
Agro-pastoralism refers to a society in which animal husbandry occurs
in combination with agriculture. This report analyses some of the variations that have developed within this general mode in East Africa. It is the premise of the authors that the differing ecological-socio-economic linkages
that have evolved are to be viewed as "variations on a common agro-pastoral theme."
The thematic element considered invariant is the interdependency of agriculture and animal husbandry within one and the same societal context. Agriculture is the economic base, while livestock are of utmost importance not only for subsistence, but also for the integration and reproduction of the social system. This interdependency is given a variety of expression in East Africa, and examples which illustrate this diversity of social form are presented. The authors suggest that the variations among agro-pastoral groups can be viewed in terms of differing degrees of specialization and exchange within/between societies, ethnic groups, and households.
Attention is given to the problem of human and livestock population pressures exerted on the ecological niches of a number of agro-pastoral societies. Examples of methods of adjustment to overcrowding are discussed. Principally, it is the complexity of this problem, the occurrence of which is likely to increase in frequency and severity, which is emphasized.
The stated intention of the authors is for this report to be a "prestudy," to raise questions for further research. Combining simple theoretical models with a number of empirical examples, they accomplish this purpose admirably.
DiversityRegionalism and National Unity. Research Report No. 54. By Mohamed Omer Beshir. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1979. Review by Frank Fillo, University of Florida.
A chronic condition characterizing many African nations is the conflict between regional and national interests. This conflict and its possible resolution is the theme of this report.




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The report is divided into two sections. First, the author examines the interrelation between cultural diversity and national (and continental) unity. Diversity in Africa is reviewed, with reference made to religions, languages, music, and arts. Unity and the nation-state are discussed in terms of the colonial experience, that is, the economic, legal and educational systems imposed by foreign powers. The thesis is presented that ethnic regionalism need not be incompatible with national aspirations.
Described in the second part of the report are the political events
in Sudan since independence. That is, a case study is presented of conflict and reconciliation of regional and national interests. The long civil war came to an end when it was realized that the promotion solely of the culture of the majority in Sudan could never lead to a national integration. Only the acceptance of differences in cultures, and a rejection of strict uniformity and regimentation, could provide a sound basis for unity.
The problem of regional-national conflict is far from resolved for most of Africa; this report presents the issues involved, and the approach required if resolution is to be attained.
La Revolution agraire en Alg~rie. Historique, contenu et problemes. By J~nsson, Laws. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1978. Review by Reng Lemarchand, University of Florida.
Brevity is not the only merit of this highly informative "digest" of
the so-called "agrarian revolution" of 1972. In 84 pages the author covers the most significant aspects of this "eminently political operation," including the redistribution of land and the setting up of the Cooperatives Agricoles de Production de la R'volution Agraire (CAPRE). The political structures designed to implement the reform are dealt with at some length as well as the problem of investments and commercialization. But perhaps the most illuminating section is that which discusses the struggle for power within the Assemblee Populaire Communale between large and small land holders. Unfortunately little effort is made by the author to set the Algerian experience in the perspective of comparable efforts at rural reorganization elsewhere in the world. And there is precious little in the way of serious political analysis. Jnsson's treatment is largely descriptive, and at times exceedingly superficial. The author, I might add, seems totally unaware of Claudine Chaulet's classic work on rural reform in Algeria, La Mitadja Autogrge (Alger, 1971).




