Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Application of the tool
 Summary and conclusions
 Annex 1: Additional examples of...
 Back Cover

Title: Gender analysis tool kit
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00080527/00007
 Material Information
Title: Gender analysis tool kit
Physical Description: 1 case : col. ill. ; 27 x 34 cm.
Language: English
Creator: GENESYS Project
Futures Group
United States -- Agency for International Development. -- Office of Women in Development
Publisher: United States Agency for International Development, Office of Women in Development
Place of Publication: Washington D.C
Publication Date: 1994
Subject: Women in development -- Evaluation -- Handbooks, manuals, etc   ( lcsh )
Economic development projects -- Evaluation -- Handbooks, manuals, etc   ( lcsh )
Sex discrimination in employment -- Evaluation -- Handbooks, manuals, etc   ( lcsh )
Genre: federal government publication   ( marcgt )
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Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Statement of Responsibility: Genesys.
General Note: "Genesys, a project of The Futures Group in collaboration with Management Systems International and Development Alternatives, Inc. and United States Agency for International Development, Office of Women in Development, Dept. of State."
General Note: "Contains ten analytical tools"--GCID framework t.p.
General Note: "Under the GENESYS Project for USAID G/R&D/WID Contract # PDC-0100-Z-00-9044-00"--GCID Framework t.p.
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Bibliographic ID: UF00080527
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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Title Page
        Title Page
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
    Application of the tool
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
    Summary and conclusions
        Page 15
        Page 16
    Annex 1: Additional examples of the application of the tool
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
    Back Cover
        Page 22
Full Text

i lIIHlf)"

fo r miin

the Soioutua

Ofn o Wime In Devlopen

Sex and Gender-
What's the Difference?
A Tool for Examining
the Sociocultural
Context of Sex
Prepared by
John Jerome and
Pietronella van den Oever

August 1994
Under the GENESYS Project for
Contract # PDC-0100-Z-00-9044-00



I. Introduction 1
1.1 Nature and Purpose of the Tool and Target Audiences 1
1.2 Rationale for Gender Analysis 2
1.3 Sex and Gender, What is the Difference? Basic Definitions 2

II. Application of the Tool 6
2.1 Composition of the Basic Model 6
2.2 Step-by-Step Application of the Basic Model:
Case Study from Burkina Faso 6

III. Summary and Conclusions 16

Annex I: Additional Examples of the Application of the Tool 17
References 20


I. Introduction

1.1 Nature and Purpose of the Tool and Target Audiences
This booklet presents a method or "tool" for combining quantitative and qualitative information for gender
analysis. It shows how to visualize numerical differences and imbalances between the sexes, and to develop sys-
tematic reasoning about the underlying societal forces that maintain these imbalances. The tool leads the reader
step by step through a process of selection of basic statistics, disaggregated by sex, followed by presentation of
these data in such a form that sex imbalances can be easily detected. Examples are given of ways these imbal-
ances can be interpreted to make certain inferences about the division of labor and of rights and responsibilities
between men and women.
In its most general application, this tool allows its users to identify where some of the main sex imbalances
are-in a population's basic age-sex structure, rural-urban residence, school attendance, or labor force participa-
tion, for instance. Following the identification of major sex imbalances, the tool provides guidance, through
concrete examples, on how to formulate a number of precise questions on the different roles and responsibilities
of men and women in society, as well as why these roles persist, and how policies could be formulated to take
these differences into account. This tool can also be used to develop a more explicit picture of men's and
women's respective roles, responsibilities, and access constraints in particular fields such as agriculture, manu-
facturing, and government services. The latter application presupposes the availability of a certain amount of
sex-disaggregated data on these subjects.
The main objective of the tool is to inform policy formulation and to ensure that men and women have an
equal likelihood of benefiting from and contributing to sustainable development. This tool allows development
practitioners to get a more precise idea of exactly where the imbalances between the sexes are and why these
imbalances persist. This information, presented in a form that can be easily understood by a variety of decision-
makers, provides a starting point for formulating programs and projects rooted in the economic, political, and
cultural reality of the target group. Although the method was initially developed to inform USAID development
policy and has been field-tested in this context, it is widely applicable. An application of the method and a more
extensive treatment of a number of case studies are provided in a GENESYS Special Study entitled "The Use of
Sex-Disaggregated Data and Social Mapping for Gender Analysis in USAID Mission Programs."
Here, the method is illustrated by three case studies. The most extensively treated case study has been devel-
oped using data from Burkina Faso. Two other case studies, one on the New Independent States of the Former
Soviet Union and the other on Jordan, are treated much more briefly in Annex I as additional illustrations of the
method. Case studies have deliberately been selected from regions or countries where statistical information is
sparse. The reason for this selection is to demonstrate that even in places where statistical information is scant,



it is possible to build upon what is available and develop a systematic approach to the formulation of relevant
questions regarding "gender issues." Definitions and a discussion of what is meant by gender issues are provided
in sections 1.2 and 1.3.

