Front Cover
 Front Matter
 Table of Contents
 Uganda Society
 Note by the Honorary Librarian
 Changes in Lango Marriage...
 Modern Trends in Forestry with...
 The Investiture and Installation...
 Book Reviews
 Back Matter
 Index to Volume VII
 Back Cover

The Uganda journal
External Link ( Journal issues, 1999-2002 )
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080855/00021
 Material Information
Title: The Uganda journal
Abbreviated Title: Uganda j.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 22-24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Uganda Society
Publisher: Uganda Society etc.
Uganda Society etc.
Place of Publication: Kampala etc
Publication Date: 1940
Frequency: irregular[1976-<1995>]
semiannual[ former 1934-]
annual[ former <1948>-1973]
completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Periodicals -- Uganda   ( lcsh )
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Uganda
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- 1934-
Numbering Peculiarities: Suspended May 1942-Mar. 1946; replaced by the Society's Bulletin.
Numbering Peculiarities: One issue published every few years, v. 38 (1976)-<v. 42 (1995)>
Issuing Body: Vols. 11-13 published in London.
General Note: Journal of The Uganda Society (formerly The Uganda Literary and Scientific Society).
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltuf - ABS8002
oclc - 01644239
alephbibnum - 000301510
issn - 0041-574X
lccn - 52026895
System ID: UF00080855:00021
 Related Items
Related Items: Uganda journal

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Front Matter
        Front Matter 1
        Front Matter 2
        Front Matter 3
        Front Matter 4
    Table of Contents
        Page i
    Uganda Society
        Page ii
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Note by the Honorary Librarian
        Page v
        Page vi
    Changes in Lango Marriage Customs
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
    Modern Trends in Forestry with Particular Application to Uganda
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 175
    The Investiture and Installation of Kabaka Mutesa II
        Page 176
        Page 176a
        Page 176b
        Page 176c
        Page 176d
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
    Book Reviews
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
    Back Matter
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
    Index to Volume VII
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text


CbOuge!g I"- Lange
........ T. Vgi -H RY
go CM91onts +YL I.:
i"'* 'With: A--Iz
Modern Trainds in Fore
Application to Uganda ......... N. V., BtASNETT.
Death of Mis Hi gb"868
Imaudi Chwa I I., K. b.:M.
K.S. E. anti Accession of.,
Edward Mutusa ............... 'T!XYN- -fLT4A-'IS



oi4. m., i i mi:j 11


Capt. Charles R. S. Pilmam. D.S.O., M.C.
Corre9ponding Member of the Zoological Society
Garne Warden, Uga;
The,,Above work which, appeared .erially: in Volumes 111, IV and V of
the Uganda Jotirnal is now on sale.
VAile the book is a complete guide to Uganda' snakes, it also has a
much wider interest and impoxtaucc, for it deals with species of snakes that
ate found from the Vast to the West Qoasts of Africa, and from the Sudan
to 'the Union of South Africa. It is, in fact, the most comprehensive and
authoritative work on African snakes that has yet been published,
Of the greatest value are the 23 splendid coloured plates which give a
complete and accurate pi,-torial record of the snakes of Uganda-some 80
species in all. Not only are the heads. lateral and ventral scetions 'of adult
snakes shownbut the differences of colouring and markings of young snakes
re. also depicted. The book is farther illustrated by 18 plates of line draw-
Ings, two diagrams and two maps.
Another feature which increases the usefulness of the book is it index-
Dr rather' indexes. Of these thre are thirve--an Index of Scientific Naraes,
an Iftdex of Popular Names, and an Indcx :of Vernacular Names. There is
Aso a List of Contents,
The Foreword has been contribUtedby Mr. IRM.Twket, Assistant Keep-
er of Zoology at the British MuseuM.
The edition is limited! to 5GO copies, 94ch, df whidf: iax.mberp.d..

Price 06

p6st Qtlarto. 62 pag, 11111'stratd klth .2 f1u6 Coloured Plates,
is Line Drawinzs, 2 Diagrams aud,2 s. Half Bound

from, Wbom copies may be obtai`qed


Completed and Edited by WILLIAM LUTLEY SCATER, M.A.

These three volumes represent the life's study of a great African
Explorer and Administrator, and the "father" of East African natural
history. The late Sir Frederick J. Jackson spent thirty-four years in
East Africa, and during these years all his spare time was occupied
in the study of the Wild Life of this region, and particularly in the
observation of the habits of the birds.
Volume I. Struthionidae to Psittacidae, pp. 1-544. Illustrated with io plates
in colour and 115 text-figures.
Volume II. Coraciidaee to Sylviidae, pp. 545-1136. Illustrated with 8 plates
in colour and 65 text-figures.
Volume III. Hirundinidae to Emberizidae, pp. 1137-1558. Illustrated with 6
plates in colour, 61 text-figures and i nrap.
Extra Royal 8v. Pages LXVIII + 1596.
Three volumes. Price L4: io:- net per set.
Postage: Home i/-, Abroad 5/3.
"...To the ornithologist accustomed maiirly to the bids of a temperate
climate the extraordinary number and the beauty of the species of this
region will make a tremendous appeal."
"...The illustrations by two v ell-known bird artists, Mr. G. E. Lodge
and Mr. Gr6nvold, alone are enough to make the book a noteworthy
one." Manchester Guardian.
"...The appearance of the late Sir Frederick Jackson's long awaited
work on the birds of Kenya and Uganda is an important event in the
ornithological history of East Africa."




HARBOURS issue excursion tickets at single fare and
a quarter for the return journey to the Coast from
all stations and ports.

Your car will make the loliday all the more enjoyable
HARBOURS nill convey it at special reduced rates
for the occasion.




_ I

_ __ __

The Brightest Spot
in a







Uganda Journal.


Vol. VII. APRIL, 1940.



Changes in Lango Marriage Customs ...

Modern Trends in Forestry with Particular
Application to Uganda ...

The Investiture and Installation of Kabaka Mutesa II





Kungu-The Sacred Rock

A Note on Kikasa in Bulemezi

... .. ... R. M. BERE.

... ... ... G. W NYE.


No. 4.

Private Bag, Kampala.

Honorary Vice-Presidents Honorary Vice-Presidents
under Rule XV. (d). under Rule XV. (e).
Honorary Secretary:
Honorary Treasurer:
W. N. R. LEE, ESQ.,
Assistant Honorary Treasurer:
Honorary Librarian:
Honorary Editor.
Honorary Auditor:


Since the issue of our last number we can safely say that the affairs of the
Uganda Society have progressed most favourably; there has been no falling off in
membership; the standard of lecturers has been well maintained, and there is no
doubt judging from the good attendances that they are extremely popular; further,
apart from the very small number of the Journal which signalised the beginning of
the war, it has been possible to retain the size of previous numbers. To those of us
who reside in Kampala the work of the Society's officials is evident, but members
up country would I am sure be surprised to know the growing volume of work
which the Society's business entails, and we are indeed fortunate in our officials
who devote so much of their leisure to attending to the Society's business in the So-
ciety's own premises as well as outside. One of these officials our Honorary Trea-
surer Mr. W. N. R. Lee will shortly be going on leave and we take this opportunity
of stating how much he will be missed and of wishing him a happy leave. Before
his departure he has sent us a list of some thirty new members which will be found
at the end of this number. Reference to the list at the end of Number I of this
Volume will show the names of Universities as well as learned Societies in many
different quarters of the globe, who receive copies of "The Uganda Journal" and
members may well feel proud to think how widely it is read.
We should like to emphasise the appeal of our President which he recently
made at one of the Society's meetings that members should remember the growing
Library, which is for the use of all members and is open every morning, and should
contribute either by gifts of money or books to its further growth. We feel sure that
amongst the books of members there are many which might find a more appropri-
ate home in the Society's Library and would urge them to pack them up and send
them to the Honorary Librarian by whom they will be gratefully acknowledged.
Contributors for the Journal still appear to be scarce and it will be a sorry
day when certain of our most regular contributors leave the country on retirement.
Foremost among this number is Mr. H. B. Thomas O.B.E., whose facile pen has
always been at the call of Honorary Editors and who has since the resuscitation of
the Society afforded us so much pleasure and so much information in his own ini-
mitable and delightful style. We are pleased to be able to publish among the Book
Reviews one of a recently published work by this distinguished author.
With regard to lectures which have been given to the Society, members
will see that the Presidential address is included in this number and will have the
opportunity of appreciating, as those present at the lecture did, the amount of
thought and experiment to be observed in the Science of Forestry.
On February 21st Mr. A. S. Thomas gave a most interesting talk on that
most popular of subjects:- "Garden Making in Uganda". Many were the pencils
and pieces of paper in evidence as the keen gardeners jotted down the words of wis-

dom which flowed from the mouth of the lecturer and many were the phonetic equi-
valents of the scientific names for some of the shrubs and plants mentioned, which
we hope that the writers were able to decipher afterwards.
On March 20th we were fortunate to have another of his ever popular lec-
tures from Capt. C. R. S. Pitman (Vice-President), who chose the arresting title
of:-- "Would you believe it?" He took his listeners into some of the lesser known
realms of Nature Study and explained some of the extraordinary devices employed
by various forms of animal life in order to preserve their species among what ap-
pear to be well-nigh insurmountable difficulties put into their way by Nature herself.
It appears time that a catalogue of our meagre library was published in
the Journal and this will accordingly be found in this number, and it is hoped that
it will provide a stimulus to members to donate either money or books for the im-
provement of the library.

We acknowledge with thanks receipt of the following publications:-
Annals of the Transvaal Museum, Volume XX, Part 1, October, 1939.
Coutumiers Juridiques de l'Afrique Occidentale Franqaise, Tome II, Soudan.
"Natural History" Volume XLIV No. 4 November 1939, Volume XLV No. 1,
January 1940, Volume XLV No. 2 February 1940.
Proceedings and Transactions Rhodesia Scientific Association, Volume
XXXVII September, 1939.
"Bantu Studies" Volume XIII, No. 4, December, 1939.
"Le Trait d'Union" August, 1939.
"Man" December, 1939, January, 1940, and February, 1940.
"Tanganyika Notes & Records" No. 8 December, 1939.
"Nigerian Field" Volume VIII No. 4 October, 1939.
"Africa" Volume XIII No. 1 January, 1940.
Bulletin de l'Institut Francais d'Afrique Noire, January, Tome 1 No. 1.
Journal of the Royal African Society Volume XXXIX No. CLIV, January,
"Natural History Volume XLI
XLIV, No. 1.


As Members are aware, since its revival in 1933, the Society, as is usual
with Societies of this kind, has entered into exchange relationship with kindred
Societies in other parts of the world: that is to say, by sending its "Journal" to
these other Societies it receives in exchange their publications. At the end of this
number will be found a list of the publications received so far and of books which
have been presented by members and others.
All the publications have been bound in an uniform, attractive dark brown
binding with gilt titles and together make up a wealth of information about the
peoples, their beliefs and customs, and the flora and fauna of Africa. The list of
Societies with whom exchanges are made is being extended and members are
invited to make full use of the library: the Society's room, situate at the corner of
Nakasero Road and Kyagwe Road is open daily from 8.0 a.m. to 12.30 p.m. and
from 5.0 p.m. to 7.0 p.m., Sundays and Saturday evenings excepted.
In its endeavour to build up an adequate reference library the Society has
been prevented from buying all the standard works of the past which it feels it
ought to possess by the necessity for conserving its modest resources and building
up a reasonable reserve in accordance with the dictates of prudent finance; but
feeling that as every year passed the opportunities of acquiring such works diminish-
ed it made an appeal for assistance to the Trustees of the King George the Fifth
Memorial Fund. The appeal has been generously answered and it is with feelings
of gratitude and pleasure that members are informed that an immediate grant of
300 has been sanctioned with an intimation that an application for future annual
grants would be sympathetically considered. The compilation of a list of the books
which it is proposed to buy is in hand, but suggestions would be welcomed.
A short time ago the President made an appeal to members to give or
bequeath books to the Society: it is hoped that the impetus given to the building
up of the library by this handsome gift will still further encourage them to lend
their assistance. In particular it would be greatly appreciated if anyone who
contemplates disposing of his books would give the Society the first refusal.
This note may well close with a reference to the idea which inspires the
formation of a reference library and, indeed, the activities of the Society in general.
Junod opens the introduction to his great work "Mceurs et Coutumes Des Bantous"
with these words:
"J'esus, en 1895, le tres grand plaisir de recevoir la visit de Lord Bryce
a Lourenco-Marques, alors que j'y dirigeais la Mission Suisse Romande.
Au course de ses voyages a travers l'Afrique du Sud, cet homme d'Etat si
intelligent s'dtait beaucoup occupy des tribus indigines de toute la region,
essayant de les comprendre et de prdvoir leur avenir. II eut d'ailleurs vite
fait de se rendre compete de la pauvret6 de nos connaissances a leur sujet
et essaya d'inciter ceux qui habitaient sur place a entreprendre une 6tude

scientifique db leur vie primitive. Une de ses remarques me frappa tout
particulibrement au course de notre conversation: "Si un Romain avait pris
la peine d'dtudier A fond les coutumes et les moeurs de nos ancatres celtes,
quelle reconnaissance ne lui aurions-nous pas, nous, hommes du XIXe
siecle! Ce travail n'a pas Wt6 fait et nous ignorerons toujours ce qui nous
aurait tant interesss !"
Cette remarque fut pour moi un veritable trait de lumiere".
To accumulate and preserve records of those things which are present but
which are passing is, perhaps, a humble duty but not, let it be said, an unworthy




1. COURTING: Evidence on this and the section on the old type of
marriage, though plentiful, is apt to vary in detail. My account, therefore, must be
taken as a generalised statement of the various accounts obtained from the old men.
At the age of ten or so boys and girls start playing sexually with each
other. They build grass houses and play at being man and wife. When found be-
having sexually, the boy is beaten and asked what he means by "spoiling the body"
of the girl, when he knows that she is a relation. If they are not related, they
are still beaten, because this is an affair for grown-ups and not for children.
At puberty the boy used to build himself a small hut raised on piles and
called otogo in which he sleeps from then till the birth of his first child. The girls
used to be assigned to a girl's otogo (otogo anyira) on reaching puberty. It was
much larger than that of the boys, but was not raised on piles. It had the same
small round entrance and was presided over by an aged matron. The girl's otogo
is a thing of the distant past. A boy had to have intercourse in his otogo. It was
very bad if he had intercourse with a girl anywhere in the open. She would pro-
bably become barren, according to Lango belief, and they would both be ill and
might even die.
There were three main ways in which a boy found a wife:-
(a) If a man had fallen into poverty, he might go to his best friend and
ask for help. The basis of this help would be the marriage of his daughter to his
friend's son, both of whom were still small children. This was called a "Marriage
of trade" (nyom me achata). Some marriage cattle would be handed over at once,
the final settlement being made when the two became man and wife. The two
children would be brought up with the idea that they were to be married. The girl
might even live at her future husband's village. I was told that the two children
would never object to the marriage, as children always obeyed their parents in
those days. On the other hand it is said that a father was not averse to forcing
his daughter into a marriage which she did not desire, or to return to a husband
she wished to leave. He would dig two holes in the ground and bury her arms in
them up to the elbow, pounding the earth down tight. She would be left there and
beaten periodically until she agreed.
(b) Should a boy have seen a girl whom he desired as a wife, though he
did not know her at all, he might go to the dance with a group of friends and they
would seize her by force and would take her to his village. The boy would not


have intercourse with her, but would try to persuade her to become his wife. If she
would still have nothing to do with him after a week, she would be sent home.
(c) Both of the above forms of finding a wife were rare, the most usual
way being as follows. If a boy saw a girl that "his heart desired", he would start a
courtship by talking or flirting (yamo) with her. He might do this by accompany-
ing her home after a dance. Or he might go to the girl's otogo and give the matron
in charge a chicken to call the girl to yamo with him. The girl would resent these
first advances. But when he came the second time, she would consent and they
would go for a walk, probably at first with a friend of the girl as chaperone. There
might then ensue a long period of platonic friendship. The girl might sleep in the
boy's otogo for months on end and they would have no sexual-intercourse. During
this period they might make great vows to each other. The girl might say to the
boy, "I do not want you to eat malakwang", and the boy would not touch it, until
at a later date she absolved him from his prohibition by cooking malakwang and
smearing (gwelo) him with it.
This state of affairs would be ended in one of two ways. Perhaps the boy
one night had intercourse with the girl. She would thereupon inform her brother
of this. He would tell his mother and she would tell her husband. Illegitimate
intercourse (luk) had been committed, and so the girl's father and brothers would
go off to the boy's village. Should the boy's father refuse to pay up the necessary
compensation in goats or bulls, the matter would be taken up for settlement by the
local chiefs, unless the aggrieved party were strong and forcibly seized what was
wanted. But usually the boy's father paid up the fine, and immediately the girl's
father and mother were pleased. Negotiations would be set on foot for the marri-
age settlement from which the fine for luk would be deducted. The other method
was for the boy to go to the dance with his friends and forcibly seize the girl,
who pretended to resist. He would take her home and have intercourse with her
in his otogo. On the following morning the girl would go home and on the way
she would meet her enraged mother coming along to find her. When the mother
arrived at the boy's village, she would be treated very well and given a goat to take
home. Then the marriage negotiations were set on foot.
A loving couple, as well as a man and a wife, may never mention each
other's birth names (nying me pel). If a man wishes to refer to a person who has the
same name as his wife, he will use a periphrasis. For, to use her name means
that he cares for her no longer. This holds good in these days too. But there
is no bar against using the Christian name.
Before marriage it was most important for each of the partners to discover
if the other was really a good person, if his character was good (kite mere ber).
Factors that would exclude the girl were:-- 1. She was a wanton. 2 A bad cook.
3. Her parents were idle and never had much food about their village. 4. She was
an ajok (sorcerer). While a boy would not find a wife if:- 1. He was an ajok.
2. He insulted the girls. 3. He was a thief. 4. He was poor and was too dull-
witted to do anything about it.
2. MARRIAGE: Marriage by Lango custom is termed nyom. This ac-
count was collected and written down by my boy Okuja from an old man of his


village. Other people give different versions, but this is sufficiently representive
for me to quote the whole account, which shows incidentally the value of training
natives to collect information themselves. Okuja's account follows on the last
method of courting recorded above.
When the boy and his friends drag the girl to his village after the dance, he
sleeps with her in his otogo. Early the next morning the girl goes home. On the
way she will meet her mother, who is coming to look for her. Her mother quarrels
with her in the road and then continues to the boy's village ordering her daughter
to go home. The boy sees her coming in the distance and immediately sets about
catching a fat he-goat. He keeps out of the way, but his father talks to the woman
and finally presents her with the he-goat. Then the boy's father accompanies the
girl's mother back to her village, taking the goat with him. He sleeps at the girl's
village and discusses with the girl's father the details of the goods to be handed
over for the marriage. On the following morning much food is cooked and the
girl's father smears clarified butter (mo dyang) or sim-sim oil (mo nino) on the
boy's father, whom he addresses as his friend. He ties bells on his legs and makes
his body glisten with the oil. The boy's father then departs, having arranged
things satisfactorily. He says to his son, "I went to my friend over there and dis-
cussed things very satisfactorily with him. He has no objections. He told me you
were a very good boy to give him such a fat goat. So some day we must take the
marriage goods over to him, and there is nothing else to be done."
On an appointed day the boy's father, with a few of his Clansmen, will take
the marriage goods to the girl's village. Perhaps they consist of 100 spear-heads,
100 hoe-blades and 11 head of cattle. The girl's mother will have spread out a
cow-hide at the door of her house, and the hoes and spears will be arranged tidily
on this. At first the old men, who have come, will retire into the house with the
other old men of the village and drink beer and talk. Then they will look at the
marriage goods (lim). The 11 head of cattle will be standing near the village. A
lot of beer will have been brewed and, when this is all drunk and the marriage
goods accepted, the visitors return home. On the following day the girl will collect
firewood with about 20 of her friends and take this to the boy's mother, who will
present them with beads and chickens. After this the girl goes to live with her
husband. Her husband will then take a large he-goat for the people in his new
village to eat. On another day he will take a ram for his wife's mother and father
to eat alone. The boy then kills a bull for the people of his own village to eat,
and another for the girl's grandmother, who shares it with the girl's mother, but
with no one else. On another occasion the boy cooks clarified butter (mo dyang)
in a small pot, brimful. This he takes to the girl's mother. Therefore his wife
and his mother-in-law are very happy, because he takes his mother-in-law things
which her heart desires.
This account is very abbreviated. The marriage negotiations are protracted
and full of reciprocal gift giving and visiting besides the handing over of the marri-
age goods. My account of the modern method fills in points that are here omitted.
It should be stressed that great trouble is taken to ensure that the boy and his
people are respectable, and also the girl and her people. Nor does a large quantity
of marriage-goods tempt a conscientious father if he disapproves of the man.