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The Village Women in Ghana. By Jette Bukh. Uppsala: Centre for Development Research Publication 1. 1979. Review by Anita Spring, University of Florida.
This is an excellent study concerned with the consequences of development. After studying the Ewe people in Southeast Ghana in general and men's participation in farming in the area in particular, the author realized that women were greatly important to the farming economy, and he began to survey their production and distribution. Research was carried out intermittently from 1973 to 1978 and eight different surveys were made. The author focuses on the long term consequences of cocoa production and male out-migration. Both were good for the colonial masters in terms of supplying raw materials and manpower, and for the Ewe people in terms of increasing the standard of living. However, cocoa and out-migration have produced devastating long term effects on agricultural production, division of labor, and family lif e.
Bukh explains the mechanisms by which cocoa was introduced, dominated the economy and undermined women's position. Traditionally the Ewe were completely dominated by small-holder production with half the land allocated for food crops and half for tree crops. When cocoa was introduced to men, they began occupying large tracts permanently and thereby limited the amount of lands for food crops. By custom, land was allocated by the lineage, but cocoa trees belonged to the individual to be bought or pledged. The first cocoa growers took the best fertile land, leaving smaller plots for later comers. Over time, this created a new propertied class and labor system. As men became more involved in cocoa production and/or migrated for wage labor, more of the household agricultural production fell to women, most of whom had always farmed. As a result of cocoa farming, there was less emphasis on food crops. Production was left to women and food farms were pushed from the most fertile land. Subsequently, there was a.major change in the crops grown; yams which had been cultivated by men was replaced by cassava and maize cultivated by women. Cassava and maize are less labor intensive than yams and women began growing these crops because they had to do numerous other jobs (such as trading, food processing and preparation for household consumption and sale, firewood and water carrying, domestic tasks and childcare) and had no input of male labor. As a result of cocoa production and male migration, Bukh argues, women wound up working harder and households began to rely on female labor exclusively. The end result was that agricultural production was lowered and remains low today.
Bukh details through charts and tables agricultural labor, household composition, and expenses in terms of men's and women's input. He shows that the incidence of female 'headed households has increased significantly and that 42% of all households are now headed by women. A consequence of this situation is that women take greater responsibility for their families' subsistence and at the same time have greater difficulty in access to resources. They do not qualify for programs or resources which are reserved for men. more women are divorced, more households are headed by women, and women are increasingly pauperized as their yields and lands decrease while the amount of labor expended increases.




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Bukh provides a classic case of the consequences of unplanned development. He documents the mechanisms by which women have lost land, been denied access to credit, agricultural inputs and services, and begun protesting their situation. The author is to be commended because he considers both sexes' contribution to production, disaggregates the data by gender, and provides an historical perspective which shows that "progress" does not come evenly to all segments of the population. This book will be more useful for courses concerned with the development, farming systems and gender roles.
Ivory Coast: The Challenge of Success. By Baastian A. den Tuinder. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978. Review by Robert Mundt, University of North Carolina at Charlotte.
The Ivorian case is at the center of many discussions of growth and
development strategies in Africa. In basing the country's economy unequivocally on private foreign investment, President Houphouet-Boigny bucked the ideological tide of the 1960s. Consequently, there is more at stake in the debate about his success than the destiny of a single African economy. Not surprisingly, much has already been written, mostly polemical, on the subject.1
Den Tuinder headed a World Bank mission to the Ivory Coast in 1975.
This book is essentially his report to the Bank of the mission's assessment of the soundness of the Ivorian economy. It includes an introductory economic history, detailed descriptions of current economic planning and policy, and of Ivorian economic relations with other countries. Without staking out an ideological position, den Tuinder presents data relevant to discussions of dependency: The concentration of trade patterns, balance of payments, foreign exchange holdings, and imports of vital resources (petroleum). Three interrelated problems are identified: employment, income distribution, and the presence of African and non-African foreign populations. The book concludes with a prescriptive econometric model and a corresponding set of policies, while admitting that many of these suggestions (e.g. in taxation and education) are probably not politically feasible.
This work offers no new cures for poverty and underdevelopment, even for countries with relatively high potential. Its principal merit is that it presents, in a vocabulary accessible to the layman, a dispassionate analysis of an important model of development as it operates in a real-world case. Students of Third World economies will find it rich in generalizable observations.
1 The book-length literature alone includes Samir Amin, Le Dveloppement du Capitalisme en C~te d'Ivoire, Michael A. Cohen, Urban Policy and Political Conflict in Africa, and Jon Woronoff, West African Wager.