1.2 Rationale for Gender Analysis
Although this tool for combining quantitative and qualitative analysis has broad applicability, its principal
application is to analyze gender issues in development. In the broad context of this paper, gender can be briefly
defined as the roles of, or relationships between, men and women in a given social context. These roles and rela-
tionships become a "gender issue" in development if they are potentially affected by development interventions,
or could act as either constraints or catalysts in the accomplishment of development goals.
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and most other development organiza-
tions explicitly recognize that men and women must have equal access to the benefits of development interven-
tions. In its policies, USAID considers equity as an indispensable pre-condition for broad-based, efficient, and
sustainable development. To achieve this objective, a thorough analysis of gender roles and relationships is
needed to understand the social context and assess how development interventions need to adapt in response to
it, from their initial formulation stage to their practical implementation in the field.

1.3 Sex and Gender, What is the Difference? Basic Definitions
Since the procedure of this tool consists of selecting relevant sex-disaggregated data for conducting gender
analysis, it is crucial to understand the difference between the terms "sex" and "gender." These terms often have
been used interchangeably in development literature and in discussions on development questions. However,
they are not synonymous. While "sex" refers to biological characteristics, the term "gender" denotes the differ-
ent social characteristics or culturally prescribed roles of men and women. For this tool, a clear distinction is
made between the two terms. Quantitative data are sex-disaggregated, although in many instances the term
"gender-disaggregated data" is used erroneously. In sex-disaggregated data the whole universe consists of the
two sexes, men and women, who are mutually exclusive and exhaustive. In a population age-sex structure, for
example, the sexes are not interchangeable. The same male and female populations remain immutably on their
respective sides of the population pyramid in all subsequent population surveys or censuses, while moving
through the respective age groups.
The term "gender" is more complicated, and gender roles are not bound to either men or women. This is
clearly illustrated by the division of labor in agriculture. Whereas in Europe, men were traditionally the major
agricultural workers, in most of Sub-Saharan Africa women are the key players in cultivation. While one's sex
does not change over time, gender roles do change over time, under the influence of broader societal changes.
For instance, in many countries women have been excluded from military service under the hypothesis that war


was not women's business. Today, women around the world are entering the armed forces in increasing num-
bers. A similar gender role change is occurring among teachers in nursery and primary schools. Although this
profession was once believed to be the exclusive domain of women because of their nurturing ability, men have
been entering the lower grades as teachers, and have proved to be as capable as women in providing children
with early-life learning and care.
Strictly speaking, biological or sex differences between men and women are universal and unchangeable,
while gender or cultural differences are highly variable across cultures and tend to change over time as a popula-
tion adapts to new knowledge and new environmental conditions. Gender analysis is not a specific method as
much as it is a type of lens for focusing on particular aspects of cultural reality. Gender roles and relationships
constitute a very basic and important dimension of human social organization, but they cannot be studied in
isolation from other socioeconomic variables such as age, race, ethnicity, religion, or class.
Gender analysis in the context of this tool is particularly concerned with understanding how being male or
female is a determinant in the division of labor and the distribution of resources and rewards in a given society
and with how these fundamentals of social organization interact with development goals and strategies.



II: Application
of the Tool


II. Application of the Tool

2.1 Composition of
the Basic Model
As illustrated in Figure 1, the
method presented in this paper con-
sists of the following steps:
1. Examination of sex-disaggregated
quantitative data to identify
phenomena that are potentially
indicative of gender issues in
2. Identification of the principal
practices that are producing the
3. Analysis of the economic,
political, and cultural contexts in
which the phenomena occur in
order to understand the major
underlying forces that motivate
and sustain the practices in
4. Provision of general guidelines
on how the knowledge gained
from this process can be applied
to development strategies.