Marriage is really an alliance between two Clans and this was not finally
consolidated until the birth of a child. A series of stereotyped and reciprocal inter-
Clan ceremonies, the details of which I hope soon to publish, kept this alliance
alive. But one of these ceremonies was especially important and may be compared
to our marriage ceremony. This is the ceremony of "tying on the skin" (tweyo
lau). The lau is a long leather tail, attached to a string round the waist and ex-
tending from the small of the back to the ground. At the ceremony the husband's
mother attaches a lau belonging to the husband's Clan round her daughter-in-
law's waist with much ceremonial. At the same time the girl is taught the ritual
observances of her husband's Clan and she is careful to observe them from hence-
forth. For this reason the ceremony may also be called, "Showing the woman the
ritual observances" (nyuto dako kwer). The ceremony was performed after the
marriage transactions were over and when the wife was pregnant. The Lango
likened the putting on of the lau to the putting on of the ring in Christian marriages.
3. INHERITANCE OF WIVES: Inheritance of wives is termed lako dako.
On the death of a man each of his widows can choose anyone, whom she fancies
in the Clan, to take the physical place of her husband, who is still alive spiritually.
A young widow may choose the son of one of his co-wives, should he be about
her age. An old woman may prefer to live under the protection of her son without
acquiring a new husband. But as often as not a poor okeo (sister son) of the dead
man will be given one of these wives, who may be much older than he. All this
holds good today as it did formerly.
4. ILLEGITIMATE INTERCOURSE: We have seen that luk (illegitimate inter-
course) was a preliminary to marriage. But not all cases of luk ended in marriage.
Should the boy's father not wish him to marry yet, or should the girl's parents dis-
approve the boy, a case might be taken against him before the local chief. The
compensation for luk was very high, so that a boy did not risk incurring the anger
of his Clan, who would have to pay the luk compensation for him. Moreover,
should the girl become pregnant and die as a result of giving birth, the boy's Clan
would have to pay full compensation as for homicide. Any child born as a re-
sult of luk belonged to the girl's Clan.
5. ADULTERY AND PROSTITUTION: Adultery was rare in the old days.
A man caught red-handed would be speared outright. There were also magical
sanctions. According to Lango belief, if a man committed adultery, he and his
children would become very ill, and the only resort was to confess the crime. If
a woman was ill and her husband committed adultery, she would become much
worse and would probably die. The same was the fate of the husband should he be
ill and his wife commit adultery. In either case the fatal disease ikiro would attack
their children. If the wife was pregnant and the husband committed adultery, she
would miscarry.
Prostitution was unheard of in those days. Adultery was limited by the very
real fear of death. A man's Clansmen would kill his wife if she were caught com-
miting adultery, as it would be said that she was trying to "spoil the Clan". The
result was that both man and woman committed adultery at the peril of their lives.


6. DIVORCE: The chief legitimate reasons for divorce were, and still are,
as follows. From the woman's point of view she may claim that 1. She is beaten
frequently and unjustifiably. 2. Her husband is an ajok (sorcerer). 3. Her
husband does not sleep with her. The man may claim: 1. That his wife is barren.
2. She cooks badly. 3. Commits adultery. 4. She is an ajok. Either of the couple
may desire divorce for general incompatibility.
If the woman is barren, a younger sister may be accepted as a substitute.
But other cases require the return of marriage-goods. The marriage-goods were re-
turned in practically all cases, except where the woman was away as a result of ill
treatment by her husband. In this case some of the marriage-goods would
probably have been returned as a sign that the marriage no longer held good. But
in such a case the children would stay with the father. In other cases of divorce,
where the marriage-goods were returned the children remained with the mother.
1. COURTING: The description given in this and the following section,
together with all the figures given, are of an actual marriage that I followed at
Aduku. But I describe it in generalised terms as it is sufficiently representative of
the modern type of Lango marriage throughout the district,
The otogo is now obsolete, and instead a boy builds himself an ordinary
house on reaching puberty. This house is usually next to his parent's house. In it
any male guest who comes to the village will sleep. Middle aged men look back with
regret at the passing of the otogo, in which some of the pleasantest days of their
lives were spent with their girls.
The boy usually meets his girl first at a dance. He will first (yamo) with
her for a time and will eventually persuade her to consent to visit him in his house.
Here he will have intercourse with her. This may occur on two or three separate
occasions, and must be regarded in the nature of a trial marriage. They will only
proceed to marriage proper if both are satisfied.
The boy then gives 4/- to his friend (awot), who acts as a sort of bride-
groom to him throughout the proceedings. The boy then goes with his awot, who is
accompanied by other friends, to the girl's village. The boy remains outside the
village. His friends, who have given warning of their coming, are given beer and
food as any guest would be. They then give the girl the 4/- and she hands it to
her mother as sign of her consent. The mother gives it back to her. If the parents
object to the marriage, the mother returns the 4/- to the boy's friends and nothing
more can be done. Provided everything is satisfactory, the marriage proceedings
2. MARRIAGE: The boy avoids his girl's mother from the beginning of his
courting, but on one occasion they look at each other ceremonially so as to know
each other for avoidance in the future.
The boy's father now goes informally to the girl's father to discuss the
marriage-goods. A day is appointed and he again goes to the girl's village, accom-
panied this time by his son's friends and taking 10/- with him. The boy accom-
panies them to the village but remains outside it. This 10/- is for the girl's


mother to buy herself anything that she wants, such as blankets, saucepans, clothes,
etc. Beer and food is given to the guests. Should the boy eat any of his
mother'in-law's food he would die, according to Lango belief. His girl will go out-
side the village to greet him.
Another day is appointed and the father with his son's friends go taking
100/-. This is part of the marriage-goods proper and is supposed to be kept by
the girl's father for the marriages of his own sons. Wise fathers do this, others
spend it. Again beer and food is produced for the visitors.
Yet another day is appointed and the father of the girl with the men of his
Clan go to the boy's village to see the cattle, which is the essential element in all
marriages. Previously it had been decided that 5 heifers, a cow and a bull should
form this portion of the marriage-goods. Five pots of beer had been brewed for
the guests, but this could not be drunk until the cattle had been accepted. After
much argument as to the size of the animals, an invariable scene in every marri-
age transaction, they were finally accepted. As a sign of this acceptance the visitors
then proceed to drink the beer. Food has been prepared for the boy's mother.
and the boy now proceeds to kill a bull for the guests to eat,
The boy tells his village chief (Won Pacho) that he wishes to be married. At
the next convenient Lukiko (Court) the Won Pacho gives the boy and girl before
the Gombolola or Parish Chief (Jago). The boy gives the girl another 2/- and she
hands this to the Jago together with the 4/- originally given her by the boy on
betrothal. The Jago counts the 6/-, gives 2/- to the Won Pacho and the remain-
ing 4/- back to the girl. The 2/- is the Won Pacho's fee. The Jago then asks the
girl's father if he has "seen the cattle". He says that he has, which means that he
has accepted them. The boy's father will have brought the cattle to the Lukiko,
and the Jago goes out to look at them. Then he puts the girl's hands into the boy's,
the clerk writes their names in the marriage register and they become man and
The latter part of these proceedings has been instigated by the Government
so that a check could be kept on the claims of return of the marriage-goods on
divorce. But the list of marriage goods has not been recorded up to now. Many
Lango are in favour of a list being kept by the Lukiko, so that there can be no dis-
pute as to what has to be returned on divorce. The two examples of marriage-
goods given on page 155-156 will show what confusions may arise when these
things have to be returned on divorce.
The details of the procedure may vary. Sometimes the boy has to provide
certain articles for the mother-in-law instead of 10/-. All the visits, as recorded
above, may be telescoped into one day. Theoretically anyone may marry anyone,
there are no distinctions of classes. But in these days there is a tendency for a
Chief to encourage his daughters to marry boys who have been to School. More-
over his daughter will probably have been to School herself, so that he will demand
very high marriage-goods, 400/- besides many head of cattle may be asked. This
may result in the formation of new classes.
The ceremony of tweoy lau as described on page 148 is still performed. But,
with the neglect of old customs, it may not be performed until the woman has


borne children, and then it is performed only if she does not conceive again
quickly, or if a succession of infantile deaths or any other misfortune occurs to
wife or children.
Pagans and nominal Christians are married in the way just described. But
the Missionaries and the D.C. are constituted as Registrars for marriage and may
marry Lango couples according to British marriage laws. Teachers, by the Mis-
sion rules, have to be married in church in the British way. This entails mono-
gamy, for should a person, married by British law, take another wife by native
custom, he has committed bigamy and is subject to the penalties prescribed by
British Law. But although they are married in church as Christians, teachers also
go through the proceedings necessitated by the handing over of the marriage-goods.
Teachers are not allowed the trial marriages, but I was not able to satisfy myself
as to the extent to which this is observed. Christians, who are not teachers
usually marry in the ordinary way and, if satisfied with each other, may later be
married in church. These Christian marriages follow the English form. The bride
being veiled and a party being held after the ceremony.
3. ILLEGITIMATE INTERCOURSE: After a lover has had his two or three
trial intercourse with his girl, they might decide not to marry. In this case the
boy sends the girl's mother a packet of salt costing -/10 and no more is said
about the affair. The girl's mother knows of the relations between the boy and
her daughter from the former's avoidance of her and the latter's absences at night.
But should a boy have intercourse by force, or should it be clear that he has no inten-
tion of marrying the girl, then she tells her brother of the state of affairs. The
brother tells the girl's father and a case is brought against the boy for luk (illegiti-
mate intercourse). The Government recognize the right of compensation in the case
of luk and the sum is fixed at 30/-. The people complain that this is far too
little, and that luk is very prevalent as a result. When I was at Aloro, a case was
brought into the Lukiko of a boy having had intercourse with a girl of his Clan.
The boy's own father was accusing him, and begged the Jago to send him to
prison. This was done. In the old days the boy would have been killed for in-
cest, which immediately brands one as an ajok. At the same Lukiko another boy
had caused a relation, (she was not in his Clan) to be pregnant. The girl had died
in childbirth and the boy admitted that it was his "blood" that had killed her. His
father had to pay over a large number of cattle to the girl's father as compensa-
tion for homicide. He did this without any disagreement, acknowledging that the
fault was his son's entirely.
4. ADULTERY AND PROSTITUTION: It can safely be said that the growth
of adultery and prostitution is the most noticeable result of contact with European
civilisation. We have seen that in the old days adultery was uncommon and
prostitution unknown. The reasons for this were the fear of death and magical
retribution in the case of adultery, and in addition, in the case of prostitution, the
want of a suitable medium of payment. While the authority of the guardians of
the girls (wegi nyako) enforced by beating, was a strong factor in preventing bad
behaviour on their part. In these days men and older women both deplore the
immqral practices of the modern Lango woman. The Rwodi (Saza or County


Chiefs) at their annual Lukiko passed a resolution that, "since all women were bad
in these days", the marriage-goods should always be returned in a case of divorce,
even if the wife has run away from her husband's ill-treatment. The prisons are
full of men and women who have been convicted of adultery.
There is no real class of professional prostitute in Lango. The distinction
between adultery and what I term prostitution depends merely pon whether the
woman is married or not and whether she is paid or not. If the woman is mar-
ried, it is a case of adultery. If the woman is unmarried, luk has been committed.
But, if in either case the man rewards the woman, the element of prostitution is
there. No woman can live without a male guardian of some kind-father, brother,
husband. Nor will a man keep a wife who sleeps with other men. The Lango
prostitute is therefore a woman, who, while living with a male guardian-father,
husband or other relation-sleeps with other men for money. As soon as her
male guardian has proof that she is doing this, he will turn her out, whereupon
she goes to another guardian. This may be a relative living some way off, or a
new husband living sufficiently far away to be ignorant of his new wife's practices.
However, he soon discovers, and she is set off on her wanderings once more. There
are many women who live a roving life of this sort, going from one husband to the
next. This is the extreme type, who may develop into a professional prostitute
within our meaning of the term, if she gravitates to a Township, where she finds a
ready market with the Indians. But I have reason to believe that at present the
majority of these Township prostitutes are Baganda. The Lango apply the term
for a prostitute (Eliya: this is an Indian word, since the practice was unknown to
the Lango) to those who occasionally sleep with men or boys for money, without
being discovered and without desiring to lead a roving life.
The causes of this state of affairs are fairly easy to determine. The Lango
themselves attribute it to the bad example of the Baganda. Baganda chiefs ruled
in Lango in the early years of British administration. According to the Lango
they were thieves, adulterers and full of venereal diseases, which traits they com-
municated to the Lango. It is clear, however, that social evils can exist only if the
sanctions, by which they were formerly checked, have broken down. The death
sanction was removed on British occupation. The fear of magical retribution is no
longer as potent a sanction among the majority of Lango, as a result of Missionary
teaching and the broadened horizon given by greater contact with the outside
world. The control of fathers over their daughters has been destroyed by the stern
attitude of the Government towards the beating of daughters. Fathers are afraid
to touch their daughters for fear of prison. A deputation once came begging me
to ask the Government to give more power to the guardians of the girls (wegi
nyako) to prevent their immoral practices and to lessen divorces.
While these three restraining sanctions have been removed, direct en-
couragement of prostitution has resulted from the new economic system. The
modern Lango woman delights in clothes, soap and salt above everything. When
she marries, her choice of husband is largely decided by his ability to provide her
with these goods. Should he not provide her with sufficient for her wants, she has
an easy means of fulfilling her desires. Money facilitates the exchange of com-
modities and a woman's wares are no exception to this rule. A Lango woman will


sleep with a man for a sum of money. Driberg wrote that the enforcement of
monogamy upon the polygamous Lango would lead inevitably to prostitution, since
total abstinence had to be observed by a man from conception to weaning, a period
of over three years. Teachers, with whom monogamy is obligatory, have reduced
the period of abstinence to less than a year. The man with more than one wife
finds it very difficult to provide them all with the new goods they require. As a
result their wives provide themselves with these goods by prostitution. Plurality
of wives has therefore become a cause of prostitution rather than the reverse. This
is looking at the problem' from the women's point of view. Driberg is obviously
correct in showing that men are more likely to look for illicit intercourse under a
state of monogamy than when polygamous. As in our society, it must be the
woman who says no.
Government has tried to check the growth of adultery by legislation. The
man is given 3 months imprisonment and fined a bull or 30/-. In addition he has
to pay 2 cows to the husband as compensation. The woman is given two months
imprisonment, but her husband may commute this by paying 20/- for her. Should
a man hear that his wife is sleeping with another man, he will beat her until she
agrees to lay a trap for the man. In the former case the woman agrees to a time
and place with her lover, and tells her husband of this. When she raises the
alarm cry, her husband with his witnesses catch the man. At the Lukiko trial
the woman says that she was being raped, but invariably the Lukiko decide that it
has been a prearranged plan and the usual penalties for adultery are imposed. In
this case the husband will redeem his wife by paying the 20/-. But should he
have caught -wife and lover red-handed, he will not redeem his wife, but will pro-
ceed to divorce her. This device of the pre-arranged trap is used to "spoil the
work" of chiefs or teachers. A man, who has a grudge against, or is jealous of a
chief, may persuade his wife to seduce the person. The chief is caught in the trap
and is dismissed from his job for adultery. I suggested that a man might en-
courage his wife to seduce other men in this way for the sake of the compensation
of 2 cows. By the sale of one cow the 20/- would be realized for the redemption
of the woman. Though this was a feasible notion, it was considered to be very
unlikely, as a Lango detests the idea of his wife having sexual relations with any
other man. The adultery of his wife is resented by the Lango as making him a
laughing-stock to his fellows. The other modern deterrent of adultery and prostitu-
tion is a fear of venereal diseases, primarily syphilis, which is a modern importa-
tion through the Baganda and the Indians. A chief told me that if he suspected a
wife of having relations with other men, he would not sleep with her himself for
fear of catching diseases, and he would take the first opportunity of divorcing her.
The final question in this problem is how it is to be controlled, as it is
undoubtedly a social evil. Among a people, who are tending to become mono-
gamous, as the Lango are, there is certain to be prostitution. It can be made less
of an evil than it is today by inculcating ideals of right behaviour into the women.
Most of the social ills of Lango are due to the lack of education of the women.
Only by suitable education of women to ideals of wifely conduct in harmony with
that of men can this state of ubiquitous prostitution be brought to an end. In


he case of both men and women, the spread, of venereal diseases by promiscuous
intercourse should be stressed in all courses of hygiene. For this is a point that the
Lango understand.
5. DIVORCE: Divorce is fairly simple where marriage has been by native
custom. The difficulty is to establish the nature and quantity of the marriage-
goods originally handed over to the wife's family. The Jago will try to persuade
the couple to make it up, but if they are set upon divorce the business of finding
witnesses ensues. The reason for divorce are given on page 149. When the amount
of the marriage-goods is eventually decided upon by the Lukiko, the girl's father
is told to hand it all back. Further information on the return of the marriage-
goods is given in the next section. Divorce is very common in these days for the
reasons given in the preceding section. The Lango ascribe it to the general bad-
ness of the modern woman and the fact that the guardians of the girls have not
the same power over their charges as they used to have, when no one objected to
them using the stick freely.
The inconveniences caused by divorce will be well illustrated by the case
of my boy Okelo. His father is dead and he, as his father's heir, is the guardian
of his sister. His sister had married a year previously and so enabled Okelo him-
self to marry with the cattle brought in by her marriage. While I was at Orumo,
news came from Okelo's village that his brother-in-law was wanting to divorce
Okelo's sister. The case came on in the Lukiko a week later. The reason for the
divorce was mutual incompatibility. The whole Lukiko tried to persuade the
couple to make it up. "Shake her hand and forget", said the Jago. But the man
insisted on the divorce. The truth was, according to Okelo, that he had another
wife and was finding that two wives were too expensive. The list of marriage-
goods was decided upon and Okelo was ordered to hand them back as soon as
possible. But Okelo had no cattle to pay back, as his brother-in-law's marriage
cattle were now in the kraal of his father-in-law. Nor would any of his Clan help
him, as they all complained of poverty. The brother-in-law then took the law into
his own hands. He went to Okelo's father-in-law and took away the cattle to
which he was legally entitled. This was the cause of much embarrassment to
Okelo, for now he was no longer married to his own wife. She was expecting a
baby within a month. I went with Okelo to his father-in-law's village. The meet-
ing between Okelo and his wife was very strained. At last they went apart toge-
ther and discussed the situation. They decided that they were still very fond of
each other and that they wanted to remain man and wife. The father gave his
verdict. His daughter was to remain with him until cattle should be found by
Okelo. Meanwhile Okelo was to encourage his sister to find another husband as
soon as possible, so that the cattle would be forthcoming. Okelo was not to be
allowed access to his wife until the cattle were handed over to his father-in-law.
Okelo went back to his village where he was furious with all his relations. He
rated his sister for being disobedient to her husband and so causing a divorce.
He told her to go to more dances, so that she should find another husband as
soon as possible, so that the cattle would be forthcoming. Okelo was not to be
consoled until he heard that the sister had found another husband. Okelo in great
joy went home on one of my bicycles and arranged about the marriage-goods.
These were handed over to his father-in-law, and so his wife was re-instated.