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West African Wager: Houphouet Versus Nkrumah. By Jon Woronoff. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1979. Review by John O'Sullivan, Tuskegee Institute.
Mr. Jon Woronoff has established a reputation as a prolific writer on West African affairs and Ivory Coast in particular. His byline is often seen in Africa Report and other periodicals. He seems well acquainted with modern Ivory Coast though his knowledge seems more that of a journalist than an academician. This in itself is no criticism of course.
West African Wager follows in the wake of at least five other works
which compare the two countries. Such comparisons are logical for several reasons. Ghana and Ivory Coast are two similarly sized countries covering approximately the same-ecozone. Ghana experienced British colonial rule while Ivory Coast was controlled by the French and since independence they have pursued markedly different political and social policies. Ghana's Kwame N'Krumah was the Pan-Africanist and arch foe of neo-colonialism while Felix Houphouet-Boigny, President of Ivory Coast, has been willing to consort with France and even South Africa in order to build up the economic base of Ivory Coast and to promote its development.
Woronoff's book leads us along the road of such comparisons though it certainly is not the definitive study. His book plods from chapter to chapter presenting first the Ghanaian then the Ivorian experience of "the Struggle for Power," "Foreign Policy," "Economic Development" without delving into any serious analysis of the whys and why-nots.
It is striking to me that Nkrumah, the militant anti neo-colonialist,
led his struggle for independence with the slogan "Seek ye first the political kingdom and then all else will follow" and then proceeded to lead Ghana straight into the neo-colonial trap from which it still is not freed. On the other hand Houphouet, the tool of neo-colonialism it is claimed, has been able to develop the Ivorian economy significantly. At least Ivory Coast has been able to maintain a 7% growth rate while Ghana faces inflation of 116% per year, the devaluation of the cedi and other economic difficulties.
The book's presentation is lifeless and dull which is too bad since the problem of development and neo-colonialiam is so interesting. What progress has been made in the more than thirty years since Nkrumah and Houphouet began their struggle?
A further problem with using this book in a course on Africa is that doleful bane of the Africanist--the Hamites. They crop up on page 4 as "Fierce Hamitic tribes." That canard ordinarily causes me to close the book and give up on the author as unread if not worse. The whole first chapter is weak on history with few footnotes or acquaintance with the literature.
Beyond that Woronoff could get the unwary confused as to time sequence (-beginning Chapter 2), internal Ghanian (Gold Coast in the context) politics, and the complexity of the Ivorian struggle within the confused post war French political scene.




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In summary then, this book might be of use in an upper division course where sophisticated readers could compensate for the book's weaknesses. It might well be used as supplementary reading (with Nkrumah's Neo-Colonialism for example) or as a good base for a book review essay assignment since it does have some problems. As a descriptive record of the struggle for independence and the years up through the 1966 coup in Ghana it does serve a purpose.
Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde Islands: A Comprehensive Bibliography. By Joseph M. McCarthy. New York: Garland, 1977. Review by Richard A. Lobban, Jr., Rhode Island College.
This bibiography is just what it claims to be.- There is no introductory essay, nor is there any annotation of the bibliographic citations. It does, however, present a comprehensive collection of sources in various European languages, and especially in Portuguese which, naturally, has been the
language of a very significant portion of the studies on these former colonies of Portugal. The bibliography is also comprehensive in the subjects which are covered from Agriculture to Economics and Religion to name three of the twenty separate topics. The section on the Liberation Struggle is particularly useful for those interested in the main currents of African nationalism.
McCarthy's work is THE place to begin any serious study of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. None of the other existing bibliographers covering Portuguese Africa is as complete as his. As a research tool for these African nations the book is to be highly recommended and is a significant contribution to more scholarly investigation of the culture, history, flora and fauna of the two countries. The virtual monopoly of research in Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde by the Portuguese and their centuries of colonialism is being broken by this and other efforts in the area. The McCarthy bibliography provides a key to open doors of inquiry which were only ajar for those not
equipped to have access to the wider literature. At the same time it brings the fine scholarly works of Portuguese anthropologists and historians to wider attention. The writings of Antonio Carreira, Antonio Correa, and Avelino da Mota, to name only a few of the more prominent Portuguese writers, are very worthwhile reading.
The author index at the end of the book gives another channel of access into this bibliographic collection so that familiarity with either author or subject can instantly produce the compiled sources. At the risk of being immodest I suggest that the McCarthy volume be used as a companion to my own ref erence book, An Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde (Scarecrow) which procides dictionary style entires on the same wide variety of subjects as covered by McCarthy. Together the two books may represent the logical starting point for more advanced studies of the two African nations. In the coming years I should think, and I assume that McCarthy should agree, that more books and papers will appear on ths subject. In this light McCarthy has made a useful contribution indeed.