Figure I

Steps in the Social Mapping Method
of Gender Analysis

3. .. *. *

.2 th .

dvl pmentP.::~. :PP

2.2 Step-by-Step
Application of the
Basic Model: Case
Study from Burkina
Step 1:
Examination of
ed quantitative data to
identify phenomena that
are potentially indicative
of gender issues in
The term "potential" is used at this
stage to underline the fact that sim-
ply observing a quantitative imbal-
ance in some element of sex-disag-
gregated data does not necessarily
mean that this imbalance is an
impediment to sustainable develop-
ment or that the condition observed
is in contradiction to developmental
goals. Identification of sex imbal-
ances from quantitative data, how-
ever, alerts us to the fact that there
are phenomena occurring that

affect men and women differently.
Therefore, these observations need
to be examined more fully to antici-
pate their implications for develop-
ment strategies and goals. It is only
then that inferences can be made
about conditions or behavior pat-
terns that need to be explicitly
addressed for specific development
interventions to succeed.
Obviously, the first question
faced by the users of this tool is:
"Where do we find relevant data?"
As mentioned in the introduction,
the case studies in this report are
based upon already existing basic
demographic data, disaggregated by
sex. The type of macro-level data
used in the case studies can be
found in easily accessible published
sources like the United Nations


Demographic Yearbooks and Human
Development Reports, and in coun-
try-specific Demographic and Health
Surveys. In some countries, more
detailed data sources are available
on specific topics, such as sex-disag-
gregated labor force participation
data by occupation and detailed
agricultural production data.
A systematic analysis of these data,
in combination with qualitative
information on the same subject,
can significantly contribute to
knowledge and understanding of
gender issues in development and
their policy implications.
For the four-step method
described here it could also be
useful to have more micro-level
data, including program- and
project-specific sex-disaggregated
data collected by local organizations
or field offices of development
organizations. Often a wealth of
information exists already, although
proper analysis of this information
may be lacking. It is for this reason,
for instance, that the African
continent has been called "the most
researched but least analyzed

Burkina Faso Case Study
Figure 2 is a simple bar chart that
represents the urban (left) and rural
(right) populations of Burkina Faso,

disaggregated by age and sex, as
reported in the 1985 population
census. The first phenomenon one
notices is the unbalanced sex ratio
among the rural population in each
one of the five-year age groups
between the ages of 20 and 50.
Without looking further at the sex
ratios for urban populations, one
might conclude that the unbalanced
rural sex ratios were a consequence
of rural exodus, that is, migration of
men in prime productive ages from
rural to urban areas. However, a
careful examination of Figure 2
reveals that this is not the case.
Note that the urban and rural pop-
ulations are presented using the
same numeric scale to facilitate
visual comparisons of their relative
Figure 2 clearly illustrates that
an overwhelming proportion (about
80%) of Burkina Faso's population
is rural and it is in the rural sector
that the bars representing the num-
bers of women in the age groups
between 20 and 50 extend well
beyond the men's bars. The differ-
ences are particularly prominent
among people in their 20s and 30s.
In urban areas, on the other hand,
the men's and women's bars are
much closer to even, and in several
age groups, men slightly outnumber
women. The surplus of men in
urban Burkina Faso, however, is far
from sufficient to account for the
large shortages of rural men. Given

that populations normally have
about equal proportions of men and
women in the middle age groups,
the questions that a rural develop-
ment project design team might ask
1. Where are the missing rural men?
2. How do these sex imbalances
influence the division of labor in
3. How do the sex imbalances
influence household dynamics,
and socioeconomic life in rural
Burkina Faso in general?
4. Are development interventions
intended to improve the rural
sector's performance flexible and
prepared to address sex imbal-
ances efficiently? (e.g., are they
"women-friendly"/easily accessi-
ble to women?)



Figure 2

Population Structures in Urban and Rural Burkina Faso, 1985

75-79 U
7074 rban
55-59 I
45-49 M
40-44 n


l Females 1 Males


Source US Bureau ol Census Inlernational Database, 1993

Step 2:
Identification of
the principal
practices that are pro-
ducing the phenomena

As indicated in the basic model pre-
sented in Figure 1, the next step in
our procedure is to identify, with as
much specificity and certainty as
possible, the practices that produce
the observed effects. This phase
requires a thorough initial analysis
of existing knowledge and the appli-
cation of deductive reasoning to
formulate hypotheses linking the
observed imbalances with the prac-
tices that are most likely to be caus-
ing them. Careful analysis of link-
ages between what is likely causing a

phenomenon or phenomena, and
the implications for development
projects and programs is a sine-qua-
non for collecting information to
guide realistic development inter-
ventions with a likelihood of achiev-
ing results.