Should a couple desiring divorce have been married in church or civilly by
the D.C. their case must be judged by the High Court according to the usual Bri-
tish Divorce Laws. The divorce of such couples is therefore a very difficult affair.
It is the practice of the District Commissioner to order a separation of the couple,
not a divorce. This entails the return of the marriage-goods, and is as good as a
divorce in the eyes of the natives. It leads inevitably to another marriage. Re-
marriage by native custom is bigamy according to the law of Uganda. This is a
weapon in the hands of the Missionaries, should they desire to enforce monogamy.
The C.M.S. are aware of the state of the law, but consider it grossly unfair on the
native and a dead letter as far as they are concerned. I did not ascertain the view
of the Catholics.
The Lango word for marriage (nyom) might be translated as, "The hand-
ing over of marriage-goods." Should a man's mother's brother (Nero) provide
him with a wife, the Nero is said to "marry" (nyomo) the wife. But this does not
give him any sexual privileges over the girl. It merely entails that she will observe
the taboos of the Nero's Clan and her children will be members of the Clan. For
Clansmen are those people who are the products of unions that have been sanc-
tioned by the handing over of Clan cattle. When I remarked that it would be
quite possible for a Whiteman's father-in-law to give him a present on marriage,
my hearer said, "Well then, you do not marry his daughter. She marries you".
Marriage according to European methods, in church or civilly, is not termed "nyo-
mo", but "ribere" (joining, or, mixing together). This is only carried out after
nyomo proper. All my Lango friends said that I was a liar to suggest that Eng-
lishmen do not give their parents-in-law anything on marriage. They looked
upon this as a grossly immoral idea. On the other hand two English-speaking
Lango, one a Rwot who had been educated at Budo, the other a C.M.S. teacher,
told me that long ago the Lango did not hand over marriage-goods. When wealth,
in the shape of cattle, spears and hoes, multiplied in the land, they came to the
conclusion that, if a boy had to hand over a quantity of these goods to his wife's
family, he would treat his wife well. This sounds like a rationalisation to me,
but it shows that they are aware of one of the main functions of the marriage-
goods system.
I give here two specimens of marriage-goods actually handed over lately.
A. The marriage-goods of a Chief, (Rwot). This marriage was negotiated in
April 1936.
1. 130 shillings with a box for them. ... ... ... 132/-
2. 10 pieces of women's clothing with a box. ... ... 30/-
3. 10 pieces of men's clothing with a box. ... ... 30/-
4. 9 pieces of clothing for the mother-in-law. ... ... 27/-
5. 20 hoe blades. ... ... ... ... ... 10/-
6. 10 spear heads. ... ... ... ... ... 10/-
7. 2 sacks of sugar. ... ... ... ... ... 52/-
8. 2 sacks of salt. ... ... ... ... ... 36/-
9. 4 packets of tea. ... ... ... ... 4/-


10. 10 chickens. ... ... ... ... ... ... 1/-
11. 3 pairs of shoes. ... ... ... ... ... 12/-
12. 2 hats. ... ... ... ... ... 12/-
13. 1 bicycle. ... ... ... ... ... ... 200/-
14. 3 large he-goats. ... ... ... ... ... 18/-
15. 5 pots. ... ... ... ... ... 3/-
16. 8 head of cattle. ... .. ... ... 250/-
17. 2 aluminium saucepans. ... ..... ... ... 12/-
18. 1 kettle. ... ... ... ... ... 4/-
19. Tobacco and cigarettes. ... ... .. ... ... 5/-
Total ... ... ... ... 42. 4. 0.
Although more than a year had elapsed since the chief had taken the girl
as his wife, he had not yet handed all these goods over to her father.
B. The marriage-goods of a Schoolmaster married in 1936.
1. 2 blankets. .. ... ... ... ... 8/-
2. 2 sheets. ... ... ... ... ... 4/.
3. 12 bells for dancing. ... ... ... ... ... 4/-
4. 1 large saucepan. ... ...... .. 6/-
5. 4 pairs of trousers. ... ... ... ... ... 8/-
6. 4 shirts. ...... ... ... 8/-
7. 1 mosquito net. ... ... ... ... ... 5/-
8. bed.... ... .. ... ... 10/-
9. 4 plates. ... ... ... ... ... 2/-
10. 2 hoe blades. ... ... ... l/-
11. 5 spear heads. .. ... ... ... ... 5/-
12. 1 packet of salt. .. ... ... ... ... -/10
13. 1 hunting net. ... ... ... ... ... 10/-
14. A spring trap for large animals. .. ... ... ... 25/-
15. 1 basin. -... ... .. ... ... /50
16. 1 knife. ... ... ... ... ... -/50
17. 116 shillings. ... ... ... ... ... 116/-
18. 50 packets of tobacco. ... ... ... ... ... 10/-
19. 2 chairs. ... ... ... ... ... 8/-
20. 4 head of cattle. ... ... ... ... ... 130/-
It would be unlikely for a girl to be married with less than 4 head of
cattle, a few hoes and spears, tobacco and 10/-. The capacity of the boy's family
is taken into account when arranging the marriage settlement. A man who has
many daughters and only a few sons, will be expected to give more for his sons'
marriage, since his daughters will bring in many marriage-goods. A Chief is ex-
pected to give a large settlement. That this is so, and that the girl is not con-
sidered to be an asset, is proved by the undoubted preference for sons on the part
of both mothers and fathers. It is not to be denied, however, that certain fathers
hold out for a big settlement and so hinder their daughters' marriages.
The older generation complain that boys and girls now marry much too
young. The result is that there are many divorces, as the girl does not know how


to look after her husband. Both young and old also say that the marriage-goods
are so costly that boys find it very difficult to get married. There is no doubt
that the marriage-goods are very much higher than they used to be, but so is the
standard of living. Young men say that, in view of the laxity of women, the ex-
pense of marriage is a really serious matter. Girls obtain divorces for no reason
at all, according to the men, and it is not easy for the husbands to have the whole
list of marriage-goods returned. Perhaps the father-in-law has spent the money,
or the witnesses have died or left the district. My witnesses were in favour of a
book being kept in Lukiko for recording the marriage-goods. The chief difficulty
would be that the goods are handed over during a long period of time.
The marriage-goods are divided among the girl's family in the following
manner :-
1. Girl's mother's brother: 1 heifer.
2. Girl's father's younger brother: 1 bull (twon me amuru).
3. Girl's father's elder brother: 1 bull (twon me amuru).
4. Girl's father's sister (wayo): (This is the sister with whose marriage cattle
the girl's mother was married). She has a bull, which is kept for her son.
5. Girl's mother: various goods for her personal use.
6. Girl's father: Money and other goods, and remainder of the cattle.
Upon the marriage of each daughter the person next in seniority to the last
receiver of a bull or heifer comes in for his share. In view of this distribution, the
attempt of the Government to limit the marriage cattle to three head was doomed
to failure, as all claimants could not be satisfied. It was never observed and the
limit was removed officially in 1936.
What follows is a brief summary of the various functions of the marriage-
goods in Lango. Much has been written on this subject, so that no further
explanations are necessary. Originally the functions of the old form of marriage-
goods were these:-
1. It was in the interests of a mother and father to bring up their daughters
well, to teach them to cook well and to be very moral. For failure in these res-
pects would mean that the girl could not find a husband willing to give a large
settlement for her.
2. It formed a link between the various groups of relatives as a result of the
division of the cattle, and a strong link between the two Clans affected.
3. As a further result of the division of the cattle all relations, in addition
to the Clan, were interested in seeing that the couple were suitably matched and
not likely to want to divorce each other. Okelo's case (p. 154) is an example of the
inconvenience of a divorce to others.
4. All girls were forced to marry. For without the marriage cattle thus realis-
ed their brothers could not marry.
5. The marriage-goods ensured good treatment for the wife at the hands of
her husband, and, owing to the pressure of her relations, the wife's good treatment
of her husband. Divorce was lessened.
6. It set a limit to the number of wives that a man could have. The limit
was set by his wealth.


7. It ensured that the boy was in a position to rear a family. For, if he re-
ceived all his marriage-goods from a wealthy father and uncles, this was a surety
that he had wealth behind him. While, if he was poor, he was driven to work
hard either with a father's brother, a mother's brother (Nero) or, in the extreme case,
by pawning his services (choporo). In these latter cases he would set far more
value on a wife whom he had won by the sweat of his brow.
8. The importance of making a wise choice and not entering upon marriage
light-heartedly was emphasised by the trouble and difficulty of raising the goods
necessary for marriage.
Under modern conditions a tendency has grown up for a man to keep his
cattle and money for the marriage of his own children. He is disinclined to help
his brother's children. In accordance with this it is now customary to give only
one bull to his brothers on the marriage of his daughter. [Whenever a man divided
up meat, he gave a leg (amuru) to his brothers. On this analogy, the bull given
to the brothers on the division of the daughter's marriage-goods, is called. "Bull
of the thigh" (twon me amuru).] Except for this new tendency to concentrate on the
immediate family group, Functions 2 and 3 are still effective.
Function 1 is even more useful in these days than formerly. No man
would afford to send his daughter to School if it were not for the fact that he will
then be able to ask as part of the marriage-goods a sum of money up to 400/-.
This is gladly paid by the man, who then lives in amity with a wife who has been
trained in cleanliness, so that she knows how to look after a husband with similar
scruples. She can also help him in clerical duties.
Functions 4 and 6 still hold good, but the great relative .wealth of the
Rwodi has caused some of them to indulge in an unhealthy number of wives. Some
have consciously utilised wives as a safety investment (see p. 161).
Functions 5 and 8 still hold good for the husband's case, and as the mar-
riage settlement is so high they are even more effective in these days. But this is
not so in the girl's case. Her father can only assert moral persuasion on her or
he will be prosecuted by the Government. There was a case in 1935 of a father
burying his daughter's arms and beating her. He was given two months imprison-
ment. Fathers do exert much moral persuasion. The Lango attribute the laxity of
the women to this fear of fathers to chastise their daughters. This is undoubtedly
true and will only be remedied by education sufficient to counterbalance the new
Function 7 carries much more weight in these times. Men are not eager
to help children other than their own to marry, and since a large portion of the
marriage settlement is in money, there are a great number of boys whose only hope
of winning a wife is by hard work. The institution of chaporo (pawning one's
services) is now obsolete, and in its place is the institution of paid labour. All
porters, all traders, all workers in the Indian shops, in fact all unskilled em-
ployees, upon whom the foreigner, be he Trader, Administrator or Missionary, iq
dependent, do their work merely to be able to win a wife. As soon as they have
saved enough money for this purpose they retire to the life of a peasant.
Modern conditions add a new function to the marriage-goods. Only an
educated boy can earn high salaries and so provide himself with articles of per-


sonal comfort. This would have put the older generation in a very inferior posi-
tion, already bad enough in view of their children's knowledge and their own
ignorance. Even if his father gives him the cattle for his marriage, the boy has
usually to find the money part of the settlement himself. The institution of the
marriage-goods thus assues the older generation of just those articles of personal
comfort, which only their sons can win as a result of their education. The marriage-
goods, under the new conditions, provide an incentive to work and a healthy re-
distribution of wealth. The process is that a father educates his children at a cer-
tain amount of expense. He is amply repaid by the monetary element in the
marriage-goods handed to him by his son-in-law. This monetary element is pro-
vided by the work of the younger men, who strive to find good wives. A boy
must work hard to win the girl of his heart. The White boy only gains his wife
after he has won a place for himself in the world. The excessiveness of the
marriage-goods is, therefore, no evil. It is difficult to obtain wage labourers for
government, missionary or commercial work. The higher the marriage-goods the
greater the supply of labour. Anything that makes a boy work hard and postpone
his marriage for a few years is a good thing. The old men say that boys are
marrying much too young. This is possible because they can now find the marri-
age-goods independently of their fathers. Formerly a man would refuse to give
his son the necessary goods for marriage, if he thought that he was too young. So
disrespectful have the young become that, if a father tries to prevent a son from
marrying too young, the son may beat him to make him provide the cattle.
It does not follow that the institution of the marriage-goods is necessarily
ideal for all time. When a few generations have been through the Schools, and
when educated men and women have found a new happiness in married compa-
nionship (as a few Schoolmasters have already found), a time may well come when
a father will be happy to see his daughter about to enter a similar union, and will
waive the marriage-goods, provided no demands are made on him in respect of his
own sons. But this is very much in the future, and other factors will have to be
evolved to take the place of the functions at present exercised by the marriage
settlement. The question of the marriage-goods can best be left to work itself out.
The Lango desire to marry and give their daughters in marriage. High demands
on the part of fathers are bound to be modified by the capacity of the boys to give.
At the moment, the higher the marriage-goods the better, as it provides a correct-
ive to the lack of energy displayed by Africans towards the new economic tasks,
which do not interest them. The height of the marriage-goods also provides an
excellent gauge of the prosperity of the people.
A boy starts avoiding a prospective mother-in-law from the beginning of
his courting. He respects her greatly (oworo imat atek), and therefore must fly
from her presence (oringo imatmere atek). He must not see her and she must not
see him. He must not eat her food until a certain ceremony (kiro) has been per-
formed. He must be careful not to anger her at all. Should she ask him-
through some one else-to do anything, or should she want a gift, he must do his
best to carry out her wishes. All this applies in a diminishing degree to the boy's
relations with his wife's classificatory mothers. It holds good to a lesser degree in
the relations between the boy's brothers and his wife's classificatory mothers,


During the marriage negotiations the girl's mother asks to see the boy on
one occasion. They look at each other well for the last time, so that they will be
sure of knowing each other for future avoidance. This ceremony is also carried
out by the boy with all his wife's classificatory mothers. The girl's mother first
knows who is courting her daughter by the boy's avoidance of her.
The sanction for all this avoidance is that, if they do not avoid each other,
the boy's wife will be sterile, will abort or their children will die. If the mother-
in-law quarrels with the boy, his child will die. If the boy eats his mother-in-
law's food, he will die and the mother-in-law will be ill. In which case the old
men will carry out a ceremony called gato and she will recover.
For the above reasons the Lango strongly resent the practice of the High
Court, which may insist upon a man standing next to his mother-in-law to give
A woman will not mention her mother to her husband. If asked her
mother's name in the presence of her husband, she will not reply. Should her
husband mention her mother's name, or see her deliberately, she will leave him
and sue for a divorce.
A woman calls her husband's mother and father, "Tato" and "Kwaro".
These are the same terms as those used to her own grandmother and grandfather.
She does not avoid them and this may be the reason for her use of terms that
have no emotional significance more appropriate to her dealings with them in
every day life. "Maro" (wife's mother) is too highly charged with the avoidance
complex to be applicable to the husband's mother. There is another possible sug-
gestion. The mother and child are considered to be one person (1) and the wife's
position in the family is only established by the birth of a child. Consequently
the reason for this terminology may lie in the fact that the emotional significance
of the wife to her parents-in-law is that she is the producer of their grandchildren,
with whom she is identified. In most of these cases of anomalous terminology I
think the explanation can be found in accordance with the idea of social groups.
The terms of the classificatory system may be taken as being the names of certain
social groups. Towards anyone in the Group which comes under one term, one
type of behaviour is correct. The converse of this will also tend to be true, that
should a certain type of behaviour be correct towards a certain person that person
will be relegated to the group towards which this type of behaviour is appropriate.
No one may be baptised as a Christian by the C.M.S. or Catholics if he
has more than one wife. A baptised person, who takes another wife, may not re-
ceive communion. No Schoolmaster or Catechist may have more than one wife,
and she must be married in church. A divorce will lead to the teachers dismissal.
These factors encourage monogamy in Lango.
Apart from the obvious sexual reasons, the Lango favour polygamy be-
cause of the great desire for children, and the need for a substitute cook when
(I) Five minutes after a birth that I witnessed the mid-wife sprinkled some cold
water on the child's stomach. It burst out crying. Whereupon the women present scolded
it and slapped the mother hard on the back as if it were she who was crying.


many guests arrive, or one wife is ill. The first of these reasons applies to all
Lango. A teacher with a barren wife feels it an intolerable burden not to be able
to take another. He will try to obtain a government job and then marry again by
native custom (which, incidentally, makes him guilty of bigamy). The second reason
applies very forcibly to chiefs, who have many visitors. It is not of such im-
portance to teachers. Often the teachers of the local Mission eat together, their
wives pooling the food, so that the absence of one man's wife is not noticed. While
there are always boys or girls from the School who will cook for a teacher.
Most Lango teachers, who have a wife and children, will say that, whereas
it was a good thing for the Lango to have more than one wife in the old days, now
it is much better to have one only. "You can then provide her with all the clothes
she may require, and you can send all your children to School". A certain Catho-
lic teacher, when asked whether he thought the various Christian rules good,
could only reply rather monotonously that they were obviously good, because, if
they were not observed, you would go to Hell. The economic system is making
monogamy preferable to polygyny. Certain teachers, who have married School
girls, live really happy lives with their wives as companions and helpers. One such
individual said that it was easy for Europeans to be happy with one wife, when
she had had an education equal to her husband. The case was very different with
the majority of School boys who had to be content with uneducated wives. I con-
sider monogamy to be possible eventually. But meanwhile a limit of four or five
wives should be imposed, nor should a man whose wife is barren be forced to re-
main monogamous, as is the case with teachers. Insanity might result from such a
It is not necessary for monogamy to lead to wholesale prostitution. The
attitude of mind and the educational background behind a European monogamous
marriage is just as necessary as the institution itself. It is the wives of chiefs, who
find that with 10 co-wives they neither get sufficient sexual satisfaction nor the
clothes that they desire, that prostitution is most evident. Under modem condi-
ions plurality of wives had led to prostitution. The first wife always resents her
husband's second marriage, which merely curtails her own material comforts. The
term "anyeko" (co-wife) is no humourous title (nyeko=jealousy). A Rwot once
showed me various articles belonging to one of his children, which a co-wife of the
mother was taking to treat magically in order to kill the child. "Are not all your
wives jealous of each other?" I asked. "They are too frightened of me to be
jealous," he said. He had fifteen wives, many more had been divorced. As a result
of the terrific expense of keeping them supplied with clothes, he was unable to send
his children to School. I once heard two Usser chiefs talking to each other. They
were unaware that I was listening. One said, "The Rwodi like to have many wives,
because when they are too old for work, or if they are deposed, they can divorce
their wives and receive back all the cattle and money". Formerly, besides all the
marriage-goods, the off-spring of the marriage-cattle had to be returned on divorce.
The Government have ruled that no off-spring of cattle may be claimed after three
years of marriage. Otherwise the Chiefs would have had 1. Sexual control of
their wives. 2. All her children. 3. Her cooking and domestic work. 4. While
her family acted as guardians of his money and his cattle, the off-spring of which


Wodid abbt have been his due. Even without the return of the cattle progeny, plurality
of wives is a definite safety investment for a Chief. In this connection the recent
decision of the Rwodi in their annual Lukiko that, since all women were bad in
these days, the marriage-goods must be returned in every case of divorce, may not
be' an impartial judgment. Children also remain with the father and not the
mother, as formerly. It is customary for a Rwot, who has many wives, to divide
thiem between his home village and the Saza (county) in which he is officiating. The
favourite wife is given authority over the others, and it is her duty to arrange the
days on which each wife cooks the Rwot's food. There is a tendency for a Rwot
with many wives to make them do more work in the fields than is customary for
a woman. This is an obvious result of plurality of wives, for each wife has to
provide her children with food without the help of her husband. Public opinion
would support wholeheartedly a limit of four or five wives for a Chief. The old
men say that it was most unusual for a Rwot to have more than five wives in the
old days. It is only the relatively enormous salary of the modem Rwot that en-
ables him to have so many wives. He should also be compelled to send his sons
to School. Women like to be wives of Chiefs for the prestige and clothes. They
want to leave the Chief, if he is dismissed from office, so that the wholesale divorces
consequent on the dismissal of a Chief are not completely one-sided 'affairs.
It is my view that monogamy is the ideal to be aimed at. But at pre-
sentit 'is impracticable for chiefs and other important people. The arrival of
guests requires the efforts of more than one woman to prepare sufficient food, and
a substitute is needed when one wife is indisposed. Monogamy is a practical pro-
position for the Schoolmaster, except when his wife is barren. Other institutions
will have to be evolved if monogamy is to become more widespread.
I would like in conclusion to sum up the principle changes that have
occurred in Lango marital practices as a result of contact with the outside world,
so that the above article may be made clearer.
A. In pre-administration days a boy would not have intercourse until he
was married. In these days he has two or three trials with his intended wife be-
fore deciding upon marriage. The reasons for this are, the example of the Ba-
ganda, expensive and complicated marriage-goods making divorce inconvenient,
frequency of divorce under modern conditions, general break down of the sexual
morality observed in the past.
B. There has been an increase in the number of divorces. Reasons for
this are, early marriages, protection of the woman from the chastisements of her
husband or father, incompatibility between the educated Laigo and his uneducated
C. Adultery was rare and prostitution unknown in the pre-administration
days. They have now spread all over the country. The reasons for this are, the
breakdown of sexual morality due to the removal of the sanctions of death and
magical retribution and the protection of women from excessive chastisement by
husband or father, the introduction of a money economy which makes prostitution
feasible, plurality of wives whose needs of clothes, soap and salt cannot be fully
satisfied by the husband.