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Historical Dictionary of the Republics of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde.
By Richard Lobban. African Historical Dictionaries, No. 22. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1979. Review by Joye Bowman Hawkins, University of Southern California.
Richard Lobban's 'Historical Dictionary of the Republics of GuineaBissau and Cape Verde is the twenty-second volume in the series on Africa edited by Jon Woronoff. Like the other volumes, this one presents a chronology of historical events, a brief introduc-tion, an extensive dictionary of historical figures, places and events, and a bibliography. Unlike the other volumes in the series however, Lobban discusses two countries, Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde because of their historical connections. Lobban has published a variety of articles on these two countries and travelled extensively in Guinea-Bissau during the war of national liberation and visited both countries after independence. Thus he has first-hand knowledge about the countries and their problems.
Lobban's volume is a useful introduction for both specialists and nonspecialists to these two countries. With the exception of recent literature on the liberation war (1963-1973) and post-independence developments, the majority of the works on Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde are in Portuguese. Consequently, this work in English is a welcome addition to the literature.
Lobban convincingly demonstrates the historical connection between the two republics in both the introduction and the dictionary entries. However, he is also realistic and points out the historical differences between the two countries in terms of population settlement, resources and colonial policy in areas like education and land usage. Although the connections between Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde should not be underestimated, recent political changes, including the 1980 coup d'etat in Guinea-Bissau and the formation of the PAICV (1981) show that a more thorough analysis of the differences
between the two countries should be made.
In the dictionary, Lobban draws on his knowledge of the liberation war and makes meaningful comparisons between life under Portuguese rule, under the PAIGC in the liberated zones during the war and under the independence governments. He presents useful statistics on agricultural production, the balance of trade and educational and health facilities. These statistics graphically explain the nature of Portuguese colonial rule and the problems facing the new governments. Although Lobban discusses the precolonial, colonial and independence periods, he is more comfortable with the era of national liberation and independence, his area of specialization.
The bibliography is useful but as Lobban states it is not a comprehensive list and thus should be used in conjunction with other bibliographies he cites. His main concern was to list major works on both countries in English although some books in Portuguese and French are also included. The bibliography is divided into twelve categories and contains reference to historical materials as well as works by and about Amflcar Cabral, the PATCC, the war of national liberation and independence. The entries are straight forward and easy to use.




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Lobban's dictionary also includes three valuable appendices, the
PAIGC Programme, the Councils of State Commissioners in each country and the Peoples of Guinea-Bissau. Although the information in the first two appendices is no longer accurate, the material will be useful for those people interested in the PAIGC and the pre-1980 government.
Richard Lobban's book is a valuable contribution to the literature on these two West African countries. He presents a readable summary of the major issues in the historical development of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde in English, which can be used by students of Africa and non-specialists alike.
Revolution in Guinea: Selected Texts by Amilcar Cabral. By Richard Handyside (ed. and trans.). New York: Monthly Review Press, 1969. Review by Mario Azevedo, Jackson State University.
As the title reveals, this is a compilation of some of Cabral's addresses from 1961 to 1969 by Handyside. If readers expect an analysis of Cabral's ideology by the author, they will be disappointed.. A four-page introduction clarifies Handyside's simple objective, namely ... to present the writings of an outstanding revolutionary thinker" (9).
Yet, the selection of the speeches was skillfully done, for they do not simply contain revolutionary rhetoric but they revealvividly Cabral's analytical ability and commitment to his cause. The passages reflect the progress of the freedom fighters against Portuguese colonialism in GuinBissau and Cape Verde as well. Readers unfamiliar with Portuguese colonialism and the peculiar political, social, and economic conditions in Guin6-Bissau will find the collection helpful (31,156).
Above all, however, this volume should prove an invaluable source to teachers of African revolutions in general and to those interested in the thinking of Amilcar Cabral in particular. His philosophy and ideology are quite apparent in the speeches, as the following brief analysis reveals.
First, Cabral believes essentially that every type of domination has an economic basis (16) and that all other types (political and social) are subsidary. It is in that light that he interprets Portuguese colonialism in Guing-Bissau, which he labels as a "commercial colony." Second, Cabral deemphasizes the ethnic origin of conflicts in Africa, particularly in Guin6, where he thinks that the "contradictions" are based on class divisions. This leads him to analyze the social structure of the former colony, offering a rare picture of two ethnic groups--the Fula and the Balantes.
Cabral disagrees with the Marxist interpretation of history as a class struggle, affirming that such interpretation would deny history to most of Africa. He, like Walter Rodney, believes that every society goes through




