Front Cover
 Title Page
 Lettera di Amerigo Vespucci delle...
 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci upon...
 The Admiral's map, from the Strassburg...
 Back Cover

Group Title: Narratives of the discoverers of America
Title: The first four voyages of Amerigo Vespucci reprinted in facsimile and tr. from the rare original edition (Florence, 1505-6)
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080547/00001
 Material Information
Title: The first four voyages of Amerigo Vespucci reprinted in facsimile and tr. from the rare original edition (Florence, 1505-6)
Series Title: Narratives of the discoverers of America
Physical Description: x, 32 p. 45 p. : (facsim. sig. a to b in sixes, c in fours) front., woodcuts, fold. map. ; 22 x 17 1/2 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Vespucci, Amerigo, 1451-1512
Publisher: B. Quaritch,
B. Quaritch
Place of Publication: London
Publication Date: 1893
Copyright Date: 1893
Subject: Discovery and exploration -- America   ( lcsh )
Early accounts to 1600 -- America   ( lcsh )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00080547
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltuf - ADD3432
oclc - 01834615
alephbibnum - 000604368
lccn - a 14001110

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Title Page 1
        Title Page 2
        Page iii
        Page iv
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page viii-a
        Page ix
        Page x
    Lettera di Amerigo Vespucci delle ifole nuouamente trouate in quattro fuoi viaggi
        Page i
        Page ii
        Page iii
        Page iv
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
        Page xvi
        Page xvii
        Page xviii
        Page xix
        Page xx
        Page xxi
        Page xxii
        Page xxiii
        Page xxiv
        Page xxv
        Page xxvi
        Page xxvii
        Page xxviii
        Page xxix
        Page xxx
        Page xxxi
        Page xxxii
    Letter of Amerigo Vespucci upon the isles nebly found in his four voyages
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
    The Admiral's map, from the Strassburg Ptolemy of 1513 (reduced)
        Page 46
    Back Cover
        Page 47
        Page 48
Full Text


The Kelmscott Press


(arffon Z d5ofbtn legenb. 3 vols. 4to. richly illustrated,
by W. MORRIS and BURNE JONES. Boards, G1. Ios.
BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 Picoadilly, London.

drfonW5 Cecuteff of tf gisfories of roEo. 2 vols
4to. With Woodcut Capztals and other Embellish
ments. Vellum, o10. Ios.
A new Edition of this, the first book printed in the Englis
SBERNARD QUARITCH, 15 Piccadilly, London.

C Woodcut Capitals, by MORRIS. Vellum. Subscription
price, 3.- 3s.
BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 Piccadilly, London.

Q=uidrB Worfiz. In 2 vols. folio. With about ffty
illustrations by BURNE JONES. In Boards. Now in
preparation. Subscription price not yet fixed.
BERNARD QUARITOE, 15 Picoadilly, London.

h *. .






From the rare original edition (Florence, 1505-6).


I 4-' ol.

9 73. /6



THE name of the Florentine is imperishably recorded in that of
the New World. We all know that it was not he who invented
the word America, and that no por ion of the wrong inflicted on
Columbus attaches to Vespucci. Formerly, however, it was not
unusual to find him abused as a base supplanter who had /,
maliciously stolen the glory of his fellow-countryman. That
feeling has not wholly passed away even from the minds of those
who ought to be exempt from prejudice. (While acquitting
Vespucci on the charge of theft, they raise' afresh indictment
against him for forgery. It is to be hoped that the second
accusation will be dropped in time like the first and that the
world will learn to speak of the Florentine ii the words of
Columbus "Amerigo Vespucci .is a very worthy man; fortune
has been adverse to him as to many others. His labours have
not benefited him so much as justice would require." This ,
testimony was written by Columbus to his son Diego in February, C/C >
1505, a date which is significant in connexion with the allegations
made by Humboldt and others to the discredit of Vespucci. His
" Four Voyages "-that is, his first four voyages to the New
World, are described by himself as having taken place in(1497-98, ,i
1499-1500, 1501, and 1503-04; the first two in the Spaish
service, the other two in that of the King of Portugal/ The
impugners of his veracity assert that the first voyage was made ,
with Alonso de Hojeda in 1499, not in 1497, and that his account .:
of it is wilfully falsified and garbled so that he might magnify
himself by concealing the names of the men under whom he

i7,b 513

a /


., 2A'


1'r A-


iv Preface.

sailed, and by giving an exaggerated idea of the work done It
would follow, as a matter of course, that the second voyage was
wholly fictitious, and that the third and fourth ought to be
called second and third. Then it is said that the Quatuor
Navigationes" was first published in 1507-an assumption to be
corrected below-and that, consequently Amerigo had no longer
Sthe fear of Columbus (dead in 1506) before his eyes when he
uttered his fabricated narrative.)
The fact is that Vespucci's first published Epistola contains a
clear reference to three voyages which he had already made, two
of them "ex mandate serenissimi Hispaniarum regis." As he
wrote that letter before June, 1503, and as all bibliographers agree
that it was printed (in a Latin form) three or four times in 1503
(although the first dated edition did not appear till 1504) and
several times in 1504-5, Columbus must have been well aware of
Vespucci's pretensions at the date (1505) when he recommended
him as a worthy man who "has ever had a desire to do me
, pleasure." This circ stance suffices to upset a portion of the
anti-Vesputian case. (It gives absolute proof that in 1502-3 the facts
and dates given in the'ook of 1507 had been publicly announced by
or for Vespucci; and the absence of all contemporary denial enables
us to accept his account as equally veracious with the narratives
of other explorers. Confused and ill-written we must allow it to
be; for although Vespucci had been educated by his own uncle as
a fellow-pupil with Pier Soderini (the future head of the Florentine
republic), he became in later days, probably through companion-
ship with the Spanish and Portuguese seamen, almost unfit to
handle a literary pen.) The Lettera" now reproduced gives ample
evidence of that fact, being written in rude and ungrammatical
language, jargonised by the admixture of Spanish or Portuguese
words and idioms. Such as it is, however, we must regard it as
the only genuine piece of sustained composition which Vespucci
has left; the Epistola being extant only in a Latin version, and
the well-written letters published by Italian editors in the last
and the present century, being admittedly supposititious and
The great interest which attaches to Vespucci's first voyage

(~ a"&.
-r '


Preface. v

lies in the probability that he sailed along the entire coast of the
Mexican gulf as far as the point of Florida, and some distance up
the shores of what is now Carolina. A side-light is thrown upon
the subject by the(map of the New World which appeared in
the Latin Ptolemy of 1513, and which had been in the wood-
engraver's hands six years earlier. That map, we have some
reason to suspect, was derived from Vespucci's design. It is, in
fact, called "the Admiral's map" by the editor of Ptolemy, and
has, on the strength of that name, been assigned rather to
Columbus or Cabral than to Vespucci. It gives to the continental
shores behind and above Cuba a 'conformation which agrees
tolerably with the actual outline of the coast from Central
America to Florida; and only a very special pleader can persuade
us that it is meant for anything else. Columbus, although he
was a map-maker, did not possess sufficient knowledge to have
designed that particular map); Cabral was a nobleman and soldier,
who had neither the knowledge nor the skill required. (Only
Vespucci remains, and only in the narrative of his first voyage
can we find any hint of such a course of exploration as would
furnish the chartographer with the necessary details.,' As a
commander of one of the ships in the Portuguese expedition of
1503-4, he would probably be regarded among foreigners as a
Portuguese admiral.
The "Lettera" was printed, as the type indicates, by Gian
Stefano di Carlo di Pavia at Florence not earlier than 1505,
and not later than 1516. As a matter of demonstrable fact,
it must have appeared in the former year. The substance has
been familiar to the world since the publication of the Latin
translation in 1507, but the Italian text seems to have
virtually dropped out of sight from the time of its appearance
down to the middle of the last century, when Bandini met with a
single copy. Even now only five copies are recorded: one is
in the British Museum, a second in the Biblioteca Palatina at
Florence, a third belonged to Varnhagen and is perhaps now in
Brazil, a fourth was in the Capponi library at the beginning of
this century; and the fifth (from which the present reproduction
is derived) is in the library which belonged to the late Charles
Kalbfleisch of New York. rThus it has been practically inacces-

/ i

/?v' l

fl !

vi Preface.
S 'sible and unknown to the world; while the faulty Latin version
frequently reprinted and translated since 1507 has, in its blunders,
; furnished the anti-Vesputians with arguments which a sight of
the actual Italian original could have nullified. _
2('" Amerigo Vespucci is always said to have been born on the
9th March, 1451, but I suspect an error in the date. 1461 would
harmonise better with his position as a student in 1476, when he
wrote a boyish letter in Latin to his father. His uncle Giorgio
Antonio Vespucci, a friend of Savonarola, was his tutor, and one
of his fellow-pupils was that Pier or Pietro Soderini who became
in 1502 the Gonfaloniere or Chief of the republic of Florence.
He had friends likewise among the Medici, to whose expulsion
from the city in 1502 Soderini owed his elevation to that dignity.
Vespucci remembered them both in the after years, since he sent
several letters to his patron, Lorenzo di Pier Francesco dei
.' Medic)(of which only one, the Latin Epistola, has survived) and
i dressed his "Lettera" to Soderini. He was despatched to
SCadiz by Lorenzo di Pier in 1492, ofi business of the Medici
J banking-house, and he seems to have remained there trading or
speculating on his own account after the object of the mission
had been attained. He was employed by the Spanish sovereigns
in 1496 to complete a contract which had been undertaken by
the naval outfitter, Berardi (now dead), for the supply of some
ships to the ing. Ferdinand was engaged in a speculation of
his own, and Vespucci took service on one of the four vessels
which were sent out by the king for adventure in the New World,
. and which started from Cadiz on May Ioth, 1497. His function
was probably that of astronomer and chartographer under the
S 'command of Vincente Yafiez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis,
although he does not mention their names, but writes as if he
were himself master of one of the ships. He returned to Cadiz
on October 15th, 1498. The account of the voyage is anthropo-
logical rather than geographical. From the distances traversed
and the latitudes specified (usually with exaggeration) he seems
'to have reached Honduras on the 4th July and thenceforward to
have sailed along the coast-nearly always in sight of it-in a
direction necessarily verging northward, for 870 leagues (as he
computed, which would ordinarily be equal to 3480 miles, but

Preface. vii

his leagues, like those of Columbus, were always meant to repre-
sent three miles) until he turned back in the August of the
following year. /Only two geographical names are mentioned in
this long voyage: the province of Lariab and the island of Ity., .
Neither can be identified,) but the former was perhaps in the
region of Vera Cruz, and the latter cannot have been the
island of Ha-iti, since it was reached in a seven days' voyage
E.N.E. from the continental coast. It may have been Lucayo.
He went out again in an expedition of three ships led by
Alonso de Hojeda, which started from Cadiz on May 16th, 1499-
He reached Brazil on June 27th, and sailed along the northern
coast line of South America as far as Venezuela; then proceeding
northward from the islands of St. Mararet and Curagao, followed
his commanders to San Domingo. (Vespucci stayed there for
two months and a half, during which time he must have seen
Columbus, to whom he alludes as being then on the island. He
returned to Cadiz on September 8th.
(Towards the close of 1500, Vespucci was induced to transfer
his services to Dom Manoel of Portugal, and on May Ioth, 1501, ,
sailed in an expedition of three ships to the South American rp
coast. On the I7th August he touched at Cape St. Roque, and
then turned southwards, reaching Bahia on November ist, and
the harbour of Rio on January ist, 1502. The object aimed at in
this voyage seems to have been to find a south-western passage,
as it had been in the two preceding to discover a north-west
passage. When they failed somewhere in the latitude of La
Plata, Vespucci struck out southwardly into the ocean until at
52 degrees S.L. he thought it time to return. On May ioth he
reached Sierra Leone and arrived in Lisbon on September 7th.
t was about the close of the year when he wrote the letter to I
Eorenzo di Pier Francesco dei Medici, which is so well known in
its Latin form, the Italian original having perished.) We know
who was the translator-Fra Giovanni del Giocondo, of Verona,
then residing in Paris-but we do not know how the original got
into his hands, although Vespucci's reference to his friend
Giuliano del Giocondo, at the beginning of his account of the
third voyage, suggests an explanation. (This Latin Epistola
was printed several times in 1503 and 1504, the first edition t

'C F



C~1-tc' P


2 L~

,- ...
~rLs ik' 3


r i
sr!~ ~ 4

viii Preface.
being probably the undated Paris one by Jehan Lambert. It
circulated so widely, and became so well known, that the
fame of Vespucci began to overshadow that of Columbus)
The Florentine thus(became accidentally the rival and sup-
planter of the Genoese, but had himself no part in shaping
the circumstances. Neither he nor Columbus ever published
a narrative by any personal exertion or desire. Each of
them wrote letters which passed from the hands of their
recipients into those which consigned them to the press.)The
Epistola is not an account of Vespucci's third voyage, as it is
usually considered, but a sort of gossipy, anthropological account
of the savages he had seen in the New World, with a special
reference to some portion of his thirdvoyage. Ramusio regarded
it as a summary of two voyages. intention at some time to publish his journal-which at that time
he called his "Tre Giornate," but, in 1504, after his return
from the fourth voyage, Le Quattro Giornate." From the nature
of his references to it, that journal must have been a much ampler
and more exact record of his wanderings than we possess other-
wise, and was apparently illustrated with charts and drawings.
We venture to express a hope that the manuscript may yet be
found in some Spanish hiding place.)
(On the Ioth of May (or June), 1503, he sailed again from
Lisbon, and was very unsuccessful,)but left twenty-four men with
provisions in a fort at Cape Frio (near Rio Janeiro), and returned
to Lisbon, which he reached on June I8th, 1504. This was far
from being the last of his American voyages, but it was the last he
had accomplished, when, on September 4th of that year, he wrote
the long "Lettera" here reproduced, giving an account of his four
expeditions. In its printed form, it is addressed to an individual
of high rank in Florence concerned in the government of the
State, whom he reminds of their early association as pupils under
Fra Giorgio Vespucci. This individual, to whom he forwarded
his letter by the hands of Benvenuto di Domenico Benvenuti, is
clearly revealed by that circumstantial evidence as Pier Soderini,
the anti-Medicean Gonfaloniere of Florence. (The autograph
letter must naturally have borne his name; why this is omitted
in the printed book can only be guessed at.) The publisher was

"'A \




apparently Pietro Pacini di Pescia, an adherent of the Medici
party, and therefore adverse to Soderini. None of the books
which were issued by him during the reign of Soderini contained
any of the formal dedications to the Gonfaloniere which were
used by other contemporary publishers at Florence, and it
was probably he who suppressed Soderini's name. The letter
got into his hands, perhaps, in the form of a copy made by
Benvenuti. Gian Stefano di Pavia, mentioned above, who set
it in type, was Pacini's printer from 1505 to 1513, but was not
in the habit of setting down his own name till the latter year.
His imprint appears for the first time, along with Pacini's name,
in the Giostra di Giuliano dei Medici," which came out in 1513
after Soderini's death and the restoration of the Medici; but
three of the books produced by Pacini in 1505 are in Gian
Stefano's types, identical with those of the Lettera." Gian
Stefano used the same types still in 1516 when he printed
Corsali's letter about East India, but the woodcut design on the
title of Vespucci's Lettera belonged to Pacini and had been used
by him as far back as 1493. The honorific title with which
Vespucci addresses Soderini throughout the Lettera is Vostra
Magnificentia, everywhere except in the first instance abbreviated
into Vostra Mag. or V. M. This is a point to be noted, in
connexion with the following circumstances.
One of the members of the St. Di6 gymnasium (or college) was
Jean Basin de Sendacour, who in 1503 was in Paris and conveyed
thence a copy of Vespucci's Epistola to his friends at St. Die,
chief among whom were Gautrin Lud, Nicolas Lud, Philesius
(Ringmann) and Hylacomylus (Waldseemiiller), men who were
busy in reviving the scientific literature of the ancients. It was
probably he, or Philesius, who had the good fortune to obtain a
copy of the Lettera" some time before 1507. One of them
translated it, or got it translated, into French; and from the
French version a Latin translation was made, as Lud stated, by
Basin. (The translator into French was of course ignorant of the
name of'the potentate to whom the original was addressed, since
the Lettera bore no indication of it;)and the Latiniser, receiving
the letter along with some maps from his sovereign, Duke Rene
of Lorraine, King of Sicily and Jerusalem, was misled into the


I P"

x. Preface.

blunder of supposing that V. M. and Vostre Mag. stood for Vostre
Majestic and were addressed to Ren6. It is singular that his eyes
were not opened by the allusion to our school-companionship
under Fra Giorgio," since any such association in boyhood
between the Florentine seaman and the sovereign prince of
Lorraine would have been an impossibility. (The letter was
printed thus in Latin, with a factitious address to Ren6, at the
end of the Cosmographim Introductio, by Waldseemuller on the
25thApril, 1507. Numerous reprints followed, and thus Vespucci's
narrative was made known to the world through a second-hand
Latin translation disfigured with several blunders and omissions,
and beginning with an initial falsification; while the original passed
completely into oblivion.) The rarity of the latter may have
arisen from an early attempt by Vespucci's friends to suppress
any token of what might seem a deviation from loyalty to his
patrons the Medici. The copy which had reached Lorraine in a
French guise served to arouse the admiration of Waldseemiiller
so strongly that, in the text of the Cosmographia, he declared
that the New World (instead of being called simply Mundus Novus
as Vespucci had proposed) ought to bear the name of America,
and his words have prevailed for all time. Yet Vespucci's own
text was unknown, even at Vicenza and Milan within a couple of
years after it was printed. The famous Paesi nuovamente retrovati
(a compendious collection of voyagers' narratives) printed in
1507, 1508, 1512, 1517, 1519, and 1521, comprises the matter of
the Epistola and the Lettera, not in their original form, but in
retranslations from the Latin.
It is well therefore that the New World for which Vespucci
proposed this name, and to which others gave his own, should
receive a true reproduction of his text, so that he may no
longer be held responsible for the errors of the Lorrainers. The
present publication is intended to supply that want. The text
is given in facsimile by a process which ensures its correct-
ness, and the translation is made with literal exactness. The
work has not been done before so completely: there are errors
even in Varnhagen's edition of the text, and his translation, while
not sufficiently literal, is also marked by several faults.

Zettera di amerigo verpacd
Sdelle ifoe nuouamente
trouate in quattro
fuoi vlaagi.

--- AGNIFICe do
| 0 | nine.Oipo del
D la humile reuew
renila & debitc rec6menda
S ridoni &qc. Potra effere che
noffra Magnificcnria fimara
uigliera della mia remerita/
et ufada uoftra fauidorla /cli
S tao abfurdamitelo mimuo
ua a fcrlucre a uoftra Mag.
la 5frence letter trtoplifFat
S- fappiendo chedicoilnuouo
ftra Mag. Ia occupata ndll
SI IQ ali configli & negorti fopra
elbuon regglimto dl corteIa
excera Repub.Ec mi terra nofoloprefumpruofo fed erf am
perorofo i In portl a fcriuere core n6 conuentenr a uoffro
tamtoj ne dilectcuol /& c6 barbaro flio tcripre / &fuora do,
gnl ordine di humanita:ma la c6fidentia mia che rengho nel
ieuoftre uirtu &nedla uerita del mo fcriuere/che fon cofe n
itruouano fcrftpe ne p If andchl ne p modern fcriprorl i co
me ned pcefo cooofcera V.M.imlfa elTere ufato. La caura prin
dpalecdi moffe a fcrtuerul fiu p ruogho del pfente aporrato
re che fidice enuenuro Benenutt notro fhoretino /molto
f(ruitore fec6do che fidfmoflra t di uoffra Mag. & molto aml
Sco mlo:dquale trouandoli qul in queta citta di Lifbona I ml
prego che io facefi parre a noftra Mag.dlle cofe per meulf e
Indinerfe plaghedelmondo / per aurtu di quattroniaggi che
ho facri Indifcoprfre nuoue terre:edua per mando dl Re di
Caftlglia don Ferrido R e.vi.per el gran golfo del mare ocean
no uerfo loccldenre:t laltre due p mandato del poderofo Re
don Manoudllo Redi Porrogallo uerfo lautro:Dlcendoml
che uoftra Mag.nepiglf rebbe piacere /i chein jfto fperaui
ferulru:llperche mtdifpofi a farlo: pche mirendo certo ci oo
flra Nag.mittene nel numerode fuoi feruidori I ricordidomi
come nd tempodellanoira glouenru uieroamico horaa
feruidore:&andando a udire eprincipti di gramadca fotro
la buona ura & doerfna ded uencrabilereligiofo frare di.S.
Marcofra Glorgio Antonio Verpucc: econfigli & doerl'na
dclqualcpiaccffc aDio chelohauce fegutiaroschecomc d(I

d perrardca I to fad altro huom da quell chino ofon QCU
modocaun fit non midolgho; perchefeaipre uhifonodilev
crato in cofe irruofe:et anchora che queffe mia patragne n5
fiano conuenlend ale autrm nofltre / aidfro come.dixe Plinf
a Mecenare / Vol folauate in alcun repo pigliare place del
le de dande:anchora che oolfta Magfla deccondnuo occs
pata nepubild negoil / alchuna hora piglicrere dl lcanfo dt
confumare un poco di tempo nelle core ridicule / o dileteoo
ifter come llfinocchlo ficonfluma dare in dma dcleldilete,
uoll uluande p difporle a miglior digeftlone I coil potrete p
difcanfo d tante uoltreoccupationt midare a leggerequcfa
mia lettera:perche ul apartfno alcun tanto della continue cup
ra &affiduo penramEtodlle cole publiche:er fefaro plifTo
uenfam peto Mag.fignor mlo. Voffra Mag.fapra come ce
motluo dela uenuta mia in qucfdt regno dl Spagna fa p tra
crate mercatantec& come feguiff in 14fo propofito drca di
quattro annihnequall uiddi & conobbfedlfuariatimoutmaed
della fortuna:&come promutaua quefil bent cadacd & tranS
torit: & come un rtpo ricne thuomo nella fommita della ruoo
ta: & altro trpo lo ributta da fe / & lo prina debeni che fipoC
fono dire imprcftat:di modo che conofiutodcontinuo tra
uaglio che huomo pone In conquerrg(./ con fottomerrerli
a tanddifagl & pericoll iddliberal lafdlarmidella mercaneia
&porre elmfo fine in cofa plu laudable & ferma:che fu che
midlfpofi dandare a edere parredelmondo i/ &efoe mara
ulglict & aquefto ml fiofffer tempo &unogo.molto oporttt ,
no:che fa I chel Redoh Ferrando di Caffiglia hauEdo a man
dare quatrronaut a difcoprire nuoue terre uerfo loccidenre/
fui eleAo pier fua alteza che to ftfli in 'efa flocra per adiartre
a di coprirete partimo del port di Calls ad.fJb.di magglo
1497. cc pigliamo noffro c~mino per e grao golf dl mare
ocean :nelqnal uiaggio ftImo is,melir&difcoptimo olra
terra Ferma & Infinite ifoleb grand part d effe habtrate:che
dalli richi fcriprort n6 feneparla di effe:credo pcen6 nheb
bono nodrira che fe ben miricordo / in alcuno ho lecto I the
teneua che qflo mare oceano era mare fenza genteret di-que
fa opinlone fu Dante noftro poeta nelxxv.capitolo dello
in ferno i done fnge la more di Vlyxe:nelqual oaggio uidi
cofe di molta maraulglia I come Intrdera aoftra Mag.Come
difo pra dixti partim del poto di Calls quarro naut di con
3X. t