D. The expense of the marriage-goods has become very great in some
cases. This is due to the general rise in the standard of living with the introduc-
tion of the new economic system. It is a healthy development as it drives a boy
to perform many economic tasks for which he might otherwise have no incentive.
E. The practice of monogamy is slowly gaining ground. The reasons for
this are, Christian teaching, the rule that teachers and catechists must be mono-
gamous, the new economic conditions which make it necessary to provide a wife
with clothes, soap and other trade goods, the cost of education which makes a
man prefer a smaller family. All of this applies only to the educated Lango. They
have reduced the period of abstinence during gestation and weaning to less than a
year whereas with polygamous families it lasts for three years, from conception to
F. There is a tendency to marry much younger than of old. This is due
to the fact that it is now possible for a boy to earn the cost of his marriage-goods
without the help of his father or Clan. He, therefore, escapes their restraining


When your Society did me the honour of inviting me to become your
President for the year it must have realized that I should probably address you on
some aspect of forestry. I will therefore make no apology for doing so and intend
to touch on as many aspects of that science as possible.
I am encouraged to do so by the knowledge that in Great Britain and in
the Empire there is a considerable lack of understanding on the subject. Public
opinion has progressed a little beyond the original idea that forestry consists of
cutting down trees, but not much beyond adding the planting of trees to a forester's
activities. Forestry is a great deal more.
Sir William Schlich, the famous Indian forester and the creator of the Ox-
ford Forestry School, defined forestry as recently as 1922 as "the human action direc-
ted to the production and utilization of forest produce" (1). Sir William recognized
the indirect utility of forests in relation to water supply, humidity, temperature etc.
but foresters of his day regarded the management and disposal of timber and other
forest crops as their principal duties. Modern conceptions of forestry are more
comprehensive and the Secretary of State for the Colonies in the Statement (2) pre-
sented to the British Parliament with the Estimates for Colonial and Middle East-
ern Services, 1939, reported:- "It is commonly supposed that forestry is concerned
mainly with the growing of timber, but in the Colonial Empire the activities cover-
ed by the term extend over a much wider field. As is made clear in Lord Hailey's
"African Survey" the importance that attaches in Africa to a forestry regime does
not lie only in the extent to which timber can be exploited for export or for home
consumption; in many cases forests are valuableprimarily for the direct protection
they afford to the water supply, or for their influence on climatic conditions, both
vital to the methods of livelihood of the African communities.
"Over vast areas in Africa and elsewhere, the maintenance of forest or
some other form of vegetal cover is the only cheap and practical means of preserving
the soil from erosion and maintaining its fertility; and the systematic use of vegeta-
tion for this protective purpose is extending. The studies carried on by forest de-
partments have demonstrated the value of vegetation surveys in determining the
uses to which land should be put."
For a number of years now this view of their duties and responsibilities
has been growing among colonial foresters. The first elementary text book (3)
(1) Schlich, W.: Manual of Forestry Vol. I. 4th Edition, 1922.
(2) The Colonial Empire. Statement relating to the Period Ist April 1938, to 31st
March, 1939, Cmd. 6023. 1939.
(3) forest Department, Uganda, Elementary Forestry Course Notes, 1937.


for the Forest Ranger's School in Uganda, issued in 1937, defined forestry in a
paraphrase of Schlich's words; "forestry is the human action directed to the
management of vegetative soil covers other than agricultural crops, for the regula-
tion of water supplies and the maintenance of agricultural conditions on adjacent
lands and to the production, conservation and utilization of forest produce". The
important differences between the definitions are the inclusion of management of
vegetation other than tree vegetation and the relegation of timber growing to a
secondary position in the activities of tropical foresters.
In recent years, attention has been focused on many aspects of land
usage in the tropics owing to obvious soil erosion, lowering of fertility in cultivated
areas, deterioration of pastures, changes in climatic conditions following interference
with vegetation, insufficiency of water supplies and movements of tsetse flies. The
need for scientific land planning has been recognized. In this work forest officers
who have been trained in the study of vegetation, the mutual relations between
vegetation and environment and in long term planning for the management of ve-
getation are able to render assistance. In many countries there is now co-opera-
tion between administrative, veterinary, geological and forestry officers in all prob-
lem's of land usage. Africa cannot afford to allow stretches of what has been call-
ed waste land to remain wasted or ill-used and it is the aim of each Government to
act as an estate agent for the proper development of its territory. For this purpose
the Governments naturally call on the various specialists they employ to advise on
planning out the estate and suggesting the most suitable use for each portion of it
to the general good of the community.
In the course of investigation rich land suitable for permanent agriculture
with proper rotation and manuring is mapped here, stretches which could not be
kept fertile if ploughed or heavily grazed but which would support a limited num-
ber of cattle, there. Here are hills from which flow streams that water the farms
and pastures, hills on which the vegetation must be preserved if the streams are to
continue to flow. There is forest rich in timber, growing on soil which would not
maintain its fertility if the forest were cleared. Here is land suitable for a particular
crop and there mixed farming should be practised; so the survey goes on.
In this co-operative planning there is, of course, no room for competition
between different interests. All interests must be catered for as far as the land
permits but the right use of land is the keynote. In the past, there has sometimes
been a feeling that forest departments wanted to acquire land for their own pur-
poses and to shut it up. In land planning forest officers are members of a district
economic team working for the good of the district and not special advocates for
future departmental activities. No forester wishes to see any area kept from econo-
mic development other than timber growing, if it is fit for such development and if
its deforestation will not be dangerous or disadvantageous to the community.
Admittedly, whether or not an area should be cleared is often a matter of judge-
ment and opinions may differ. The forester does not claim to be able to foretell
just what results clearing or retention of natural vegetation will have an every site,
but in view of the recorded experience of many countries he may often have to urge
that such and such possibilities should be considered. The administrative officer
has the responsibility of weighing the advice given to him by the technical officers
in his district and of making the final decisions.


In East Africa, it was believed at one time that almost any high forest if
cleared would provide valuable land for coffee. Many coffee plantations on such
land started off with rapid growth but after a few years began to stagnate and fail.
Soil 'investigations showed that actually the soil was very poor and that the forest
had maintained the appearance of luxuriant growth by what amounted to a process
of living on itself. Dr. Vageler (4) has found that under primaeval forest conditions
the yearly production of fresh organic material approaches one hundred tons an
acre on a cautious estimate. This falls to the ground and, though much of it is
destroyed by animals and insects, the final result is that sufficient nourishment goes
into the soil to maintain a static condition. Remove the original vegetation and
substitute for it another form of which an important part is collected and removed
annually and the cycle is broken. Instead of a static condition there is one of deterio-
ration after the original reserves are exhausted. Often this deterioration can only
be arrested by an expenditure on manures and soil treatment costing as much as is
obtained from the sale of the crop. Foresters, therefore, urge that before any
forest is cleared for agricultural use careful examination of the soil should be made
by competent persons.
In West Africa, the valuable crop cocoa grows best in rain forest condi-
tions. Large blocks of forest have been cleared and planted with cocoa. Growing
in forest shade, protected from sun and wind cocoa is an evergreen bush, but in
some areas six years after the establishment of farms in cleared land the bushes
become deciduous (5). Two years later the first forest fire ever known on an ap-
preciable scale in the locality burnt several hundred acres of cocoa. A disease
called "die-back" appeared and many farms became so unprofitable that they were
abandoned. The forest clearing had exposed the area to the drying north-east wind
known as the harmattan and the local climate had altered to such an extent that
poor grass and savanna bush, ravaged by annual fires have now replaced the rain
Foresters do not argue that the whole of this area should have been left
under forest, though if it had been some financial return and employment would
still be provided by land which is now valueless. They say that clearings for cocoa
should have been made judiciously in the high forest, leaving say 25% of the
forest in belts which would have sheltered the plantations from the wind and main-
tained the local climate. From these and other examples foresters urge that before
land is cleared, not only should the soil be examined to see if it is suitable for the
proposed crop, but that the possible effects on local climate of the proposed clearing
should be investigated.
Forests which have taken hundreds of years to build themselves up can be
destroyed very quickly and once cleared will need generations in which to grow
again; even if they are ever able to replace themselves. There is a probability
that many of our Uganda forests are relics of past conditions and are now just able

(4) Vageler, P (translated by Dr. G. Greene) An Introduction to Tropical Soils,
(5) Moor, H. W. Deforestation in the Bissa Cocoa Area. Malayan Forester
Vol. V, 1934.


to maintain their own local climates. If they are destroyed it is very likely that
the local climates will be destroyed too and that poorer types of vegetation will fol-
low, which will not provide the beneficial effects on the surrounding country that
the present forests do.
If there is any doubt then whether the clearing of a particular forest will
increase the wealth of the country permanently it should be kept in its natural
condition for the present. If it is destroyed and such destruction is found to be a
mistake it may not be possible to replace it. If it is left and later knowledge shows
that, with certain safeguards, it can be cleared without ill-effects, then such clearing
will not take very long and little will have been lost.
During the course of this land planning it is also the duty of foresters to
estimate the probable future requirements of the district in respect of forest pro-
duce and to make recommendations for the convenient supply of such produce.
They must forecast the quantities of timber, firewood and pole-wood which will be
needed by the mixed farmers, the growers of various crops, by those who will
treat the crops, for instance cotton ginners and tobacco curers, by miners, brick
manufacturers and others. They must calculate to what extent the areas set aside
for protective forestry, or because they are most suited to the growing of forest
crops, can supply these demands and whether they are conveniently situated for
economical transport of wood to the places where it will be used. Proposals will
have to be made for the supply of any balance, beyond the capacity or economic
radius of the forest areas already agreed on, from additional areas specially select-
ed for the purpose. These may be Government, communal or private; for instance
in Uganda certain sugar growers set aside parts of their estates which are not suit-
able for cane for the growing of fuel. It would be ideal if all users of wood fuel
could grow it themselves but when they are unable to do so provision should be
made for supplies to be maintained and sold by some other agency. Although a
margin for future development of demands for all forms of forest produce should
be included in these plans the position will need constant watching. Should a
point be reached beyond which it will be impossible to increase supplies, foresters
must warn Government against the encouragement of further wood using industries
in the district.
In land planning we have seen that foresters can give real assistance and,
after it is finished, they are the obvious people to manage the areas of natural
vegetation which it has been decided shall be excluded from farming, ranching and
other forms of development.
The tracts set aside for the production of timber and fuel must of course
be under the technical control of trained foresters, whether the foresters manage
them on behalf of the state or Central Governments or on behalf of African Govern-
ments or Administrations which I propose to call local governments. Obviously un-
less the local governments employ staff of their own trained to the same degree as
are the state forest officers such governments will be wise to obtain as much assist-
ance as possible from the state officers. These forest officers are public servants pro-
vided out of general taxation and are just as ready to make good use of local govern-
ment funds and staff in the management of local government forests. Always pro-
vided of course that they have time for both!


In some countries local government forests are managed as one with the
state forests, for example Native Authority forests in Kenya. Separate costs are
kept and any profit earned is paid over to the local government at the end of the
year, or any loss is debited on paper to be recovered from profits in future years.
Personally I prefer our Uganda system under which a local government budgets
for its own forestry activities, after consultation with the state forest officers and
collects its own revenue. This system stresses the real ownership and responsibility
of the local government, encourages interest in the forest and should lead to the
formation of local government forest services. I look forward to the day when I
shall be able to discuss problems of management with the Minister for Forests of
the Buganda or Bunyoro Government, for instance. Already a number of chiefs
take a deep interest in their forests and plantations; African subordinate staff have
been trained in the small departmental forest school and are rendering good service
to several local governments.
The water catchment areas, climatic belts and other protective tracts set
aside during the course of planning require treatment for the maintenance and im
provement of their vegetative cover, if they are to fulfil in the most efficient manner
the purposes for which they were set aside. Foresters can carry out this treatment
while at the same time aiming at the supply of some form of natural product front,
the areas. These tracts need not be a perpetual charge on the community and ir
most cases they can be made to defray at least a part of their cost, without function
ing less efficiently in their primary roles of indirect benefit. In some cases they caL
become a source of a considerable revenue and prosperity to a district, as for inst.
ance the encroaching sand dunes of the Landes of Gascony which were planted witk
Maritime Pine to protect agricultural land. These plantations now afford work to a
large number of people in the extraction of resin and turpentine from the trees and
in the felling and export of thousands of tons of pit-timber a year.
In'view of the importance of the indirect benefits of these areas, which
may extend far beyond the boundaries of the districts in which they are situated
their constitution as state rather than local government forests is wise.
The management of areas in which restricted grazing is the only activity
which can be permitted without serious danger of destruction is not universally
undertaken by forest departments. In parts of India (6) it is and foresters, accus-
tomed to drawing up long term glans for the sustained yield of a certain quantity of
wood, have turned their attention to range plans for the permanent pasturing of a
certain number of cattle. Just as under forest management the supply and quality of
timber can be increased gradually, so by scientific range management the quantity
and quality of grass can be improved and a greater number of cattle provided with
Forest management as we have seen may have many different objects, but
it must always be carried out on a policy settled for a long term to achieve the parti-
cular object or objects in view. For this purpose plans have to be drawn up based
on all available knowledge of the vegetation, soil, climate and history of the area.
(6) Dalley, R.P. Rotational Grazing in the Bombay Forests.
The Indian Forester Vol. LXV. No. 9.


As the growth of trees is slow compared with that of other crops it is obvious that
once drawn up the plans must be adhered to for a long period. A farmer who decid-
ed to grow maize and, when it was half grown, altered his mind and pulled up the
maize to grow cotton, would only lose the potential production of his soil and the
labour expended over a few months. A forester who behaved in a comparable man-
ner would probably lose fifty years' production and expenditure. As the forester's
fifty years is the farmer's few months it behoves the former to be much more care-
ful than the latter in making his original plans, and a few years spent in preliminary
investigations and collection of data are by no means excessive. His plan must
allow for the incorporation of future knowledge and discoveries in the science of
forestry without causing waste. It must be sufficiently definite to ensure orderly
prosecution and sufficiently elastic to meet changing circumstances and to make use
of new information.
It is obvious that these long term forestry plans must be based on accurate
knowledge of the behaviour of the various species and types of vegetation concerned
such as is available in Europe through centuries of experience. Whereas in Uganda
we are dealing with species and types about which very little is known, scientifically
designed and properly controlled research programmes alone can provide the re-
quisite information. Unfortunately this sort of research is very expensive and in
respect of forestry in particular is very slow. The need for action is so urgent that
we cannot afford to set staff aside for long study of our problems before we try to
tackle them. We can, however, keep in touch with research being carried out in
other countries, particularly in those with conditions and problems similar to our
own, and endeavour to apply appropriate results obtained elsewhere in our own
work. Staff engaged in executive duties can, if adequately trained and sufficiently
keen collect a surprising amount of valuable information.
In the early stages when little is known about vegetative types and indivi-
dual tree species, provisional plans have to be made for the prosecution of measures
which appear likely to achieve the objects of management, and for the study of the
reactions of the vegetation and of the individual species.
For instance, we have reason to believe in Uganda that if fire, cultivation
and grazing are excluded from the areas of grass and scattered bush set aside for
protective purposes, the natural vegetation will progress towards thick bush and
may eventually form closed woody associations without grass and no longer suscep-
tible to fire. Protection from fire in the beginning is difficult and expensive. Further,
even though it may be achieved with complete success for a number of years, there
will by that time be a dense accumulation of dead grass and other vegetation which
has not yet been incorporated in the soil, and a flash of lightning might defeat the
most meticulous fire protection. A fire in that stage would be very fierce and would
kill practically every growing thing in the area, leaving the soil barer than it was
before protection was started. Research in other countries including West Africa
indicates that by arranging for light controlled burning, at times of the year when the
vegetation is not dry enough to support a very hot fire, accumulations of dead grass
are avoided at the expense of scorching woody vegetation without killing it. Veget-
ation so treated progresses towards denser woody types at about half the rate that


completely protected vegetation does, without the danger of being thrown back sud-
denly. Provisional plans for this so called "early burning" treatment are being drawn
up in Uganda..
The management of shelter belts or climatic belts is causing a great deal
of discussion among foresters in many parts of the world and is of considerable
importance to us in Uganda. Many costly schemes for the planting of long stretches
of trees have been proposed in different countries, notably America (the Great
Plains Shelterbelt Project, 2,500 sq. miles) and Nigeria, but they have been modi-
fied and the value of planting exotic species for protective purposes has been ques-
tioned. The very idea of planting shelter belts in any locality indicates that condi-
tions cannot be particularly favourable for planting and that therefore the operation
is likely to be more expensive than usual. Further, the need suggests that the local
indigenous species are not very plentiful and that the originators of the scheme
are likely to fall back on exotics. Without long trials under the conditions of the
belts themselves it is generally impossible to say how exotic species will develop,
even after they have been established, and whether their final influence will be that
which is desired. Doubts have been expressed in South Africa about the effects of
growing exotics such as gums on local water tables and, although there are no
scientific data to support these doubts, research over a considerable period of years
will be necessary before they can be dispelled.
In all the circumstances it appears that, wherever there is any possibility of
encouraging the development of the natural vegetation towards a more efficient soil
cover, management of the areas with that object should be tried. There may be a
limit beyond which the local vegetation will not advance and there may be patches
in the belts which will not respond to treatment. In general, however, both vegeta-
tion and soil are likely to be improved by protection and knowledge of the potentia-
lities and growth of local species will be gained. When nature is given a fair chance
her ability to fill up bare spaces is amazing. Species which have adapted themselves
to survival in zones swept by fierce annual fires have acquired powers of growth
between fires which can produce astonishing results in a few seasons of protection.
There are bushes which have to produce millions of seedlings every year in order
that one or two may survive the fires and, if a progressively larger number can be
saved each year soil cover improves rapidly. If at a later stage more intensive work
is necessary to fill up gaps the experience gained from the behaviour of various
species will have indicated the most promising and economic methods to adopt. The
result will not be a nineteenth century forester's forest but it will be natural vegeta-
tion well adapted to maintain itself in the area and to fulfil the functions for which
it is required. Such belts are likely to be more stable and less expensive to manage
than artificial plantations. It must be remembered that many of these belts will be
far from centres of utilization of large quantities of timber and that there will pro-
bably be no sale for plantation thinnings. If it is possible to encourage the supply of
some forest product other than timber which will be of local value, for instance
Shea Butter nuts, gum or fodder fruits by favouring some indigenous plant in the
management of the belts, this will probably make them of more economic value than
would the attempted establishment of timber.


We have now discussed the management of areas set aside for indirect
benefits and have come to the question of management of forests for the production
of wood. Wood is a material which has been used since man first began to take
advantage of the products of the earth. Its uses are manifold and although sub-
stitutes are continually being found for it in many directions, new uses are being
developed just as rapidly. Imports of wood into Great Britain which is a country
very little larger than Uganda, have averaged in the last few years about 1,300
million cubic feet valued at 531 million pounds sterling (7). Adding to this the
almost negligible 48 million cubic feet of timber cut annually in Great Britain the
total consumption is about two hundred times as big as that of Uganda. It is quite
impossible to estimate the timber resources of the world, but various attempts
have been made to do so in respect of softwoods, that is to say coniferous timber
such as pine and spruce. From time to time world shortages in this class of tim-
ber have been predicted but they have not materialized yet. One of the main rea-
sons given for possible shortage of softwoods is the enormous consumption for
paper making. Canada alone exports annually over two million tons of newsprint,
(8) that is to say paper manufactured for the printing of newspapers, and to produce
this has to fell over six million tons of logs. World consumption of paper is in-
creasing but research has now found a means to make certain classes of paper out
of hardwoods such as the Australian Eucalypts or gums.
Whether or not there is likely to be a shortage of timber, a country such
as Uganda which has forests and conditions suitable for the growing of timber,
should be self supporting and avoid having to send money out of the country to
purchase timber. On account of her geographical situation imported wood is
bound to be expensive in Uganda. Further, the working of forests and manufac-
ture of lumber affords valuable employment and a prosperous timber trade is an
asset to any country. It is not suggested that Uganda will use as much wood as
Great Britain in the near future, but as she developed, her requirements will in-
crease very rapidly and it is, therefore, essential that the production of her forests
should be increased also .
Forests in their natural state are quite unproductive; growth balances decay
and it is not until they are worked that they can be brought into a condition of
steady production. On the other hand, forests are not mines to be exploited and
left empty. They should be timber crops providing a regular annual harvest. This
annual harvest should be the total of the new wood which is grown on each tree
throughout the year. Obviously the annual growth cannot be pared off each tree,
so a number of trees have to be cut whose total volume will equal the sum of the
annual growth of each tree. Simple forest management is therefore the calcula-
tions of this growth which is known as the annual increment of the forest, its
removal and the restocking of the area occupied by the trees removed with new
trees. The simplest possible example is provided by gum fuel plantations in
Uganda, assuming that there is available the requisite area of land of the same soil
(7) Empire Forestry Handbook, 1938.
(8) The Forests of Canada, Statement for the 4th British Empire Forestry Con-
ference, 1935.