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three phases: communalism, feudalism and socialism. Marxists, he notes, tend to neglect the stages of societal development characterized by the absence of class and the presence of communal ownership of the means of production. For him the motivating force of history and change is the mode of production (95-98).
On African unity Cabral seems to differ sharply from Nkrumah in that, although he favors unity, he does not think that the continent is ripe for it. He strongly supports the concept of non-alignment, deplores neo-colonialism, and blasts the lack of ideology among African parties and movements, "the greatest weakness of our struggle against imperialism" (92-93).
He eloquently and skillfully equates the revolutionary struggle of Guine with the United Nations' defense of human rights through the world. He predicted that the fall of colonialism would also result in the fall of facism in Portugal. He thought, however, that this latter task would be accomplished not by the army but by Portuguese intellectuals (18).
In summary, Cabral comes out of his speeches as an informed, articulate, determined, and an analytical thinker and leader. A comparative review of this volume and The Return to the Source: Selected Speeches of Amilar Cabral (by the Africa Information Service, 1971) should be interesting in determining Cabral's degree of maturity from 1961 to his death in 1973. The impact of his philosophy and dedication, however, is well depicted in Sowing the First Harvest (by Ole Gjerstand and Chantal Sarrazin, 1978). All college and university libraries should carry Revolution in Guinea.
A Model of Mass Communications and National Development: A Liberian Perspective.
By Abdulai Vandi. Washington: University Press of America, 1979. Review by Dalvan M. Coger, Memphis State University.
This book is a dissertation with all the weaknesses to which such
excercises are prone. It examines the relevance of the experiences in mass education, using the electronic media, of six countries for the Republic of Liberia. The countries chosen for study are El Salvador, India and the Ivory Coast, as third world countries, and the United States, Canada and Japan as advanced countries.
Liberian education, it is generally conceded, has failed to reach the majority of the people. There was an account some years ago of a Liberian Minister of Education who expended the entire annual budget on sending his daughter to a private school in Italy. (The story is possibly apocryphal.) Until comparatively recent times, only missionaries attempted to reach Liberian communities other than Americo-Liberian. Certainly, Liberia would be the ideal place to experiment with using mass communication to reach
inaccessible areas.




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The editors have been extremely careless. Such passages as "Sixtythree developing countries . were interviewed" should never have found their way into print. Jargon such as "The client is sometimes labeled the input to the educational system, sometimes as the throughput entity," is simply absurd when all the author means is "student." In addition, the author has ignored a mass of material from the late colonial period, specifically articles dealing with Anglo-phone Africa, widely available in such journals as African Affairs. His bibliography does not indicate that he has consulted the comprehensive dissertation by Dr. Dale on the history of education in Liberia.
There certainly is a need to study how mass communications can aid in developing national consciousness in new nations. Likewise, education must provide the necessary training for workers and management in these countries. But to be effective, the writing about such education should be intelligible, should in the wry humor of. one critic, "eschew obfuscation."!
Europe and Africa: From Association to Partnership. By Carol Cosgrove Twitchett. Westmead: Saxon House, 1978. Review by Clifford R. Lopin, Western Carolina University.
Neo-colonialism is an epithet commonly used today to attack special
relationships between former colonial countries and colonies. Even the Lom4 Convention of 1975, which commits the signatories "to establish, on the basis of complete equality between partners, close and continuing cooperation in the spirit of international solidarity," is sometimes seen as a new and more subtle instrument of imperialism. In order to assess accurately these allegations, a scholarly account of the evolution of the colonial empires
to an association of independent nations under the European Economic Community through the Yaound4 Convention to Lom4 is needed. That is exactly what Carol Cosgrove Twitchett has provided in the book under review. This book was assisted by the European Economic Community because of its "significant and original contribution toward European integration," and it does provide a favorable interpretation of the activities of EEC. Little evidence of bias exists, however, because Ms. Cosgrove has done her research so thoroughly and her writing so carefully.
The basic outline of the book involves events and documents which are well known. Ms. Cosgrove analyzes the documents carefully and includes political considerations which shaped the agreements and affected their implementation. For example, she discusses in some detail the French insistence on the association clauses of the original Rome Treaty. The opposition and eventual agreement of West Germany to this arrangement are explained. The heart of the association agreement, the Economic Development Fund, had some tough sledding at first and seemed to accomplish little. The author explains why this was true and what was done to make the EDF more effective later on. The transition from association to partnership was complicated by the granting of independence to most African states in the 1960s. This was handled