Burkina Faso Case Study
For our Burkina Faso example, the
reasoning might be as follows. The
phenomenon of imbalanced sex
ratios can result from only two
major causes:

1. gender differentials in mortality,
where one sex faces greater risks
of dying than the other; or

2. gender differentials in migra-
tion, where one sex is more like-
ly to migrate into or out of a
region than the other.

The practice in Burkina Faso
that is causing rural sex ratio imbal-
ances has been identified in various
other case studies and surveys,
which documented that a large pro-
portion of Burkinabe men, for the
past 20 or more years, have been
migrating to neighboring countries
like C6te d'Ivoire to perform wage
labor in factories and on planta-



,; i.

r- I


Figure 3

Expanded Social Mapping Model:

Contextual Analysis


1 I




Step 3: Analysis
of the econom-
ic, political, and
cultural contexts in
which the phenomena
occur in order to under-
stand the major underly-
ing forces that motivate
and sustain the prac-
tices in question
Once the most important linkages
between the observed sex imbal-
ances and the practices that most
likely cause them have been estab-
lished, people's motivations for
maintaining these practices have to
be assessed. For analytical purpos-
es, this method breaks the environ-
ment down into three areas: cultur-
al, political and economic, as
depicted in Figure 3. In the dynam-
ics of everyday life, these spheres are
interrelated. In this framework,
however, each of the spheres identi-
fied speaks to a qualitatively differ-
ent set of motivations.
At the group level of analysis,
motivations are conceptualized as

having three dimensions: interests
or goals, opportunities, and con-
straints to the realization of group
interests. Economic motivations are
those relating to the material inter-
ests of groups and individuals.
People need to have a means of
livelihood and generally want to
increase their material wealth.
Analyses of economic motivations
generally focus on identifying sig-
nificant stakeholders and their spe-
cific interests in a given context.
Economic motivations also include
opportunities and constraints that
affect stakeholders' abilities to real-
ize their interests and that influence
the directions stakeholders take in
pursuit of their economic goals.
Political motivations refer to the
desires of groups and individuals to
achieve power over their environ-
ment and other individuals or social
groups. Political motivations also
involve institutionalized power and
authority structures that differen-
tially distribute opportunities and
constraints to groups and individu-
als. These structures are both for-
mal and informal. Formal structur-

al dimensions, like governmental
and legal systems, are important
contextual elements, but informal
decision-making processes (for
example, at the community and
household levels) can also be
important considerations.
The cultural component of this
model is the most abstract and at
the same time the most pervasive.
In the broadest, anthropological
sense, the concept of culture
encompasses the ideologies, values,
and beliefs of a group of people
influencing both material and non-
material aspects of their lives. In
the present model, the focus is on
the non-material aspects of cul-
ture-the beliefs, values, and norms
shared by a group of people that
give meaning and direction to their
daily thoughts and actions. Culture
shapes people's views of the
world-how it is and how it ought
to be-and of their place within
that world. Cultural beliefs and val-
ues are important sources of moti-
vation. Beliefs provide people with
rules about cause and effect and
about capabilities and limitations.
In this sense, beliefs represent con-
straints and opportunities for
Values inform people about
what are desirable and undesirable
goals to pursue. Values are, there-
fore, culturally approved interests.



People are motivated to pursue
these interests in part because they
accept their culture's definitions of
acceptable goals, but also because of
the secondary rewards of social
approval and esteem.
Norms are rules and general
guidelines defining appropriate
behaviors in given situations. In
terms of motivation, norms are per-
haps best thought of as opportuni-
ties and constraints rather than as
interests. Norms specify which
actions are likely to gain approval
and which will incur disapproval.
Individuals and groups often find
that cultural norms block their
paths to achieving market-oriented
economic or political interests and
they are faced with at least two
dilemmas. First, is it possible to
violate a norm and achieve the
political or economic interest in
question? Second, is the cost of vio-
lating the norm worth the economic
or political benefit?
When designing intervention
strategies, it is important to keep
the different components of culture
in mind. It is one thing to persuade
people to change their beliefs and
values, and another to convince
people to risk the costs of changing
their behavior in violation of signif-
icant cultural norms.