quality all over, which of course is not always the case. Supposing that you re-
quire the amount of firewood that will be produced by 100 acres of gums in 10
years you would plant 100 acres every year for 10 years. Ten years after planting
each 100 acres you would cut it and let it regenerate by coppice to be cut again
10 years later. Each year you would obtain the same amount of fuel, ten years
growth of 100 acres which would equal 1 year's growth of your full 1,000 acres,
always provided you did not ruin your soil by this method.
Natural tropical forests are not like that; they are a mixture of 70 or 80
different species of tree of all ages of which only a few produce desirable timber
and are mature. These desirable species when they are growing need the shelter
and climate of a mixed forest and there can be no question of clearing the forest
and making pure plantations of these few species. We have already seen the danger
of doing that with coffee and cocoa bushes and our mahoganies and similar timber
trees are not less particular about the conditions in which they grow than cocoa.
About 100 years ago there was a period of great planting activity in Europe. Large
pure plantations of spruce and Scots pine were established outside their natural
habitats, that is to say where they were exotics. For financial considerations these
plantations were grown on short rotations and good returns were obtained for a
while, but the second rotations began to show diminution in growth. By the be-
ginning of this century very serious decline in growth and in the quality of the
timber produced, coupled with damage by insects, fungus, wind and snow were
making the plantations unprofitable and very obvious soil deterioration had set in
beneath them. This experience has had a very marked effect on forestry in Eu-
rope and must be considered carefully wherever plans are being laid for the produc-
tion of timber. In Germany, Switzerland and several other European countries
clear cutting, even aged stands and artificial regeneration have been abandoned in
favour of mixed uneven aged forests and natural regeneration. A "back to nature"
movement began to take shape at the end of the last century and after 1920 it be-
came standard European practice. It is maintained that soil fertility can best be
protected, the yield of timber best increased and its quality improved by growing
mixed uneven aged woods. Admittedly in Great Britain and in several of the Bri-
tish Dominions there has been great activity since 1920 in establishing plantations
where no forests existed before. In Britain some 300,000 acres have been planted
and the figures for South Africa and Australia are very similar. It is likely that
once these forests are established they will be managed on the "back to nature"
principles. The risk had to be taken because there were insufficient indigenous
forests but, by taking steps to introduce the conditions of natural forests into the
artificial ones, the disappointments of the 19th century European plantations should
be avoided.
Fortunately in Uganda we have indigenous forests which, properly
managed, ought to be able to supply us with all the timber we shall need. We
have started our forestry so late that we have no exotic timber plantations or even
aged plantations of any sort except for fuel. For fuel exotics have been planted
because they provide the biggest bulk of firewood in the shortest possible time,
approximately three times the volume given by indigenous forests in double the
time. Clear felling is the most economical method of harvesting the fuel and, so


far, the second rotations have given a bigger yield than the first. We do not
know how long the soil will stand up to this treatment and continue to give us these
large and quick returns, but the plantations have good herbaceous soil covers be-
neath the gums and there are no signs of exhaustion yet. The costs of planting
and tending are recovered with a small profit at the end of the second rotation, so,
even if we have to allow the areas to revert to indigenous bush cover after the
third rotation and plant up new ones, there will be no financial loss. If this need
for rest is proved the soil of the original plantations would be rehabilitated by the
time the new plantation area was tired, and by using two sets of plantation sites we
should still use less land than if we grow indigenous fuel by natural methods. If
the need arises it may be possible to devise other means of keeping the original
fuel factories in good condition by regulating the species in the understorey and
ground cover.
It may be asked why, if these exotic fuel plantations are so successful,
exotic timber plantations should not be tried. The answer is that it takes too long
to find out if a timber tree will grow successfully and healthily to maturity, and
whether the timber it produces in conditions other than those of its natural home
will be of the required quality. Small plots of Burma and Indian teak were planted
in Uganda with a view to obtaining this information in 100 years time, but though
they did very well for 5 years, at the end of 10 years, they look as if they will give
us the negative information that they will not grow well in much less than 100 years.
As Uganda possesses indigenous timbers suitable for practically every use
to which timber can be put, it appears wise to manage our forests in order to
produce a large annual yield of these. Any doubts about being able to produce
good teak and dangers of financial loss in doing so can be avoided by growing our
own muvule (Chlorophora excelsa) and similarly with all classes of timber. Uganda
musisi (Maesopsis eminii) is an excellent substitute for red pine and can be grown
easily by natural methods. Our mahoganies provide both good general utility wood
and ornamental joinery timber.
We do not claim to have solved the problem of managing the indigenous
forests yet but we have made a hopeful beginning. It is only within the last 8
years that serious attempts have been made to regenerate timber species and they
are necessarily on a very small scale yet. Natural forestry in forest types and
under conditions which have not been studied before is not easy. In making a
start the leads which nature has given are being followed. A good quality maho-
gany forest contains only an average of two or three large mahogany trees to an
acre but patches occur in which a very much richer mixture of these can be seen.
It would appear that there is no inherent reason why more mahogany to the acre
cannot be grown over much larger areas of the forests, provided the general forest
conditions are maintained. In some situations this can be done, after removal of
the mature trees to sawmills, by assisting young natural seedlings which without
help would be choked by weeds, smothered by creepers or killed by heavy shade.
In these areas from 2 up to 57 young mahoganies per acre, 3 feet high and up-
wards have been found and in some 360 acres treated this year the average has
been 38 an acre. Almost all these would have perished before they reached the
pole stage but have been safeguarded at an average cost of 2- cents a plant. Most


of this area will require no further attention, but some parts may need a second
cleaning in a year or two. In other parts of our mahogany forests there are practi-
cally no young mahoganies to be found and these tracts are probably progress-
ing towards a different type of forest which is less economically valuable. In these,
after the removal of mature merchantable trees, planting is carried out in groups
in the gaps left by felling or in lines specially cut. The plants which should be at
least three feet high when planted are tended in the same way as natural regenera-
tion by weeding, cutting creepers and reducing overhead shade as required. The
Malayan Forest Department have carried out a great deal of research work on
methods of poisoning large trees in order to give regeneration more light, and their
published results have been of assistance to us. Poisoning is much cheaper than
felling and, as the trees die slowly, dropping their leaves gradually and then their
branches, their shade is reduced gradually and the damage they do in falling is not
so great as when a complete tree is felled. Tending of regeneration and planting
is not confined to mahoganies; young trees of all useful timber species receive
attention or are planted out in lines. In this way a very much higher proportion of
muvule (Chlorophora excelsa) than exists at present in our virgin forests will be
found in our treated forests. There will also be large groups of musisi (Maesopsis
eminii) a useful light wood and a mixture of sleeper timbers etc.
In the first felling before regeneration treatment all useful trees under girth
limits which has been fixed fairly high are left and will be sold later. They will, of
course, be mature by then and their removal will be followed by further regener-
ation, so that the merchantable trees on the area will never be even aged and ready
for removal all at once. If they were and their proportion to other trees was as high
as it is hoped to make it their felling would seriously affect the nature of the forest,
and might destroy the conditions essential for further regeneration. Therefore the
aim is to have a high proportion of trees of the valuable timber class but of all dif-
ferent ages, so that nothing approaching to clear felling will ever cause sudden ex-
posure. On the other hand, economic conditions for saw milling have to be main-
tained. A saw miller cannot afford to work over a very large area to obtain a few
trees, because of the number of tractor paths he would have to cut in order to take
the logs to the mill. It is naturally very much cheaper to extract many logs from a
small area and felling should be sufficiently concentrated to make possible the use
of a light railway which can be fed by short tractor hauls. A compromise therefore
has to be effected and its success in maintaining good silvicultural and economic
conditions depends on the skill and judgement of the forest officer in charge of the
particular forest.
An even more difficult problem is the improvement of forests which at pre-
sent contain no valuable timber trees or insufficient of these to make it worth while
working the forests. In these lines have to be cut for the introduction of suitable tim-
ber species which have to be tended until they are safe from suppression and creep-
ers. These trees will be even aged over any area and conversion to uneven aged forest
will have to be carried out later, either by more planting halfway through the rota-
tion or by spreading out the exploitation. When it is possible to plant species which
will mature at different times this is done; for instance according to our present in-
formation a musisi tree is ready to fell in many fewer years than are required by a
mahogany to reach the same size.


There is one modern tendency which will have an important bearing on
tropical forestry and will make our forests both more valuable and easier to manage.
This is the improvement in and cheapening of the price of wood preservatives which
is leading to a great increase in their use in the tropics. At present many timbers
which grow in Africa are regarded as useless, merely because they are highly sus-
ceptible to attacks by insects and fungi. Chemical preparations are available which
will make these woods as durable as muvule. When the use of preservatives becomes
general in Uganda it will be possible to use a great deal of wood which is now re-
garded as useless, so automatically increasing the timber content of our forests. The
inclusion of these species in feelings by saw mills will give foresters greater scope in
the management of forests to obtain the conditions required for their improvement.
I have now attempted to review the modern trends in the science of forest-
ry in so far as they affect Uganda, and in doing so it has been impressed upon me
what an enormous alteration there has been in the relative importance of the various
aspects of forestry since I joined the Colonial Forest Service. The biggest difference
is demonstrated by the fact that when I took over my first forestry charge I was
given a map showing the situation of the various state forests which I was to man-
age for production, but not the boundaries of any particular area of country in which
I was to provide all the assistance which forestry could render to the community.
Today a forester is posted to an administrative area, that is to say a province, a dis-
trict or a group of districts as the technical adviser to the administrators of the
area on all matters in which forestry can assist the protection, development and
prosperity of that area, and as the manager in the public interests of all the portions
of the area on which the natural vegetation is to be preserved.


Death of His Highness Sir Daudi Chwa 11., K.G.M.G, K.B.E
Accession of Edward Mutesa 11.


The announcement of the death of His Highness Sir Daudi Daudi Chwa
II., K.C.M.G., K.B.E., Kabaka of Buganda, at 7,0 a.m. on the 22nd November came
as a surprise and a shock to all. He had been in poor health over a period of two
years, and at the time of his death was on a visit to his mother, the (') Namasole,
whose official residence was at Lukuli. three miles from Kampala. He was taken
seriously ill for two days and then collapsed from heart failure and died in the
presence of his mother and relatives.
The late Kabaka was born in 1896 and became Kabaka in 1897 after his
father Mwanga had rebelled and been deposed by the British Government. The
reign that has just closed has been the most eventful in the history of Buganda. In
it we have seen a country in the transition stage, emerging from savagedom and
desperately striving to attain the garb, customs and advantages of civilisation. In
1900, the Uganda Agreement was signed. This was in fact a treaty between Her
Britannic Majesty and the Kabaka, which, while stabilising and settling a troubled
land, revolutionised the outlook and sowed the seed of progress and advancement.
The death of Sir Daudi Chwa was the first of a ruling Kabaka to occur
since the advent of the British Government to Uganda. Not since his grandfather
Mutesa died in 1884 had a Kabaka died; Mwanga, his father, after being deposed
had died in the Seychelles in 1903, and his body was brought to Buganda and
buried with ceremony in 1910, as is described by Sir Apolo Kagwa in his "Empisa
za Buganda". From reading the account of the funeral proceedings in connection
with the burial of Mutesa, as set out by Ashe in his "Two Kings of Uganda", it is
clear that most of the old traditional customs connected with death of a Kabaka
were carried out then, but modified only slightly by the insistence of the chiefs that
Mackay of the C.M.S. should give him a European burial.
Fifty-five years after this event peace and progress had brought about a
very different state of affairs. The late Kabaka was a Christian potentate, with at
least 52% of his subjects Christian. It was therefore to be expected that the custo-
mary ceremonial carried out on the death and burial of a Kabaka would be modifi-
(i). Namasole is the title accorded the queen other of the ruling Kabaka.

Mutesa II. standing on Namulondo for the world to see that he is Kabaka.

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Mutesa's Tomb wherein are buried the Kabakas Mutesa, Mwanga and Sir Daudi Chwa.

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- II

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hili h l

hI4 i -

The Enthroning and Enrobing being completed the Kabaka is carried through Wankaki into the Lubiri. Twekobg
can be seen in the background, and one of the Lubugas (on the left) also being carried,


1 II

The Kabaka being robed by Mugema's Son with the
Barkcloth and Calf Skin.

The Kabaka fully robed stands before his People, while
the smoke of the Royal Fire rises to proclaim to all
that another Kabaka reigns.


ed so as not to be repugnant to the religious teaching of the Church and to be in
keeping with the progressive ideas of Western civilisation.
The traditional method of dealing with the body of a deceased Kabaka
was to embalm it-a process which took about six months-and then bury it. The
jaw-bone was removed a few months later and a special temple built to house it.
Mutesa himself disinterred the bodies of several of his ancestors and had their tem-
ples rebuilt. (See "Mpisa za Buganda"-Sir Apolo Kagwa). It was considered that
the spirit of the man remained where the jawbone was. Mutesa, however, gave strict
instructions that his body was not to be embalmed nor his jawbone removed.
When the death of Sir Daudi Chwa was reported, the (2)Katikiro, Omula-
muzi and Omuwanika, at once proceeded to Lukuli and had the body suitably wrap-
ped in white cloth and carried, as was customary, by hand, to Mengo where it was
placed in the council room of Twekobe (Kabaka's house). The chiefs (2), Kangawo
and Mugerere were put in immediate charge of the body.
The Kabaka's battery of drums, called Mujaguzo (for full description of
these drums, see "Kiganda Drums" by A. J. Lush, Uganda Journal, Volume III.,
p.7.), among which are some very ancient ones, were at once removed, as is custom-
ary at the death of a Kabaka, to a place of safety until a new Kabaka had been elec-
ted. The guardians of Mujaguzo are always members of the Lugave (Pangolin) clan.
On the death of a Kabaka the sacred fire called "Gombolola" which has
been constantly burning at the entrance to the Lubiri (Royal enclosure) during his
lifetime, is extinguished as a sign that the life of the Kingdom has gone out, and is
only lighted again on the accession of the new Kabaka. Hence the phrase "Omuli-
ro gwe Buganda guzikidde," (The fire of Buganda is extinguished), is an expression
used to signify that the Kabaka has died. The fire is supposed to have had its origin
in the reign of Kintu, and to have been kept burning since that date. The keeper of
the fire has the title Senkole and (4.)Musoloza. Nowadays a cement fireplace adorns
the old traditional site. on the left of the entrance.
On the evening of the 22nd. the Katikiro announced to the people from
the broadcasting station in Kampala that the Kabaka had died that morning. The
words used were that he had released his hold on the shield-agye omukono mu
ngabo. The significance of this expression is made clear when we come to the ac-
cession ceremonies described later.
In Buganda it was customary to select a successor as soon as possible
after the death of the Kabaka, in order that the country might not remain without
a head for any length of time. It was usual for the reigning Kabaka to indicate
whom of his sons he wished to succeed him and his wishes would be adhered to as
far as possible. The final selection, however, was in the hands of the Katikiro, the
Kimbugwe, the title given to the Saza Chief of Buruli, and Kasuju Lubinga. This
(2) These are the Baganda equivalents of Chief Minister, Chief Judge and
Treasurer, and are referred to collectively as the Ministers.
(3) Kangawo is the title given to the county chief of Bulemezi, Mugerere to the
county chief of Bugerere.
(4.) See later for further ceremonies performed by Musoloza.


latter must not be confused with the County Chief, Kasuju, but was the chief ap-
pointed from the Lugave (Pangolin) clan to look after the heirs apparent, i.e.
children of a Kabaka past or present, called Princes of the Drum (abalangira b'engo-
ma). The remaining princes, called Princes of the Mituba, were under the direct
control of the chief appointed as Sabalangira. When a prince had been chosen by
these three, he was brought forth and shown to the people, who acclaimed him,
unless any large chief put forward another candidate, which would result in war.
The 1900 Agreement allows for the selection of a new Kabaka being made
from the descendants of Kabaka Mutesa. He must then be elected by the Lukiko
(Council), but his election would not be recognized until it received the approval
of His Majesty's Government. It was fortunate that at the time of the death of
Sir Daudi Chwa the Annual Lukiko was in session; consequently all chiefs were at
once available and no delay was experienced. On the afternoon of the 22nd. Nov-
ember the son of the late Kabaka, Edward Frederick William David Walugembe
Mutebi Luwangula Mutesa, was unanimously elected Kabaka. under the title of
Mutesa II.
Towards the close of this eventful day, at 6.0 p.m. Mutesa, who was at
school at King's College, Budo, was brought from Budo to the Lubiri by the Ka-
suju, to perform the ceremony of "Okubika Akabugo". This was the first duty
of the heir to the throne and consists of looking on the face of his father and then
covering the body with a barkcloth. He was assisted by the newly appointed Sa-
baganzi, (5), the title given to the brother of the new Namasole, (queen mother).
Traditionally Mugema, the head of the Nkima (monkey) clan, was the chief assist-
ant at this ceremony. After the ceremony Mutesa was returned to Budo to be
guarded until his enthronement. This was quite in accordance with custom, as
Budo Hill was where the newly elected Kabaka always resided in a house, called
"Akakomera", until mourning for the late Kabaka was at an end and the corona-
tion ceremonies could be completed.
On the 23rd. November in the afternoon, the Katikiro officially informed
His Excellency the Governor of the death of His Highness Sir Daudi Chwa and
the election of Mutesa II. as Kabaka. The Government's sympathy was ex-
pressed by His Excellency at the death of Sir Daudi Chwa, and the election of
Mutesa to be Kabaka was approved. Mutesa himself was introduced to His
Excellency, who expressed personally his sympathy at his loss and spoke a word of
encouragement to him on undertaking his new duties and responsibilities.
The three Ministers, the Katikiro, the Omulamuzi and the Omuwanika,
then took the oath of office as Regents, to which they had been appointed, in
accordance with the provisions of the 1900 Agreement, during the minority of the
Kabaka, who was only fifteen years old.
In the meantime, arrangements had been made to excavate a tomb in the
same building in which the remains of Kabakas Mutesa and Mwanga lie at Ki-
subi. As work had recently been completed in renovating this building with the
aid of the Public Works Department, their advice was now sought and help given
(5). In olden times it was Sabaganzi's duty to cut the cord with which the Kaba-
ka's great toes hed been tied together at death. He then took' the beads off the cord and
hung them round his neck as a sign of his office of Sabaganzi.


in excavating and lining the grave with bricks. The building is known as Muzibu-
azala-Mpanga. All the arrangements for the funeral were put in the hands of the
Kago, (6) who in accordance with age-long custom, had carried out his duty help-
ed by Sabaganzi.
On the 24th. November, the body was washed and prepared for burial by
two women relatives of the Namasole's clan (engabe=bush-buck). A lined coffin
had been supplied by the Public Works Department. This was now closed down
and the populace was allowed to pass round it.
On the 25th. at 8.0 a.m. the coffin was carried out of Twekobe and plac-
ed in a specially prepared motor-hearse which proceeded at a walking pace along
King's Way to Namirembe Cathedral. The son of Kibale preceded the hearse,
while the Abalangira, chiefs and notables followed immediately behind. The road
was lined with members of the 7th. Battalion, King's African Rifles, and Boy-
scouts, but as the cortege passed, the thousands of spectators and mourners broke
past the troops and surged behind.
In the past Kibale, who is the Musigire of the Kabaka. and whose duty
was to be present at the death of the Kabaka, always preceded the funeral pro-
cession when the body was being taken for funeral after it had been embalmed. On
arrival at the tomb he would introduce himself by calling out "Buganda is dead;
we have brought him for burial" (7).
Another custom in general use today in Uganda was waived, which is
significant of the times in which we live. When a dead man is carried, he is al-
ways carried feet first, whereas if a man is carried head first it is a sign that he is
alive. It was noticeable that the coffin was on this occasion, as is often the custom
in Christian burials, carried head first, and placed in the hearse head first.
The decision to convey the coffin from the Lubiri to Namirembe Cathed-
ral and then to Kisubi by hearse and not by hand, thus breaking with all previous
custom whereby the body was carried by hand, feet first, was not taken without
due consideration. It was felt, however, that as time was an important factor in a
modem state funeral, the enormous weight of the coffin which would have to be
carried over three miles, and the excitability of the unprecedented crowds, might
so delay the cortege as to bring it to a complete standstill, and so no other means
of transport could be considered suitable for the occasion.
The pall-bearers were Gombolola Chiefs selected by Kago for the occa-
sion. They carried the coffin from the hearse to the cathedral, where it was met
by the Bishop of Uganda and conducted to the chancel steps and placed on a bier,
which was draped with a purple pall. The coffin was covered with the Kabaka's
(6). Kago is the title given to the chief ruling the county or Saza of Kyadondo.
This being the area in which the capital is situated is looked on as the nrost important Saza.
It, together with the neighboring county of Busiro and a small area to the west, made up the
original Kingdom of Buganda.
Kago was considered the Sabadu of Buganda, and therefore the most important chief.
(7). See "Baganda and their Customs" p. o16, Roscoe.


flag, on which were placed his orders and decorations and his "engule". (8) The
service was conducted by the Bishop of Uganda assisted by the Archdeacon and an
address was given by Sir Albert Cook. who had known the late Kabaka since he
was a baby.
The service was attended by His Excellency the Governor, and representa-
tives from every community, race and creed in the country. Representative chiefs
had come from all the leading tribes in the country to pay their respects to the late
Kabaka. His Highness Mutesa II. attended the service in a private capacity and
sat in the choir. After the service the procession formed and the coffin was taken
by a direct route to Kisubi. In the meantime a salute was fired of forty-three
guns, one for each year of the late Kabaka's age. A mourning party of twelve
other ranks under an N.C.O. from the 7th. Battalion, King's African Rifles, preced-
ed the hearse.
The procession was met by the Bishop and the Acting Resident (repre-
senting the Governor) at the gateway of the enclosure surrounding Muzibu-azala-
Mpanga, but the concourse of people had become so dense that it was only with
the utmost difficulty, in spite of the greatest help from the Police, that the coffin
could be removed from the hearse and carried through the entrance of the enclosure.
It was only as the coffin was being carried to its final resting place that
the wail of mourning arose in increasing volume from the crowd, which in the
precincts of Muzibu-azala-Mpanga, was composed largely of women.
After the coffin had been taken into the building, the doors were shut to
keep out the crowd. A limited number of mourners and visitors of all races were
allowed at the graveside where the last rites of the Church were performed by the
The Public Works Department staff assisted in the lowering of the coffin
into the grave.
After the burial the tomb was not filled in or covered for three days, so
that the people could file past and pay their last respects to their late Kabaka.