Ct natcominindimonoRtra na sgatlonedirid affeifoleforo-"
tunate i che oggl' fidicono la graaCanaria / chefono limate
s~i mare ocean neLfinedcllo occidcne habitato / pofte e
cerzo dywatfopra equally alza elpolo de Seprentrione fuora
delloro orizonte,7z.gradl &mnezo:&diftano da quefla cira
di Lfbona 2go.Ieghe ipereluentoinfra mezo d i& ibecdot
done drcnEmo oitodl iproucdendoct dacqua &legne &dt
Saltre core neceffarie:tdi qul faktc noftre orationi i cileumo
&demo e aclealultoicomfinddonofre naulgatonl pel po
nente/pigliando una quarra di libcdto 5&tramo nauicSmotd
alcapo di 57 glorni fumo a tenerenna terra i ci la gludicamo
effere terra frrma:laquale difla dalleifoledi Canarda plu alfo
occidente a circha di mille lghe fuora dello habitat drento
della torrida zonatperchetroaumo elpolo del feprentrioneal
zare fiora delfuo orlzonrc 16.gradl & pin ocddErale chele
Ifoledi Canarlalfec6do che moflrauano enoftrl inftrumend
-4.gradl:ndquale anchorlmo con nofre naut ad una legha
S& mezo d terra:- & buttmo fuora noffrl bartelil & ltipatr di
genre t darme:fumo alla uoIra della terrat & prima che glu.o
gnelfimo adepfahaurnio ula dl more gefe cheandauano
alungho della fptaggla:dichecdrallegra m molrotSlatro
oamo eTeregentedifnudamtoftrorono hauer paura dinoft
credo pdiec ulddono udeHitt&daltra fIaturatmucl firiraffei
no ad un monte &c quari fegnall facimo loro dl pace &di
amifta i n6 uollon uenire a raglonamEto con efbo not:dt mo
dochegia uendo la note & pche lenaue flauano furte i luo
go pertcolofo, per are in cotta braua & fenza abrigo jaccor
d~molaltro gorno kuard di qut / &andare acercaredalcun
portoro Infcnatae doue alTicuratfimo noftre naut: & nautg,-
mo per cl maedrale tche coil ficorreua lacofta fempre a uilta
di terra idi contnoo niagglo ncggedo gene perla rplaggla a
fanto cfi dlpolnaulgadt dua glornt trouamo afiat ficuro luo
go le naol & furgimo ameza legha di terra idoue ued&mo
moldtflsma gentle : qucftoglomo medefimofumo aterra co
batrelll & falimo i terra ben 4o.huominl bene a ordine:&
Iegent! di terry tutaula limofrananofchifi di noffra conuer
fatonesetn6 porauamo tanto aficuaral che uenffino a par
lare c6nol:r quefto glorno tanto trauagil5mo con dar loro
delle coe noftrei come firono fonagllt afpecchi center pal
Une&C 6 r frafch I chc aluiW diloro filafiflcu ono & uce-

nbno -a treta re con notwt facto e forobuona amtna mteen
do Ia noae s cldifpcdimodiloro/&rornfimoc allelnaui:e 'al
IFo glorno come rali lalba'ipcdimo lhe rdia fplaggla 1aaoano
Isfinfie genti i & haucuano con loro leiow" done & fg~juoh.
ti"mo aterra trrou mo die tucre nenuano cari~hat dl loro
entimw ntl Ie ratlli quail in roo .uog ofidf a:ctprL
ma dhe glugxefimo In rerraitmold dl loro tigirorn o a nub
to i & clue no -a rictuere-un dro dt baldiro dnImarredie$s
no grandlfiml notatort /icon tanta fidinta./come i h[aurfino
con cb not trrataco lungo tcmpowr~diquefia foro ficurat pt,
gl~Ndio p acere.Qvanro di lr ulta & cotffnitconofc~mo fiu
che dl tructo uanno dirnudi iv fi Ihuomint come led6ne / fe
za coprire uergogna ncffona i n6 altrrinend tcheomenelifron.
detuentre dl forni adri. Sono dt mediana [tatura t molto ben.
prop6rrdonar1:le lot carnl fono di colore che pende in wrol co,
me pelo di.lione:etr.credo,01, Ce gliandaffino ueflilttjthrebbon
biazichicome not? -nb reng'Ono pdcorpo pOlP-algwuo ,frtuo
che fono di lunght capell &neri I & maxlnie lrdoapieji che k
rendon formole:n& ronodi uotto motto belipere ttangodo
clui rlb argo I chetoglion parerea.takraro.n6 lilaiit-ato cref-c
rr-peio nefruno nelie cigilat in necopcrhidellfixocdhti -ne in
altra pa rte /faluo chequelli del capo:ehet engpno cpclpbrus
ta cora:fino nio!tolegglerl dellelotopeffode ndloandare &
nel correre if Ithuominticome jedonnack-h no rtiite tl io to
ia donnacorrere una legha t6 due / die moltewuottefle uedf -.
no:eet fii qfo luon uanragglo grandilimo da noichriftlanl:.
nuotano fuort dognt crdere c, & nmlgitor fedonne chic githuo
minf:pche If habblamo trouard &utlflmo~leuolre due leghe
drnrco inmate fenza appoggio alcuno amtare noatgtdo.e.Io
to arm! t fno archt&faere motto ben fabrIcatdi faluo &-non
tengon ferro ine-alcro gencred meratiofritext Inluogodd
ferro pongono denrd-di animaH to dipefd it un fuflcehlo di lie
gno fore arficciato nella puncrafWno driatvr1 eertd chedo=o
uogliono i danno:er in alcuna parmeifano quefi arch! ledong
tiv:alrrearme tenghono come lance toffate / &alert baftoni
ton capacchie benifiima lauo6rari.Vfonodl guerra nfral otoe
con gente chenon fonodtlor lingul motto crudclmente,/ feo
sra prdwia~ r~c laA~ anUffl0trLao.Oap er.wugg!ox peoaft

QOando uanno a la guerra I kuon con Toro re donne foro:n6
perche gterregglno / ma perche Icuon for driero dl mantenit
menro:che lMcua una donna addoffo una caricha iche non la
kucra unohuomo r trenra/o'quaranra leghceche moire uolte
Icr edimo. N6coflumano Capitano alchuno I ne uanno con
ordne I che ognano e/fignore difecet la canfa dellelor guer,
re n6 ciper cupidita dl regnare ne dt allarghare crermint lo
to t ne pir codlfa difordinata i faluo che per una anicha lni,
mifla i/che per tempi paffari efura Infra Ioro: er domandatr
perche guerregghuano i non dfapeuono dare attra ragioneI
kn6 che lofaccon puendicare ta more dcloroanrepaflati
o de loro padri:qucti non renghono ne Re i neSignore I ne
abldlfcono ad alcno i che uinono in for propria liberrat& co
.me imuoulno per ire alla guerra e/the quandoenimic bano
motto Iorojo prefo alchunt di loro r fileuael:uo parents pit
secchtoi&ra predicando perle trade the uadin con lul aunac
dkcare la morte di quel rt parent fo:er cofi fimuouono per
minpafflinemnufono ltfltia ri caffigano elmal faorene
padre la dre l m r no cafflgano efigluol i & p maraulglia
o n6mal uedimo far que'fo1ne Infra lorotmoftronfi femplipc
nel parlare t & fono molto malitofi & aceut in quelloche loro
caplc;padlanopocoi&c6bafauoce;ufono emedefimi accent
comenoti p che formano leparole o nelpalato/o nedent / o
dlirleabbra:faluo che ufano alfri nomfallecofe. More fono Ie
dluetira delflcingue i che di food too.leghe treumo mutra
inento di lingua / che n6 fintendano funa con lattra. El modo
del for utlcre c/moioo barbaro i perche n6 ma agano a hore
cerre I&tkanre uoltequante oglhono ctnon i da loro molto
the la ooglia ucngha loro piu a mtza node cdi di gairno i che
a tmte hore manglannoellor inanglare mel nfuolo fenza tou
gila o altro panno alcuno i perche tengono It lor uuande o
in bacni di terra che lor fanno i o in meze zucche:dormono in
cerre fa tc di bambada moto grande fofpef nellariatet
ancora che qto lor dormire pala male I dico cli e dolce dorml
re in cpfe:& migior dormauamo in epfe che ne coltroni.Son
gente pulita & netta de ort corpt per rtro condnouar lauarfi
come fanno:quando uaziano con rinerenoa'el uenrre t fanno
ognliofa pct nonaTrcueduti:dtantoquanto inquclto fono

setti & fchifti ncfarcacqua fono altrerantorporci &(cza ue2
gogna:perche Itando I parlando con not fenza uolgei /o uer
gognarli lafcano tre tat brouteza iche In qucfto non tengho.
no uergogna alchuna:non ufano infra loro matrimonit: ctla
fchuno piglia quant- donne auoleet quando cluuole repu.
diarei le repudia i fenza che git fia tcnuto adingiurla / o alia
donna uerghogna /che In quefto tanra liberta rice la donna
quanto lhuomotnon fono moiro gelofi j &fuora di mifora la
xuriofi i & moiroplu ledonne chcglhuomlni t che filafcia per
honefta dirum larrificlo che lefanno percontar for difordina,
ra luxurla:fono d6ne motio generadue r& ndlle oro pregncze
non fcfono trauaglio alchuno:eloro part fon tanto leggler
che parrurito dun di uanno fuora per tucto / & maxime a la
uarfi afiumt i &ftannofan comcpefd:fono tanto difamora,
te & crude I che e fi adirono con lor martdl fubito fanno uno
ardficlo con che famazzano lacreatura net uentre i&fifon,,
clano I & aquefla caglone am azano Infinite creaarrcefon don
ne dt gendi corpo motto ben proportionate / che non liuede
nelorocorpi cofa io membro malfado:et anchor che del cu
touadino dfunde / fcnodonne In carnei&dellauergogna to
ro non fiuede quella parne che puo Imaginare chi nenlha ue
dute / che tacto incuoprono c6 Ie cofcle / ialuo quella parre ad
che natural non prouldde /che ei honeftamenre pariando cl
peetignone. In c6clufione n6 renghon uergona delte loro net
gone I non altriment che noi regniamo molrare el nafo &c
fa boccha:p marauigha ucdrcte lepoppe cadure ad una don,
na / o p melto parrorire cluentre caduto o altregrinzei che
tucte paion cli ma parturifino:moffrauanfi molto defidero
fediconglugncrfi con not chrfllfant.n quIfle genre n conoi
fcmo che reneffino legge alchuna i ne fipoffondireMori I no
Giudel i & piggiorcfi Genrill;pcrche n6 uedemo cli faceflino
facrificto alchuno: nec edam non teneuono cafa d oratdones
la loro ulta gludico effere Epicurea :le oro habltationi fono in
comunica:& leloro cafe fate ad ufo di capane i ma fortcmen
te fade &fabricate con grandifmlimarborl i &coperre dfo,,
glie di palme fi cure delle tcmpefte & de uent& In alcunt luo
ght di rata largheza & lungheza i che In una folacafa trouiimo
ietnauano 6oo,anlmnc; t populadonc ucdmo folo di tcdic

-'7 V..

cfe/ dbue ffananoquattromlla anlme:dloCto Indlect annl
anurano lepopulationlt & domddaro perche lo faccuano:per
caufa dclfuoloche digla per fudiccza flaua Infecto & corropto
achecaufaua dolentia necorp loro iche dparne buona ragto
ne:1eloro rccheze fono penne di ucceld di ptu color o pa,
tenmolftln chcfanno doffi dl pefcio in pietre biScheoi uerdt
Icquali fimetrono plegote &le labbra & orechi: & daltre mot
c cole c noi ol cofa alcuna n6 le ftimiamo:non ufano c6mer/
do I ne comperano i ne uendono. In conclufione uiuono I &
icomtnrano con quello cheda loro natura.Le riccheze che in
jueta noftra Europa &in altre part uliamo I comeoro / glole
perle &altre diute / non Ie tenghono in cofa neffuna:e an,
choral he nell loro terre habbmoi nonn trauagilano per ha/
terfle acIcltmano.Sono liberal ne dare che per niarauLt
glia u nleghanochofa alchuna:cr per contrarto liberal nae
domandare i quando limonfirano uoftri amici: per el mag,
gtore fegno di amifta i che oa dimonfiranoi/e che uidanno,
lidonneloro I& leloro figliaole i tidene pergrandemen/
te honorato s quando tn padrero una madre craendout una
fua figliuola j anchor che fia moza uergine I dormiate con
Ie:er in quefto ufono ognt termlne di amfia.Qfando muo/
lono I ufono uarll modi di erequie / & alchuni glinterrano
con acqua & lot uluande alchapo I penfando che habbino a
manglatrtnon tenghono /ne ufono cermonfedilumn I nedl
plangere.la alcun alttl luoghi ufono elpia barbaro & Inhu/
mano inerramento: che e che quando uno dolnre I o in/
fetino fla quatichenelo ultimo paffo dela'morre iefuol pa.
rent! to Icuano in uno grande bofcho i & corichano una dl
quelle loro red done dormono ad dua arbori / & di pot lo
mnetono in cpfa I lildanzano Intomo tuct6 un glorno: ec
aenendo la note gliponghono alcapezzale acqua con alrre
uiuande it dlipoffa mantencre quattro / o fel giorni: &dipoi
o lafciano folo r- cornonfi alia population r ec to infer-
mo fiadiura perfemedefimo i &mnangia / & bee i &utua fi
torna alia population r& to riccuono euol con cerimontas
ma podhi fono quelli decfchampanofernza che piu fieno uifi.
tart tfimutono /iquello e laloro fcpultraate altr mold co
flumi reoghono / che per prolixra non fi dlcoancVfono nel d
Icloro infcrmiradt uarli modi di mediclane tanro different

dale noftre che cdmaralgllauamo eome neffeno fcampauawt
cbe mole uoite Iuddi icti aduno infermo di febre quido la te
neua In augumero I lobagnauano c6molta acquafredda cdl
capo alpic:dipol glifaceuano uan gran fioco arorno i faccri
dobi uolgere & riuolgerealtreduchore taro che to canfanano
& -o dfcauano dormire & molti fananano:con quefo ufano
moiro la dicra iche 2Ino credit fenza mdtgare ,&coii ecauarti
fangue / ma n6 del braccio falao ddle code & de lombi & del
le polpe delle gambe:alli prouocano cl uomlro con loro here
che fimettono nella bcccha: altrl rioltirimedit ufanot che fa
rebbe lungho a conrargllpecchanomolto nella flegma cndi
fangue a caufa delle lro uaande che elforre fono radicd dt
hcrbe & frutee & perciha6 tengono femenre di granotne daltre
blade fc alloro cbmune ufo & miagare urano una radtcedino
ariboredellaquale fanno farina & afTia buongi &lachtamanO
unca & al trche a dilamano Cazabit & alre Ignami:mav
glon pocha came I faluo che care di huomo:che fapra ofltra
Magnificenrfa / che n qaueto fono ranto inhumant che ira,
pa fano ogni beftialcoitrii e:perche imangtono turdtt oro n
nicl dhe amazzano o pigliano i fi femine come mafchi t.con
ranta effierita iche a dido pare cofa brurra:aquito ptu a nuedcra
come mlaccadde fninfrtiflime uore / & i moire part uerderloi
& fimsrauiglioron. udendo dire a noi che n5 ct manglamwo
rnoftri imicd:et qucto credalo per cerro uoffra Mag.fon trto
geiaIcr loro barbari coftumi / che elfactro admire uten menote
pche In qucii quatrro ulaggi ho utfte rant'ecof-uarte a nofti
cAftur! / mldifpoli a friucre un zibaldonerche tochtamno te
auat-ro giornatcnelquale ho reatolamagglor parredellec*
fe che io ulddi a fla diftinctamEteerccondoche miha portoa
mlo debile ngegno:elqualeanchora n ho publicatr / perche
fono-di ranro mal ghuflo dellemie cofe medefimeichenonrct
gho fapore In epf e ch hofcrpro / ancora che moltti miconfor
r no atpubliarlo:In epfo fiuedra ognt coa p mlnutotalli he
nonmf allarghero piu in queftocapltolo: perche nef proceflb
della letrera uerremo ad moire atrrecofe che fono pardcularit
quefo bafti quanto allo tuluerfale. In quefto prtridlplo non
uedemo cofa di motro proficto nella re-ra i falnoatchuna df'
moffra doro:credo che lo caauaua rpach n6 fapauamc la lin-
gua:che Inquanto alfiro & dfirpoirtone dela terrao non fipuo
imiglorarcnacchordd mo diparldrcfi kandare pin inanzi co

Reggiando dl ontnno ta trranmeffaquatefacmno morte feka
kei &hauomo ragtonamcnd con mola gentes &alfine di cerd
glorni f;mmw. : ncre uno port. /doue fcitno grandlffimo
pcricok **' iacque allo Spirito.s.i u.,rd:cifu in qucto mo
do.Famo arerra In on porro I done rrouamo una population
fondata fopra lacqua come Venetdaerano circa 44.cafc gran
de ad ufo di capanefondare fopra pali groflifrmii& reneuano
Ic loro porte/o entrare di cafe ad uon di ponri leuatois& duna
cafa fipoteuacorrere p rttre / acaua de ponti nuarot che girta
uano di cafa in cafa & come le gente di eie cuedeffinoi molfra
rono hauere paura d not / &difubiroalzaron tutt eponti:&
Rando a nedere quefta marauiglia j uedemo unire per elmare
circa di 2z.Canoe i che fono manlera di ldro naulli j fabricad
dun folo arbore.equall uEnono alia uola de noftri batrelli / co
me fimaraulgliadifno dinoftre effigle & habiti I& fi tennon
arghi da noh:& flando col Facemo loro rfgnall cl ueniflino
a nol i afficurandoll con ogni fegno di amifta: & uifto che non
meniiano i famo a loro / & non c afpetoronos:a fi furono a
terra i& con eennicidixenocheafpcetafimo &che fubiro tor
nerebbono:& furono drieto a un monte i & n6 tardoron mol
to:quido tomorono i menauan feco t16.andulledele torot &
Intraron coneffe nele loro Canoe & fi uenono a barredd& I
cdafchedn battello neinifbon 4.che tantocimaraulglifmo dl
quefdoato o quanto puo penfare V.M.& foro fimffiono c6 le
foro Canoe Infra nofri battellt uenendo c6 not par!ando:di
modo che lo gludic5mo fegno di amifta:& andando in quefto
ncdamo denire molta genre p elmare norando i che ucnluano
dalle cafe.,&come i uentfino appreflando a not fenza fofpei
r6 alcuno in qf to imofflroono alleporredelle cafe certe don
aeueochie dandograndiffimi gridi & trandofi ecapelli i mo
firando trftla Ip ilche cefecono fofpectare i & rtcorrEmo cla
fcheduno alle arme:& iun fubto le fancutle cli tenauamo ne
battell! t figittoronoalmare I & quellt dele Canoe fallargoron
da not i & cominciaron c6 oro aric a factrar t: & queli cdiue
niano a nuoro clafcuno craeua ana lanca d-ibaTfo nellacqua
piu coperra chepotenano:dimodoche conofutor eirradimito
cominciamo n6 folo c6 toro a difenderc I ma afpramEte a of,
ftndergll i &fobzbramoc6 fi barrelH molte delle toro A Imadie
o Canoe checoi lechlamano I facemo lftragho & tuct figit
trono anuoro lafiande difm anparate It loro canoe i c6 affair

lordamno fi furono norando aterra:morfron difor cfrea 14.
ozo.& niold reltoron fcrli: de noftri furon erftd 4.& uctl
fcamporono grata dl Dio:pigli~modauedellefanciaulle &oua
huomini:.& famer atle lor cafe/& enntrrmo in epfe i & In tur
te noi trouamo altroclidue uetchic & uno tifeimo:togiiemo
loro moire cole i ma di pocha ualatat&non uotmo ardere lo
ro lecafe i pcrche ciparcua caricho dconfcendta: & ornommo
altinoftrf battelli con cnque prigioni:& futaod alle naul / &
metrrmo a ciafchuno depreli un paio dl ferr in piet fatlu che
alle moz. & la.nodte uegnente lifuggirono le due fanctulle '
uno deli huomini piu ibtttlmite del mdo: & laftro giorno ac
coldimo di fair di qfto porno & andare piu inanziandsmo
di c6dnuo allongho della cofta I hauemo uaifa dunalrra gene
che poreua flar difcolto da quella. o.leghe: la troumo mo ol
to difference di lingua & dicoltumi:accordamo di furgere I & am
damo c6 i bartelli aterra t & uedmo flare alla fplaggla granP
diflima genre i che poeuano effere alpiedi 4ooo.antme; &:co
me fumo gatu ri c6 terra t n6 ciafpetoronot & fimfflono a fug
gire p ebofchi / dtlfmamparando for cofe: raltimo Iterra/& fEs
mo per un cmino che andaua alborcfo:& i patio dun tdrodi
baletro trousmo fe for trabacche /douehaueuon fato grana
diflimi fuochi i & due ftauano coccodo lor utuade c arrol'en,
do di moldi animal & pefci di moIt e forte:doue uedemo che at
rolltuano un ccrro animate cf pareua un ferpEre I/ faluo c no
reneia alla i & nlta apparenza rrto brutco / che motto cinara
tgi- mo della fuafiereza:Andnio cofi pie tor caft ui o tra
bacche / & trouamo molldi queflli erped ului &keron legart
pe pledl / & teneuano ona corda allonomorn del mufo ich n5
poreuono aprlre la bocca Icome fifa a cant alantl pche n6 mot
dino:eron di ranto fiero a peco dce nefuno di not n6 ardfoa
di rorneuno penfando ch eron urnenofi:fcno dt grandeza di
anocaurerro & di lgbhea bracctooo a & mczottEgono epied
lunghi & grofi & armati c6 grof unghie:rengono lapelle dtU
ra& & fono di aari color:edmufo & faccia tengon di ferprfte
& dal nafo fimuoue loro una crefta come ana iegha / die paila
loro p elmczoddle fchlene tnfno alia fommradella codadri
c6clulione gligiudicimo ferpi & ucnenofl t &egli mnglauanc :
troualmo chefaccuono pane dlpefct pifchoff depigitauon del
mare I con dar foro prima on bollore asmaffari & farne pata
dlei ;opaae i & liarroftiuano InfiTila bradce;coi li mangiau