Burkina Faso Case Study
In the case of rural Burkina Faso, it
appears that the most basic motiva-
tions for the observed patterns of
male migration are economic.
Burkina Faso is a landlocked coun-
try in western Africa, lacking physi-
cal infrastructure and industrial
development. According to the
World Development Report, 1994
(World Bank), 83 percent of the
Burkinabe population are living in
rural areas, mostly engaged in sub-
sistence level, low-output agricul-
ture. Possibilities for improvement
of agricultural production are ham-
pered by long-lasting droughts.
Rapid population growth and con-
sequent intensification of agricul-
ture and grazing have contributed
to widespread desiccation of the
soil, which is hindering agricultural
production. Evolution of the indus-
trial and service sectors has been
minimal as well. As a result, eco-
nomic opportunities within
Burkina Faso are extremely limited.
On the other hand, economic con-
ditions in selected neighboring
states like C6te d'Ivoire have been
relatively good and have created a
demand for cheap labor (Harrison,
These economic pushes and
pulls are particularly relevant for
young men from rural areas who do
not own or have direct access to
agricultural land. There are a num-
ber of ethnic groups in Burkina
Faso with different means of liveli-
hood and variations in the division
of labor. In the majority of cases,
however, only older, already mar-
ried men are permitted to use or
own land. Inheritance rights are

patrilineal and the incumbents are
usually older married men as well.
It follows that young men have few
economic incentives to stay in the
rural areas and may not yet have
serious family responsibilities that
would keep them there.
The story for the Burkinabe
women is very different. While men
usually remain single until they are
in their late twenties or early thir-
ties, women tend to marry in their
late teens. Once married, they grad-
ually acquire rights of access to
three types of land (van den Oever,
1986). First, they cultivate millet
and other subsistence crops on the
family fields together with their
husbands and children. Second,
they almost invariably cultivate
their obelogoo, or private fields, on
which they grow gumbo and other
condiments for family use.
Surpluses from these fields are sold
in the local market. Benefits of
these sales are undisputed income
for the women themselves which
they can dispose of as they see fit.
The third type of field sometimes
cultivated by women is the commu-
nal field, on which women tend to
work in cooperative groups. The
nuclei of these cooperative groups
are usually relatives, but can extend
to other community members.
In addition to cultivation, virtu-
ally all Burkinabe women are
engaged in some form of manufac-
turing or food processing such as
6doloo (millet beer) brewing, bean-
cake making, soap making, basket
weaving, and so forth. Benefits


from the sales of these products are
also exclusively controlled by the
Under circumstances that offer
few economic opportunities for
young men, families may find it
beneficial to encourage them to
migrate out of rural areas.
However, most men migrate with
the purpose of eventually returning
and improving their position in
their communities of origin
(Okoth-Ogendo, 1989). Success for
men in Burkina Faso, including
arrangement of a good marriage, is
largely dependent on access to land.
Okoth-Ogendo (1989) observed
that many of the emigrants are
sojourners either trying to build up
enough resources to return home
and purchase land or waiting until
the time that they inherit land from
their families. Okoth-Ogendo also
notes that increasing their advan-
tage in the marriage market upon
returning home is a prime motiva-
tion for many of the single men to
Undoubtedly, some of the
immigrants are married men who
for one reason or another have
found it expedient to leave their
families behind while they pursue
wage labor in neighboring states.
There are fewer incentives for
women to emigrate either with or
without husbands. There is almost
always a means of livelihood avail-
able to women at home either on
their fathers' or their husbands'
property. Although this livelihood
may not be very economically
rewarding nor provide much inde-

pendence, it is at least relatively
secure. The disproportionate incen-
tives for men rather than women to
emigrate are further supported by
the widespread practice of polygyny
among the Burkinabe rural popula-
tion. Competition among men for
property is strong, and those indi-
viduals who gain an advantage are
usually able to use that advantage to
make further gains. This leaves rel-
atively large numbers of men with-
out property and without much to
offer in a marriage contract.
Women, on the other hand, have
options to become the second or
higher-order wife of a man of prop-
erty, thereby securing their econom-
ic future.
Henderson et al. (1982), howev-
er, note that a significant number of
young women, usually without chil-
dren, go with their husbands or
partners to C6te d'Ivoire and
Ghana. They typically find some
kind of work to do while there.
Until recently, the government
of Burkina Faso has not attempted
to stem the flow of male emigration
because it was thought that worker
remittances provided a much need-
ed flow of foreign capital into the
country. The reality, however, has
been that the foreign workers tend
to buy commodities abroad and
bring them back home so that very
little capital has flowed into the
country's economy through this
emigration pattern. A more prof-