(8). "Engule" is commonly translated "crown" and though there was no special ce-
remony for celebrating the occasion when it is first worn, yet the right to wear the engule of
the Baganda or the "enkondo" of the Banyoro only pertained to those who held the office
of the particular chieftainship. The possession of the "engule" signified that the pos-
sessor was the ruling chief, and it was as important as the possession of the chief's drum.
So we find that Mutengesa, the Kangawo of Bunyoro, when fighting against the Baganda,
heard that his "engule" had been captured by the enemy. He immediately attacked, so as to
get it back but was killed in the ensuing battle and was buried at Buzinga in north Bulemezi,
which in those days used to belong to Bunyoro. As pointed out by Lukyn Williams on p.
314 of Vol. IV. of "Uganda Journal", we find that all chieftainships and kingdoms having
a direct connection with Bunyoro had an "engule" or "ekondo". (See also Jenkins, p. 204
Vol. VI., "Uganda Journal"). In the case of the Kabaka the "Engule" consists of a head-
piece woven from fine strips of palm fronds and made to taper to a point. The whole is then
decorated with pattern of red, white and blue beads. To the point of the crown is attached
a tuft of white hair from the colobus monkey,
The Bugerere, the Saza chief of Bugerere, was chosen to carry the "Engule" on
this occasion. He followed the coffin,


In the afternoon of the 25th. November at 3.0 p.m. the accession cere-
monies took place. The chief and most important of these consisted in enthroning
the new Kabaka and showing him to the people. As in the case of his father, who
was a minor when coming to the throne, the full ceremonies of accession cannot
be completed until he comes of age, when the consummation will take place on
Budo Hill and the Kabaka will "Eat Buganda".
The enthronement took place outside the main gate, Wankaki, of the Lu-
biri, in the traditional spot on the right as one leaves the Lubiri.
The royal carpet (ekiwu), which is always kept by the members of the
Lugave pangolinn) clan, was produced by Kiini, (9) of the Lugave clan and handed
to Kabumba of the Lugave clan, whose duty it is to spread it on Namulondo. The
following brought out the royal stool or throne, called Namulondo, Mwotasubi of
the Nkima (Monkey) clan, Kiwukyeru of the Fumbe (Civet Cat) clan, Mutagwa-
nya of the Butiko (Mushroom) clan, and Lukwanzi of the Mpindi (Bean) clan.
This stool, which is made like other African stools, out of one block of wood, has
nine (o1) legs and was first introduced into the country by the Kabaka Mulondo,
who reigned early in the sixteenth century. It is only used in the accession cere-
mony, and after use is tied up in barckcloth and kept by the members of the Bu-
tiko clan.
A new barkcloth was spread on the ground, on which the stool was set.
On it were placed the layers of skins which comprise the ekiwu: first a cowskin,
then a lion skin, then a leopard skin and finally a hyena skin.
A similar carpet was then placed on the right of Namulondo, on which
the lady Nanzigu of the Buffalo clan was placed. The original Nanzigu was a wife
of Kabaka Kimera, said to be third in the line of Kabakas. The title has always
been perpetuated by appointing a woman of the Buffalo clan to be a wife of the
Kabaka. She lived separately from the other wives and had an enclosure of her
own, with special duties to perform. Nowadays, she is a member of the royal house-
The Katikiro then led the new Kabaka from the Lubiri, accompanied by
Prince Juma Katebe of Kibanga in Bulemezi and the new Lubuga (who is the full
sister of the new Kabaka), and the Lubuga's Lubuga, a woman chosen by the Sa-
balangira as official sister of the Lubuga. The Katikiro carried two new spears
and a shield and then stood on the right of the Kabaka. This was a sign that if
anyone wished to dispute that Mutesa was not to be Kabaka, he was prepared to
fight for him. In point of fact, on this peaceful occasion the spears were held point
The Mugema, (") the head of the Nkima (Monkey) clan then took the Ka-
baka by the hand and stood him on Namulondo. He then dressed him in a bar-
(9). Unless otherwise stated all names in this account of the accession ceremonies
are titles held by people, usually for life and usually hereditary.
(1o). For the significance of the number nine, see note by Lukyn Williams on p. 97
Vol. VI of "Uganda Journal."
(IX). In this case it was Mugema's son, as his father was an old man who was liv-
ing in the West Nile District and was unable to be present.


cloth called Luyira, which was given him by Kabogoza, the royal barkcloth maker.
and tied the knot carefully on the right shoulder.
After placing a mantle of calfskin on top of the barkcloth Mugema addres-
sed the following words to the Kabaka: "Perform your duties well; rule Buganda
well; develop into a man and live long."
Kasuju Lubinga then continued the robing of the Kabaka, by placing an-
other barkcloth on him, but tying the knot on the left shoulder and after placing a
leopard skin-the supreme mark of royalty-over the barkcloth, re-admonished the
Kabaka with the words: "Perform all your duties well and rule your people well."
The enrobing was then completed by Mugema who, after receiving a
barkcloth from Kakinda of the Kobe (Yam) clan, adjusted it round the shoulders of
the Kabaka and draped it down his back.
It was when the robing was complete that Musoloza relighted the sacred
fire, and the rising smoke, proclaiming to all that a Kabaka was reigning, was
greeted with acclamation, while the Kabaka stood in full view of his people.
Mukwenda, the Saza chief of Singo and Sabagabo of Buganda, now
brought the shield, called Kamanyi, and two spears and handed them to the Kaba-
ka with the words: "Here are your shield and spears. Fight for your country and
conquer nations.'
These are considered the shield and spears of state, on which the Kabaka
only releases his hold at death. The tradition with regard to the Kabaka's shield
and spears is that in the time of Kabaka Kimera his wife, Nakai, looked after them
during his lifetime. When she died they were entrusted to Mukwenda, an im-
portant chief, and the holder of this title has ever since always been responsible
for their safe keeping and carried them when the Kabaka went to war.
The next event was the placing of a bangle of beads on the left wrist of
the Kabaka by Kajubi of the Ensenene (Grasshopper) clan, who then said: "You
are Kimera".
To understand the significance of this one must appreciate the early his-
tory of Buganda as far as we know it. The tradition of Kimera's birth is thought
by some to be in the category of fable rather than of history. Kalemera, his
father, the son of the ruling Kabaka, is reputed to have visited Bunyoro, seduced
a princess of the royal house, who was of the Nsenene clan, and then fled to Bu-
ganda, where he died. The mother, though disgraced, managed to save her child
by having it brought up by a potter. Later the child was cared for by Mugema.
Hence the title "Kabaka's father", which this chief received and the important
part he always played in the accession ceremonies. When the Baganda heard that
Kimera was alive, he was asked to come to Buganda and be Kabaka. This tale,
whether we believe its historicity or not, or whether it is nearer the truth to say
that Kimera, he Munyoro, invaded and conquered Buganda, undoubtedly helps to
explain the connection between Bunyoro and Buganda, between the Hamitic Hima
and the Bantu Ganda. There was at some time a movement of infiltration or in-
vasion by a number of clans, said to have come with Kimera. Kimera himself is
looked on as the maker of historical Buganda, and many customs and decisions


are traced back to the days of Kimera. (It is interesting to note that the original
members of the Nsenene clan were Bahima pastoralists. Their main Butaka land is
on Kisozi hill, where the head of the clan lives. The head of the clan has very
Hima features, and some of his domestic customs proclaim his Hima origin. Kisozi
is the area from which some of the Hima invasions to the west and south are re-
puted to have originated).
At this point in the ceremonies it was thought expedient to postpone a
number of terms, which will be mentioned later, owing to the pressure of the crowd
and the consequent difficulty in carrying out the procedure. They will, however,
be performed at the completion of the accession ceremonies when the Kabaka
comes of age.
The next important ceremony performed was the beating of Mujaguzo.
Mugema showed Mujaguzo, the royal drums, to the Kabaka, saying: "This is the
chief drum which rules all your drums". As stated above the drums are kept in
the hands of the Lugave clan. Kawula, the chief drummer is always a member
of this clan. After Mugema had indicated the drums Kawula brought forward the
drum sticks and handed them to Kasuju Lubinga, who in turn handed them to the
Kabaka. The Kabaka then beat the Mujaguzo drum called Kawulugumo.
This ranks second in importance among the royal drums, Timba being
No. 1 and the most ancient. Kimomera of the Butiko clan, who is assistant royal
drummer to Kawula, then handed the drumsticks to the Kabaka, who beat the next
Mujaguzo drum, called Namanyonyi.
As in so many African tribes, the man who had possession of the royal
drums had possession of the kingdom, and one of the first acts of accession was
always to beat the main drum; the Baganda were no exception. This act, then,
signified to all who witnessed it that Edward Mutesa had indeed succeeded to
the throne of his father. There was a general cry of acclamation that arose from
all throats when the drums were beaten. Mujaguzo was beaten at intervals for the
next twenty-four hours. In the old days the drums would not be beaten until the
late Kabaka had been duly buried. This would be, as explained previously, per-
haps six months after his death. The beating of the drums, therefore, also signi-
fied that the royal mourning was over.
As no further ceremonies could be performed this day in front of Wankaki,
as explained previously, the Kabaka was carried into the Lubiri in the traditional
manner. No Kabaka or his wife walked from place to place, but it was one of
the duties and privileges of the Mbogo (buffalo) clan to provide carriers, called
Bakongozi, who carried their royal burdens on their shoulders. On this occasion
Sekaiba of the Mbogo clan, clad on the shoulders and back with a white goatskin,
called the Ekiwu of the Bakongozi, raised the Kabaka on his shoulders and dis-
played him to the people, so that Buganda could see him (Okukazakaza Kabaka
Obuganda bumulabe). He was then carried through the gateway into the Kabaka's
house (Twekobe), while other Bakongozi carried the Lubugas and Prince Juma
Katebe, amidst the hand-clapping of the princesses and all people present. Juma
Katebe holds the office of arranging this ceremony. He officiated in the same
ceremony at the late Kabaka's accession.


The Katikiro preceding the Kabaka on foot, led him to Twekobe, and
stood him on a carpet (ekiwu) in the porch, with the Lubugas on his right and
Prince Juma Katebe on his left.
When he was seated the Princes of the Kabaka's clan came and confirm-
ed (12) the accession by paying him allegiance and giving presents of money. The
first to come were his grandfathers, or relatives of their generation. These were
followed by the aunts and uncles on his father's side, who in their turn were fol-
lowed by the Kabaka's sisters. Next, Sabalangira, who looks after the Princes,
brought Buganda money, i.e. cowrie shells, and after presenting them tied them
with raffia on the right wrist of the Kabaka. The Princes of the Mituba then paid
allegiance and placed their money on the carpet. All then standing with respect
at the corner of the carpet, introduced themselves in turn, saying: "I am your
grandfather", or "I am your aunt", or "I am your sister". During the whole of the
time that these respects and allegiance were being paid the princes were singing
their song "Kiganda kikira omukwario"-Relationship surpasses friendship.
At this time the opportunity was taken by the Honourable the Chief Sec-
retary, the Honourable the Resident, Buganda, and other dignitaries of Church
and State, to shake hands and congratulate the Kabaka.
In the meanwhile, the Kabaka's nephews and children of the princesses
were collecting outside the Lubiri. Each had a wreath of grass round the head and
a reed or a withered banana leaf in the hand, and they sang songs while they
slowly approached. They then swept the ground in the Lubiri in front of the Ka-
baka and were given cents for their work. Sweepers of this nature are called
"Bakoza", and it is customary for peasant children to collect in this way and
sweep the compounds of chiefs for a small remuneration. In this case the sweep-
ing, being done by royal relatives, signified that the funeral rites were completed.
The new Sabaganzi and his brothers-the uncles of the Kabaka-now
came forward to pay their respects and allegiance to the Kabaka. Afterwards
they stood and introduced themselves, saying: "I am your uncle".
The old men of the Kabaka's grandfather's generation of the Nsenene
(Grasshopper) clan, who gave birth to Kabaka Kimera. then came forward to pay
their respects in-the same way. These were followed by those of the Ngeye (Colo-
bus Monkey) clan, who gave birth to Kabaka Chwa Nabaka; then by those of the
Ngonge (Otter) clan, who gave birth to Kabaka Jemba; then by those of the Ngabi
(Bushbuck) clan, who gave birth to the late Kabaka, Chwa II. It should be re-
marked in passing that a Kabaka, as opposed to any of his subjects, takes the clan
of his mother. Why the clans of only these particular Kabakas should be repre-
sented in the ceremony and not those of other Kabakas is not apparent.
This ended the ceremonies for the day. That night there was much feast-
ing and dancing, accompanied by the almost incessant beating of Mujaguzo drums.
The Katikiro and chiefs slept in Twekobe. The Kabaka left in the early hours of
the morning, with his tutor, for Budo.
(22). The word used. "Okusumika" is the same as that used for investing an heir.


On the 26th. November the Kabaka returned to the Lubiri and gave a
feast at midday to his chiefs and notables and to all representatives of foreign
tribes who attended the funeral and accession ceremonies.

The following items of traditional ceremonies were not carried out for
reasons stated above, but will be performed on the completion of the accession
ceremonies when the Kabaka comes of age.
1. The clan chief Segulu brings a bangle, made of a mixture of copper and
brass, which he places on the right arm of the Kabaka; he also hands him a dagger.
2. Namutwe, the deputy of the Sara chief, Sekibobo, brings a bow and ar-
rows, one by one, and places them in the Kabaka's hand, saying: "This arrow is
the spear which you seized from Busongola when you conquered it."
Busongola is the area in Toro District in the south of Mount Ruwenzori.
The Namutwe at some time in the past led a successful expedition against Bu-
3. The Saza chief, Kaima, brings a bow and arrow and places them in the
hands of the Kabaka. Also Nsege, the deputy to the Saza chief, Kangawo, places a
bow and arrow in the Kabaka's hand, both saying: "This arrow is the spear you
seized from Busongola when you conquered it."
Two further successful expeditions are here commemorated.
4. Masembe of the Nsenene (Grasshopper) clan brings a milkpot and stand in
front of the Kabaka saying: "This is your head Omuima (or herdsman) who
looks after your cow Namala, from which your ancestor Kimera used to obtain
milk." The Kabaka then flicks the milkpot with his finger and Masembe takes it
We have here a further reference to the pastoral cattle-keeping clan
brought by Kimera from Bunyoro. Namala was the name of Kimera's cow, which
name has been perpetuated ever since and applied to one of the royal herd.
5. Sebalija, the head herdsman, brings a milkpot, overlaid with copper, and
hands it to Mpinga of the Lugave (Pangolin) clan, who was Sebalija to Kimera:
Mpinga introduces Sebalija saying: "This is your chief Omusumba (13) (herdsman)
who governs all the herdsmen."
6. Sensalire of the Njovu (Elephant) clan brings a milkpot and hands it to
Mpinga, who hands it to the Kabaka, who then returns it to Sensalire. The latter
has in his hand his flute which he plays while herding cattle. This flute is supposed
to have belonged to Kabaka Kimera.
7. Namenyeka of the Mamba (Lungfish) clan brings a milkpot and shows it
to the Kabaka who flicks it with his finger.
(13). It is interesting to note that the "musumba" used of Sebalija as a herdsman,
is used in Ankole arrong the Bahima, who are all herdsmen, as meaning one who cleans out
the kraal. When Musembe of the Nsenene clan is introduced he is introduced as a Muhima.


8. Nanzige of the Mpindi (Bean) clan brings a milkpot and shows it to the
Kabaka saying: "This is the milkpot of your cow, Mbulide, which was given me
by your ancestor Kintu". The Kabaka then flicks at it with his finger. From
earliest times the Mpindi clan were the royal barkcloth makers. The original Na-
nzige was said to have gone with Kalemera, the father of Kimera. to Bunvoro. and
while there learned the art of barkcloth making.
9. Luboyera of the Butiko (Mushroom) clan brings a calabash called "Mwen-
danvuma" and shows it to the Kabaka saying: "This is the calabash in which I
strain your beer."
This gourd was always kept by the members of the Butiko clan and is said to
have been the same one that Kintu used.
10. Kalinda brings a pitcher and shows it to the Kabaka saying: "This is the
water jar in which I draw the water which you drink."
The post of Kalinda, the water bearer, is not hereditary in a clan, but is
by appointment.
11. Semwanga and Kabogoze of the Ngonge (Otter) clan, barkcloth makers,
bring a small mallet made of ivory and show it to the Kabaka, saying: "This is
the mallet which beats your barkcloth which you wear". The Otter clan had the
duty of making barkcloth for the Kabaka and those about him. Mwanga Kisole
or Semwanga was said to be head of the clan and to have been the Katikiro of
12. Segirinya, of the Ngo (Leopard) clan brings a needle, with a hood at the
end, used when sewing decorations of bead-work on to articles, and shows it to
the Kabaka, saying: "This is the needle with which I decorate your crown and
necklaces and all the treasures."
13. Walukaga of the Kasimba (Genet) clan, the head of the smiths, brings a
copper hammer and shows it to the Kabaka, saying: "This hammer makes your
spears with which you conquer nations." Walukaga was said to be the blacksmith
of Kintu.
14. Kasuju hands the Kabaka a dagger, called Nalwangula, which has been
wrought by Mutalaga of the Nvubu (Hippo) clan, saying: "Him who rebels against
you kill with this dagger, and try cases justly."
15. Masiko of the Lugave (Pangolin) clan brings a hoe and shows the Kaba-
ka, saying: "This is the hoe with which you cultivate your food."
Masiko is the head cultivator of the Kabaka, whose home is in Kyagwe
16. Muyanja of the Nyonyi (Bird) clan brings an axe "Nankanga" and shows
the Kabaka, saying: "This is your axe with which you hew out canoes."
Nankanga is the name given to the chief canoe-axe of the Kabaka.
17. Musoloza of the Nyonyi (Bird) clan brings two logs of pinewood and
shows them to the Kabaka, saying: "This is the firewood with which I make the
fire in this Gombolola fireplace of yours, in which you get ashes with which you
smear your face when going to conquer nations."


This latter custom refers to the smearing of the bodies and faces of all
warriors before battle.
18. The following ladies come into the capital and turn up the ground with
(1). N'aku of the Fumbe (Civet Cat) clan from Ganda,
(2). Nakuja of the Butiko (Mushroom) clan from Kireka, (the original Najuka
was the wife of Chwa I),
(3). Namutema of the Mamba (Lungfish) clan from Kireka.
By so doing they remind all Baganda that they should cultivate and carry
out all their work.

Acknowledgment for the illustrations in this article is due as follows: -
No. 1 D. J. Patel.
S2 F. Lukyn-Williams.
Nos. 3 4 and 5 B. E. Sebley.



--: o :--

Kungu The Sacred Rock.
By R. M. BERE.

Many readers of the Rev. J.M. Roscoe's work "The Baganda" must have
been intrigued by his illustration of the Sacred Rock (page 272) and wished to learn
more about it than is to be found in the text. It is surprising that this rock, surely
one of the more remarkable natural features of this part of Buganda, should be so
little known, being situated at Kungu and only fifteen miles from Kampala itself.
Of the Sacred nature of Kungu (the rock as well as its surroundings carries the
name) I am rather uncertain for like many of the relics of pagan Buganda this leg-
end is sinking into the obscurity of a dimly remembered past.
Kungu is a fine rock, standing clear from the Hillside with a height of
about 200 feet at its longest and 100 feet at its shortest side. It is a naturally square
tower with sides as perpendicular as anything but a man-made tower can be.
Kungu is considered as a human being, a great mwami of the past. Sur-
rounding him and guarding his sides are other lesser rocks, parts of the rocky out-
crops of this hill and known individually as Kungu's wife, his son, his tenants and
his kitchen. Perhaps rightly, it is the kitchen which is next in size and importance
to the great Kungu himself. As well as his stony followers Kungu has one
human servant, an elderly and lonely man whose house is next to the kitchen
and whose life appears to be devoted to his self appointed task of acting as
Kungu's guardian. Whenever you visit Kungu you will see the little offering which
his guardian has set at his feet, sometimes a calabash of beer, sometimes the tradi-
tional gift of coffee berries or some more substantial meal, showing that legend is
not quite dead. Kungu has not always occupied his present home, he came long ago,
it is said, from Kyagwe not far from Kyampisi, where his younger and lesser bro-
thers may now be seen. He came with his tenants and his wife, only the kitchen
having always been where it now is. How they covered these thirty odd miles or
when this strange migration took place not even Kungu's guardian can guess.
I was first interested in Kungu on account of the obvious difficulty of
reaching his small summit. It was particularly intriguing to be told that no one had
,succeeded in climbing the rock and that an attempt to do so might bring Kungu's
wrath upon one's head in some unexpected manner. The perpendicular sides were
obviously unclimbable but hope was offered by the remarkable fact that the rock is
split from top to bottom by a vertical crack, of varying width but averaging perhaps
4 feet. We were advised against entering this crack as, should Kungu resent the in-
trusion, his guardian said that the sides might close suddenly together and so finish


prematurely and violently any idea of an ascent. The chimney, needless to say, and
despite countless intrusions is still as it always has been.
Inside, the floor of the crack ascends gently from the mouth until by a
short scramble and an awkward and almost classical "trou de canon" one emerges
on to a splendidly placed platform on which a few trees are precariously growing.
This platform is but 30 feet from the top of the rock and overlooks its steepest and
longest side. From this platform it is possible to traverse round to a tiny ledge on the
most exposed side and there to be, tantalisingly, within twelve feet or so of the top;
there is no sign of a hold in that short distance and the ledge, had to remain the
limit of the first attempt.
Directly above the canon's mouth through which one emerges on to the
platform is a chimney which leads directly to the top. The chimney has been climbed
once only to my knowledge and is of considerable difficulty for in it there is an awk-
ward twist while halfway up there is a difficult overhang and the finish, as can be
well imagined, is extremely exposed. This chimney, it may be said, did not yield
until previously surveyed from above with the safeguard of a rope.
The first and the easiest way which has been found to the top of Kungu
is a more or less direct ascent of the main crack working right up the inside of the
What appears to be the best route leads from one to other of the jammed
stones which are caught at intervals in the chimney and by climbing over which a
somewhat complicated, but not excessively difficult, route may be found which leads
out to the open face of the rock where its sides have begun to ease off to the flat
of the summit. It is most easily climbed by the conventional back and knee or back
and foot method and for a rock of this nature can be justifiably called an interesting
little climb. Technically this little climb is probably a simple "standard difficult"
while the shorter chimney is almost "severe": Bare feet or stockings are recom-
mended as the best footwear for either climb.