Thosprouamotlo &troaomo che era buonureneuono rante
atre forte dim apgiari i cmaxinmedifrute & radice Ichifarcb
be cofa largha racconrarle p minute;& iffo che la'cntc non
riueniaa accord~imonj toccharene orre. oro cola alcuna pet
miglior afficurardiS laffamo loro nele trabacche molte delit
cofenotre in luogo,chdle pordfito uecrc /. & tomanimoc pla
note allenaunt :aakro glorno come uenifle eldt / uedimo ai
la fpiaggia ifintca gene: & fumo a retra: &anadra che dindl
fimoffraifmo pauroftintuta uora fi aflicuroronp a tradare c6
noi / dandcd quito.loro domadauamc;& moffrandofi moltc
amicdotil r4didxeno cli .ijlecron le loro habitationi & che
eron uenud qului p fare.pefcheriat& ciprcgorono che fulitmo
alleloro habitation &populatlont i pche duoltano.riccucre
come amici & fimniif~ a canta antita a caufa di dua huomini
chtecnauamoconeffo noJ prei / perche eranoloro nimid:di
modo che utta tanra loro importunarione / facto noftro confi
gtlotaccordSmo z2,di iol chrlltian andare c6 loro bene aor
dine i & c6 fermo propofito / fe neceffario fuife / morireter di
poi chefumo Rad qul quafi tre glorni / fumo c6 loro per terra
dtentotor a tre leghb dela Ipiaggla fumo c6 una populadone
daiffai gene & dipoch'e cafe I /pch'n6 cron pia che noue:douc
fumo riceuutic6rante & tante barbare cerimonle chend ba
fla la penna a fcrlaere:che furono con li ball & canti & piantl
mefcolad dallegreza / & con moire utuande: & quilftmo la nd,
ctcrdone cl offerfeno le loro d6ne cfi n6 cipotauamodifende
redaloro:&dipol defere (tad qui la node & mezo laltro gior
no / furon rand epopuliche per marautglia clueniuano a urde
re i he crano fetza conto: & l.pliu uecchi dpregauano clifuff
mnocon lore ad altre population i che ftauano piu drenco in
terra / moftrando dl fard gridiflimo honore;per onde accor
damo di ahdare: & n ulfipuo dire quanto hoaore cfecionos
& fumo a moltepopulatroni / tano chefltmo noue giorni nel
Giaggio /i tto li di gla inofiri chrlittani cli eron reflati alienaui
fauanoc6 fofpectodi nol:& ftandocirca i.lIcghcdrito.infra
terra /deliberimo tornarcene alle naui; & alritoro era titala
genre i. huomini comed6ne che uennon c6-noi nfino alma,
rev che fu cofa mirabilc:& fe alcuno de notri;ficanraua ddl ca,
lino clcuauano in loro red mcolto difcanfaatname:&alpaDO
far'dellit fiumi / chefono mold & moho grand /con loro art
tifidt cipalrauano canto ficurl i che no icuanamo pcricolo alc

no M mold di lore ueniuano caricch deff cofe che c hbaw
oon date cheeron ntelleloro rti perdormirce I&piumaggl
molro ricchfi mottlardch & friccie innfintri pappagallt dl ia
rit colors &.ari traeuanocoanoro catidci di loro mantent
tnenti &dianimali:che iaggior mnrauitgitaudtro /4ieper
benceaucncrrato lirieua quaelo rche hautndoa palfareuna
acqua j dpoteuia portare adolro: et glnncri cic famo a. ma,
re i unuro noftri battcll. ientimoi cpfitet era rfala calcha
cKc loro faccuano pentrar ndli bartellit t & entrea uadere
Ic noltre naui clictmaraulgltauaftio: NCori oitbanitltfuimo
diepfi quaatipotp mo r .k fmo alle naui / & ratnd iAono a
aowo'/ che citenimnioperimpcaccia per uederct anta'gente
nclle nautiche eraoo plu dl mHlc:anime't rct nudlt:&fenza
atime; marauigliauonfi dllit noffri apparechi & artifid k
grahdeza delle nait:ct ococoftorocdaccadde-cofa ben dart>
derc iche fu tche accordlmo di fparare alcunc delle noftr at
rigicne s.&quandofall-lruono la magigor prte dtloro g
paurafiiglttoronoa nuoto n6 alirmentiche fifannolftanoc
chi cli fanno alleprode j ch uedendocofa paurofai iglttron
ne panraooI tal fece quella genre &e queltche telreoro nelle
Iau/ ftauano tanto tcr- roli chccenependmodt ralfadeOt
pure i alicuraino con direorochec 6qellearm t.amaaua-
moenoftri nimicfdt: haiedo folgarotoutoo elgtorno nelli a
ut i dicemo loro che fene adaflino7 peche.tieu~6e armnpari.,
re lanoact & cofi lipardron da nola c moira am lia I & 9mC
ce feneftirono a terra. Inqudta genre / &n loro terra conob
bi & ulddi tanti delorocoftumi a or mtddi di'aluere tche ni
curo di allarghlarmtin eplitpercheifapra V.M.coritelth ci
fcano dlli filel uiagt ho noatcla c6fcoefumarautlglof4"et
tutro;ho idoeco In un volume. in dlo digeografia.& Ic le itt,
ulbi leqarttro glornatcnaeuIaqualtopera ficonriene lecofe
minuro &peranchora n fenedata faorc eop la: perched me
accefTarlo conferira.Qilfta terra citpopuarltfRma t & di ge
te.plena. & dinfniti fumi ran mallpcichltfodnofimiHI a no<
frl t' faoouotion i Loni~escetut.Pord iapriuoll &danit:e
qued ancora reoghono al-tna ffotritain6 r~ghono cauea
lile mull I nlc6 reucc ntlalfini" ne cant f ne di fort aleuha
bdeflamepecullofo b neiractnorntia fopo tiarIt alr aaniiall
che rfghiono t& ued :fodefalaat hihb &tdindriano liferono
per toroferuldo die nOfitflfon contare, Chc dlremo dakit

acceldi che fon rand Adi tante forte &coloridi penne che ec
maraulglia tedeli.La terra c/molto amena & fruotuofa t pie
na di grandifime flue &-bofchli:& femprefta. ucrdc he mnal
non perde foglla.Lefrucre ftn rante che fone fuora dinume
rol &difformealtucto.dalle noftre.Qulla terra fla dentro del
latorrlda zonagluntamenate o di baffodde pararedlo che de,,
fcrlue etropicodi Cancer:doue airza polo dello orizonte a2
gradi nelfine defecondo clyma,. Vcnnonci a edere molti
popoliJ 1& fi naraulgilanano delklnoffre effigle & dnoftra,
btancheza: & cidnianddoron done acnauamore&dauamo
loro adintederte che tinaiamdodalrcldo i/ cheandauamo a
urderc el m6do i &6o credecano.ln quclfa terra ponemo ion
te dtbaptiimotr jnfinita gcnmteibaprezo / & citlmaaano
In lot lingua Carabti / hC uuol dre huomhnf di gran fauldo
riaa Partrmn di queflo pciros&Ia proutnda fidlcc Larlabt 8
naulgimoallungo della cofa fempre auifla della terra tan
tochecorrimodcffa 70;lcghctutra ala uerfo itmaeftrale p
facecado per epfa noldr Fae & tradtando con moltagentes
& inmoldi luoghl rtifiartrni ro ovo a non mnota quandt
ra / cheaffal facimeo In, d1fcopdre laterra i &di fapcrc chere
.neCaao-rro.Erauamo ga Iffart .i'..mcfrnd ulagggto: &digla
enaullh &1i apparccch) crono molto c6fuatr i & Ithuomini
canratrlacchordimo.d icomune configlo porre lnoftre na
at -amonateik rfcorrerti per'lant; arterce fect auano molka
acqua / calefatarlce &brcar|e dinuouo r & tornarcene pera
nolta dl Spagna:t.quldo.queffodeliberimo / flaameo glun
t1 con un porto cdmlglior dcdmoiidomnequae entrimoni-on
leno fre naui:doue rrouaimolnfmita gcntr:daqua,:coinmol
ta amifladrlceuec: & In terra fac~mo tan baflonic con inoftrl
barrdll& & con ltoali.&bottwc &nolhre arttglierle I ch~it
uano pertructo:ertdirearlchare tcallogglar teofre naul t etiv
rameo n terra & lecorreggnmo dli ticto. qurilo che era nie
ceffarto: & a gentle diterraddcte gradlffimo alutor& dlcon
tnuo ciproucdcuono ddleloro uluande.-chen qlfo pcrro pi
che ghullamo delle sotre che fcifeono buon gtioco:perche
renauamo elmanrcntmento perlauocla pocho & trfto:doue
ftimo s 7.gloral :c anditno malten uct alleloro population
nidcue dcifaccuono-granditimao honotre:rt uolendod part
re pcrnofiro clagglo / dfcclono tichlanoddIcomecertntem
pl dellannouenltuauopcra nilad ntare fqucda for terra ana
gene molto ctndcc i & loro nimici &con rtadimentiio con

firza rawoamno mnold dl lowa & tetfmaang;iaruane?~Zau
ni capcloauaorc c gliwauaii pre Ueitcat ,o tetic5
apcna fiporcuono aictcnderc daitoro-da.-,fccendacI c
crano-gentcdi ifole i &-pozcuoau-o4ftredrcn.wlai ware, tooJk
ghc:ec con faita affed-ion cidlicu no quefto d cMD lad&.
wo-loro: & promecttro loro dJ-uendcarll diiaana lngturias
& lowo rbitoron motto allcgd di 4tlocc mold di. orO.:kIQffcre
fono di ucnire con.dfo noii sna nd gtuliu~mo, kuailpc mci
te cagioni / WOluO die necuimo-fep*, tc6C qdititouc-chc lIuW
niffiio paol nCaoc: perche n6 czuoaidiato oh1aigaxe *pr
na rUalporoxrnr t&lrcc i cipardno-dal quo i
Ste gcintl-e afindolit movfi r~anzfnoihi ; c rimediaie ueftr
naur I&-naziigando foiptigioml alla uoitadcl mareC PduePII
to lafra grcco*kieIqahlreit ec akodap fU fcpt gloiraI5 rlfwt
frimao-hcicifok icheronamolte ,&.alcuftc populace i &,al
zrecddicrrte: & furgirno con una dicpfetdou-c.ucdano Molta
gctc~c di La chianiavano Iti ctftipatt caoftri b ag4l d41 buoj"
na gecter& in claf(huno tre drti di bom rpodmo axlt.uo[
ta di tcrra:loue trcrpuimo- hare aipcdi 4Io0.bs~ow'n1 nio
ced6ne i &-tucl diffnudi come cpaflati-.h'w~rimi-'ibu'ocorpq:t
&ben pareuianoo howitni bclI ~i:pdrchecioab. armattci lo
to arm i /ch foaq archlf actcc &- tiaucee -Ma'o r pance
dl ow re ncuano tauolacclnx qoadrareS 0l~ i fodotcpone
uano i che non gilmpcd-uono ci trtrrc della arion :ctl come
tifuo a clrcha .diterra con-litbattcl[i adirod- ttvdarcho. tw-pt
falrorownndtacqua -a drac. ante j &cdafndercdc non Cal-
caffimo-1terra u igtrtl cronidipindi coirpi loro diddtuerh wola
ci i & implumad cdpenne;&c.ddfccuano Lltingc cti co.OdQId
tranoichequadocoil limoftrAuano dipwtti &Ipiumvtti dwe
dauon feignlae diuoier c6bat wrer8tto perfeubroron. idcfe
derd la terrain Jchufamo fforaeat alocare cnofter aiitgliv
r~ioer come findrono ci w6no &b donoddo roack, rrrlm
akchuni i rcct iztaRiltfcnaliaxevra4r iondc acto ottrocrfi.-
giio/iccord'inio faltare terra 4z.d noaf: &fc dafpcdaflinol
comnbptrr con loroocofi Caltatt i terra c6uinotre aniaI / loco ai
ucnnono a nool &tvomnibaxr a clrchatdun-hora Icli pOco
nanragglo euimo loroifa'luo dti enolkl baldircri O fpingar
dlert'n'camazauaoo~alcUtaird,&oIofeJ*1n cert ooftri-&quc
ito cra Rchic n6 c! arpcetauano n6 ;fniro di lancA nedi Ipao
da:ct tanta f~ori ponimo Alfc i di. ucnlmo, ai-firo dells
b 11.

(iade i &comeghafllano lenofre arm I fimlifono ih faga
pereniondti bofcht &dlarfdoron alnctori detcampo coa
mnottdilorermordt&alfIfcritd: perquctoglorno non tra
,atglflmoalrilmCt dtdare loo drieto perchc latamomo l
toaffdrichad jitcenetornsmo allenaut con ranM allegreza
defepte hoomini i conoeonnot uent- i dche n6 caprtuano
inifro oenndo lalfro.glorno I uedmo centre per a terra
gran aumero digente turaufa con fegnall dibatiaglta fo/
bando coral i &iMah arl Iftmmend cheloro oran ncleguer
restimac diplncati.laiplipmadi che cratofa b;ne ftana a
uedetltl(perdh tucte Icnaul fccion configilo / & fu delibcra
to p6 chequta gene uolcua con not nimicida i che fuiimo
a uedercdcon lrori &dl fare ngoicofa per farcdl amid: n ca
r che n6uolelfino noftra amlta che.l tratafimo come ni,
mid j ch & equiad lacpoalimo pIgl are di loro i tacdt fui no
noitri fchtlanrf;e armadd come milgior porauamo I fumo at
luoira dl terrain non cldiffono cfakare in terra i credo per
pauradcdlebombarde:&faframo terra 4,7,huomini in quac.
tro fquadrc cdachan Capliano con la fua gentle & fumo alle
mani con loro: & dipol duna lungha batraglia mort mold
diloro igllmettimo Ifuga i & fcgulmo for dricro fmo a una
populatione.haudo prero drca di 2 4o.di loro / & ardimo
apopulardone it centeomfmo con otctorta & con 2 4 b.pr
glont alle naut i afdando di loromold mord & ferirl & dc
noftr n6 morl plu cheano / & zz.ferid ci tucti fcamporo,
no' dto fi#ringradlato.Ordlnamo noftra partia i & It fepte
huomlnt ch cdnque neeroff fertl i prefono una Canoe del
la ifola i& c6 eptr priglenltche dEmo loro I quamtro d6ne &
tre huoialni ifcnetomorono.allor terra molro allgrli tmara
Dgtlddofi dellcnoftreforzew: nol alfi faccmo ucla pSpagna
coan i-z rigitoni fhiaut:&glugnemo nel port di Calls adi
1 .doetobre149~. douefumoIben.rceuutit &uendemono-
tr fchiaut .Q lto quelloche mlacchadde in quctomlopr
mo ulagglo dpla notable.
i Finirce dlprimo Viaggio,

SVanto alrecondo Vagglo & quelloche n epfo alddi
plu degn di memorial et quelo chcqul figue.Partlmo
del porro di Calls re nauidic6ferua adi 16.di Maggto 1499
&comiaci nmo noffrocamino adiritti alle foledelcauouerd
de t palTando a uifta delta ifola di gran Canarla:et tanto na,
ulgimo che fumo a enere aduna ibolaich fidlce ffola dd
fuoco:er qut fadta noffra proulfione dacqua &dli egnei ptl
glilmo noftra naulgarlone per llllbeccot:& in 44.glornl fix
mo a tenure ad una nuoua terra:& la gfudictimo effre terra
ferma / continuea con [a difopra fiefa mendonetlaquakc erl
tuara irenrodella orrida zona / & fuora dclla lina equino,
create alia parre dflo auftro:fopra laquate alza i polo dc me
rtdione '. gradi fuora dogni dyma &difta dalledeae Trole
perduerolTbeccio 4 oo.0eghe:& trouimo eflire equal egor
ni con e noe-tgche fumo ad epfa adt zy.di Giagno / quan
do elfole fa circa del troptco dl Cancer:laqual terrra roumo
tfTreretcra annegata &plena di grandiffim fiumt.ln qucfto
prndpcio n6 uedemo genre alcuTa:furgemo con noftre natl
& battrmo fuora enoftri battccli:fmo con epli a terra! &co
ae dico la trouamo picna digrandifliml fiumi I &anncgart

per grandiffimi fiumi che troumoe:& ka c6merttmo in more
par / per uederc re poeffimo entrare p epfa: & pet le granldi
acque ci tracuono eftumi con quito trauaglio pormo I n6
trouamo luogho che non fuifi annegaco:uedEmo per efiumi
molti fegnali di come la terra era popuata:& uifto ci p que
fta part non la pocraamo entrare / accordamo tornarcene al
tenaul.i &dic6metterla e altraparte:& kluatimo noftre an/
chore & nauicimo infra Icuante & fcloccho i cofteggiando
di continouo la terra / che cofi licorreua-t & in moire part la
cmet&nomo infpacio di 4oleghe:& tucto era tempo perdu/
to:troudmo In quefta cofla che lccorrenre del mare erano dl
ranta forza jchcnon clafdauano nauigare / & ucre correua,
no dallo'cdloccho almaeftrale:di modo che uifo rantr income
ucalend per noRranaulcatone I fact noftro cfiglio accor
damo tornare lanaulcatone alla parre delmacftrale: & ran
to naulctmo allungho dclla terra ch e fumo a tenure un bd,
lifimo porto:elquale era caufato da una grande ifola / che ffa
ua allencrata /& drento fi faccua una grandiflima Infenata:&
nauicando p ;ntrare in epfot prolungando Ia ifola / hauimo
nifta di molta genre: et allgratict / utdrizzamo noftre naui
perturgere doue uedauamo la genre I ci porauamo ftare pm
almare drca di quattro leghever nauicando In qucfto modQs
hauimo uifla dana Canocche ueniua c6 alto mare:nellaqua
Ie uentua molta genre:& accordamo di haucria ala mano: &
facemo la uolta con noffre naul fopra epfacon ordin ch n61
non la perdeffimo:& naulcando alla uolta fua con frefco tem
po i uedimo che fauano fermi coremialzatt I credo per ma
raulgta delle noftre naui: & come uldono che not ci andaua,
mo apreffando loro / meffono rermi nellacqua / & comincldo
rono a nauicare alla olta diterra t5 come inotra c6pagnia
sentife una carouclta di 4 .tonellf molto buona della uela I
fipuofe a barlouenro dclla Canoe: & quando leparue tempo
darrtuare fopra'eptfa allargo ii apparecchi& uenne alla nol
ta fua I & not alli'et come la carouclletta parcggaffe con leI
& n5la uolefi inulelire la paffo i &pot rimate focro uenros
& come fiuedeflino a nanragglo comincarono a far forza
co remn p fuggire: & nol che rrouamo cbarrelli per poppa gia
flpart di buona geae I penfando cli la piglherebbono& tcra,
uagliorton piudidu ch ore I f fine Ce lacarouclictta in al

tra uolta non tornaua fopraepfa f la perdauamo: -&come fi
utddeno fRreeti dalla carouclta U da batrell / tucri figiccarono
almare / che poteuono effere. 7 o,huomnmi: diftauano darcr
ra circa di due leghe: feguedot- co barreili./in utto elgiorno
n6 nepotmo pigliarepluci dua ) chefu p acerto:glialtri rut
ti fi furono a terra a faluamero : nella canoe reitarono 4,
fanctulll:equali non eron di lor generation i chc it tracuano
preli dallaltra terra:& li haueuano caftrati chetuctr cron fen
za mcmbro uirilc / &con ia piaga frefcha:di che molto cl ma
rauigliamo: &S meir ndle nauiv cidixcno per fegnali I che 11
haueuon caftran p manglarclI :& fapemo coltoro erano una
genre che fidicono Camballi rolto ciferati i ch mangiono
came humana.Fumo con lenaui (cuando con noi la Canoe
per poppa alla uolta di terra &furgnmo a meza legha:& co
me aterra uedeffimo moira.gencc allaipaggia fumo co bat
telii a terra & tlc cumo con cplo noi cdua huominini che pi.
gliamot & giuncti in terra / tucta a g6te fifuggi i & fimiffeno
pc bolchi: &afiarghimo uno dlhl huomini dandogli mold
fonagli / che uolauamoclfere oro amicitelquale ece moito
ben qucllo li mandamo i & traflc feco tcca la genre i che po
renono effere 4oo.buomni let moire d6netequali uennono
fenza armed alchana adonde Iauamo con lt bartellitec faco
con loro buona amlIta / rendemo loro laIrro prefo i er man,
damo atlenaul perla ioro Canoeici la rcndimo loro.QVucta
Canoe era lungha z6. pafi / ct largha due braccia i ct uac
dun folo arbore cauaro i moiro bene lauorata;er quando la
hebbono uarata in un rio/er mcfala in lnogho-ficuro j trct
lifuggfrono er n6 uollon piu prartcare con nol /che ciparue
tucro barbaro adto i che gligludicimo genre di pochafede &S
dl mala condirione.A'coftoro 'uedimo alcun pocho doro che
reneuano nellt oreccht. Partimo di qui;4entramo drenro n
la Infenatardoue trouimio rita gentry i che fu maraulgliascoa
liquali facerno In terra amiftat& fumo molri di not con loro
alic loro population molto ficuramente i &ben riceuutcid.
qucrfo luogho rifchartmo 1o.perlc / che cele dcton p un fo
naglio i & alcun poco doro i che celodauao di gratia:et ique
fla terra trouimo che becuano ulno faco di lor,frute & 'ic
mente ad ufo di ceruogia I & blanco & ucrnigliot& l mi,
gliore era facto di mlrabolani / & ea molto buonotr mawn