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effectively through the two Yaounde Conventions because of the maturity of both the Six and the Eighteen (as the African states were called). The expansion of the Community in 1973 led to the need for a new arrangement. The Lomg partnership emerged.
Recognizing the shortcomings of the EEC-African connection, Ms. Cosgrove concludes: "The EEC-ACP (Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific countries) partnership represents a symbol of hope in a divided world. It shows that Black and White can create co-operative frameworks and devise institutions within which they are able to work together on a basis of mutual respect."
The research on which the book is based is more than adequate. Original material including interviews, letters, newspapers, opinion journals, and appropriate secondary works have all be used. The only weakness in this regard is the relatively small number of books on the economies of the African states from the African perspective. Helpful aids such as appendices, an abbreviation list, a select bibliography, maps, graphs, tables, and an index are included. The only real criticism I have of the book is that it is awfully dull reading. The style can best be described as turgid, and the book is over-organized. The flaws are not fatal, however, because the book is essential to anyone wishing to have a clear picture of this aspect of international relations. Incidentially, a sequel to the book, on the Lomg II Convention, has been written by Ms. Twitchett and appears in the January-February, 1980, issue of Europe.
Pan-African Protest: West Africa and the Italo-Ethiopian crisis 1939-1941.
By S. K. B. Asante. London: Longmans, 1977. Review by Perry E. LeRoy, Morehead State University.
Professor S. K. B. Asante's main purpose was to show how the Italian invasion of Ethiopia both contributed to and speeded up the growth of West African national movements, especially in the ex-British colonies of Sierra Leone, Gambia, Nigeria and the Gold Coast. However, the style is often repetitious, with each chapter written as if it were a part of a dissertation. In addition, the author assumes that the reader would have a basic knowledge of African history. This book, therefore, should be recommended only for the advanced student who already knows something about West Africa.
For the Africanist, however, Dr. Asante has produced a thought-provoking
study, drawing on all forms of literature to reveal the attitudes and reactions of the emerging West African nationalists, distinct from the former elitist leaders. Much of the material, consequently, is propagandistic, but nonetheless, carefully judged as to effects and significance. Emotionalism is regarded as important since it causes the individual to respond to any attacks, such as that upon Ethiopia. In this regard, much is made of the racist issue, that is white versus black. Though recognizing that in earlier days the Ethiopians did not regard themselves as black, they now became the focal point of black accomplishments, of independence versus colonial subjugation.




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Dr. Asante, though admitting the significance of regional economic
and social pressures and though fully understanding the motivations behind British appeasement of Mussolini, successfully shows that the articulate African was responding to the pride of race. This is shown through numerous African-based newspapers, letters and demonstrations, all demanding that the British uphold their alleged values and not follow the path of hypocrisy, to no avail. The same approach is used to expose the Vatican since Pope Pius XI refused to jeopardize his situation in Italy. In fact, the author is correct in stating European security was more important to the British than African needs.
Much attention, therefore, is given to the methods and groupE which
sought to help the Ethiopians against the Italian aggressors, to tne growth of demands for self-expression and rule including demonstrations against indirect rule in the British regions, to demands for a freer press, to organizing volunteers to help the Ethiopians, to raising funds in a time of poverty, and to criticisms against sedition laws and fears on the part of some British officers. Of special value are the.sections dealing with the rise and expansion of various youth groups, such as the Nigerian Youth Movement, or in the Gold Coast the West African Youth League. Equally significant was the attention given to the radical leader, I. T. Wallace Johnson, whose influence and impact is exaggerated. More attention should have been given to other African leaders such as J. B. Danquah or Nnamdi Azikiwe.
In regard to research materials, Dr. Asante has compiled an excellent
bibliography, including manuscripts, archival items, private papers, printed primary sources, secondary books and articles, newspapers and unpublished works. The result is the gathering of some unknown sources, especially those of Africans. In addition, each chapter concludes with a section of detailed footnotes containing valuable information and comments.
Colonialism and Underdevelopment in Ghana. By Rhoda Howard. New York: Africana Publishing Company (Holmes and Meier), 1978. Review by Daniel M. McFarland, James Madison University.
Colonialism and Underdevelopment in Ghana is a Marxist analysis of
economic developments in the Gold Coast between 1874 and 1939 plus a postscript in which the author offers a prescription. It is Dr. Howard's thesis that the Gold Coast never made a full transition from a pre-capitalistic to capitalistic economy because capitalists intended to keep Africans in a perpetual state of dependence. PrimVictorian Marxist terminology produces an image of bourgeoisie vampires sucking the vast wealth of a helpless Gold Coast to sustain the bloated coffers of Manchester et cetera. The author is honest from page one. She makes it clear that she is on the left and that profit is a no-no. The Gold Coast exchanged cocoa, palm products, timber, and some gold for manufactured products. Long ago Lenin warned of the stacked relation of raw materials to manufactured goods. In spite of her frequent preachy tone, Rhoda Howard has produced an interesting economic history.