itable tactic would be the stimula-
tion of agricultural commodity pro-
duction for export, but this is not
yet happening. (Okoth-Ogendo,
One of the main reasons for the
lack of commercial agriculture in
Burkina Faso is reported to be the
extreme labor shortage caused by
the widespread emigration of men.
The problem, therefore, appears to
be somewhat circular: men emigrate
because of a lack of jobs in the agri-
cultural sector, while commercial
agriculture is inhibited because of a
shortage of labor.
It is difficult to determine how
much of the labor shortage is due to
an actual lack of workers and how
much is due to perceptions as well
as realities of the division of labor
preventing women from doing work
regarded as exclusively men's. The
principal gender issue in this situa-
tion, however, is the shortage of
labor. Even if women were cultural-
ly and legally permitted to do
"men's work," there would still be a
problem with time and women's
work load. Labor studies in
Burkina Faso, as in many other
developing countries, reveal that
women already work more hours
per day and more days per year than
do men (Feldstein and Poats, 1989;
Palmer, 1985). This is especially the
case where fertility rates are high
and where subsistence agriculture is
the dominant mode of economic
activity. Women care for the chil-
dren, cook the meals, do the clean-



ing and laundry, gather fuel and
water, and also do a large share of
the farming that feeds the family. In
a situation where a large proportion
of the men are absent, the quantity
of women's labor increases and it is
quite probable that the scope of
their responsibilities also increases.
These are the kinds of gender issues
that arise in the Burkina Faso case
that need to be taken into account
in planning and implementing
development strategies.

Step 4:
Provision of
guide lines on how the
knowledge gained from
this process can be
applied to development
The final step in our four-step pro-
cedure is to "translate" findings into
policy implications, which will be
the basis for development interven-
tion strategies. As previously noted,
gender imbalances can be relevant
to development goals either because
they contradict one or more of
those goals or because they act as
constraints to goal accomplishment.

Burkina Faso Case Study
The male-dominated migration
patterns of rural Burkina Faso and
the subsequent unbalanced sex
ratios are likely both a consequence
of and a constraint to economic
development. The unbalanced sex
ratios create a labor shortage both

in terms of the actual personnel
available for labor and the type of
labor that is available. Due to the
traditional division of labor
between rural men and women in
Burkina Faso, the labor shortage
appears to be particularly acute for
those occupations considered in the
male domain. These kinds of prob-
lems might be partially alleviated if
there were culturally acceptable
incentives for women and men to
alter their ideas about gender-
appropriate tasks. Development
strategists should also recognize
that women already have increased
responsibilities as a result of the
emigration patterns and need
greater access to resources that will
help them fulfill these responsibili-
ties more efficiently and effectively.
These observations raise a num-
ber of issues for policymakers and
rural development practitioners. Is
one solution that Burkinabe women
take on more responsibilities in the
absence of the men, such as engag-
ing in commercial agriculture? Such
a response would increase women's
needs for intellectual and material
resources. It would also require that
agricultural extension services look
closely at what is happening in
Burkina and assess whether they are
adequately addressing the social
realities, including the division of
labor and the distribution of impor-
tant resources.
A complementary solution
might be to reduce the time women
spend in activities other than agri-
cultural production. For instance,
some areas of the country are expe-
riencing extreme and rapid desicca-

tion. Women are the primary gath-
erers of firewood and water
(Harrison, 1992). The scarcer these
necessities become, the greater the
amount of time and energy spent by
the women in acquiring them; time
they can ill afford to spare given
their already numerous responsibili-
ties. For a policy aimed at saving
women's time and preserving the
environment to be effective, it will
be imperative that women play a
key role in any efforts to rehabilitate
environmentally degraded areas and
find suitable alternatives to tradi-
tional practices. Women should be
involved not only as workers, but as
the prime decision-makers, since
they represent the bulk of the eco-
nomically active population in the
rural areas. Educating Burkinabe
women, and providing them with
alternatives to their traditional
methods of acquiring fuel and
water, would help the environment
and would likely improve local
The box at right contains a brief
discussion of some additional ques-
tions that might arise from this
Burkina Faso analysis.