gM mo infinlti di cpfiI he era errempo foro.E I molto buoo
na frudct faporofa alghulo / &c faluifera alcorpo. La terra
cimoltoabondofa de foromanrenimcnti ct la gentedibuo
na conucrfatione et la piu pacifica die habbiamo trooara in
fino aqui.Srtmo to qudro porto fy.giornt con molto placed
te;et ognr giorno cuentuano a eudere nuoul popull della rer
ra drero i maraulgliandofi dl nofre effigte &blanchezza/ &
de nofttr uefiti & atme i & della forma & grandezza delle na
ui.Daquefta gene hauimo nuouc dicome faua una genre
piu alponente cti toro / che erano loro nimic / che tcneuano
Infinta copia diperletct chequelle che loro teneuano / cron
che le haucuan lor tolre nele for guerreter cidixeno come Ic
pefchauoho i & in che modo nafceuano I ce Ii trounmo Tflere
conuerira Iconme dira uoftra Magnlficcntia, Partimo di que
fto porto i er nauicimo perla coflatperfaquale di continue ue
dauamo fumalte con genre alla fpiagga:et alcapo diimolti
glomi famo a tenere In un porro ad caura di rimediare ad
una delle noffre naut che faceua molta acqua:douerrouimo
cfferg molta genteccon liquali non porcmo ne per forza na
per more hauer conueriatione alchuna:er quando andatia/
mo a terra icidifendeuano afprarticela terra;et quando ptu
non poteuano ti ffuggiuano per il bofchi / & non ciafpecta,,
nano.Conofcutoll tco barbari i ciparrimo dlqui:cr andan
do nanicando / hauimo uifta dana ifola i che dllaua nel ma
tre 4tleghe darerra:& acchord~mo di andare a edcere fe era
populata.Trouimo in epfa la plu beltal gene & la piu brat
ta che mai fiuedelle &era dl qu .-a Ibrre.Erano di geflo & ul
fo molto brurl:& rucrt tencuano leghote picne di dreato dl
ana herba ucrde i che di continouo la rugumauano come be
fit I che apena poteuon partare &dcafchuno ceneua alcollo
due izcche fecche che tana era piena d i 41a herba che tenee,
cano i boccha I & laltra duna farina bikcha i che pareua geffo
In poluare / & di quido in quando-con on fufo cli rencuano
Inmollandolo c la boccha lo mctreuano nella farina :dlpol
felo metteuano In boccha da rurra dua le bande dele ghorce
infarinandofi Iherba che teneuano in boccha::& qfto faccuat
no motto aminuto.er mariligliatt di ral cofa n6 poranamo
Inardere qfl fecrero ine ad cldfine coi faceuano.Quefta gen
tc comecduidoao ucnonon a not tanto famlliarmrie come

fe hauefimo renuto con loro arnilatandando con loro per la
fpiaggia parlando I & defiderofi di bere acqua f:ecfha i d fec
clono legnali che n6 la rcneaano / & confercuon di quclla lo/
ro herba &farina di modo che ltimimo perdicrerione che
Vfta Ifola era pouera dacqua i & ch per difenderi dalia fere / re
fcuano quella hcrba in boccha / & la farina per quefto mdcli
mo.Andamo perla ifola un di & nmzo fenza ch mai trouatfli
moacqua ulua:& uedemoche !acqua che ebeeuauoicradiru
giada cti cadeua di aoae fopra cerre foglie/ ci parcuano orcc,
chd d atino / &empleionfi dacqua / & di quefla becuanotera
acqua optimat & diquefte foglie n6 ne haueuono in mold luo
ghi.N6 reneuano alcuna maniera di uiuande nc radicc co.
me nella terra ferma:& la lor uita era con perci che ptgltauor
nelmare / & di quetf tencuano grandifftma abundanria; &
erano gridi1fimi percarori;& ciprcfenrorono moire tor-ughe
& more gran pefci molro buont:e lor donne no ufauon teno
re Iherba in boccha come glhuomint I ma tuve traeuono una
zuccha con acqua / & di quella beeuano.N6 tenck ano popular
done ne di cafe ne di caplne / fa'uo che habirauano di baffo
In frafchatd I che II defindeuano dal Sole / & n6 da lacquasche
credo pocheuoire ulpioueua In qaella ifola:quando flaano
almare pefchando itucl tcrneuano una foglia molto grande
&di ral largheza / che uifauon dibaffodrro alk mbra i &la
ficchauano In rerra;& come elfole liolgena / coli nolgeuano
la foglia: & i quefto modo idifendeuano dal Sole. Lifola con/
ticee molt animal d uarieforte:& beano acqu, dipanranis
&uito che ridtencuano proficro acunoiciparrimo I &fumo
ad unalrra ifola: & trouimo che in cpfahab*raua genre molto
grandetfumo ladi in terra iperuedere re trouaeamo acqua
trefca: & n6 penfando che IHola futTrpopulara per noln eder
genre andando alungho della ipiaggia I ued4mo pedatedl
genre ncla rena molro gridl:>udtlcmo fe lahre membra
dfpondeflino alia mnfura / che farcbbono huomint grandiffl
nm:& andando In quelto trlnionmrrmo in un camino che an
daua ocrla terra drenro:& acchordmo nouedi no.' & rglo,
dticmro che lilto per (efer ptlchola t n6 porcua hauere in fe
molra genreter pero andimo per epfa per uedere che gente
era quella: S dfpof chc fumo I t circa dt una legha / uedinm
in una ualle cinque dclle lor capane / he dparcuon dtfpopo/
late:& fumo ad epf / & troulmo folo cinque done / cduae

uecchie & rw fanhciulle di tanto ara flatra i che per maraul.
glia leguardauamo:& come ciuiddono t cntro lor tta pau/
ra i chenon hcbbonoanimo a fuaggirc:~ Ic due uccchic clco
minctorono con parole a conutarc I ctacndoci moire cofe da
manglare I & mcdlonci in una capana:& eron di flaura mag
glort che unogrande huomo I ch ben farcbbon gr;ide di col
poconme fuFrancfco de glialbizi /ma dimiglior proportion
nr:di modo che Itauamo tuctl d propolito di rore lecirc fan
ciule pcr focza i & per cola marauigliofa trarle a Cafigliah
cr flando iqucftl ragonamentl / cominciorno a entrare per
la porta della capina ben 36.huomini motro maggiort che
Iedonne:huomini canro ben facti i che era cofa famora a ue
dergli;:quali cimilTonto in ranta turbaioneL che piu rofl fa
rcmo uoluteffcre alle naui / cli rrouarci c6 ral genteTracua
no archi grandiffinl i & frcccie con gran bafloni con capoc/
chic: & parlauano infra loro dun fuono come uolclino ma,
nomettet ci:ulfloci in ral pericolo / facemo uaril c6ligli infra
noi:alchani diceuano che icafa ficopninciafTe a dare in lorao
& artri chealcampo era migliore:& altri chediccuano chen6
cominciaftmrno la quifllone infino a ranto cheuedeflimo quel
o che uolctho farc:rt acchordimo del falir dellacapanna I &
andarcene dflimulatamente atcaimino dellenaul:&ccofi to
facemo:ct prifo nolro cimino /cenerornamo ale naui:loro
ci unon driero tutaula aun rro di pictra I parlando infra lo
roecredo ch non men paura haueuon di no / che nol di loro
pcrche alcuna uoltaciripolauamo / i loroalfi fenza appreG
farfi a noi ranroche gIugncmo alla ipiaggla doue ftauano
chatreit afpectandoci :& enrrramo i epli:S come fumo larght
loro fairorono & cirtoron moire factre:ma pocha paura re
nauamogia diloro:fparimo loro daa rit di bombarda plu p
fpauftarli che per far loro male: & turd altuono fuggirone a[
menret &cofi dpartimo da loroch ciparue fcampare duna pe
rlcolola goniaa. A ndaua no dl tucto difnudi come li altri,
Chiamo quctla rola i hfola degtgantr a caufa di lor grander
za:& andimo pin inanzt prolungando !a erra nellaquale cl
accadde moire uolrecombattere con loro per nonrciuolere la
fdarepigliare cola alchuna dt terra:&gla che flauamo duoo
lonra dtrornarcene a Caftiglha:perche erauamo flat ne ma
re circhadl unoanno / & tenauamo poco n antrrnimnto I &
clpoco damnato a caufa dclli gran caldi che paffamo; perched

da che partimo per' ifole del cauo aerde infino aqul / di condr
nuohauanamo naulcato pla torrida zona i&dueuodre arra,
uerfato perla linea equinocriali:che come difopra dixt i fumo
fdora di epfa 4.gradt alla parredelioauifro tqui iauamo in
1 4 .gradl uerlb clfepttrione.Stando in qfloc6figlioipiacque
allo Sprirto fancro dare alchuno dilcanfo a ranti noftrl tra,
uagll:che fu / che andando cerchando un porro per racchon,
clare noffrl naullti I fumo a dare con uia genteilaquale c ri
couctre cbn molra amifta: &rrouamo dce tencoano grandiffL
ma quattra dl perle orientali &affat buone:co quail idrtren'
mo 47.glornth& rlfcatimoda loro Ii 9.marchi di peri con
moira pocha mercantia:che credo n cicoftorono tl ualeredl
quaranta ducatit pche quelloche demo loro i n6 furono fe n6
fonagll & fpeccht I & cone idled palle & fogile di oetoncdie
p uno flnaglio daua uno quite perle tencea. Da lorofapmo
come le pefcauano I & donde: & cdcttono moleoltfrche I nel
icquali n rceuono;rifcatimo ofrica I ndlaquale ftaua di na-
fdmrnto o, perle / & alrre d meno:quefa dellc I $o.mrol
fe la Rcgina: & ahre miguarda nd le uedele.Et ha da fapcre
V.M.che fele perle non fono mature / & da e non lifpiccha,
no j n6 perftanno:perche fidamnano prcflo:&diquefo neho
ulfo experientia :quando fono mature I fanno drento neffa
offrica fplcchate & meffe nelacarne:tt qte fon buone:quans
to male rneuano i che la maggior parre erono roche & mal
forateurtta a u ualcuano buon danarlipche fiuendea clmar
cho. .et alcapo di 47.glomi lafciamo lagemte molto
amica noftra.Parrimoc / & pera necefira del mantenimento
fumo a renere allifola dantlglia sche equefta chc difcoperfe
Chriflophal colombo piu ann fa:douc facEmo motto mana
tenlmcro:Qr f&imo duo mefi & I 7.glornmdoac paiamo moe
ri perlcofi & trauagli con II medefimi chrlfilani che in quefli
ifola flauano col Colombo:crcdo per nuidiatche per n6 effe,
re prolixo t l falalo di racchontare. Partfordella decta tfola
adi aa.di Luglto:& nauicamo Ion mefe & mezpr& entramo
nel porto d Callts i che fu adi A.di Septemprcdi di cdmio fe
condo nlagglo:Dfo laudate.
(gFinit cdfcond& Vfiggfoa

(Cominda dccrof

STAndomi dlpol inSibylla irpofandomf dt tantd mla
Strauagli /che iqueft duo utaggi haucuo paffli / &con
aolonta di rornare alla terra delle perlc:qtado lafortuna nd
content de mid trauagil /dhe n6 lo come ueniffi In pcnfa,
meuro a qucto ferenittmo Re dTn manoueilo di porrogalto
riuolerfi frrulre dl mertt Rando in Slbylia fuori dogni pen -
famento di ucntre a Porogallo i mlune un mcffaggicro c6
ecraadli ua real corona che mlrogaua ch lo uenrllf a Lifbo
na aparlare c6 fua alteza proimettado farmi nmerzedes.N6
ful aconfigliato che ucnilli:cxpcdiil rmeflagglero idicendo
che flauo male > &che quando f(illu buono i &che fua alh:a
fluoWle pare feruire d me i che farcl quanto mimandaffc.Lc
rutAo che non mi poteua haune i acchordo mandare per me
Giutianodi iarholomeo dcGlocondo ftaltequi in Ltfbow
na / con commfltione che in ogni modo mirracffe. Veine el
decto Ciulano a Sibylla s perla uenura & rmogho delquale
fot forzato a ucnire I cie fu renuta a male [a mia urnuta da
quanri miconorc uanaoperche mipartidia Cftli a d douc ml
cra faeto honor, & if Re mircneua ibuona polTcffione:pcg
gior fu che mipadti Iufalutaro hofpiterei appFerferaromI
inan.i a qutfloRr r noflro hauct placcre dimia ucnuc-a:,
niprirgoch fulfi L&compagnia dl trc ihe nuc/ dch fauaMno

prefte pandare a-dircpirre nutrm rerre:&comeaon ru*44.
Re e/mando ihebbi aconfintre a quiro airogauater parinfer
di 4fto porto di Iibona tre naul di conrerua adliodim agglo,
IJ, a i&pigliamo nofra derrota dirittl alla Ifola di gran Cana..
ta:-& pafiamo fenza pofarc a uifla di epfa:-& di qu1 tuno cofteg
giando la coffa dafrica p laparre occiditae~uella'quatc cofa f&
Ce; uo noftra p fcheria a una forte pefct chi Ii chianano ParchtI
dou ci ditrentno tre gorni:&di qui famo ndla colia deduopia
ac tn porto che lidiclcfkeetitcce/ die Ita dencro dalla rorrida 20
na operaa laquale ilzaelpolo dclfeptcrnrione 114.9radl mezo
firuar nelprimodlyma:douc lItnoiti t.gornii pripano acgua
&kgnc:.pchcnna Wnirione era dimarmgareucrio lauffroipe
golf,, aclantco.Parchno di 4(to port dt t rhic paig/& nalcAmo
Se!libecciotIgilgando tina quarta del mezo di tanToche in 67.
a .rnt fumo a rfeire a una terra he ftaua nel dedo porro fooo
Veg~e uerrolibccc o:; &iquelli 6*7.glornt lcuirmo epeggor ri,
po I che mat lcualfe hoomo che nauicaffe net mare iper mold
a.uagaed & turbonare & tormfte che ddettono;pche tumb i t'
p', xio! rto coma rio, aca i fa die force di noftra naoticarione tu dl
r6ifinimo gtunra con la linea equlnoctale / che net mefe di Gict
gno eitnuerno:& trrouimo eldl con la node efferc cquale;&rtro
uiwo lonbra nerfo mezodi di c6rinouo.placq; adlo mtrorarci
terra nuoua / & fu adl I -.dagoftofdoue furgnmo a neza keghat
& Iutrdmo fuora nottri bate1Ii: ct fumo a uedcre la terra i fectca
habitata da genre i cche tale era:& rrouamo e(Tere habirara da
gere i cri crano peggiort cli anlmali:pero V.M.tnrendera it1@
princdplo n6 ucdcno genre I ma ben conofcimo icti era popular
.: p mold fegnalidiefIpfa ucdcmo:Pgligmo la polcfflione t
tpfa'p qucflo firernifimo Re:Iaquale rrouitmo Cffre terra moltt
a mcna & ucrdc i &di buona apparentla:lfaua fuora delta linca
cgnocdonalc uerro laufro 4.gradi:ct per queto d ditornime
wllt- nauf:et pche renauamogran nccflita dacqua &dilcgrne i
accvrdnlo lattr rgonod ornate a trra pcproucdere del ne
crlarlo:er lando i terra Iucdimo uua gite nea fommrita dilm
mnonte /che tauano mlrando/ &n6urauonodefc-dere abaltos
raano difudti ) & del mederimo colore & factione che erano It
P,10n paffacl:er (fando c6 loro trauagliando / perche ueniRnno a
p drlare con cpfo nol i maf n6 if porcmo aflicurare dche ndi ft fi
ckorono di nolmc utflo ia loro oblilnatlone I fdl gla era tardt,
CcnromniAMo ailenaul, iAiando laro In ccra molti fonagi(

I& rpccdmh &aatre cofea nifta toro:et come fumo farghi alms
' e difeelfao del m6te I & utnnon p Ie cofe laflamo foro / facci
dodiepe gri marauiglia & p diogiorno no cipuedimo f d~
dacqualaltra madina uedcmo delle tauc ch (a gere di terra face
uon molte fumatc:& not pcnfando che ci chiamalfino ifumo a
terra / doue rrourmo co crano acnuti molt popull / & turra ula
itanano rghidi noic accinauanoci fulimoc6 loro pla er
ra drcnrotR onde fimoffeno dua dclil noftri xPani a domidarc
ccapitano cli defI loro licentia tche fiuoleuano metref a picolo
di uolere andarcci oro terra / puedcre ci genre erano / & fe
encuano alcuna riccheza o tpettria/ao drugherla &tanto pre
goronotcli dcaplrano fu icrcnto: &mclfonf a ordlne c6 moire
cotf dl rlfcano i lipardron da not c6 ordine chi n6 feflino pin
di 4.gi5nl a torarc:pche tato glafpeteremo: & pfon lor cami
no ila terra i & noi ple naul afpctidoll: & quafi ognt gi6no uc
lua gite alla pfiagglia& mat n6 d collon parlare:r ilfteptlrmo
glornoandamo i terra I & trouamo che haueuo tracto c6 loro fe
lor dnec:ct come faltafitlo terra gihuomint della terra man
dorono motke ddlllord6ne aparlar c6noit: uito n6 affice
tauano.i accordAmo dl midare a oro uno huomodenoltrt i/c
fu un glouanc ci molro faceua lo fforzo;& noi paflicurarlo en
trimo nellt batteli t& lul fifu p Ic d6ne:& come gifife a toro i gi
faecono un grt cerchlo icorno / roccandolo i mirandolo fi ma
taufgliauanoter Itando i ffto I uedimo uentre una d6naddelm
t / & traeuaun gri palo nella mano: & come giunfcd6de flaua
tenoltro x ano Hli uenne p adriero: & alzaro lbaftonelg[idcte
tam gride ecolpo t ci lto diffe tforto, terra /i on fubito leal
tred6nelo fon ped tranoono p pedi dnono pc piedi ucrfo el
nmota& it huomint faltorono uerro la fpiaggia / a c6 oro archi
raetre a facttarct:ct pofon la nofra genre I anta paura furtr
c6i batrelli fopra lefatefceihe flauano in terra i che p e moire
frccde ci dmettenano nelli battclli I neftino accrtaua di piglia
te larme:purcdifparimto oro 4.tirl dib6barda & n6 acccrto.
tono I faluo cl udlto cItuono 7 tutti fuggirono uertb cl mtel &
doueftauano gla led6ne facccdo pezi dd xplano: ad un gran
fuoco chchaucu6 fact i lo flauano arrofltdo a ulfta noltra imo
Itrandoct moklpezi & migiandofcletcr Ithuomini faccendoct
cgnali c6 orocenni d come bauer morr I alkriduo iptan i 8c
Bnanglatorcll;elche clpcfomolto / uegg do nolrl occhi la
dclda chdfaccuan dcimortd a tl nno rifu Inglaura laiolkrt

bile:&ftando di ptopofito pVi di4oAdi nol di-ralae In it"rk
medicare tira crud. morte & afto bdfiale & Inbumano / el Ca
piiaiw maggiore n6 uolleac6fpdre & fireffaron Wati ditaira
Ingtufla:8i noi ciparhimo da loro c6 mala nol6ta & CO moa ouer
gogna nbftra a caura ddel noffrolCaprano. Parduic di 4tfo luo
gf S&comrn in cl:mo nottra n2aicatIonC ifrn IcUite &icllcho, k8
cofiAi corrcua la aerra:cc facbmo molte fchalci, &mat trourino
gec ch c8 cpfo nol uolcllin c6ued~rcawt coil naulcihno rro idlhe
rrduamo chcla terra ficcua [a uolta plibccoicme cdoblaflimo
urtcaioi aiquale pon~mo nomc elcauo di fc6 Avguffino-/c-
minciaru a naulcare p ibeccloi &difia 4flocauodalLapdo=
terra chc uedirno done amazorono cchriffianlI 4 o. leghe. uct
fo lcuanrc-er fla 4to cauo z,gradi fiuort della linen equinoctiale
uerfolauhiro:er naoicdo lhaoimo unglorno oilha dimolta I
rcci ch flauano alta Ipahggla 9 ucdcre la marsuglia ddeic niftre
naui:cr dt che come nauflimo / fuirnoalla uolca. Ioro j & furgg
mo i boon luogo i & fuma c6 it batcelitla tem.a r & trooltlo L gf
re fferc di miglor c6dirlone chi lapaflatrat ancor ci cifulfc ua
magllodfmcfficarht tuttiau celifacimoamicl i &r ra.-iHmoCS
loro. In qfto luogollenio .gioml:& gquf croulmo canna fiftota
molto grolfa & ucrde & fccda iciwa dclii arborlAccordrno I
quello luogho Ieuare on palo di haornln i per h drclffraflino
la lingua tcr ucnnono tre d lotr uolunra per ucnire a Porto.-
allfo: & pcr qdlto dIgla canfatrdi canto fcriucre i fapra voltra
aggnfficenria i che partimo di qoefto porto i fempre nautcan
do pcrllbcco a utla di recra i di onqrlnouo faccendo di moire
fc;a i & parlandoc-on lnftnlra gcnretet ratro fumo urrfo law.
firo / che gla fbanmo fuora dcl tropico di Capricornosa donde.
eipolo dci Meldione faiziua fopr loOrizontc ;-2. gradit cc
di gla haua mo pcrduito dl rucro lorra minare I & [a tnaggt*
re cl hlua molt* batik i &quafi dfimonftraua alfme delfo Orf
zontc i & cl rcggf auamo per keSrcllC dellairro pole del Meridlo
neflequalt fano moire i kmofto maggtort i & piu locentl che
Jrdi dt o noliro poloact delta magglor parne df e.ptf rraff lclot
figure i & mnaxfme dt 11e dellx prima/t& maggier Mragifrudfi
ne i con Ia dlchiaraltone de br drcull i die faccuano ihorno alpo
lo dcl 2uotro / c6 Is dlchlaratione deter dtameirt & fimidlaneo
rin come fi potra ucdcr nelle MIto 4.glomna:orrino dt 4%*
ola atlpie di 7 4ofJeghcsk iL 4oda cauo dcao di Wb Auguifo