77.
The author has made extensive use of records in England and the Gold Coast. Her account of land ownership, mining, imports, exports, internal commercial contracts, and transportation are backed by useful tables. She traces the evolution of trading, shipping, commercial, and banking combines; and she shows the relation of these businesses to the British power structure. Final chapters deal with the social impact of cash-crop production, new class alignments, and the beginnings of a proletariat in the Gold Coast. The section on the 1937/38 Cocoa boycott is especially good.
Rhoda Howard, who teaches Sociology at McMaster University in
Hamilton, Ontario, argues that the only hope for Ghana today is a clean break with world capitalism. In her postscript she regrets Ghana's dependence upon the West, and she issues a call for Ghanaians to throw off their chains in "a massive mobilisation to make the effort of redirecting productive activities...." With the executions of Afrika, Acheampong, and Akuffo, and the rise of Jerry Rawlings and Hilla Limann, who offer new nostrums to their countrymen, one is tempted to munch on a kola nut and to speculate a bit. What if the Europeans had never come to Elmina or Cape Coast? What if the Asantehene had defeated William Maxwell in 1895? What if Samori had conquered Kumasi in 1897? What if Nkrumah had been Houphouet-Boigny? These are questions for a sociologist rather than a historian.
The Rulers of German Africa, 1884-1914. By L. H. Gann and Peter Duignan. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1977. Review by Arthur J. Knoll, University of the South.
A. P. Thornton of the University of Toronto aptly concluded that
"there will be no end to the books on imperialism, no last work concerning it, since there is no limit to the emotions it can arouse." Lewis Gann and Peter Duignan of the Hoover Institution in Stanford seem determined to validate Thornton's contention. In addition to this volume the authors later published companion volumes in the ruler series dealing with British Africa in 1978 and Belgian Africa in 1979. They have also done African Proconsuls: European Governors in Africa, 1978.
In The Rulers of German Africa Gann and Duignan first proceed to demolish most of the assumptions usually associated with evaluations of German rule in the four African colonies of Togo, Cameroun, Southwest Africa, and East Africa: 1) the Germans were the most brutal and authoritarian of imperialists; the authors cite evidence and use reason to show that the Germans were no more addicted to the use of force or authoritarianism than their British or French counterparts. 2) German colonies were convenient receptacles for the mother country's surplus population and capital; the authors refute this Marxist contention by pointing out




78.
that German capitalists fled colonial investment, seeking instead safer havens for their capital in Europe, America or Turkey. 3) Germans ruled a standardized and uniform colonial empire; quite to the contrary, Gann and Duignan show that there was little uniformity to German rule because governance depended upon such variables as personality, availability of funds, and African response. Indeed the Germans are seen as pragmatists who attuned their rule, either direct or indirect, to conditions in the local milieu, including the existence or nonexistence of strong African polities. As a result there existed not one but many German imperialisms.
The authors concentrate upon three basic categories of investigation: the Geist of German colonalism, the groups responsible for colonial policy and governance and their social origins, and finally, socio-economic development in the colonies with its impact upon local populations. In regard to the first category Gann and Duignan examine the intellectual currents which flowed into German colonialism and conclude basically that the pragmatic Germans developed no particular colonial dogma such as French assimilation or British indirect rule, perhaps because the colonies were held in such low esteem by the home government. In category two Gann and Duignan present fascinating personnel sketches of the rulers amounting almost to a group biography of German officialdom. In catetory three the authors maintain that thirty years of German rule (1884-1914) meant development and modernization and that in spite of individual cases of exploitation the Germans collectively promoted a logistical, administrative, and scientific infrastructure which helped propel the colonies into the modern age. To substantiate their argument Gann and Duignan quote Karl Marx who welcomed imperialism as the agent which would shatter traditional and oppressive societies thereby moving the colonies to more modern means of production and, of course, to socialism.
Gann and Duignan's rather favorable evaluation of imperialism has been challenged by other reviewers such as Ralph Austen in the Journal of African History, (Vol. 20, June 1979) who maintains that the Hoover researchers overlook the creation of dependent ties occasioned by even the best-intentioned colonial governments. Gann and Duignan are, however, persuasive in their contention that the German legacy to Africa was four economies which turned out to be more productive than the traditional barter systems which they replaced.