A Note on Kikasa in Bulemezi.
By G. W. NYE.
: o :
When Mawanda was Kabaka of Buganda he wanted to develop his land at
Kikasa in Bulemezi for the cultivation of food but this particular area was so sub-
ject to droughts that nothing would grow well. In order to remedy this state of af-
fairs Mawanda went to see the god Mukasa at Bukasa on the Sesse Islands to con-
sult with him. Mukasa gave him a charm and told him to take it to Kikasa and to
spread it on the surface of the soil and then to plant two suckers of the plantains
called Nakitembe and Buzidume. Mukasa also gave to Mawanda some water from
Lake Kiruba and told him to put it in the well near his house, when the well would
become a perpetual spring giving water for ever to his women and all the people of
that village. The chief woman who drew water was called Nakijabaja and the well
was named after her. There was a certain taboo on the well that no one was allowed
to draw water from it with a ladle made from the gourd called Nsuju. One day how-
ever a woman called Namugwe forgot about this taboo and drew water with the
forbidden ladle; as a result the spring dried up immediately and the water flowed
into a river which is today called Nakijabaja.
The immediate effect of the planting of the two varieties of plantain was a
great increase in rainfall; the plantains grew vigorously and the whole of Kikasa be-
came a place of plenty and the original lusuku was called 'Butonya' (okutonya to
rain) and is so called to the present day. When Mukasa gave the plantains to Mawa-
nda he ordered that the flower sheaths of the bunches must never be cut off and to
this day the people at Kikasa keep up this old custom. Kikasa was probably named
after Mukasa and the name has been changed in recent years to Kirwanyi after the
late owner of the land (Mulwanyi). It is still considered that this village gets more
rain than others in the near neighbourhood.


Further Notes on two Antique Chairs in Namirembe Cathedral

by R. E. PARRY.
-: o -

I have read with the greatest interest Mr. H. B. Thomas' Notes which ap-
peared in the January number for 1940, and after examining the chairs, which are
now in the vestry of Namirembe Cathedral, offer the following comments as to
their possible origin.
Evidence as given in Mr. Thomas' notes may be summarised as follows:-
(a) "They are two of four chairs which are said to have been sent by the
Portuguese to Kilwa for the first Christian Church established there
about 1650".
(b) Their history is well-known to the leading Arabs at the coast, show-
ing that after the sack of Kilwa in 1698 they were taken to Pate, one
of the islands off the coast of Lamu.
(c) The authority for the year 1650 as the date of the arrival of the
chairs at Kilwa is unknown, but the evidence suggests that the chairs
date from the middle of the 17th century.
(d) The Keeper of the Department of Woodwork of the Victoria and
Albert Museum, from an examination of photographs, is of the opinion
that the chairs:-
(i) "Are not of European origin, and are likely to have been made
in a Portuguese centre in India such as Goa."
(ii) He also uses the term "Indo-Dutch."
(iii) They correspond roughly to the Charles II type, and the oval
backs are commonly found in French chairs of this period.
The chairs therefore date at least from the middle of the 17th century, and
appear to have been brought to the East African coast from India or possibly
farther east. Although not of European origin, they must have been designed by
European merchants or colonists for use either in a church or for some public build-
ing. As these settlements or trading stations were situated on the coast the local
wood used must have been brought from neghbouring coastal forests. The chairs,
although possessing lightcane seats and backs, are heavy. The wood in places
shows a reddish grain, which is capable of taking a high polish. As I shall show
later, I am of the opinion that the wood is possibly derived from the Ironwood
Tree, which is also called the Borneo Ironwood, but which grows throughout the
East Indian Archipelago, and is used in Java at the present time, and which I have
seen in constant use for high grade furniture and carvings in Javanese technical
*Eusideroxylon Zwageri. See p. 142, Empire Borestry Handbook, 1933.


The chief point I wish to make is that I have seen in the Batavia Museum
in Java not only chairs, but other articles of domestic and official furniture of the
same design and type. The domestic items included beds-one a baby's cot complete
with mosquito net; whilst the official furniture comprised cupboards, chairs,
screens, tables, benches, escutcheon boards, etc. Many of the official items are relics
of furniture removed from the council chamber in the old Batavia castle, which
was built in 1619 by Jan Pieter Coen.
The existence of specimens of domestic furniture suggests that at this
period all the homes of the European officials at least were furnished with furniture
similar to the design of the two chairs under discussion. All such furniture was
made from local wood which the Dutch call "Ijzenhouten" (ironwood).
Concentrating on the design of the chairs in Batavia, it is noticed that
they resemble the Namirembe chairs in respect of general and detailed design. The
similarity in such details as the cane seats, cane oval backs, shape of the feet, and
arrangement of the heavily carved flower pattern surrounding the cane oval are
important. The flower pattern on the Namirembe chairs is a symmetrical one, and
numbers eight centres-three on each side and one at the top and bottom-with a
stylised background of leaves and stems. What the flowers represent I do not
How the chairs got to Kilwa is a mystery that may never be solved. By
the year 1635 Portuguese naval supremacy in the Indian Ocean and Far Eastern
waters had passed to the Dutch and English. Portuguese trade in the Malacca
Straits was being interrupted by the Dutch, who captured Malacca in 1641. Co-
lombo was occupied in 1656, and by this date the Portuguese fortresses on the
Malabar and Coromandel coasts were in the hands of the Dutch.



---: :-
:o: -
Both Dictionaries founded on Madan's Dictionaries by the Inter-Territorial
Language Committee of the East African Dependencies under the direction of the
late Frederick Johnson. Published by the Oxford University Press. London: Hum-
phrey Milford. 1939. 8s. 6d. net. each.
The appearance of these two volumes has been awaited eagerly for some
time and though the delay has been vexacious to those who wished to avail them-
selves of these works, it cannot be denied that students may congratulate themselves
on their good fortune that these volumes appeared before war descended on us.
The untimely and tragic death of Frederick Johnson who was proceeding on
leave with the final proofs was a serious set-back. Those who knew him will remem-
ber his scholarly mind, his patience and thoroughness, his immense capacity for
work, his indomitable will to carry on when suffering from illness. These volumes
will be an everlasting tribute to him and his work, but in recognizing this, we must
also pay tribute to those who have brought the task to its successful conclusion.
Their names are not mentioned in the title pages, nor are the names of the many
who assisted Frederick Johnson in the compilation of the vocabularies and the
tedious checking and rechecking without which no work of this kind can be compil-
Frederick Johnson had a supreme admiration for Madan's work, and on
several occasions told me, or wrote to me, saying that when he was in doubt he
turned to Madan and nearly always found what he required. I have not his last let-
ter by me as I write, written from Dar-es-Salaam a few weeks before he sailed on
what proved to be his last journey, but I remember that he wrote that he was afraid
he would annoy some critics with some portions of his work which he hoped to see
through the press whilst on leave. I think this is true, those who have seen Bulletin
13, of the Inter-Teritorial Languages (Swahili) Committee will remember that the
present Secretary acknowledges that certain revisions and emendations have been
made in preparation for a Second Edition. To recognize at this early stage the neces-
sity for a Second Edition is thoroughly sound, for however industrious or painstak-
ing any individual or committee may be omissions or inconsistencies are likely to be
found on close study.
But let it not be thought, or said, that these two volumes are not first class
work. The Swahili-English is a great improvement on Madan and will be found of
great value to English and Swahili students alike. The English-Swahili is a scholarly


piece of work, and the arrangement by which words appear under their stems con-
forms with modern practice in Bantu languages, and is convenient for students whe-
ther in an elementary or more advanced stage. Where the Swahili word is deriv-
ed from Arabic, the Arabic word is given also; and if, as occurs once or twice the
derivation is inaccurate, then it is our duty to see that these and other errors or omis-
sions are reported to the Secretary of the Committee so that the Second Edition
may be complete and of even greater value to succeeding generations of students
and scholars.
The printing is beyond reproach and no one.can grumble at the price.


CABULARY by J. P. Crazzolara (Verona Fathers) published for the international
Institute of African Languages and Cultures, Oxford University Press. Shs. 21.
RO-LUNYANKOLE DICTIONARY by M. V. Davis (Church Missionary Society)
published by the S. P. C. K. London, Shs. 6/-.
-: o :-
The opportune publication of these two new dictionaries marks an im-
portant stage forward in linguistic studies in this country. It may be regretted
that, though both books were published in 1938, no opportunity has occurred to
review them in the Journal before this. One's first feeling is of gratitude to the
steady work of the missionary societies both Catholic and Protestant, who in addi-
tion to their manifold educational duties contrive to spare time for the necessary
and often neglected work of pure scholarship. It must be a satisfaction to them
that the names and work of authors such as these will remain alive when the
great mountains of official correspondence have been consumed in the jaws of the
cockroach and the silver fish.
The two books present a very clear distinction in method of attack and
form of presentment. Miss Davis has provided a straightforward list of words with
their nearest equivalent in the opposite tongue, largely one word-one meaning. The
model followed is Kitching and Blackledge's Luganda-English Dictionary, though
a rather more extensive vocabulary has been provided. The same indexing of
nouns under their prefixes is used, with the same convenient provision of marginal
asterisks to assist in the rapid learning of all the commoner sexual words. As Dr.
Guillebaud points out in the preface, economy and practical utility for the ordinary
student have been the foremost considerations throughout. Thus, though the book
may be criticized by some for trying to cover too large a scope, (for to many
Toro the dialect as spoken by the Hima herdsmen is almost incomprehensible) it
unquestionably provides a cheap and convenient handbook that will be widely used
and will tend gradually to modify these dialects into a common form, at least as far
as the written language is concerned. English as written by the Scots was com-
prehensible to the Englishman for centuries before their spoken language became
Nevertheless this dictionary in itself is hardly capable of the task which is
presented of standardizing and synthesizing authoritatively the Lunyoro group of
dialects into a single language, using dialectical variations to express shades of
meaning. Something up to date on the scale of Father Van der Burgt's Dic-
tionnaire Francais-Kirundi or Father Le Veux's Dictionnaire Luganda-Francais is
called for. Much good material has already been provided in Father Kuijper's ex-
cellent small Grammaire de la Langue Haya (published by the Prokuur Van de
Witte Paters te Boxtel) which is both scholarly and amusing as it illustrates gram-
matical points by quotation of opposite and witty native proverbs. The Haya
dialect is intelligible to the average Chiga, or man of Nkole, and the proverbs are


mostly identical. Miss Davis has taken us a good way. We can only hope that
with further opportunity, she may get the chance to provide us with a really satisfy-
ing study of the language as a whole.
Father Crazzolara has attempted a far more ambitious task than Miss
Davis in the combination of a grammar and vocabulary. By the use of a phonetic
script he has provided a very accurate account of the whole language talked by the
central group of Luo (or "Lwoo" as he calls them in his script). Incidentally, it
should be emphasized that this word "Lwoo" is merely an exact description of the
syllables that in common English pronunciation are written "Luo", each vowel
being given its full value. As a result of the previous orthography used by some
people in writing Acholi, (where 'oo' was used to indicate the sound of 'au' in cau-
tion', in distinction to simple 'o' as in 'go'), I have noticed a number of Europeans
since the publication of Father Crazzolara's book, talking about the "Lwoo" as
though they rhymed with English "door." It is unfortunate from the point of prac-
tical use that he did not include a simple series of equivalents in his preliminary
chapters on Sounds and Intonation. The general attitude of the European student
to his book is that it is an unfair imposition to be forced to learn a new script
before commencing a new language, and it is certain that the Acholi will not make
use of his elaborate paraphernalia of signs and tone-marks any more than the
Ganda will use the magical. for the doubled consonant, so beloved by some students.
Dr. Tucker in his review in Africa Vol. XII No. 1 remarks that it is unfortunate
that no reference is given to the present official orthography of Acholi nor indica-
tion as to whether the narrow phonetic system of his book is to be regarded as his
conception of an ideal orthography for the Acholi themselves. It is quite certain
that it cannot be so, for practical and economic reasons. It is too elaborate to
teach in the average school; it is too expensive to type in the ordinary office; and
it is too narrow and dialectically exact to provide in written Acholi a language
norm round which the Luo nation can crystallize their culture. Finally, his book
is too highly priced-to reach more than a very small circle of readers. This is a
great pity as his book contains a vast amount of valuable material, which is of use
to a student as soon as he has passed the preliminary stages of absorbing the langu-
age. Moreover the book is instinct with a fine spirit of learning which overleaps fron-
tiers and envisages the growth of dialects and makes suggestions as to linguistic
changes occurring throughout the whole Ji group of languages. He gives a number of
suggested word derivations and distinguishes clearly most* of the Swahili and Arabic
words which have crept in during the last seventy years as part of the "language of
the camp" to which every Acholi begins to be accustomed almost as soon as he
can speak.
These word derivations are extremely interesting, particularly the older
ones. I note that he gives no suggested origin for "rwot" a chief. It is un-
questionably from the same source as the Shilluk word "ret" with the same mean-
ing, and there is an important correspondence on the subject of the origin of this
word in Sudan Notes and Records, 1936 where Mrs. Griffiths points out that "Ret"
is a frequent title in Demotic and is translated as "Inspector" or "Agent" (Cat. of
not all. e.g. mbao-a plant is Kiswahili not Acholi.


the Demotic Papyri in the Rylands Library III p. 367). Also "perite" of Isis-
"agent of". Demotic 'rt' is Egyptian 'rwd'-agent found also in Coptic. Further
Crazzolara derives 'dako'-'woman' from an elision of 'dano' 'person' and 'koor'--
breast', but this appears questionable, when we find a Meroitic root 'dakh'-'to bear
a child'; Meroitic 'arik-'to beget', Acholi 'aruka'--a newly born unnamed child';
Meroitic 'ker'-'royal', Acholi 'ker'-'royal', Meroitic 'kal'-'royal household,'
Acholi 'kal'-'Chief's kraal.' This particular set of word similarities opens up a field
of speculation on which there is no room to dwell now.
Finally, on reading through these two dictionaries I came across a number
of words, whose roots and meanings appeared to have something in common.
Since, so far as I know, little work has been done as yet upon the interpenetration
of Bantu and Sudanic speech forms in the Lake Region I record these for what
they may be worth. As they are taken merely from the printed word, it is
probable that a large number of words will be grouped incorrectly. I can but hope
that errors will stimulate correspondence.

The meaning of the Acholi word is given as (i),

(i) to accumulate, increase.
(ii) to be in first months of pregnancy.
(i) to bungle, blunder over
(ii) to be obstinate, disobedient
(i) piece of skin used for shield
(ii) buffalo hide
(i) to tread upon
(ii) to be squashed
(i) twins
(ii) spirit worshipped connected with twin
i) to carry a load
(ii) to carry, or lift painfully
(i) to ruin one physically and mentally with
(ii) to offer to spirits
(i) royal
(ii) royal

of Lunyoro word (2).


oku-baka (enda) stomach

ni-barro oku-bama













Note. This word 'bito' is derived from 'to', the sacred balanitis aegypitica tree
under which the mother of Labongo, or Nyabongo the first gave birth.

(I) & (2) Creeper (Sp. Cissus) used
in religious' ceremonies for decoration.
(i) clothes
(ii) to strut, showing off fine clothes.
(i) misery, hunger, exhaustion
(ii) to suffer
(i) to grind finely
(ii) to mince









198 UGAN

(i) to start, to begin
(ii) to start, to begin
(i) to reel, stagger
(ii) whirlwind
(i) to ripen, grow soft
(ii) to grow soft, feeble, weak
(i) eviilly disposed departed spirit
(ii) to curse
(i) to torment by disease
(ii) to be painful, ache
(i) to inform, acquaint with, admonish,
(ii) to discuss thoroughly
(i) to collect, gather, assemble
(ii) to put in order, select, arrange in lines
(i) to cease, stop
(ii) evaporate, turn to dust.
(i) husband
(ii) to copulate
(i) penis
(ii) to flirt, engage in love play
(i) board garre
(ii) board game
(i) meteorite
(ii) to fall with a clatter
(i) to be doubtful, pending
(ii) to be left over, remain unsold
(i) to contract, grow less
(ii) to become stupid, deteriorate
(i) to speak unintelligibly, or a
foreign language
(ii) to be stupid, foolish
(iia) folly, nonsense
(i) to take up big morsels of bread
(ii) to give good measure
(i) voice
(ii) to speak a foreign language
(i) to narrate, tell about
(ii) sing tales
(iia) tell stories
(iib) converse
(i) to look at one angrily, scornfully
(ii) to despise, scorn
(i) to lie, cheat calumniate
(iia) to defraud, betray
(iib) to act hypocritically
(i). palisade of village
(ii) to settle for long in one place.










co (plural





















cog.) oku-cuga










oku-gaya ,



(i) to hit superficially ni-gokagoka
(ii) to be maimed
(i) recess, secluded place gol
(ii) salt found under the earth i.e.
under over-hanging banks.
(i) to be bent or curved ni-gom
(ii) to be bent, warped
(i. to make curves ni-gono
(ii) curved incised patterns on body
(i) to bivouac, lodge ni-gonyo
(iia) to lodge, sleep one night on journey.
(iib) camp.
(i) to beat, strike ni-goyo
(ii) to paddle a canoe.
(i) a path, a road gudu
(ii) a road
(i) to touch, to strike ni-gudu
(ii) drum beaten with hands.
(i) coarse, uneven, rough. gwa
(ii) to be filthy, immoral.
(i) gourd used as trumpet gwara
(iia) gourd used as a trumpet
(iib) a trumpeter
(i) to clean, disinfect ni-jabu
(ii) to wash with herbs.
(i) to swagger ni-jagge
(ii) to strut about conceitedly
(i) in all directions (adv.) li-jai
(ii) to gad about, roam.
(i) gambling game Jara
(ii) .
(i) to accumulate, swell with liquid ni-jar
(ii) to be lively when intoxicated
(i) mud, slime jata
(ii) to be sodden
(i) to be wandering about ni-jengo
(ii) to wander about (insects)
(i) to annoy, vex ni-joko
(ii) to annoy, worry, bully
(i) my friend, gossip. jongana
(i) wet soil near river joro
(ii) liquid mud from cattle pen
(i) home of, place of Ka
(i) syphilitic, swelling on wrist Kabi























(i) clan Kaka Kika
(ii) .
(i) to abuse, or condemn publicly ni-kango oku-janga
(ii) to threaten
(i) donkey Kana n-kaina
(ii) ,
(i) to fork divide ni-karo n-karwa
(ii) leg trick in wrestling
(i) to put, place ni-keto omu-keto
(ii) a steward, agent
(i) internal dividing wall of house kicika ekikyika
(ii) same
(i) anger, malice kinega ekinyiga
(ii) ,,
(i) to move residence ni-koko oku-koba
(ii) to push one's way' through
(i) to hold something suspended in ni-kono oku-kondakonda
one's hand
(ii) hang down, dangle
(i) to help, assist ni-konyo oku-konyera
(ii) to help
(i) ostrich feather kono kondo
(ii) head dress for Chiefs and King
(i) to extoll oneself, to push oneself forward. ni-koto oku-kota
(ii) to become important
(i) to join to, connect, fasten ni-kubu oku-kuba
(ii) to hold up, wrap, bifid
(i) small type granary (for simsim) kuku oku-kuka
(ii) to hoard, pile up.
(i) to scrape skin ni-kur n-kuru
(ii) small piece of fat scraped off skin.
(i) to beg lego mu-legi
(ii) a beggar
(i) property lem mu-lemi
(ii) owner
(i) testicles man emana
(ii) vagina amani
(iib) strength, power, force.*
*See the Power Concept Among the Lango. Ug. Jour. Vol. VII, No. 3.
Note. These words should be considered in the light of Mr. T. T. S. Hayley's renrarks about
the ideas of liberation power in the causation of conception, and with the fact in mind that
the word for 'god' in Ruanda is Imana and in Western Abyssinia Amane. All derive uliti-
mately, I believe, from connections with the most ancient of all cults, the nature fertility
cult of Aman of Egypt.
(i) light ni-moko oku-moka
(ii) set on fire
(i) kind of termite maka maka
(ii) I ,,


(i) to converse
(ii) a plan, plot, conference
(i) zither
(ii) zither
(i) to work sluggishly
(ii) to be stunted
(i) to ruin, spoil.
(ii) hate, abhor.
(i) otter
(ii) otter
(i) pubes of both sexes
(ii) to micturate
(iib) semen
(i) girl
(ii) girl
(i) cockroach
(ii) ,,
(i) iron hammer
(ii) small "blacksmith" frog
(genus Hyperolius)
(i) to mix, entangle with
(ii) to mix blood make brotherhood
(i) edible green grasshopper
(ii) ,
(i) blood
(ii) a fight, blood-letting
(i) borassus palm
(i) Barchell's coucal

ni-narra e-nama.

nanga e-nanga

ni-ningo oku-ninga

ni-nobo oku-noba

ngonge engonge



nya nya

nyenye enyenje


nywano oku-nywana









Finally there is an affinity in phraseology and metaphor which is most
marked. A convenient example is the phrase used for the atmospheric condition
when the rain is falling and the sun shining. The Acholi say kwac onywal, "the
leopard brings forth", the Banyoro say engwe yazara which means the same. Con-
trast the Hima phrase empishi yashwera "the hyaena marries", which has more
affinity with the Teso aurie ebu "the hyaena brings forth". As Driberg has pointed
out, the hyaena is the hamitic animal hero like the hare for the Bantu. Possibly
the use of this phrase among the Hima, and the Teso indicates hamitic influences
not found among the Acholi or Banyoro.