utf'o dponr I &it 6oo.aerfo etlibecdo:er aolendo ricantare
k cof he ia J cta c. di & qlio ch phffamlio non mibaftcrrb
bealtreranti-foglt & In qftacolta n6 uEdeinmoor di pficro / fat
uc~inoiat arbort d uarzino &di caliai& di queti cli gencrano
la myrrm &care maraulgile dellanarura he n6fipoulon rac,
cottrarec;.d gla elcondo flat nd ulaggio ben 4iticfi / &uflo
hde in qula terra no trouaiamo cola dl mincro alcuno / accord
mo dt dtfpedicr di cpfaicandarct a c6mertere almare p alrra
parrectt facronot ro c6figlo / fu deltberaro cfi lifeguiffe 41ana
uigationc the mlparcdc benet & ructo fu rimeo i me cthpando
delaflocca:cr allhora mandadche tucrala gene & flocta fi pro/
acdcfli dacqua & d( legne p fei meii che tiro giudicorono li uft
tiali dclinaul cli porauamo naulcarec6 epfieFacto noffroupue
dimenro di qil terra comlnctimo noftra naulca tone p cluen
to fdlocchot&fu adi i4,dl Febrato/ quando gia elfolc fandaua
ccrcandoalloequlnocrlo / &cornaua eurfo qfto noltro emifpec
lddcl feprenrrionc c & tanto nautcimo p 4lto uento / che ci tro,
aimaotantoaltt / chel polo delmcridlone ciltaua alto fuo ra lel
noltro orizonre bn 4 z.gradl i & pu n6 ucdadamo Iitelle nc
dellorfa mtnorc / ne della maggtore orfas & dl gia fauamo di.
fcodto dd porto dl douc parrimo ben o o.leghe p illoccho:
quefto fu adt ;.daprile: & f q4lo giomo comincio una rormenta
In-mare t~roforzola ( he clfeceamafnaredelticronotre ucle:
& Corrauamo aliarbero eco con molto uento i chc era libeccio
c6grandtfiml marl I & larla molto orumenrofater tanta cra.la
tormnra / che turra laflocraiauacon gran rimore: enodte rron
melto grandl:che note rentmo adi fepte dapiile che fu di t.
hor:pche elfolftana. ucl fme d Arles:e in lta region era to
Inuerno come ben puo c6liderarc V.M.er andando i4fta eot
snenta adI fepte daprilethaurmo ifta di nuoua trraidellaquale
cotrcmo circha dit o.leghe / & la rrouimosucta coffa brauaet
n6~uedEmo fepfaporroafno i ne gcnte:credo pche 4tararo el
freddo che neffno della flocra fi potcua rimediare / ne foppoe
ta)ootdi modo ci utftoct in tanto pertcolo & rantawrrmetache
apcna potaurmo hauere ulfta luna nauc dllatra p gra n ramarl
chi aceuano/& pla gran ferrazon dl tipo iche accodimro con
crapitano maggiore face fcgnale alla flocra che arrilaffi /& la
fcilTunim la terra:er ccnc tornaffuio alcimtno di Portogallo:tr
fu mo1to boon c6figlic:che certo etche fe ardauamo quella no.,
ate / uti ipertdauambo ;che come arriuiwo a poppa j 4 Ia nbo

ete & faltro glorno 11lc~rcrebbe Canta troninta i che dtbldmo
pcdcrcl:c hauimo di fare peregrini & akre cerimoule t como
cvuranza de marina p tali ripi#corrnivo c4,glorni I & turauia
durnauamo aoffiando alla [Inca eqrocciale i& in aria Mi ari
piu rpcratd:er piacgp a Lio lcamparci di rito pericoto: N nofira
uaulcarinc era j9 el uento Intra ei rramnrano & greco: pchc no
Ora icentionr era andare a tlconoiicre Ia cotla dt ethlopia i che
ftauano difcofto da cpfa i Soo~feghc p elgolfo delnmare arlanri
co.;Nc~ila graria didio a io.g orni di Maggio fumo Icpf.a a una
terra ucrfolaullrocli fidice Ga ferra liona;douc Urmo i.giorni
pigl.1ido noffro rinfrcfcam~ro: & diqui partimo piglliido nollra
nauicationeuerfo Iffoledelli azorli/ch difldno di qfto logo delta
$crra circa di '7 4o.teghcser famo c6 lifole alfin di Lugli'odoue
ftkro aicri N$giornbl pighiado alcuna rccreatione: & partimo di
rpfe p lifIlonam:c fauamo piu alto occidrlc Soo.feghe: be entra-
rno p qfto porro di Lifivona adf 7,di Seprebre dcl I eoz.a buon.
fa'uamro/,Dfo ringrariato liarcd folo due naul: pche laltra an
dtmo nella Serra liona:pche n6 porena piu nauicare i che Rimo
Inrqucaoutaggfocirca di i iefi; & glornti ii.nauignio (en
za ueder Ia ftella rram#3~tana,/ o fora maggiore & minoretche $1
dicono clcornower ci reggrmo p Ie ficai dello altropolo.Q.dCIo
eiqi4ro 01d1 In qiko ulagglo i o glownala,

(Q arro Viagglo.

Fl Efamididire tecore pme atlie nd quartou aggi oo g'ot
nata & perlo eflere giacanfaro a &cdam pcheq ftoquarto
aiaggio n6 fiforni fccdo cl to kuauo cippofiro p una dlfgra
tia che cl acchadde nel golf del mare atlantcocome nel .pcefo
foitobreula inrvdera V.M.mingegnero deferebricue.Partd
iodl i to porro di Lifbona 6.naul di c6ferua c6 ppolito di an
date a fcoprre una Ifola uerfo lordente i chfidice Melaccha:dcl
laquale fi ha nuouc cflr molto riccha / &cli come cImagazino
dl tcte fenaul che ugano del mare gangetico & dcl mare Indt-
co i come ctCalls camera di rutt eniuli| che palfano da Icuante
a ponte / & da ponhre a leutre p a ula dl Galigut: ct 4qa Me.
laccha c/pli alloccidfe cli Caligui i & molto plu alta parre del
mezo di:pche fappiam cli hfa tn paragglo df 33.gradl del polo
antartico.Partimo adi to.diMaggto 14 o et ftmo diritit alle
Itbol dcl cauo uerde j dbue facimo noftro caragne; & pigliamo
forced d rinfrefcamE~o idoue Ilmo i glorn:erdl qui parrmo
anoftro ulaggio i naticudo p de uro fcilocchoter come elnoffro
Capiano magglore fuflc homo pfumptuofo & morto cauczu
to / uolle andare a riconofcre la Scrra llona i terra dethiopia au
frale j fenza renere necetfia alcuna I fc n6 p farfi uedere I cB era
Qipitano di fic naul rc6tro alia uoldta di mrue not altrf Capita
ni:et coli naulcando I quido futpo c6 li decta terra i furon trte
le rurbonate che cdertono j & c epL el tfpo c6trarlo i che flan
do a ulfa dt epfa ben 4,gimorl mar n6 cflarfcio mal-tipo pi/
gliar terra:di modo cli fumo forzad d rormare arnoffra nauica
tone ucra i & lafare la deta Serra:er nauicidodi qui alfuduett
che ru&o ifra mezo dl & lbcccio:et quido fumo nanicati ben
goo. Icghc p ec m6flro del mare I flando di gla fuora ddela linea
egnoctionale uarfo lauftro ben S.grad.d fidifcoprfe una terra
ch porauamo Jiflaredi cpa 22z.eghe:ddelaqle cmarauigi;imos
et trooumo cera.onaifolandlmezo dd mare t & era molto al
ta cola / ben maraungltofa della natura:pchen6 era plu che due
leghe di lungoi&p unad dlargo:nellaquale fola mai ni fu habit
tatodagent ealcuna:&fu lamala ifola p tua a laflodatpche fai
pra V.M.che per cI mal c6figlio & reggiticodel nolfro Capita
no maggiore i perdequt fua nauc:pchc de tee con epfa iunofco
gllo i Taperfc la node difco Lorenzo icheeadi fo.dagoflo I &
fifu ifondot& n fifaIo dipfa cofa alcuna ifen lagenre.Era
naoc di 0o o.tonelt:ndelaqualc andaua rucra a tmportiza del
la floatlcomc la floca tuca trauagiaffc I rmcdlarla i d'Ca

pirano m mando che io fuf conla riahnaue alta deca irola a
cerchar~ unbuon furgidero- dcu potcflfit it rgerie utte k nanit
& come clmfo barrelle fliparo con 9.mia marina fufft in (rr ut
glo & auto da llgare Ienaul I n6 uolle clilo leuafftir &cf mifuOi
lineepfo:dieidomi chinilleuercbbono aliffola:parrimt della flo
era come mimando p Ilfola fenza batillo O c6.mrno, a.mera
de mia marina I & fu alla decra ifola iche dilauo ctrcha 41 4,
leghenellaquale.troual un bohffimo porto i douc ben ficura -
mcnee potcuan furgere tucre lenauldoueafpcdta el iio Capt
rano & a flocta ben .glornl / &mal n6uennono:di modo cfi
flauatio molro malc6renti le gent che meran rfater nella
naue / fIauano c6 trra paura I ci n6-1l porcuo c6folare:et ftando
coli rloctano gibno uedrmo entire una nauc pel mare; & di pat
ra chenon ciporcfli uedere I cd eulmo con noftre nant i & fumo
ad'epfa / pcnfando cli mitracua lmio battcllo & genteect come
pareggiamo con epfa / dipol dtfaluata. cidixe come.la capiia
na fera ira i fondo I & come la gcnrc fera faluata i & che dlmio
battello & gentercftaua con la flocta i laquale fera ita per quel
mare auantt i c che cifo ra graue tormcnta iqual puo penfare
VM.p trouard I oo o.leghe difcofto da Lllbona i & g, Ifo i/
con pocha genre:uutltau facEmo roflro alla formna & anda,
mo: turnaula Innanzl:tornmno alla SO1a & fornimod dacqua
& dllegne con elbarttlo della mfa conferua:laquale ffola fro,
ulmo dirabirara I & reneua moire acque uiue & doldi i nfilnD
tlffim arbor ipiena dl tatl uccelli martin & terreftri Iche tron
fenza numero:et cron lanto feLmplid che fi ardcauon piglia,
re con mano:ec ranid ncpigHfimo che carichimo un bartello
di epli animalft ncffuno non uedimo i fal[o Topt molto grand
dt / & Ramarri con due code i & alchuna Serpctc facta noflra
prouifione icidipartimo percluento infra mezod! & libeccio
perched tcnauamo on reggimento delRei die d mandauaiche
qualunche dellenaul che fiperdffedella flocrano del foo Capi,
tano fufil a rencre nella terra ieheel utaggio palfato. Difco
prime in un porro i che Ii ponimo nomi a bada di tuccr e an
cdhet placque a Dio dl dard riro buon tempo I che in 17.gior
na fumo a encre terra in cpfo I che diftaua da lifbia ben $oo.
legheadome non tronvmo ne Ilnoflro Capitano i nenelfuna at
tra naue ddla floca:nelqual porroafpce~ mo ben dua mei &
4.glownl &nioch non ainlua-ricaptso aluao i acchordiao

la onfterua t &iotcorrer Ta cofa:et nautglmopiu inani 2i6ote
ghe i trio ci giugn mo9 un pocro: gueaccordamo faf ina for
tcza / & la facemo:&'lafcimo'epfa 24.huominichrtitiani/che
-ct haueua la mia c6fcrua / cc haueua ricolfi della naue capitana
ch; fera pdura:helqual porto timo ben 4.mceli i fare la fortczr
& cYacar noftre naul druerzino:pche no potauamo andare piu::
inaTjizt a caufa she non cenauamo gend i & mitmancaua mold
apparecchi.Facto mcro qto accoidimo di tornarcene a Port
togallo che ditaua p tlucnro trfraogrcco &rramr6tano:&-alfai
mo li 24.huo'niltdc clctoron nelia forraa c6 mancenlmiftorp
fdmefi & Iz.b6barde I &moltealtrearml &pacifticmotpr ..
ca la geared irrra:dllaquaec nQtle fattomcntione i qfto'utag
. go: n6 pchenoe udelimo & pratificaflimoc6 Infinita gentedtl
Spfa:gchc fumo I r ra drenro ben o,hoomnti 4o.lcghe:dodc
uldt dtie corfc chi f Ieltodi dire i rtfrbaddole alle mle 4.gtor
nate.Qucd terr a rr ffora della iinea egnocdale alia parre dd
to auftro Ig.grad i ffuora del mantenimento dt Ltfbpna. 7.
grader iplu alloccldre'fec6docb mottrano enoltrt Imentl.Er
fact tucto fto O cd difpedimo dechrithant &'dlta terrancr co .
minclamo noltta nauiarone al norftodeffe /ceietuenro inta
tramorana &greco i c6 propofiro dandare a dirtltura c6 no(ra
nauicadone a queftacirta di Liftona:et In -7.giornt dipol. tin
ti trauag[t & pcricoll entrimo i qufto porto adi L ;.di Gugno
I o 4.io laudarotdoue fumo moltoben riceudr / & faotado
gnr crdere:pchetucta la cita cifaceua perduti: pche hltre faul
ddlla flocta rcte feron perdute p la fuperbia & pazia del noftro
Ca piano ch cbfli pagha Dio la fuperbia tet alprefentemittryo
tio qi in Lifoona / & on foqucllouorra c(Rcfaredi me che
inolrodefidew riporarmi.Elprecnre aportatore che e/Benue'
nuro di Domenico Bmnuentt f dira a V.M.di mtq cffeftr & di
alcune cofc fifoho lafiatc di dire per prolixita:perche Icha ut,
fte fcndrie i Dioia6 c It o fono ito Rrinhgdo la ter
tera quaio ho porutor & hcdilatieato adire molte cofenaurallt
actufi di fcfare plixlia. V.M.miperdontilaquale fuppfco li
mircnga rid nunrro decua fernidort &vuiraccomnado'fer An
toio Viptrcci mito feratirdl i &-ta lacaTa inia.R.ct6brogando
t oc~ia ui.accr fca edi della utta:& ci falzi lo flato di cotefla ex
cele Rep.&lhTnore dt V.M.&ct. Data In.kifiona adi 44..
5cptembre i.; o 4 ir
S erntotre AimeTlgo Vcfpucdiialofqna.

effeer of meriso espucci
upon 9 iLese nwe^
founb in o i
four ?opagesm

[fditer of Qmnrigo (7tpucci fo (ip r

,onbrini+ (Bonfidonir of tot &Vpuefic

of flornca.]

M--- AGNIFICENT Lord. After humble rever-
ooesucci ataf ence and due commendations, etc. It may
writing desk be that your Magnificence will be sur-
prised by my rashness and the affront to your
wisdom,' in that I should so absurdly bestir myself
to write to your Magnificence the present so-prolix letter: know-
ing [as I do] that your Magnificence is continually employed
in high councils and affairs concerning the good government of
this sublime Republic. And will hold me not only presumptuous,
but also- idly-meddlesome in setting myself to write things,
neither suitable to your station, nor entertaining, and written in
barbarous style, and outside of every canon of literature:2 but the
confidence which I have in your virtues and in the truth of my
writing, which are things [that] are not found written neither by
the ancients nor by modern writers, as your Magnificence will in
the sequel perceive, makes me bold.8 The chief cause which
moved [me] to write to you, was by the request of the present
bearer, who is named Benvenuto Benvenuti our Florentine
[fellow citizen], very much, as it is proven, your Magnificence's

I Literally dared your wisdom in a barbarous phrase which is meant
for "your wisdom thus affronted." 2 Humanitc.
Here usato is certainly the Spanish osado, or the Portuguese ousado,

4 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
servant, and my very good friend: who happening to be here
in this city of Lisbon, begged that I should make communication
to your Magnificence of the things seen by me in divers regions
of the world, by virtue of four voyages which I have made in
discovery of new lands: two by order of the King of Castile,1
King Don Ferrando VI., across the great gulph of the Ocean-sea
towards the west: and the other two by command of the puissant
King Don Manuel King of Portugal, towards the south: Telling
me that your Magnificence would take pleasure thereof, and that
herein he hoped to do you service: wherefore I set me to do it:
because I am assured that your Magnificence holds me in the
number of your servants, remembering that in the time of our
youth I was your friend, and now [am your] servant: and
[remembering our] going to hear the rudiments of grammar under
the fair example and. instruction of the venerable monk friar of
Saint Mark Fra Giorgio Antonio Vespucci: whose counsels and
teaching would to God that I had followed: for as saith Petrarch,
I should be another man than what I am. Howbeit soever,2 I
grieve not: because I have ever taken delight in worthy matters:
and although these trifles of mine may not be suitable to your
virtues, I will say to you as said Pliny to Mecenas, you were
sometime wont to take pleasure in my prattlings : even though
your Magnificence be continually busied in public affairs, you
will take some hour of relaxation to consume a little time in
laughable or amusing things : and as fennel is customarily given
atop of delicious viands to fit them for better digestion, so may
you, for a relief from your so heavy occupations, order this letter
of mine to be read: so that theys may withdraw you somewhat
from the continual anxiety and assiduous reflection upon public
affairs: and if I shall be prolix, I crave pardon,4 my Magnificent
Lord. Your Magnificence shall know that the motive of my
coming into this realm of Spain was to traffic in merchandise:

SThis lack of precision with regard to Ferdinand's title may be compared
with similar carelessness on the early maps which refer to America.
2 Quomodo cunque sit. Vespucci affected a little Latin. 3 "They" for "it.'
4 Veniam feto,

First Voyage. 5

and that I pursued this intent about four years : during which I
saw and knew the inconstant shifting of Fortune: and how she
kept changing those frail and transitory benefits: and how at one
time she holds man on the summit of the wheel, and at another
time drives him back from her, and despoils him of what may be
called his borrowed riches: so that, knowing the continuous toil
which man undergoes to win them, submitting himself to so many
- discomforts and risks, I resolved to abandon trade, and to fix my
aim upon something more praiseworthy and stable: whence it
was that I made preparation for going to see part' of the world
and its wonders: and herefor the time and place presented them-
selves most opportunely to me: which was that the King Don
Ferrando of Castile being about to despatch four ships to discover
newrlands towards the west, I was chosen by his Highness to go
in that fleet to aid in making discovery: and we set out from the
port of Cadiz on the Io2 day of May 1497, and took our route
through the great gulph of the Ocean-sea: in which voyage we
were 18 months [engaged]: and discovered much continental land
and innumerable islands, and great part of them inhabited:
of which there is no mention made by the ancient writers:
I believe, because they had no knowledge thereof: for, if I
remember well, I have read in some one [of those writers] that he
considered that this Ocean-sea was an unpeopled sea: and of this
opinion was Dante our poet in the xxvi. chapter of the Inferno,
where he feigns the death of Ulysses: in which voyage I beheld
things of great wondrousness, as your Magnificence shall under-
stand. As I said above, we left the port of Cadiz four consort
ships :3 and began our voyage in a direct course to the Fortunate
Isles, which are called to-day la gran Canaria, which are situated
in the Ocean-sea at the extremity of the inhabited west, [and] set
in the third climate: over which the North Pole has an elevation

1 Part is used by Vespucci as plural as well as singular, and consequently
this means properly "parts or "various parts," as it appears in the Latin
2 The Latin version at the end of the Cosmographies Introductio has "2o"
instead of o."
3 Navi di conserve,

6 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.

of 27 and a half degrees1 beyond their horizon:" and they are 280
leagues distant from this city of Lisbon, by the wind between
mezzo di and libeccio:3 where we remained eight days, taking in
provision of water, and wood, and other necessary things: and
from here, having said our prayers, we weighed anchor, and gave
the sails to the wind, beginning our course to westward, taking
one quarter by south-west :4 and so we sailed on till at the end of
375 days we reached a land which we deemed to be a continent:
which is distant westwardly from the isles of Canary about a
thousand leagues beyond the inhabited region6 within the torrid
zone: for we found the North Pole at an elevation of 16 degrees
above its horizon,7 and [it was] according to the shewing of
our instruments, 75 degrees to the west of the isles of Canary:
whereat we anchored with our ships a league and a half from
land : and we put out our boats freighted with men and arms: we
made towards the land, and before we reached it, had sight of a
great number of people who were going along the shore: by which
we were much rejoiced: and we observed that they were a naked
race : they shewed themselves to stand in fear of us: I believe
[it was] because they saw us clothed and of other appearance
[than their own] : they all withdrew to a hill, and for whatsoever
signals we made to them of peace and of friendliness, they would
not come to parley with us: so that, as the night was now
coming on, and as the ships were anchored in a dangerous place,
being on a rough and shelterless coast, we decided to remove
from there the next day, and to go in search of some harbour or
bay, where we might place our ships in safety: and we sailed
with the maestrale wind,8 thus running along the coast with the
I The Latin has "274."
2 That is, which are situate at 27 degrees north latitude.
3 South-south-west. It is to be remarked that Vespucci always uses the word
wind to signify the course in which it blows, not the quarter from which it rises.
4 West and a quarter by south-west. 5 Latin has 27.
6 This phrase is merely equivalent to a repetition of from the Canaries,
these islands having been already designated the extreme western limit of
inhabited land.
7 That is, 16 degrees north latitude. If his computations be correct, we
might say that the landfall was on the northern coast of Honduras,
8 North-west. Latin has vento secundum collem.