79.
ANNOUNCEMENTS
COMMENTS ON ACHEBE AND BALDWIN
Interesting comments and observations on the two princiDal speakers at the 1980 African Literature Association Conference (University of Florida, Gainesville) are available in Occasional Paper #3 (April 1981) of the Pacific Coast Africanist Association, Chinua Achebe and James Baldwin: Two LiteraryGiants Meet. For copies write to: Ernest Valenzuela; P.C.A.A. Diablo Valley College; Pleasant Hill, California 94523. Please include $1.00 (check, cash or stamps). Discounts arranged for over five copies.
A CALL FOR PAPERS
The New York African Studies Association Annual Conference will be held October 2-3, 1981 at S.U.N.Y. Binghamton. The conference title: "Critical Issues in African Affairs: Implications for the 1980s." Papers are invited in the fields of Visual Arts, Education, Politics and Economics, Language and Literature, Anthropology, Agriculture and Geography, and Folklore. There will also be a panel for independent papers. Manuscripts or abstructs should be submitted by August 1st to: Dr. Peter van Lent Department of Modern Languages and
Literatures
St. Lawrence University
Canton, N.Y. 13617
AFRICAN STUDIES INFORMATION RESOURCES DIRECTORY PROJECT
The African Studies Association has received a grant for $15,100 through the Resea-,ch Coll.ections Program of the National Endowment for the Humanities. The grant will be used to prepare a dictionary to collections of library and related research materials and information services for African Studies in the United States. Jean E. Meeh Goseurink, former Librarian for African Studies at the Indiana University Libraries, is the project director.
The directory will provide up-to-date, concise statements describing library and special collections, information resources and services relevant to Africa south of the Sahara and African Studies. In addition to traditional library collections, it will survey map collections, collections of visual and aural documentation and computerized data collections. Information for the directory is being gathered by questionnaire and from published sources.
For more information about the project or to make comments and suggestions about it, contact Jean E. Meeh Gosebrink, Project Director, 3533A Wyoming, St. Louis, MO 63118; (314) 773-3667.




80.
AFRICAN LITERATURE ASSOCIATION ANNUAL CONFERENCE
The conference will be held April 7-10, 1982 at Howard University, Washington, D.C.. The theme: "African Literature through its Interdisciplinary Dimensions," Panel proposals are now being considered. The call for papers will be in August, 1981. Send an abstract of your panel proposal to Professor Daniel Racine, 4302 River Road, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20016 (summer address), or c/o Department of Romance Languages, Howard University, Washington, D.C. 20059.
* *
AFRICAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION MEETING
A.S.A. will meet this year (October 21-24) at Indiana University, Bloomington. The theme: "Multidisciplinary Approaches to the Humanities." For further information write to: African Studies Program, Indiana University, Woodburn Hall 221, Bloomington, Indiana 47405. Phone (812) 337-6825.
NOTE TO READERS
Persons interested in and involved with teaching about Africa are
encouraged to submit articles, reports of local or regional activity,
and book reviews to the Bulletin. We will consider any item which may be of interest to public school (K-12), community college, aftd
university educators in their efforts to teach and learn about Africa.
Book reviews should be submitted to: Professor Thomas O'Toole, Bulletin Review Editor, Department of History, Western Carolina
University, Cullowhee, N.C. 28723. Other items should be sent to:
The Editor, Bulletin of the Southern Association of Africanists,
Center for African Studies, 470 Grinter Hall, University of Florida,
Gainesville, FL 32611.
This issue of the Bulletin was promulgated at a cost of $642.00
or $.802 per copy to distribute information pertaining to the
Southern Association of Africanists.




Dr. Anita Spring B 362 GPA
University of Florida Gainesville, FL 32611

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UF00083266_00002.mets
METS:structMap STRUCT1 mixed
METS:div DMDID The bulletin of the Southern Association Africanists. Vol. 9. Nos. 2-3. ORDER 0 main
D1 1 Front Cover
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D2 future U.S.Africa relations by Randall Robinson 2 Section
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D3 Refugees in Africa
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D4 politics African independence American children's books Nancy Schmidt
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D5 Setswana: An language unit for classroom M.L.A. Mgasa
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