A. C. A. W.


--: o :-
Oxford University Press. 1/-
The Primary School children of Uganda are indeed fortunate in that at a
modest price they may have in their hands Mr. H. B. Thomas's recently published
book "The Story of Uganda." No one could be better qualified to write such a book
than the joint author of the official handbook "Uganda" and in it Mr. Thomas has
been no less successful in catering for the needs of the young than he was in the
handbook in catering for those of the general public.
It is a common fault of "local" histories that a local outlook is over emphas-
ised. Mr. Thomas has not fallen into this error. Throughout the book the reader
is constantly reminded that Uganda is not the only place in the world, that its im-
portance in that world, even in such a matter as cotton production, is relative only,
and that the interdependence of all parts of the world is a factor of ever increasing
importance and significance. Thus one of the aims of history teaching, the inculca-
tion of a sense of proportion, is constantly kept in view.
In his earlier chapters the author passes in review the earth movements and
climatic changes of former geological times, the Kafuan and Sangoan tools made by
the earliest known inhabitants of Uganda, the Hamitic invasions of Central Africa,
and the various movements of peoples, which have led to the linguistic and tribal
divisions that we have with us to-day, and he pays due attention to the distinctive
characteristics of Nilote and Bantu. The coming of the Portuguese at the end of
the sixteenth century is shown to mark not only the beginning of contact between
Central Africa and the peoples of modern Europe, but to afford us the first reliable
records of the widespread changes and movements of the African peoples themselves
during the succeeding century. Nevertheless it is the traditions of the Banyoro and
Baganda, as recorded by Sir Apolo Kagwa, Mr. P. Bikunya, K. W. and others
that have been the chief sources from which the author has reconstructed the events
of that period, including the mysterious coming and going of the Bachwezi, and the
same is true of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries which witnessed the gradual
consolidation of the modern kingdom of Buganda and the decline of that of Bunyo-
ro-Kitara, which had formerly held pre-eminence.
With the nineteenth century we are on more familiar ground, that has been al-
ready traversed by numerous previous historians. Yet in retelling the tale of the
successive arrival of the Arabs, of Speke, Baker, Stanley, Gordon and Emin, of the
Christian Missions, and of the political events leading to the establishment of the
present Protectorate, Mr. Thomas has touched all with a freshness and originality of
See Uganda Journal, Vol. III p. 149, Vol. IV. p. 65, and Vol. V. p. 53.


treatment that cannot fail to grip the reader. He has also, we venture to think,
avoided the fault of several previous historians, of overloading the narrative with
a mass of irrelevant detail. The trees have not been allowed to obscure the wood.
This must have been the most difficult part of his task.
The last chapter is entitled "Progress," and briefly summarizes the changes that
the twentieth century has brought, at the same time re-emphasising the necessity of
that worldwide outlook to which we have before referred.
School pupils in the Eastern Province may think that the book is somewhat
overweighted with the affairs of Buganda and Bunyoro, and that apart from the
references to former tribal movements and an account of the campaigns of Semei
Kakungulu, round about 1900, there is little description of the history of their own
area. This was inevitable as authentic materials for more detailed treatment of that
area simply do not exist.
On the other hand, though an account is given in Chapter V of the origin of
Toro as a separate state, there is nothing similar regarding Ankole, which it is sug-
gested it might have been possible to include.
We should like also, in the chapter on "Ancient Times in Uganda", to have
seen some mention of such few references as there are in the authors of classical
antiquity to this part of Africa, even though these may belong rather to the category
of legend than to that of history. We refer in particular to the speculations of Hero-
dotus and Ptolemy as to the origin of the Nile, the Mountains of the Moon, and
the Great Lakes of Central Africa; to the expedition sent by Nero to find the Nile
sources which is described in Seneca; and to Roman trade with the coast of East
Africa in the first century A. D., and particularly the inland journey of the Greek
merchant Diogenes mentioned by Ptolemy. In addition the latter's map would have
been a useful illustration.
A list of important dates, or a Time Chart could profitably be included in any
subsequent edition.
The book is written in a "standard vocabulary" of 1500 words which the
publishers suppose to be adequate for the needs of colonial schools. We would ven-
ture to record a protest against this procedure, the futility of which is apparent
from the fact that it has been found necessary to include explanations of more than
a hundred additional words, a great many of which we should say were in any case
"basic" for students in Uganda acquainted with the English language. Among such
words are 'axe', 'beads', 'blanket', 'canoe', 'cassava', 'clan', 'cowrie', 'elephant',
'ginnery', 'horn', 'missionary', 'negro', 'porter', 'rubber', 'slave', and 'swamp'. More-
over to avoid all danger of misunderstanding it has been thought necessary in some
cases, such as that of'the elephant, to explain the term by means of a picture!
The vagaries of the publishers, however, which, as implied in their prefatory
note, are a matter of experimental policy, are in no way to be laid at the door of
the author of a book of which otherwise we can only speak in terms of the highest
J. S.


List of Books and Publications in the Society's Library
as at 31st. December 1939.

The Formenkreis Theory Otto Kleinschmidt,
The History of Smith
Mackenzie & Co., Ltd.,
A Study of the Acholi Langu-
age J. P. Crazzolara
An African Survey Lord Hailey
Uganda H. B. Thomas and
Robert Scott
A Guide to the Snakes of Captain Charles
Uganda R. S. Pitman
A History of Uganda Land H. B. Thomas and
and Surveys A. E. Spencer
Fifteen Uganda Timbers W. J. Eggeling and
C. M. Harris
Mosquitoes of the Ethoopian
Region, I G. H. E. Hopkins
I am not Armed Geoffrey Masefield
No Time to weep Stella V. Wood
An Outline Gramirar of the
Luganda Language C. T. Wilson
Collections for a Lexicon
in Luganda and English Philip O'Flaherty
Die Kolonisation Uganda Horst Brendel
Field Notes on a Collection F. H. Stomelym
of Birds from Uganda
Publications du Comit6
Historiques et Scientifiques
de 1'Afrique Occidentale
2. Les P6cheurs de Guet N. Leca.
3. L'Etablissement d'Issiny P. Roussier
4. L'Afrique Noire Occiden-
tale E. F. Gautier
5. Histoire des Populations
du Soudan Central (Colo- Capitaine Urvoy
nie du Niger).
6. Description de la C6te
d'Afrique de Ceuta au Sd- P. de Cenival et
n6gal par Valentim Fer- Th. Monod.
nandes (15o6-1507).
























7. Contributions a 1'6tude
du Sahara Occidental.
Fasc. I.-Gravures, pein- Th. Monod
tures et inscriptions rupe-
8. Coutumiers Juridiques de
l'A. O. F., Tome I, S6no- (Divers).
9. Coutumiers Juridiques de
1'A. O. F., Tome II, Soudan (Divers).
o1. Coutumiers Juridiques de
1'A. O. F., Tome III., Mau- (Divers).
ritanie. Niger C6te
d'Ivoire. Dahomey.
Guinde franaaise.

iI. Notes sur les Coutumes des
Peuls au Fouta Djallon
i. Carte GBologique de Dakar
2. Les Primrates de 1'Afrique
3. Etudes m6t6orologiques sur
l'Afrique Occidentale Fran-
4. Contribution h 1'6tude de
la v6g6tation forestiere de
la haute C6te d'Ivoire.
Planting in Uganda

Men and Creatures in Uganda
A Naturalist on Lake Victoria
A Naturalist in East Africa
Catalogue of Pictures and
Drawings in the collection of
Frederick John Nettlefold
REN (Belgique)
Anthropologie et Pr6histoire
Tome i, Pascicule 2
Les Fouilles de Jean Collette a
Tome i, Mascicule 3
Les Boules de Pierre et les
Boules Perfor6es
Tome i, Fascicule 4
Contribution A 1'Etude de la
R6partition des Kw6s an
Tome III, Fascicule I
Le Tissage du Raphia au Con-
go Beige

G. Vieillard.

M. Combier
P. Rode


L. B6gu6.

E. Brown and
H. H. Hunter
Sir John Bland-Sutton
G. D. Hale Carpenter
G. D. Hale Carpenter

Maurice Bequaert

RenBe L. Doize

Francis Cabu
avec la collaboration de
M. Vanden Brande

H616ne Loir





Tome, I, Fascicule 2
Les Xlyophones du Congc
Tome II, Fascicule 4
Catalogues raisonnes de i
Faune Entomologique di
Congo Belge
Hemipteres, Coreidae
Tome II, Mascicule 3
Coleopteres Carabides (Pre
miere Partie)
Tonre II, Fascicule 4
Coleopteres-Carabides (Deuxi-
eme Partie)
Tome II, Fascicule 5
Coleopteres-Carabides (Troisi-
eme Partie)
Tome III, Fascicule 5
Contribution a la Faune orni-
thologique du Nord-Est du
Catalogues raisonn6s de la
Faune Entomologique di
Congo Belge
Tome V, Fascicule i
Tome V, Fascicule 2
Les Histeridae du Congo Belge
Tome VI, Fascicule i
a) Les Cicindelinae du Congo
b) Les Lycides du Congo Belge
Tome, Fascicule 2
Contribution A la Faune orni-
thologique du Nord-Est du
Congo Belge
Tome II, Fascicule i
Fetischen of Tooverbeelden
uit Kongo
Tome II, Fascicule 2
Kabila-en Grafbeelden uit Kon-
Sudan Notes and Records

Proceedings and. Transactions
of the Rhodesia Scientific
The Bateleur (Quarterly Jour-
nal of African Ornithology)

O. Boone


H. Schouteden

L. Burgeon

L. Burgeon

L. Burgeon

L. David et M. Poll

A. Kleine

L. Burgeon

L. Burgeon
R. Kleine

H. Schouteden

J. Maes

J. Maes
Volumes III-XXII
Cumulative Index
Volumes I-VI
Cumulative Index
Volumes I-XIX


Volumes I-III






Bulletin of the Stoneham Mu-
seum Kitale, Kenya
Occasional Papers of the Rho-
desian Museum
Journal of the East Africa and
Uganda Natural History
Journal of the Royal Anthropo-
logical Institute

Bulletin of the Imperial In-

Tanganyika Notes & Records
Bibliographie Ethnographique
du Congo Belge
Bulletin du Comit6 d'Etudes
Historiques et Scientifiques de
1'Afrique Occidentale Fran-
Journal de la Socift6 des Afri-
Annals of the Transvaal Mu-
Bantu Studies
The Nigerian Field


Uganda Teachers' Journal
journall of the Royal African
The Journal of the Entomolo-
gical Society of Southern

Abhandlungen aus dem
Landesmuseum der Provinz
Westfalen Museum fur Na-
Le Monde Oriental
The Geographic Journal
Annual Reports of the Zanzibar
Bulletin des Amis de 1'Art
Indigene du Ratanga


Some Notes on the Northern
Islands of Lake Victoria

Numbers 2-38
(Missing I & 12)

Numbers 1-4

Numbers 8-65
(Missing 9-13, and 16)
Volumres LIII-LVII
(Missing LIII, Part I aind
LV, part 2)
Volume XXXI, No. 4
Volume XXXVII, No. I.
Volumes I-VI

Volumes I-III
Also Volume XV, No. 4

Volumes V-IX part i

Volumes XV-XX part 1
Volumes IV-VIII
Missing Volume IV No. 4
VII ,, 4
(Also some single issues of
Voluire I
(Missing No. 150)

Volumes I and II
Volume XII
(Missing No. i)
Also Volume IX, N. 2
Volume IX
S X Part I,

(Incomplete many numbers

Uganda Department of
Uganda Department of
G. D. Hale Carpenter














1934 & 1935





La Spedizione Etnografica del
Datt. Boccasino tra gli
Acholi dell Uganda
Religion and Divination of the Fr. Egidio Rami
Logbara Tribe of North
The Magosian Culture of E. J.Wayland
Uganda and M. C. Burk:
Rifts, Rivers, Rains and Early
Man in Uganda E. J.Wayland
Traps for Ts'etse Flies of the
"Crinoline" & "Ventila-
tor" Forms C. W. Chorley
The Contact of Races in
Uganda E. Dauncey Ton
The*Gorillas of the Kayonsa
Region, Western Kigezi,
S.W. Uganda C. R. S. Pitman
Studies on Ethiopian Simuliide
Simulium damnosum Theo. E. G. Gibbins
Report on a visit to Kenya and
Uganda to advise on Anti-
Malaria Measures. S. P. James
Report of the Uganda Museunr-
Kamba Tales of supernatural
beings and adventures Gerhard Lindblo
African Harpoon Arrows G. Lindblom
The Spiked Wheeltrap and its
distribution K. G. Lindblom
Two kinds of Fishing Imple-
ments T. Leth and K.
Spears and Staffs with two or
more points, in Africa K. G. Lindblom
Fighting Bracelets & Kindred
Weapons, in Africa
Wire-drawing especially in
The Spiked Wheeltrap & its
distribution Gerhard Lindblom
Fish-hooks in Africa and their
distribution S. Lagercrantz
A Contribution to the study of
Anomalous Dentition and S. Lagercrantz
its Ritual Significance in
The Study of African Society Godfrey Wilson
and Monica Hun
Zeitschrift fiir Weltforst-
Nubische Studien im Sudan,
1877-78 aus dem Nachlass E. V. Zesterstde
Prof. Hermann Almkvist's
Cotton and Plague in Uganda G. H. E. Hopkil
(Reprinted from "The
Journal of Hygiene").





G. Lindblom






A Second List of New and Rejoined Members

1939-1940 From October 1939-April 1940.




Secretariat; Entebbe.
4 Lloyd's Avenue, London, E.C.3.
C.M.S. High School, Mbarara, W.P.
Makerere College, Kampala.
Forestry Dept., P.O. Box 31, Entebbe.
Education Dept., Kampala.
P. 0. Box 530, Kampala.
Survey Dept., P. O. Soroti, E.P.
57 Harley Street, London.
Nyondo Catholic Mission
P. O. Mbale, E.P.
Medical Dept., Mulago, P. O. Kampala.
Bishop Tucker College, F. O. Mukono.
Vicar Apostolic of the Ruwenzori,
P. O. Mbarara.
P. O. Box 638, Kampala.
Veterinary Dept., P. O. Lira.
Rhodes College, Graham'stown, S.A.
European School, Kampala.
European Hospital, Kampala.
P. O. Box 168, Kampala.
P. O. Box 35, Kampala.
Port Elizabeth Museum, South Africa.
c/o Uganda Co., Ltd., Kampala.
Longdon House, Kampala.
Makerere College, Kampala.
Agricultural Dept., Serere, P. O. Soroti.
P. O. Box 265, Kampala.
c/o Secretariat, Entebbe.
Market Harborough, Leicestershire,



Agricultural Research
Tabora Central School,
Zanzibar Museum,

Amani, Tanga. T.T.
Tabora, Tanganyika.

Student Members.

The following have paid their subscriptions to the year 1940.

From Makerere College:-
1168 D. KASIRYE.
162 J. F. W. NYENDE.
165 D. WAKHO.
167 J. MZABA.
169 E. B. S. LUMU.
170 S. K. MUKASA.
176 J. B. WAISWA.



From King's College Budo:-
1186 D. WAROHI.
209 H. W. MULOKI.
210 L. K. MUSOKE.
211 S. L. SERUMU.





BERE, R. M. Kungu-The Sacred Rock.
BRASNETT, N. V. Modern Trends in Forestry with particular
application to Uganda.
CHORLEY, C. W. Kingfishers.
Some Birds of Prey of Lake Victoria.
HAYLEY, T. T. STEIGER. The Power Concept in Lango Religion.
S. Changes in Lango Marriage Customs.
MAIR, LUCY. What Anthropologists are after.
MALANDRA, THE REV. The Ancestral Shrine of the Acholi.
MALING, R. W. The Were Leopard.
MUKASA, SAM. K. B. A Legendary Hero of Buganda.
NYE, G. W. A Legend of some hills in Bulemezi.
. A Note on Kikasa in Bulemezi.
PARRY, R. E. Some Antique Chairs for Namirembe Cathedral
-some further information.
SMITH, G. HUMPHREY. An Arab Historian's Reference to the Sources
of the Nile in 950 A.D.
SYKES, J. The Sanders Saga.
THOMAS, H. B. Imperatrix v. Juma and Urzee.
Two Antique Chairs for Namirembe Cathedral.
WILLIAMS, F. LUKYN. The Kabaka of Buganda-Death of, and Mutesa
II Accession of.
WRIGHT, A. C. A. The Supreme Being among the Acholi of Uganda
-Another Viewpoint.

General Managers for
Uganda (Kakira) Sugar Works Limited.
Associated Firms:-
Nile Industrial & Tobacco Co., Ltd.
Tobacco Manuf.ctures.

Sugar, Cigarettes, and Tobacco Manufacturers, Ginners
and Cotton Merchants, Importers and Exporters.
Kakira Sugar Works :-
Holding about 14,000 acres of land mostly under cultivation.
At Mile 8 Jinja-Iganga Road. Employing about 6,000 Africans,
300 Indians, Europeans, Mauritians. About 30 miles of Light Railway.
Water supply to the Factory by means of pumping plant on Lake
Telephone: Kakira Factory 125.
P.O. Box 54, JINJA (UGANDA).
Kenya Sugar Limited-Works and Plantations:-
At Ramisi Estate (Digo District) near Mombasa.
P.O. Box 158, MOVIBA_'A.
Gazi Sisal Estates.

TOBACCO FACTORY at Kakira-(Jinja).



li 5. Mbulamuti 9. kabiramaido 13. C
6. Kakira 10. Pilitoki 14. B
a 7. Kabiaza it. Amaich 15. J
8. Butiru 12. Aboki 16. K
Ruvu and Kiberege.
Other Plantations totalling about 4000
acres Freehold land.
li z. Busowa 3. Bukona 4. B



t. Bukobo


Contents of Volume XXIII Part I
which should be published at the end of March 1940

Annual Subscription 10/6d.


History of Kassala & the Province of T
(Continued from Volume XX Part
Fol; Stories of the Sudan, I ...
The Nymang of the Nuba Mountains
String Figures from the Anglo-Egyptial
Reminiscences of a Berber Merchant
Mansfield Parkyns ...
The Baramka ...
The Coinage of Ali Dinar ...
Tales of the Wadai Slave I'rade in the
Nineties ... ...
A Ruin in the Wadi El Qasr ...

I) ... ... D. C. CUMMING.
... ... ... VARIOUS.
)f Kordofan ... R. C. STEVENSON.
n Sudan ... JAMES HORNELL.
... ... P. B. BROADBENT.
... ... ... G. 0. WHITEHEAD.
... ... H. B. ARBER.
... ... ... A.J. ARKELL.
... ... ... J. M. EDMONDS.


Two Ghost Stories ...
Soap making at Karkoj ...
A Bari Stone ...
An Arrowhead from Zankor


... ... C. B. TRACEY.
... ... ... ... L. TURNER.
... ... ... ..R. C. COOKE.
... ... ... ... J. M. EDMONDS.

&H#FaIr 'FaCtory Ltda

Mauaging Diilectoir'
IJI KALu)As:::MEH.6,Aj.. sq"Mt.'16


P 0 X I Telephone,
Lugazij Uganda i INJA 43

Vo. I NO;, in
No:. Ou.ofPit
V Nos. N ,

Vol. I. 0t rn
V61; II Suhilngs
qo n:
tr Ur~an gnd