First Voyage. 7

land ever in sight, continually in our course observing people
along the shore: till after having navigated for two days, we found
a place sufficiently secure for the ships, and anchored half a league
from land, on which we saw a very great number of people: and
this same day we put to land with the boats, and sprang on shore
full 40 men in good trim: apd still the land's people appeared shy
of converse with us, and we were unable to encourage them so
much as to make them come to speak with us: and this day we
laboured so greatly in giving them of our wares, such as rattles
and mirrors, beads,1 balls, and other trifles, that some of them
took confidence and came to. discourse with us : and after having
made good friends with them, the night coming on, we took our
leave of them and returned to the ships: and the next day when
the dawn appeared we saw that there were infinite numbers of
people upon the beach, and they had their women and children
with them : we went ashore, and found that they were all laden
with their worldly goods2 which are suchlike as, in its [proper]
place, shall be related: and before we reached the land, many of
them jumped into the sea and came swimming to receive us
at a bowshot's length [from the shore], for they are very great
swimmers, with as much confidence as if they had for a long time
been acquainted with us: and we were pleased with this their
confidence. For so much as we learned 'of their manner of life
and customs, it was that they go entirely naked, as well the men
as the women, without covering any shameful part, not otherwise
than as they issued from their mother's womb. They are of
medium stature, very well proportioned: their flesh is of a colour
that verges into red like a lion's mane : and I believe that if they
went clothed, they would be as white as we: they have not any
hair upon the body, except the hair of the head which is long and
black, and especially in the women, whom it renders handsome:

1 The word is center, supposed to be a misprint for conte, an Italianised form
of the Spanish cuentas. Spalline (palline, diminutive of palle) is a word not
given in the dictionaries. The Latin translator seems to have read the original
as certe cristalline.
2 Mantenimenti. The word all (tucte) is feminine, and probably refers
only to the women.

8 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.

in aspect they are not very good-looking, because they have broad
faces, so that they would seem Tartar-like : they let no hair grow
on their eyebrows, nor on their eyelids nor elsewhere, except the
hair of the head: for they hold hairiness to be a filthy thing:
they are very light-footed in walking and in running, as well the
men as the women: so that a womanrecks nothing of running a
league or two, as many times we saw them do: and herein they
have a very great advantage over us Christians: they swim [with
an expertness] beyond all belief,.and the women better than the men:
for we have many times found and seen them swimming two
leagues out at sea without any thing to rest upon. Their arms
are bows and arrows very well made, save that they have no iron
nor any other kind of hard metal [wherewith to tip the arrows] :
and instead of iron they put animals' or fishes' teeth, or a spike
of tough wood, with the point hardened by fire: they are sure
marksmen, for they hit whatever they aim at: and in some places
the women use these bows: they have other weapons, such as
fire-hardened spears, and also clubs with knobs, beautifully carved.
Warfare is used amongst them, [which they carry on] against
people not of their own language, very cruelly, without granting
life to any one, except [to reserve him] for greater suffering.
When they go to war, they take their women with them not
that these may fight, but because they carry behind them their
worldly goods: for a woman carries on her back for thirty or
forty leagues a load which no man could bear: as we have many
times seen them do. They are not accustomed to have any
Captain, nor do they go in any ordered array, for every one is
lord of himself: and the cause of their wars is not for lust of
dominion, nor of extending their frontiers, nor for inordinate
covetousness, but for some ancient enmity which in by-gone
times arose1 amongst them: and when asked why they made
war, they knew not any other reason to give us than that they did
so to avenge the death of their ancestors, or of their parents:
these people have neither King, nor Lord, nor do they yield
obedience to any one, for they live in their own liberty: and how

I The expression in the original is e suta, an error for j surta.

First Voyage. 9

they be stirred up to go to war is [this] that when the enemies
have slain or captured any of them, his oldest kinsman rises up
and goes about the highways haranguing them to go with him
and avenge the death of such his kinsman: and so are they
stirred up by fellow-feeling: they have no judicial system, nor do
they punish the ill-doer: nor does the father, nor the mother
chastise the children: and marvellously [seldom] or never did we
see any dispute among them: in their conversation they appear
simple, and [yet] are very cunning and acute in that which
concerns them:1 they speak little and in a low tone: they use
the same articulations as we, since they form their utterances
either with the palate, or with the teeth, or on the lips : except
that they give different names to things. Many are the varieties
of tongues: for in every ioo leagues we found a change of
language, so that they are not understandable each to the other.
The manner of their living is very barbarous, for they eat at no
certain hours, and as oftentimes as they will: and it does not
matter much to them that the will may come rather at midnight
than by day, for they eat at all hours : and their repast is [made]
upon the ground without a table-cloth or any other cover, for
they have their meats either in earthen basins which they make
therefore, or in the halves of pumpkins: they sleep in certain
very large nettings made of cotton,4 suspended in the air: and
although this their [fashion of] sleeping may seem uncomfortable,
I say that it is sweet to sleep in those settingss]: and we slept
better in them than in quilts. kThey are a people of neat exterior,
and clean of body, because of so continually washing them-
selves as they do : when, saving your reverence, they evacuate the
stomach they do their utmost not to be observed: and as much
as in this they are cleanly and bashful, so much the more are

1 Che loro couple. The Spanish word cumplir, with the sense of being
important or suitable.
2 He means that they have no sounds in their language unknown to
European organs of speech, all being either palatals or dentals or labials.
3 The words from "and it does not matter" down to "at all hours omitted
in the Latin.
4 Bambacia.

IO Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.

they filthy and shameless in making water : since, while standing
speaking to us, without turning round or shewing any shame,
they let go their nastiness, for in this they have no shame :\ there
is no custom of marriages amongst them': each man takes as
many women as he lists : and when he desires to repudiate them,
he repudiates them without any imputation of wrong-doing to
him, or of disgrace to the woman: for in this the woman has as
much liberty as the man: they are not very jealous and are
immoderately libidinous, and the women much more so than the
men, so that for decency I omit to tell you the artifice they
practice to gratify1 their inordinate lust theyy are very prolific
women, and do not shirk any work during their pregnancies:
and their travails in childbed are so light that, a single day
after parturition, they go abroad everywhere, and especially to
wash themselves in the rivers, and are [then] as sound as fishes:
they are so void of affection and cruel, that if they be angry
with their husbands they immediately adopt an artificial method
by which the embryo is destroyed in the womb, and procure
abortion, and they slay an infinite number of creatures by
that means : they are women of elegant persons very well
proportioned, so that in their bodies there appears no ill-shapen
part or limb: and although they go entirely naked, they are
fleshy women, and, of their sexual organ, that portion which he
who has never seen it may imagine, is not visible, for they
conceal with their thighs everything except that part for which
nature did not provide, which is, speaking modestly, the
pectignone.2 In fine, they have no shame of their shameful parts,
any more than we haveTin displaying the nose and the mouth: it
is marvellously [rare] that you shall see a woman's paps hang
low, or her belly fallen in by too much childbearing, or other
wrinkles, for they all appear as though they had never brought
forth children: they shewed themselves very desirous of having
connexion with us Christians. Amongst those people we did not
learn that they had any law, nor can they be called Moors nor
Jews, and [they are] worse than pagans: because we never

I In the original, contar for contentare.

2 Bigger bosom, mons V~ene-yis.

First Voyage. 11

saw them offer any sacrifice: nor even had they a house of
prayer: their manner of living I judge to be Epicurean: their
dwellings are in common: and their houses [are] made in the
style of huts,1 but strongly made, and constructed with very
large trees, and covered over with palm-leaves, secure against
storms and winds: and in some places [they are] of so great
breadth and length, that in one single house we found there were
600 souls: and we saw a village of only thirteen 2 houses where
there were four thousand souls : every eight or ten years 4 they
change their place of habitation: and when asked why they did
so: [they said it was] because of the soil which, from its filthiness,
was already unhealthy and corrupted, and that it bred aches in
their bodies, which seemed to us a good reason: their riches
consist of birds' plumes of many colours, or of rosaries 6 which
they make from fishbones, or of white or green stones which they
put in their cheeks and in their lips and ears, and of many other
things which we in no wise value: they use no trade, they neither
buy nor sell. In fine, they live and are contented with that
which nature gives them. The wealth that we enjoy in this our
Europe and elsewhere, such as gold, jewels, pearls, and other
riches, they hold as nothing: and although they have them in
their own lands, they do not labour to obtain them, nor do they
value them. They are liberal in giving, for it is rarely they
deny you anything: and on the other hand, free in asking, when
they shew themselves your friends: the greatest sign of friend-
ship which they shew you is that they give you their wives and
their daughters, and a father or a mother deems himself [or
herself] highly honored, when they bring you a daughter, even
though she be a young virgin, if you sleep with her: and here-
unto they use every expression of friendship. When they die,

1 Waldseemiiller has "bell-towers," having misread campane for capanne,
huts or cabins.
2 Latin has eight. 3 Latin, ten thousand.
4 Latin has seven for ten.
5 Suolo, the ground or flooring, which Waldseemiller absurdly misread sole,
the sun. Varnhagen, no less strangely, translates it the atmosphere."
6 Paternostrini, rosaries or chaplets of beads used by illiterate Catholics,

12 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
they use divers manners of obsequies, and some they bury with
water and victuals at their heads: thinking that they shall have
[whereof] to eat: they have not nor do they use ceremonies of
torches nor of lamentation. In some other places they use the
most barbarous and inhuman burial,2 which is that when a
suffering or infirm [person] is as it were at the last pass of death,
his kinsmen carry him into a large forest, and attach one of those
nets of theirs, in which they sleep, to two trees, and then put him
in it, and dance around him for a whole day: and when the
night comes on they place at his bolster, water with other
victuals, so that he may be able to subsist for four or six days :
and then they leave him alone and return to the village: and if
the sick man helps himself, and eats, and drinks, and survives,
he returns to the village, and his [friends] receive him with
ceremony: but few are they who escape: without receiving any
further visit they die, and that is their sepulture : and they have
many other customs which for prolixity are not related. They
use in their sicknesses various forms of medicines,3 so different
froni ours that we marvelled how any one escaped: for many
times I saw that with a man sick of fever, when it heightened
upon him, they bathed him from head to foot with a large
quantity of cold water: then they lit a great fire around him,
making him turn and turn again every two hours, until they
tired him and left him to sleep, and many were [thus] cured:
with this they make much use of dieting, for they remain three
days without eating, and also of blood-letting, but not from the
arm, only from the thighs and the loins and the calf of the leg:
also they provoke vomiting with their herbs which are put into
the mouth: and they use many other remedies which it would be
long to relate : they are much vitiated in the phlegm and in the
blood because of their food which consists chiefly of roots of
herbs, and fruits and fish: they have no seed of wheat nor other
grain: and for their ordinary use and feeding, they have a root

I Lumi, lights, tapers, candles, as in Catholic ceremonies.
2 Interramento is the word, but he means only funeral rite."
8 That is, medical treatment."

First Voyage. 13

of a tree, from which they make flour, tolerably good, and they
call it luca, and [there are] others who call it Cazabi, and others
Ignami:1 they eat little flesh except human flesh: for your
Magnificence must know that herein they are so inhuman that
they outdo every custom [even] of beasts : for they eat all their
enemies whom they kill or capture, as well females as males, with
so much savagery, that [merely] to relate it appears a horrible
thing: how much more so to see it, as, infinite times and in
many places, it was my hap to see it: and they wondered to
hear us say that we did not eat our enemies: and this your
Magnificence may take for certain, that their other barbarous
customs are such that expression is too weak for the reality: and
as in these four voyages I have seen so many things diverse from
our customs, I prepared to write a common-place-book 2 which I
name LE QUATTRO GIORNATE: in which I have set down the
greater part of the things which I saw, sufficiently in detail, so
far as my feeble wit has allowed me: which I have not yet
published, because I have so ill a taste for my own things that I
do not relish those which I have written, notwithstanding that
many encourage me to publish it: therein everything will be seen
in detail: so that I shall not enlarge further in this chapter: as
in the course of the letter we shall come to many other things
which are particular: let this suffice for the general. At this
beginning, we saw nothing in the land of much profit, except
some show of gold : I believe the cause of it was that we did not
know the language: but in so far as concerns the situation and
condition of the land, it could not be better: we decided to leave
that place, and to go further on, continuously coasting the shore:
upon which we made frequent descents, and held converse with
a great number of people : and after some days we went into a
harbour where we underwent very great danger: and it pleased
the Holy Ghost to save us: and it was in this wise. We
landed in a harbour, where we found a village built like Venice
upon the water: there were about 44 large dwellings in the form

SIgnami is the Portuguese inhame, African yam.
Zibaldone, miscellany, omnium-gatherum.

14 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
of huts erected upon very thick piles,' and they had their doors or
entrances in the style of drawbridges : and from each house one
could pass through all, by means of the drawbridges which
stretched from house to house : and when the people thereof had
seen us, they appeared to be afraid of us, and immediately drew
up all the bridges: and while we were looking at this strange
action, we saw coming across the sea about 22 canoes, which are
a kind of boats of theirs, constructed from a single tree: which
came towards our boats, as if they had been surprised by our
appearance and clothes, and kept wide of us: and thus remaining,
we made signals to them that they should approach us, en-
couraging them with every token of friendliness: and seeing that
they did not come, we went to them, and they did not stay for us,
but made to the land, and, by signs, told us to wait, and that
they would soon return: and they went to a hill in the back-
ground,2 and did not delay long: when they returned, they led
with them 16 of their girls, and entered with these into their
canoes, and came to the boats: and in each boat they put 4 of
the girls. How greatly we marvelled at this behaviour your
Magnificence can imagine, and they placed themselves with
their canoes among our boats, coming to speak with us: inso-
much that we deemed it a mark of friendliness: and while thus
engaged, we beheld a great number of people advance swimming
towards us across the sea, who came from the houses: and as
if they were approaching us without any apprehension: just
then there appeared at the doors of the houses certain old
women, uttering very loud cries and tearing their hair to exhibit
grief: whereby they made us suspicious, and we each betook
ourselves to arms : and instantly the girls whom we had in the
boats, threw themselves into the sea, and the men of the canoes
drew away from us, and began with their bows to shoot arrows
at us: and those who were swimming each carried a lance held,
as covertly as they could, beneath the water: so that, recognizing
1 Waldseeniiller has 20 instead of 44, and repeats his error of "bell-towers"
for huts."
2 Varnhagen says went straight to land," evidently mistaking drieto
(dietro) for dricto, and ignoring monte.

First Voyage. 15

the treachery, we engaged with them, not merely to defend our-
selves, but to attack them vigorously, and we overturned with our
boats many of their skiffs or canoes, for so they call them, we
made a slaughter [of them], and they all flung themselves into the
water to swim, leaving their canoes abandoned, with considerable
loss on their side, they went swimming away to the shore : there
were killed of them about 15 or 20, and many were left wounded:
of ours 5 were wounded, and all, by the grace of God, escaped
[death]: we captured two of the girls and two men: and we
proceeded to their houses, and entered therein, and in them all
we found nothing but two old women and a sick man: we
took away from them many things, but of small value: and we
would not burn their houses, because it seemed to us [as though
that would be] a burden upon our conscience: and we returned to
our boats with five prisoners: and betook ourselves to the ships,
and put a pair of irons on the feet of each of the captives, except
the girls: and when the night came on, the two girls and
one of the men escaped in the most subtle manner possible: and
next day we decided to quit that harbour and go further onwards:
we proceeded continuously skirting the coast, [until] we had
sight of another tribe distant perhaps some 80 leagues from the
former tribe: and we found them very different in speech and
customs: we resolved to cast anchor, and went ashore with the
boats, and we saw on the beach a great number of people
amounting probably to 4000 souls: and when we had reached the
shore, they did not stay for us, and betook themselves to flight
through the forests, abandoning their things: we jumped on land,
and took a pathway that led to the forest: and at the distance of
a bow-shot we found their tents, where they had made very large
fires, and two [of them] were cooking their victuals, and roasting
several animals, and fish of many kinds: where we saw that they
were roasting a certain animal which seemed to be a serpent,
save that it had no wings,1 and was in its appearance so foul

1 Alia-wings or fins. Vespucci must have been thinking of the fabulous

16 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
that we marvelled much at its loathsomeness: Thus went we
on through their houses, or rather tents, and found many of those
serpents alive, and they were tied by the feet and had a cord
around their snouts, so that they could not open their mouths, as
is done [in Europe] with mastiff-dogs so that they may not bite:
they were of such savage aspect that none of us dared to take one
away, thinking that they were poisonous : they are of the bigness
of a kid, and in length an ell and a half:1 their feet are long and
thick, and armed with big claws: they have a hard skin, and are
of various colours: they have the muzzle and aspect of a serpent:
and from their snouts there rises a crest like a saw which extends
along the middle of the back as far as the tip of the tail: in fine
we deemed them to be serpents and venomous, and [yet] they
were used as food : we found that [those people] made bread out of
little fishes which they took from the sea, first boiling them, [then]
pounding them, and making thereof a paste, or bread, and they
baked them on the glowing embers : thus did they eat them : we
tried it, and found that it was good : they had so many other kinds
of eatables, and especially of fruits and roots, that it would be a
large matter to describe them in detail: and seeing that the
people did not return, we decided not to touch nor take away
anything of theirs, so as better to reassure them: and we left in
the tents for them many of our things, placed where they should
see them, and returned by night to our ships: and the next day,
when it was light, we saw on the beach an infinite number of
people: and we landed: and although they appeared timorous
towards us, they took courage nevertheless to hold converse with
us, giving us whatever we asked of them: and shewing themselves
very friendly towards us, they told us that those were their
dwellings, and that they had come hither for the purpose of
fishing: and they begged that we would visit their dwellings and
villages, because they desired to receive us as friends : and they
engaged in such friendship because of the two captured men
whom we had with us, as these were their enemies: insomuch

' Braccio uno e mezo. This animal was the iguana.

First Voyage. 17
that, in view of such importunity on their part, holding a council,
we determined that 28 of us Christians in good array should go
with them, and in the firm resolve to die if it should be necessary:
and after we had been here some three days, we went with them
inland: and at three leagues from the coast we came to a village
of many people and few houses, for there were no more than nine
[of these]: where we were received with such and so many
barbarous ceremonies that the pen suffices not to write them
down: for there were dances, and songs, and lamentations
mingled with rejoicing, and great quantities of food: and here
we remained the night: where they offered us their women, so
that we were unable to withstand them: and after having been
here that night and half the next day, so great was the number
of people who came wondering to behold us that they were
beyond counting: and the most aged begged us to go with them
to other villages which were further inland, making display of
doing us the greatest honour: wherefore we decided to go : and it
would be impossible to tell you how much honour they did us: and
we went to several villages, so that we were nine days journeying,
so that our Christians' who had remained with the ships were
already apprehensive concerning us: and when we were about 18
leagues in the interior of the land, we resolved to return to the
ships: and on our way back, such was the number of people, as
well men as women, that came with us as far as the sea, that it
was a wondrous thing: and if any of us became weary of the
march, they carried us in their nets very refreshingly: and in
crossing the rivers, which are many and very large, they passed
us over by skilful means so securely that we ran no danger what-
ever, and many of them came laden with the things which they
had given us, which consisted of their sleeping-nets, and very
rich feathers, many bows and arrows, innumerable popinjays- of
divers colours: and others brought with them loads of their
household goods, and of animals: but a greater marvel will I tell
you, that, when we had to cross a river, he deemed himself lucky
who was able to carry us on his back: and when we reached the

2 Pappagalli, perroquets.

1 L.e., comrades.

18 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.

sea, our boats having arrived, we entered into them: and so great
was the struggle which they made to get into our boats, and to
come to see our ships, that we marvelled threata] : and in our
boats we took as many of them as we could, and made our way
to the ships, and so many [others] came swimming that we found
ourselves embarrassed in seeing so many people in the ships, for
there were over a thousand persons all naked and unarmed : they
were amazed by our [nautical] gear and contrivances, and the
size of the ships: and with them there occurred to us a very
laughable affair, which was that we decided to fire off some of our
great guns,1 and when the explosion took place, most of them
through fear cast themselves [into the sea] to swim, not otherwise
than frogs on the margins of a pond, when they see something
that frightens them, will jump into the water, just so did those
people: and those who remained in the ships were so terrified
that we regretted our action: however we reassured them by
telling them that with those arms we slew our enemies: and
when they had amused themselves in the ships the whole day, we
told them to go away because we desired to depart that night,
and so separating from us with much friendship and love, they
went away to land. Amongst that people and in their land, I
knew and beheld so many of their customs and ways of living,
that I do not care to enlarge upon them: for Your Magnificence
must know that in each of my voyages I have noted the most
wonderful things, and I have indited it all in a volume after the
manner of a geography: and I intitle it LE QUATTRO GIORNATE:
in which work the things are comprised in detail, and as yet there
is no copy of it given out, as it is necessary for me to revise it.2
This land is very populous, and full of inhabitants, and of
numberless rivers, [and] animals: few [of which] resemble ours,
excepting lions, panthers, stags, pigs, goats, and deer:8 and even
these have some dissimilarities of form: they have no horses nor
SArtiglierie. 2 Conferirla.
3 In the text the colon follows few," which alters the sense considerably,
and makes the statement run thus, Numberless rivers and few animals: they
resemble ours," &c.; but the real intention is evidently better conveyed by
adding the words in brackets, and displacing the colon in question.

First Voyage.

mules, nor, saving your reverence, asses nor dogs, nor any kind
of sheep or oxen : but so numerous are the other animals which
they have-and all are savage, and of none do they make use for
their service-that they could not be counted. What shall we
say of their different birds ? which are so numerous, and of so
many kinds, and of such various-coloured plumages, that it is a
marvel to behold them. The land is very pleasant and fruitful,
full of immense woods and forests: and it is always green, for
the foliage never drops off. The fruits are so many that they are
numberless and entirely different from ours. This land is within
the torrid zone, close to or just under the parallel which marks
the Tropic of Cancer: where the pole of the horizon has an
elevation of 23 degrees, at the extremity of the second climate.1
Many tribes came to see us, and wondered at our faces and our
whiteness: and they asked us whence we came: and we gave
them to understand that we had come from heaven, and that we
were going to see the world, and they believed it. In this land
we placed baptismal fonts, and an infinite [number of] people
were baptized, and they called us in their language Carabi, which
means men of great wisdom. We took our departure from that
port: and the province is called Lariab: and we navigated along
the coast, always in sight of land, until we had run 870 leagues of
it, still going in the direction of the maestrale [north-wet] making
in our course many halts, and holding intercourse with many
peoples : and in several places we obtained gold by barter but not
much in quantity, for we had done enough in discovering the
land and learning that they had gold. We had now been thirteen
months on the voyage: and the vessels and the tackling were
already much damaged, and the men worn out by fatigue: we
decided by general council to haul our ships on land and examine
them for the purpose of stanching leaks," as they made much
water, and of caulking and tarring them afresh, and [then] return-
ing towards Spain: and when we came to this determination,
we were close to a harbour the best in the world: into which
1 That is, 23 degrees north latitude; possibly referring to the coast near
Tampico (Mexico). 2 Stancharle (? stagnarle).

20 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.

we entered with our vessels: where we found an immense
number of people: who received us with much friendliness: and
on the shore we made a bastion' with our boats and with barrels
and casks, and our artillery, which commanded every point:2
and our ships having been unloaded and lightened,3 we drew
them upon land, and repaired them in everything that was
needful: and the land's people gave us very great assistance:
and continually furnished us with their victuals: so that in this
port we tasted little of our own, which suited our game well:4 for
the stock of provisions which we had for our return-passage was
little and of sorry kind : where [i.e., there] we remained 37 days:
and went many times to their villages, where they paid us the
greatest honour: and [now] desiring to depart upon our voyage,
they made complaint to us how at certain times of the year there
came from over the sea to this their land, a race of people very
cruel, and enemies of theirs: and by means of treachery or of
violence slew many of them, and ate them: and some they
made captives, and carried them away to their houses, or country:
and how they could scarcely contrive to defend themselves from
them, making signs to us that [those] were an island-people and
lived out in the sea about a hundred leagues away: and so
piteously did they tell us this that we believed them: and we
promised to avenge them of so much wrong: and they remained
overjoyed herewith: and many of them offered to come along
with us, but we did not wish to take them for many reasons, save
that we took seven of them, on condition that they should come
[i.e., return home] afterwards in canoes because we did not desire
to be obliged to take them back to their country: and they
were contented: and so we departed from those people, leaving
them very friendly towards us: and having repaired our ships, and

1 Fort or barricade. The Latin misreads it a new boat."
2 Che giocavano per tucto.
3 Allogiate is slurred over by the Latin and Varnhagen. I take it to be
intended for allegiate, and this to be an old form, corresponding to the French
alliger, of allegerite or alleviate: lightened, eased.
4 Che cifeciono buon giuoco.

First Voyage.

sailing for seven days out to sea between north-east and east: and
at the end of the seven days we came upon the islands, which
were many, some [of them] inhabited, and others deserted:
and we anchored at one of them: where we saw a numerous
people who called it Iti: and having manned our boats with
strong crews, and [taken] three guns in each, we made for
land: where we found [assembled] about 400 men, and many
women, and all naked like the former [peoples]. They were
of good bodily presence, and seemed right warlike men: for
they were armed with their weapons, which are bows, arrows,
and lances: and most of them had square wooden targets: and
bore them in such wise that they did not impede the drawing of
the bow: and when we had come with our boats to about a
bowshot of the land, they all sprang into the water to shoot their
arrows at us and to prevent us from leaping upon shore: and
they all had their bodies painted of various colours, and [were]
plumed with feathers: and the interpreters who were with us
told us that when [those] displayed themselves so painted and
plumed, it was to betoken that they wanted to fight: and so
much did they persist in preventing us from landing, that we were
compelled to play with our artillery: and when they heard the
explosion, and saw some of their number fall dead, they all drew
back to the land: wherefore, forming our Council, we resolved
that 42 of our men should spring on shore, and, if they waited for
us, fight them : thus having leaped to land with our weapons, they
advanced towards us, and we fought for about an hour, but we
had little advantage of them, except that our arbalasters and
gunners killed some of them, and they wounded certain of our
men: and this was because they did not stand to receive us
within reach of lance-thrust or sword-blow: and so much vigour
did we put forth at last, that we came to sword-play, and when
they tasted our weapons, they betook themselves to flight through
the mountains and the forests, and left us conquerors of the field
with many of them dead and a good number wounded: and for

SLe lingue, a Portuguese idiom.

22 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.

that day we took no other pains to pursue them, because we were
very weary, and we returned to our ships, with so much gladness
on the part of the seven men who had come with us that they
could not contain themselves [for joy]: and when the next day
arrived, we beheld coming across the land a great number of
people, with signals of battle, continually sounding horns, and
various other instruments which they use in their wars: and all
[of them] painted and feathered, so that it was a very strange
sight to behold them : wherefore all the ships held council, and
it was resolved that since this people desired hostility with us, we
should proceed to encounter them and try by every means to make
them friends: in case they would not have our friendship, that
we should treat them as foes, and so many of them as we might
be able to capture should all be our slaves: and having armed
ourselves as best we could, we advanced towards the shore, and
they sought not to hinder us from landing, I believe from fear of
the cannons : and we jumped on land, 57 men in four squadrons,
each one [consisting of] a captain and his company: and we came
to blows with them: and after a long battle [in which] many of
them [were] slain, we put them to flight, and pursued them to a
village, having made about 250 of them captives, and we burnt
the village, and returned to our ships with victory and 250
prisoners1 leaving many of them dead and wounded, and of ours
there were no more than one killed, and 22 wounded, who all
escaped [i.e., recovered], God be thanked. We arranged our
departure, and the seven men, of whom five were wounded, took
an island-canoe, and, with seven prisoners that we gave them,

Varnhagen thought we ought to read 25 (not 250), like the Latin
version, and to correct the figures 222 lower down into "22," in both the text
and the Latin. But he was in error, having omitted to observe that the figures
" 250" occur twice. He evidently looked more on the Latin than the text.
Besides, a capture of only 25 savages would be very little indeed for the
European force to make, whether we reckon it at 57 men or 228 men, as he and
the Latinizer read it (four squadrons, each of 57 men, with its captain), especially
when they had entered into hostilities with the express intention of making
captives. [He afterwards corrected himself.]

First Voyage. 23

four women and three men, returned to their [own] country full
of gladness, wondering at our strength: and we thereupon made
sail for Spain with 222 captive slaves: and reached the port
of Cadiz on the 15 day of October 1498, where we were well
received and sold our slaves. Such is what befel me, most note-
worthy, in this my first voyage.



^kconb (po^Ay

[Woodcut of two Ships at Sea.]

AS for the second voyage, and what I saw in it most worthy
of record, it is as follows here. We started from the
port of Cadiz, three ships in company, on the 16 day
of May 14991 and began our voyage in a direct course to
the islands of Cape Verde, passing in sight of the island of
Great Canary: and sailed on until we dropped anchor at an
island which is called the Island of Fire:" and having here
taken in our provision of water and firewood, we resumed our
voyage towards the south-west : and in 44 days we touched
upon a new land: and we deemed that it was [part of] a
continent, and continuous with that [land] of which mention
is made above: the which [new land] is situated within the
Torrid Zone, and southward of the equinoctial line : above which
the southern pole rises to the elevation of 5 degrees, beyond
every climate :" and it is 500 leagues distant south-westwardly7
from the said islands : and we found that the days were equal
with the nights: for we reached it on the 27 day of June, when

S1499. Latin has 1489, by error. 2 Lisola delfuoco. 3 Per illibeccio.
The Latin has 19 days," and so has Varnhagen, notwithstanding that
his text is correct.
SI.e., in the preceding relation of the first voyage. The Latin makes a
blunder here, and says, "opposite to," instead of "continuous with." The
translator must have read contraria for continue."
6 This means, simply, at 5 degrees south latitude.
7 Per el vento libeccio, s I.e., the Canaries,

Second Voyage. 25

the sun is nigh the Tropic of Cancer : which land we found to be
all overflowed with water and full of very large rivers.1 As yet2 we
saw no people : we brought our ships to anchor and put out our
boats: in them we pulled to the land, and as I have said, we
found it full of the largest rivers and inundated by very great
floods which we met with: and we attempted it in many places
to see if we could enter therein : and because of the great floods
poured by the rivers, however strenuously we strove, we could
find no spot that was not inundated: we observed on the waters
many tokens that the land was inhabited: and seeing that in
this quarter we could not enter it, we decided to return to the
ships and to attempt landing in another place: and we weighed
our anchors, and sailed east-south-east,3 always coasting the
shore which trended in that direction, and in a space of 40
leagues we made attempts to land in several places: and it was all
lost time: we found on that coast the sea-currents so strong that
they did not allow us to navigate, and they all ran from south-east
to north-west: consequently, seeing so many impediments to our
navigation, we held a council, and decided to turn our course to
the north-west: and we sailed along the land till we arrived at a
very fine port: which was formed by a large island that was
situated at the mouth, inside of which there was a bay, very
deeply indented: and while sailing by the side of the island to
enter into the harbour, we beheld many people: and rejoicing
threat, we directed our vessels thither, so as to drop anchor
where we saw the people, being probably [then] about four
leagues away to seaward from them : and proceeding thus we
had sight of a canoe that was coming from the high sea: in
which there were coming many persons: and we resolved to
seize it : and we turned our vessels round to meet it, navigating

1 Varnhagen inserts here (from the Latin) a statement about the greenness
of the land, and that it was full of large trees; which does not at all appear in
the text.
2 In quest principio. 3 Infra levante e sciloccho.
4 There is some confusion here; they could hardly have been able to see a
crowd of people at four leagues' distance, Haverla alla mano.

Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.

in such order that we should not lose it: and sailing towards it
with a brisk breeze,1 we observed that they were at a stand-still,
with their oars lifted, I believe in wonder at our ships : and when
they perceived that we were advancing to approach them, they
dipped their oars in the water and began to row towards the land :
and as in our company there was a caravel of 45 tons, a very quick
sailor, she took station to windward of the canoe: and when it
seemed to be time to bear down upon it, [the caravel] shook out 3
full sail and made for [the canoe] and we likewise: and when the
caravel came abreast of it and did not seek to board [the canoe],
she passed by, and then. stood still against the wind : and when
they saw themselves at a vantage, they began to struggle hard
with their oars to escape: and we, who had our boats already
astern manned with good crews, thinking that they would take it
[the canoe], and they laboured for more than two hours, and at
last, if the little caravel had not tacked again upon them, we
should have lost it [the canoe] : and when they found themselves
hemmed in by the caravel and the boats, they all flung themselves
into the sea, probably some 70 men [in number] :4 and they were
at a distance of about two leagues from land: and following them
with our boats, the whole day, we were unable to take more than
two of them, for, certain it was, all the others reached the land in
safety: and in the canoe there remained four boys: who were
not of their tribe: for they brought them as captives from
another land: and they had castrated them, for they were all
without the virile member, and had the wound still fresh:
whereat we marvelled much: and being taken into the ships they
told us by signs that [the men of the canoe] had castrated them in
order to eat them: and we learned that those were a people who
are called Camballi, very savage, who ate human flesh. Towing
the canoe astern, we made in our ships for the land and anchored
at the [distance of] half a league : and as we saw great numbers of
people on the shore, we rowed to the land in our boats, taking
with us the two men we had captured : and having landed, all
i Fresco tempo. Barlovento.
3 Allargho ii apparechi. 4 Latin has 20 men,"

26 '

Second Voyage. 27

the people fled away, and betook themselves to the forests:
and we let go one of the [two] men, giving him several little
bells,1 and [indicating] that we desired to be their friends: which
he [whom] we sent to them effected very well, and brought with
him all the tribe, who were about 400 men and many women:
who came without any weapons to where we were with our
boats: and having made good friendship with them, we restored
to them the second captive, and sent to the ships for their
canoe and gave it back to them. This canoe was 26 paces long,
and two ells2 broad, and entirely hollowed out of a single tree,
and very elaborately made; and when they had docked it in
a river and put it in a safe place, they all fled away, and would
no further hold intercourse with us, which seemed to us a quite
barbarous action, so that we deemed them a people of little faith
and ill condition. With them we saw some little gold which they
had in their ears. We departed thence, and made our way to
the inner part of the bay : where we found such a multitude
of people, that it was marvellous: with whom on landing we
made a friendship: and many of us went with them to their
villages, very safely, and well-received. In this place we obtained 4
150 pearls which they gave us in exchange for a little bell, and
some little gold which they gave us for nothing : 5 and in this land
we found that they drank a wine made of their fruits and grain, in
the manner of beer, both white and red: and the best was made
of myrobalans,' and was very good: and they ate infinite numbers
of these, it being then the season for them. It is a very good
fruit, pleasant to the taste, and healthful to the body. The soil
abounds greatly with everything they need for subsistence, and
the people [were] of polite behaviour and the most pacific we had

I Sonagli, little bells or rattles.
2 Braccia.
3 Instead of the simple statement, "and made our way," &c., the Latin
inserts having voyaged along that coast for about eighty leagues we came to a
safe harbour," which is absurd, but has apparently influenced Varnhagen, who
evidently made the mistake of incautiously referring sometimes to the Latin only
and sometimes to the Italian text, thus failing to see all the discrepancies.
4 Rischattammo. The Latin has 500, instead of 150.
5 Di gratia. 6 Mirabolani.

28 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
as yet met with. We remained in this harbour for seventeen
days with much pleasure: and every day fresh people, from the
interior of the country, came to see us, wondering at our appear-
ance and whiteness, and our clothing and arms, and at the shape
and great size of the ships. From those people we had informa-
tion of a tribe that lived further to the west of them, who were
their enemies, who had an infinite quantity of pearls: and that
those [pearls] which they [our friends] had were what they had
taken from them [the enemies] in their .wars: and they told us
how they fished for them, and in what manner they [the pearls]
were produced, and we found that they spoke with truth, as Your
Magnificence shall hear. We departed from this harbour and
navigated along the coast: on which we continually saw clouds
of smoke arising, with people on the beach: and at the end of
several days we came to anchor in a harbour, for the purpose of
repairing one of our ships, which had sprung a great leak :
where we found that there was a large population: with whom
we were not able, neither by force nor for love, to obtain any
conversation whatever: and when we went on land, they
struggled fiercely to prevent us from doing so : and when they
could hold out no longer, they fled through the forests and did
not await us. Finding them so barbarous, we went away from
hence: and proceeding on our voyage we had sight of an island
distant 15 leagues out to sea from the [main-] land: and we
decided on going to see if it were inhabited. We found therein
the most brutish and loathsome people that were ever seen, and
they were on this wise. In behaviour and looks, they were very
repulsive: and they all had their cheeks swollen out with a green
herb inside, which they were constantly chewing like beasts, so
that they could scarcely utter speech: and each one had [sus-
pended] upon his neck, two dried gourds, one of which was full of
that herb which they kept in their mouths, and the other [full]
of a white flour, which looked like powdered chalk, and from
time to time, with a small stick which they kept moistening in
their mouths, they dipped it into the flour and then put it into
1 Fumalte, by error forfumate. Varnhagen has transcribedfumatte.
2 Faceva molla acqua,

Second Voyage. 29

their mouths inside both cheeks, thus mixing with flour the
herb which they had in their mouths: and this they did very
frequently: and marvelling at such a thing, we were unable to
comprehend this secret, nor with what object they acted thus.
These people when they saw us, came to us as familiarly as if we
had been united with them in friendship: going with them along
the beach, talking, and desirous of drinking fresh water, they
made signs to us that they had none, and offered us some of that
herb and flour of theirs, so that we concluded by inference that
this island was poor in water, and that it was to preserve them-
selves against thirst they kept that herb in their mouths, and
the flour for the same [reason]. We went through the island for
a day and a half without ever finding any flowing water: and we
observed that the water which they drank was of a dew which
fell by night on certain leaves that looked like asses' ears, and
[which] became full of water, and hereof they drank: it was most
excellent water: and [i.e., but] they had not those leaves in many
places. They had no form of victuals, nor roots, as on the main-
land : and they subsisted on fish which they took in the sea; and
of these they had very great abundance, and they were most
expert fishermen: and they presented to us many turtles, and
many very excellent fish of great size : their women did not use
to keep the herb in their mouths like the men, but all [the women]
carried a gourd with water and drank thereof. They had no
villages, neither of houses nor huts, save that they dwelt under-
neath arbours, which protected them from the sun, and not
from the water; for I believe it rained very seldom in that
island: when they were at sea fishing, they all had a leaf of great
size and so broad, that they were quite in shadow beneath it, and
they used to fix it in the ground: and as the sun revolved so
did they turn the leaf: and in this manner they protected them-
selves from the sun. The island contains many animals of
various kinds: and they drink marsh-water: and seeing that
they had nothing profitable [for us] we departed, and took our
course to another island: and we found [afterwards] that a race
of very great stature dwelt therein : we then landed to see if we
found [could find] fresh water : and imagining that the island was

30 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
not inhabited because we saw no people, going along the shore
we beheld very large footprints of men on the sand: and we
judged, if their other members were of corresponding size, that
they must be very big men: and proceeding onwards, we came
upon a pathway which led to the interior of the land : and nine of
us agreed : and concluded that the island being small could not
contain within itself many people: and thereupon we went
onward through it, to see what manner of people they were: and
after we had gone for about a league, we beheld in a valley five of
their huts, which appeared uninhabited: and we made our way to
them and found only five women, two old ones and three girls,
so lofty in stature that we gazed at them in astonishment: and
when they saw us, so much terror overcame them that they had
not even spirit to flee away: and the two old women began to
invite us with words, bringing us many things to eat, and they
put us in a hut: and they were in stature taller than a tall man,
so that they would be quite as big of body as was Francesco
degli Albizi, but better proportioned : insomuch that we were all
of a mind to take away the three girls from them by force : and to
carry them to Castile as a prodigy : and while thus discoursing,
there began to enter through the door of the hut full 36 men
much bigger than the women: men so well built that it was a
famous sight to see them: who put us in such uneasiness that we
would much rather have been in our ships than in the company of
such people. They carried very large bows and arrows, with large
knobbed clubs: and they spoke among themselves in such a tone
as though they meant to lay hands upon us: seeing that we were
in such danger, we debated of various plans among ourselves:
some [of us] said that we ought to attack immediately in the
house: and others that it were better on the open ground
[outside] : and others who said that we ought not to begin the
quarrel until we should see what they meant to do: and we
agreed to go forth from the hut and to make our way slily
towards the ships : and so we did: and having taken our way we
returned to the ships: those [savages] however came following
behind us, always at the distance of a stone's throw, speaking
amongst themselves: I believe that they were no less afraid of

Second Voyage. 31

us, than we were of them: because we halted sometimes, and
they did the same without approaching nearer, until we reached
the shore where the boats were awaiting us : and we entered into
them: and when we were at some distance, they danced about
and shot many arrows at us: but we had little dread of them
now: we fired two gunshots at them, more to terrify them than
to do any hurt: and at the explosion they all fled inwards:I
and so we departed from them, having as it seemed to us escaped
from a perilous day's work. They went entirely naked like the
others. I call that island, the Isle of Giants, because of their
great size: and we proceeded onward still skirting the coast on
which it befel us many times to have to fight them, as they
sought not to allow us to take anything from the land : and since
it was our desire to return now to Castile, as we had been
about a year at sea, and had [but] a small stock of provisions
[remaining], and that little damaged by reason of the great heats
that we endured : because from the time when we started for the
isles of Cape Verde till now, we had continually navigated in the
torrid zone, and twice crossed the equinoctial line: for as I have
said above we had gone to 5 degrees below it southwardly: and
here we were at 15 degrees north of it.3 Being in this mind, it
pleased the Holy Ghost to give us some relief for so much travail:
which was, that while we were seeking a harbour wherein to
repair our vessels, we met with a nation which received us with
great friendliness: and we found that they had a great abundance
of very fine oriental pearls: with whom we stayed for 47 days:
and we bought from them 119 marks of pearls for very little
merchandize: for I believe they did not cost us the value of forty
ducats: since that which we gave them was nothing but little
bells and looking-glasses and beads, dieci-palle,5 and sheets of
tin, indeed, for a single little bell a man gave as many pearls as

Al monte. Upwards, or to the further end. 2 Cape St. Roque.
3 A little north of Caracas, probably 12 degrees (not 15).
4 Marchi, marco-a weight of eight ounces.
6 Conte, dieci palle et foglie di octone. Dieci palle must be some sort of
balls or playing-marbles, perhaps the same as the spalline of the first voyage.

32 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
he had. From them [the natives] we learned how and where they
fished for them [the pearls]: and they gave us many [of the]
oysters in which they grew: we bought [also] an oyster in which
130 pearls were growing, and others with less : The Queen took
from me that with the 130: and others I took care she should
not see. And Your Magnificence must know that unless the
pearls are matured, and drop out of themselves, they do not last:
because they perish quickly: and of this I have had actual
experience: when they are mature, they lie within the shell
detached and set in the flesh :2 and these ones are good:
whatsoever bad ones they had, though the most of them were
rough and ill-formed, still they were worth good money: because
the mark sold for : and at the end of 47 days we quitted
the people, leaving them very friendly towards us. We departed,
and through the necessity of our victualling we made for the
island of Antiglia which is the same that Christophal Colombo
discovered several years ago: where we took in much store of
provision: and remained two months and 17 days:6 where we
underwent many perils and troubles with the very Christians who
were in this island along with Colombo : I believe through envy:
but, in order not to be prolix, I refrain from narrating them.
We departed from the said island on the 22 day of July: and we
navigated during a month and a half: and entered into the port
of Cadiz, which was on the 8 day of September, by daylight,
my second voyage: God [be] praised.



1 From the Queen took down to she should not see omitted in Latin.
SThe text is obscure; the Latin is explicatory, and I presume correct, in
its account of the nature of pearls.
3 A blank in the text. From good to sold for omitted in Latin.
4 Hispaniola.
6 The Latin 2 months and 2 days."
6 Along with Columbus," omitted in Latin and not noted by Varnhagen.

7qirb Qo~

[Woodcut of a Ship at Sea.]

B EING afterwards in Seville, resting myself from so many
travails that I had in those two voyages undergone, and
purposing to return to the land of the pearls: when
Fortune not contented with my labours, for I know not how it
came into the mind of this most serene King Don Manuel of
Portugal, to wish to employ me: and being in Seville without
any thought of coming to Portugal, there comes to me a message
with a letter of his royal crown,1 which desired me to come to
Lisbon to speak with his Highness, promising to give me recom-
pense. I was not of opinion that I should come: I sent away
the messenger, saying that I was ill in health, and that when I
should be well and his Highness still desired to employ me, that
I would do whatever he should command me. And seeing that
he could not have me, he decided to send for me [i.e., to fetch me]
Giuliano di Bartholomeo del Giocondo, residing here in Lisbon,
with a commission to bring me by whatever means. The said
Giuliano came to Seville: through whose coming and entreaty I
was compelled to come:" but my coming was regarded with
ill-favour by so many as knew me: because I quitted Castile where
honour had been done me, and the King kept me in good

1 I.e., an official letter from the Crown.
2 He means "go," and in the next line "going," but was led to say
"come and coming from the consciousness that he was writing his letter
in Lisbon.

34 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
ownership:1 the worst was that I went insalutato hospite:2
and having presented myself before this King [of Portugal],
he shewed himself pleased with my coming: and prayed me
to join the company of three of his ships which were ready
to go in discovery of new lands: and as a King's request is
a command, I had to consent to whatever he desired of me: and
we sailed from this port of Lisbon, three ships in company, on
the o1 day of May 1501, and took our route directly for the Island
of Great Canary: and we passed in sight of it without halting:
and from hence we went skirting along the coast of Africa on the
west side: on which coast we exercised our fishing-skill on a
kind of fish which are called Parchi;3 where we stopped three
days: and from hence we made for the coast of Ethiopia, to a
port which is called Besechicce,4 which is within the Torrid Zone:
over which the North Pole is at an elevation of 14J degrees,
situated in the first climate : where we remained Ii days, taking
in water and firewood: because my intention was to make our
seaway southwardly through the Atlantic gulf.6 We quitted
this Ethiopian port, and navigated south-westwardly,7 taking one
quarter by south, until after a course of 67 days we anchored at a
land which was 700 leagues to the south-west of the said port: and
in those 67 days we had the worst weather that ever any seafarer
had, through numerous storm-showers,8 whirlwinds, and tempests
which struck us: because we were in a very adverse season
since the greater part of our navigation was continually close
to the equinoctial line, for in the month of June it is winter:
and we found that the day was equal with the night: and we
found that the shadow was always towards the south: it pleased
God to shew us new land, and [this] was on the 17 day of
August: when we anchored at half a league [from the shore] : and
put out our boats: and went to inspect the land, whether it was
inhabited by people, and who these people were: and we found

In buona possession (? in high consideration," as Latin has it).
2 Without bidding adieu to my host." 3 Portuguese Pargos.
4 Latin has Besilicca. 6 That is, 14J degrees north latitude.
6 Ocean. 7 Libeccio. s Aguazeri (waterspouts ?).

Third Voyage. 35

that it was inhabited by a people who were worse than animals:
however Your Magnificence must understand that as yet 1 we saw
no people, but we perceived well that it was inhabited from many
signs that we observed therein: we took possession of it for this
most serene King [Don Manuel] :' which land we found to be
very pleasant and green, and of goodly appearance: it was 5
degrees towards the south beyond the equinoctial line: and for
that day3 we returned to the ships: and because we were in
great want of water and firewood, we determined the next day to
return to the shore to provide ourselves with what was needful:
and, when on land, we beheld some people on the top of a hill,
who stood gazing and did not venture to come down : they were
naked, and of the same colour and fashion as were the other
former [savages we had met with elsewhere]: and although we
strove to induce them4 to come and speak with us, we were
totally unable to reassure them, for they had no trust in us: and
seeing their obstinacy, and [as] it was already late, we returned
to the ships, leaving on the ground for them several little bells
and looking-glasses, and other things within their ken: and when
we were at a distance on sea, they descended from the hill and
came for the things we had left them, displaying great wonder-
ment at these: and for that day we provided ourselves only with
water: the next morning we saw from the ships that the land's
people were making many clouds of smoke: and thinking that
they were calling us [to them] we went on shore where we found
that great numbers of them had come, and yet they remained
aloof from us : and they made signs to us that we should go with
them into the interior of the land: wherefore two of our
Christians were moved to ask the Captain that he would give
them leave as they wished to undertake the risk of going with
those [savages] into the land, to see what [manner of] people they
were, and whether they had any riches, or spices, or druggeries;
and so much did they beseech that the captain was pleased [to

I In quest principio. The Latin says, by mistake, King of Castile."
3 Per questo ci di, by mistake for per questo di ci, It is ita in Latin,
By signals, of course,

36 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
allow it] : and they prepared themselves with many things for
barter [and] quitted us with the order that they should not be
more than 5 days before returning: because we would wait for
them just so long: and they took their way through the country:
and we [remained] by the ships awaiting them: and almost every
day people came to the beach and would never hold speech with
us: and the seventh day we went on land, and found that they
had brought their women with them: and when we leaped to
shore, the land's men sent many of their women to speak with
us : and seeing they did not become confident, we decided to send
one of our men to them, who was a young fellow given to feats of
strength; and, to reassure them,2 we entered into our boats: and
he went among the women: and when he reached them, they
made a great circle around him, touching him and gazing at him
in wonderment: and while he was thus [encircled] we saw a
woman come from the hill, and she carried a great stake in her
hand: and when she reached to where our Christian stood, she
came behind him: and, lifting the club, gave him such a tremen-
dous blow that she stretched him dead on the ground, in an
instant the other women took hold of him by the feet and dragged
him along by his feet towards the hill: and the men bounded
towards the beach, and with their bows and arrows [began] to
shoot at us : and they put our people into such terror, the boats
being held fast by the small anchors which were sunk in the
ground, that, because of the numerous arrows [the natives] shot
into the boats, no one had courage to snatch up his arms: how-
ever we fired 4 gunshots at them, and they took no effect, save
that on hearing the explosion, they all fled towards the hill and
to where the women were already [cutting] the Christian into
bits: and at a great fire which they had made, they were roasting
him before our eyes, holding up several pieces towards us and
[then] eating them: and the men [were] making signs to us by
their gestures how they had killed the other two Christians and
eaten them: which grieved us greatly, seeing with our eyes

SChe moltofaceva lo sforzo.
2 Text has him," by a typographical error of lo for le,"

Third Voyage. 37

the cruelty they were exercising on the dead man, to all of us it
was an intolerable offence: and more than 40 of us being deter-
mined to jump on land and revenge such a cruel death, and an
action [so] bestial and inhuman, the Admiral would not give
his consent, and so they [the natives] remained glutted with
so great a villainy:2 and we departed from them ill-willingly,
and with much shamefulness because of our Captain. We
quitted that place, and began our navigation east-south-east,
and thus the land trended : and we made many descents on land,
and never did we meet a tribe that was willing to hold parley
with us: and thus we navigated onward till we found that [the
line of] the land was turning to south-westward:3 when we
doubled a cape, to which we gave the name of Cape St. Augus-
tine,4 we began to sail south-west, and this cape is 150 leagues
distant to the east of the aforesaid land which we saw, where they
slew the Christians: and this cape is 8 degrees south of the
equinoctial line: and while [thus] sailing we had sight one day of
many people who were standing on the beach to behold the
wondrous sight of our ships and the manner of our naviga-
tion, we directed our course towards them, and anchored in a
good place, and made in our boats for land, and found them a
better-conditioned people than the last: and although it was a
toil to us to tame them, yet we made them our friends and held
intercourse with them. We stayed 5 days in this place: and
here we found canna fistola very thick and green, and dry on the
tops of the trees. We decided to take in this place a couple of
[native] men, so that they should explain for us the language:
and there came three of their own free will to come to Portugal:
and for the present, tired [as I am] already of so much writing,
Your Magnificence shall know, that we departed from that port,
navigating always within sight of land in a south-west direction,
frequently making descents upon shore, and speaking with an
infinite number of peoples : and so far did we proceed southwards

SCapitano maggiore. 2 Di tanta ingiuria, wrong-doing.
8 Libeccio, 4 The Latin has St, Vincent.

38 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
that we were now beyond the Tropic of Capricorn, where the
South Pole was at an elevation of 32 degrees above the horizon:
and we had already quite lost [sight of] Ursa Minor, and [Ursa]
Major was very low, and appeared to us to be almost on the line
of the horizon, and we guided ourselves by the stars of the other
pole [that] of the South: which are numerous, and much larger
and more brilliant than those of our pole: and I drew diagrams
of most of them, and especially of those of the first and greatest
magnitude, with an exposition of the orbits which they describe
around the southern pole, and a declaration of their diameters
and semidiameters, as may be seen in my 4 Giornate:1 we
ran along this coast to the length of 750 leagues, 150 leagues
west of the cape called [Cape] St. Augustine, and 6002 leagues
to the south-west: and if I wished to narrate the things
which I saw on this coast, and what we underwent, twice the
number of leaves [of paper] would not suffice me: and on this
coast we saw nothing of value,8 except an infinite number of
dye-wood and cassia-trees, and those which beget myrrh, and
other wonders of nature which cannot be recounted: and having
already been fully io months voyaging, and seeing that in this
land we found nothing of mineral [wealth] we decided to hasten
away from there, and to put to sea for some other quarter : and
having held our council, it was resolved that the course should be
followed which I should think fitting: and the command of the
fleet was entirely handed over to me: and I then ordered that all
the crews and the fleet should provide themselves with water and
wood for six months, as the masters of the ships judged that we
might navigate in them for so much time. Having taken in our
stores from this land, we began our voyage towards the south-east:
and it was on the 154 day of February when the sun was already
nearing the Equinox, and turning towards this our northern
hemisphere: and so long did we sail by that wind, that we

1 "Le Quattro Giornate," the projected book to which he has already
made more than one reference.
2 Latin has 70,. 3 Proficto, 4 Latin has 13,

Third Voyage. 39

found ourselves [at] so highly [a latitude] that the southern pole
stood quite 52 degrees above our horizon, and we no longer
beheld the stars either of Ursa Minor or Ursa Major: and we
were already at a distance of full 500 leagues south-east from the
harbour whence we had set out: and this was on the 3 day of
April, and on that day there arose a tempest of so much violence
upon the sea that we were compelled to haul down all our sails,
and we scudded under bare poles before the great wind, which was
south-west with enormous waves and a very stormy sky: and so
fierce was the tempest that all the fleet was in great dread: the
nights were very long: so that on the seventh day of April we
had a night which was 15 hours long: for the sun was at the end
of Aries: and in that region it was winter [then] as Your
Magnificence may well consider, and while in this tempest on the
seventh' day of April, we had sight of a new land, along which
we ran for about 20 leagues, and found that it was wholly a
rough coast: and we beheld therein neither any harbour nor any
people, because, as I believe, of the cold which was so intense
that no one in our fleet could fortify himself against it or endure
it: insomuch that, finding ourselves in so great a danger
and in such a tempest that one ship could hardly see another
,for the great billows that were running and for the deep
gloominess4 of the weather, we agreed with the Admiral' to
signal to [the rest of] the fleet to approach and that we should
abandon [this] land: and turn round in the direction of Portugal:
and it was a very good resolve : for it is certain that if we had
delayed that night, we had all been lost: because when we
turned a-stern,6 both that night and the next day, the tempest
grew to such a height that we were in fear of being lost: and we
had to make [vows of] pilgrimage and other ceremonies, as is the
custom of sailors at such times: we scudded for 5 days,7 and kept
1 So high-that is, so far south.
2 2nd April, Latin, 8 Costa brava in the Spanish sense.
4 Serrazon, from the Portuguese cerrafdo. 5 Capitano maggiore.
6 Come arrivammo a poppa, from Spanish arribar.
7 In Latin there is added here "in which five days we made 250 leagues of

40 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
still drawing nearer to the equinoctial line, with the weather and
the sea [becoming] more temperate: and it pleased God that we
should escape from so great a peril: and our course was with the
wind between north and north-east :1 because our intention was to
go and reconnoitre the coast of Ethiopia,' as we were distant
therefrom [only] 300 leagues across the gulf of the Atlantic Sea:
and by the grace of God on the io day of May we came to a land
therein, [lying] southward, which is called La serra liona:4 where
we stayed 15 days, taking our refreshment: and from here we
departed taking our course towards the islands of the Azores,
which are distant about 750 leagues from this place of the Serra:
and we reached the islands at the end of July : where we stayed
15 days more, taking some recreation: and we quitted them for
Lisbon: being [then] 300 leagues to the west [of it] : and we
entered into this port of Lisbon on the 7 day of September 1502,
in good condition, God be thanked, with two ships only: because
we [had] burnt the other in Serra liona: as it was disabled from
further navigation, for we were about 15 5 months on this voyage:
and for II days we navigated without seeing the Polar Star, or
the Greater and Lesser Bear, which are called the Corno: 6 and
we steered by the stars of the other hemisphere. This is what I
saw in this voyage or giornata.
STramontano and greco. Africa.
SLike Varnhagen, I read this distance as 300 leagues, but the text may
mean either 1300," or in 300," and is more like the former.
4 Sierra Leone. 5 Latin has 16.
6 Corno-evidently a typographical error for carro, the Wain.

^JouyfP QO}4<

[Woodcut of a Ship at Anchor, two figures in it, and one on land;
towers in the background.]

T remains for me to tell the things seen by me in the fourth
voyage, or giornata: and as I am already wearied, and also
because this fourth voyage was not carried out in accord-
ance with the purpose I [had] formed, through a mishap which
befel us in the gulf of the Atlantic Sea, as Your Magnificence
shall learn briefly in the sequel: I will endeavour to be brief.
We departed from this port of Lisbon 6 ships in company, with
the intention of going to discover an island towards the east,
which is called Melaccha: of which there are news that it is very
rich, and that it is as it were the storehouse of all the ships which
come from the Gangetic sea and from the Indian Sea, (just as
Cadiz is the waiting-room1 of all the vessels which pass from
east to west, and from west to east) by the route of Galigut,2
and this Melaccha is more westerly than Caligut, and much
more to the southward : for we know that it lies at the level4
of 33 degrees of the antarctic hemisphere. We departed
on the io day of May 1503 and made directly for the isles
of Cape Verde, were we careened, and took some manner of
1 Camera.
2This puzzling sentence leads us to infer that the object was a South-west
passage to India. When he says that Malacca was west of Calicut, he means
probably that it was nearer to his New World. The brackets inserted here are
not in the original.
Mistranslated in the Latin. Alta is an error for alla. 4 Paraggio.
SAs Varnhagen justly corrects, this must have been meant for 3."

42 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
refreshment, where we stayed 131 days: and from here we de-
parted on our voyage, sailing by the south-east wind: and as our
Admiral was a presumptuous and very obstinate man, he would
go to examine Serra liona, a land of Southern Ethiopia, without
having any need except to make it be seen that he was Captain of
six ships, against the wish of all the rest of us Captains: and thus
navigating, when we reached the said land, so great were the
whirlwinds that struck us, and with them the weather so adverse,
that [although] we were in sight of it [the shore] quite four days,
the foul weather never allowed us to land: so that we were
compelled to return to our proper course, and to quit the said
Serra: and navigating hence to the suduest which is the wind
between south and south-west :2 and when we had sailed full 300
leagues through the immensity' of the sea, being then quite
3 degrees -south of the equinoctial line, we became aware of a
land from which we were probably 224 leagues distant: whereat
we marvelled: and we found that it was an island in the middle
of the sea and was very lofty, a very marvellous work of nature :
since it was no more than two leagues in length and one in
breadth: in which island, never had there been inhabitation by
any people : and it was Bad Island for all the fleet: for Your
Magnificence must know that by the ill-counsel and management
of our Admiral he lost his ship here: since he struck with it upon
a rock, and it split open on St. Laurence's night, which was on
the o1 day of August, and went to the bottom : and there was
nothing saved thereof except the crew. It was a ship of 300 tons:
in which went all the importance of the fleet: and when all the
fleet were labouring to save it, the Chief commanded me to
make with my ship for the said island to seek a good anchorage,
where all the ships might anchor: and as my boat manned with
9 of my sailors was engaged and aiding to belay the ships, he

1 Latin has I2," and misunderstands the careenage.
Infra mezzo di e libeccio. Suduest is a typographical blunder for
8 Mbstro (?). 4 Latin has duodecim."
6 La mala isola, Fernando Noronha. Ligare (? bind together).

Fourth Voyage. 43
willed that I should not take it, and that I should proceed without
it: telling me that they should take it to me at the island: I
quitted the fleet for the island as he ordered me, without a boat,
and with the deficiency of half my crew, and I went to the said
island, which was about 4 leagues distant: in which I found an
excellent harbour, where all the ships could anchor very safely :
where I awaited my Chief and the fleet fully 8 days, and they
never came: so that we were very discontented, and the men that
had remained with me in the ship were in such dread, that I was
unable to console them: and being thus, the eighth day we
beheld a ship coming upon the sea, and from fear that it might
not see us, we weighed with our ship,' and made for it, thinking
that it brought me my boat and crew: and when we came along-
side of it, after having saluted, they told us how the admiral's ship
had gone to the bottom, and how the crew had been saved, and
that my boat and crew had remained with the fleet, which had
gone further on that sea, which was to us so great an annoyance
as Your Magnificence may conceive, finding ourselves Iooo leagues
away from Lisbon, and on the ocean," and with a little crew:
however we set our prow 3 at Fortune, and went still onward: we
returned to the island, and provided ourselves with water and
timber by means of my companion's boat: which island we found
uninhabited, and it contained many fresh and sweet waters,4
innumerable trees,. [and was] full of so many sea and land birds
that they were beyond count: and they were so tame, that they
allowed themselves to be taken with the hand: and so
many of them did we take that we loaded a boat with
those animals: we saw none [other] except very large rats and
lizards with double tails, and some snakes: and having made our
provision, we departed by the wind betwixt south and south-west,
for we had an ordinance of the King which commanded us that
whichever of the ships should lose sight of the fleet or of its
Chief, should make for the land that we discovered in the
previous voyage, at a harbour to which we had given the name of

1 Nostre navi for nostra nave. He had only one (see supra).
2 Golfo. 3 Facemmo rostro, 4 That is, streams or springs.

44 Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
Badia di tucti e sancti:1 and it pleased God to give us such good
weather, that in 17 days we reached land therein, which was
distant from the island full 300 leagues: where we found neither
our Admiral nor any other ship of the fleet: in which harbour we
waited quite two months and 4 days: and seeing that there was
no arrival, we agreed, my partner and I, to run the coast: and we
sailed 260 leagues further on, till2 we arrived in a harbour: where
we decided to construct a fort, and we did so: and left therein
24 Christian men whom my partner had for us, whom she had
collected from the flagship8 that had been lost: in which port we
stayed quite 5 months making the fortress and loading our ships
with verzino:4 as we were unable to proceed further, because we
had not men [enough] and I was deficient of many pieces of ship-
tackle. All this done, we determined to turn our course towards
Portugal, which lay in the direction of the wind between north-
east and north:6 and we left the 24 men who remained in the fort
with provision for six months, and [with] 12 big guns' and many
other arms, and we pacified all the land's people: of whom no
mention has been made in this voyage: not because we did not
see and traffic with an infinite number of them: for we went,
quite 30 men of us, 40 leagues inland: where I saw so many
things that I omit to tell them, reserving them for my 4 Giornate.
This land lies 18 degrees south of the equinoctial line, and 37
degrees to the west of the longitude of Lisbon, as is demonstrated
by our instruments. And all this being done, we took leave of the
Christians and the land: and began our navigation to nornordeste,7
which is the wind between north and north-east, with the
intention of making our navigation in a direct course to this city
of Lisbon: and in 77 days, after so many travails and perils, we
entered into this port on the 18 day of June 1504, God [be]
praised: where we were received very well and beyond all belief:

1 Mistake for Bahia de todos os Santos. This confusion of d and h in
Vespucci's handwriting led to a long-continued error in the maps.
2 Ttao, for tato, so far that, until. 3 Nave capitana.
4 Brazil-wood, or dye-wood. 5 Greco and tramontano. 6 Bombarde,
7 It is printed nornodeste,

Fourth Voyage. 45

because all the city believed us lost: since the other ships of the
fleet had all been lost through the arrogance and folly of our
Admiral, for so does God reward pride: and at present I find
myself here in Lisbon, and I know not what the King will want
to do with me, for I desire much to take repose.' The present
bearer, who is Benvenuto di Domenico Benvenuti, will tell your
Magnificence of my condition, and of some things which, for
prolixity, have been left unsaid: for he has seen and felt them,
God be......2 I have gone on compressing the letter as much as
I could, and there have been omitted to be told many natural
things,3 because of avoiding prolixity. May Your Magnificenee
pardon me: whom I beseech to hold me in the number of your
servants: and I recommend to you Ser Antonio Vespucci, my
brother, and all my family. I remain, praying of God that he
may increase the days of your life, and that the state of this
sublime Republic and the honour of Your Magnificence may be
exalted, etc. Given in Lisbon on the 4 day of September 1504.

[Your] servant AMERIGO VESPUCCI in Lisbon.

1 The Latin substitutes "this messenger in the meantime commending
much to your Majesty. Americus Vesputius. In Lisbon," for all the text
which follows the word repose."
2 Dio sia o cli, followed by a blank. This is incomprehensible, and may be
"God be .. ." (something not understood by the printer), or di sui occhi
. . ("with his own eyes .... "), which would imply that Benvenuto had
accompanied Vespucci in this voyage.
3 Things relating to natural history.


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uratmufan ymawrne epis C4hilu


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