P A G E2

Other Policy-Relevant Questions Arising from the Analysis

The gender-specific migration patterns of Burkina Faso may also have implications for population and
health programs. A few relevant questions for consideration are as follows:

i How do the migration patterns of men influence
the spacing of births? Since most of the male
migrant workers from Burkina are sojourners, it
could be useful to know how often they return
home to their families and how these patterns of
temporary migration may affect the spacing of
births. For example, if husbands return home
only once a year on average, do they feel pressure
to conceive a child during their visits? This pat-
tern might mean that births tend to be spaced
more closely than if the husbands returned more
or less than once a year.

* How do the extra labor demands placed on
women due to husbands' absence influence
women's desire for more children? A pervasive
axiom about subsistence economies is that large
families are valued in part because they are a
source of farm labor that costs relatively little to
produce and maintain. We might hypothesize
that the increased burden of farm labor on
Burkinabe wives may encourage the desire to
increase fertility in order to have more hands to
help with the work.

* What are the husbands' attitudes about their
wives' use of contraceptives in their absence?
This is a somewhat sensitive question but a rele-

vant one for promoters of family planning ser-
vices. Especially in areas where modern family
planning methods are poorly understood, hus-
bands who are absent from home for long peri-
ods of time may have some strong reservations
about their wives using contraceptives during
their absence. If so, this could influence
education, information and communication
programs as well as method mix strategies.

* What are the patterns of sexual behavior of the
husbands when they are away from home and
what are the consequences of these behaviors for
the spread of sexually transmitted diseases
(STDs) back to the rural village? This is also a
sensitive subject but particularly pertinent given
concerns over the rapid spread of HIV through-
out Africa. What proportions of the male
sojourners are visiting extramarital sex partners
while away from home? What proportion of
these men are using condoms for disease protec-
tion? What are the risks that these men will
transmit these diseases back to their home vil-
lages? There are also questions about the further
spread of STDs once they have been transported
back home and spouses are separated for long
periods of time.

:u A i


II: Summary
and Conclusions
Annex I:
Examples of the
Application of
the Tool


III. Summary and Conclusions

This report illustrates the use of an
inductive method of gender analy-
sis. The practical application of the
method was demonstrated, using
data from Burkina Faso. Two addi-
tional brief case studies are provid-
ed in Annex I. The three case stud-
ies illustrate different types of gen-
der issues that could be identified by
this method and also demonstrate
some variations in the application
of our four-step tool.
In the case of Burkina Faso, the
phenomenon that signaled relevant
gender issues was an imbalance in
the sex ratios of the rural popula-
tion, revealing a large shortage of
men particularly in their 20s and
30s. The practice identified as the
cause of the unbalanced sex ratios
was the predominance of male emi-
gration to neighboring countries in
search of work. Economic, political,
and cultural motivations underlying

the gender-specific migration pat-
terns were explored and suggestions
were made regarding the implica-
tions of this gender issue for devel-
opment intervention strategies,
especially in the areas of agricultural
productivity, population, and
health. The primary strategic con-
cern was the labor shortage caused
by male emigration and restrictive
customs concerning gender divi-
sions of labor that inhibited the
growth of Burkina Faso's domestic
While it is possible and even
desirable for the government of
Burkina Faso to initiate policies to
reduce the extent of male emigra-
tion, the focus of development
strategies discussed in this report
was to cope with the reality of
unbalanced sex ratios in maintain-
ing progress toward sustainable
In Annex 1, two additional
examples are provided to illustrate
the steps described in this model.
These examples emphasize the
importance of identifying specific

practices and understanding the
underlying motivations for these
practices in order to produce quality
development programming.
Regardless of the specific goals of
the development practitioner, the
effectiveness and efficiency of inter-
ventions depend on an understand-
ing of the economic, political, and
cultural realities. This is the basic
message that the gender analysis
tool described in this paper conveys.


ANNEX I: Additional Examples of the

Application of the Tool

In this section, two other case stud-
ies are reviewed in very brief form.
The purpose of this annex section is
to offer additional illustrations of
how the tool described in this docu-
ment can be applied to a wide range
of development issues. The first
illustration concerns differences in
life expectancies of men and women
in the New Independent States of
the former Soviet Union. The sec-
ond concerns fertility in Jordan.

A. Gender Differences
in Life Expectancy in
the New Independent
Women tend to live longer than
men. Life expectancy is an estimate
of the average number of years that

a person in a particular group or
society can expect to live beyond a
certain age given the current age-
specific mortality risks of that group
or society. While differences in
men's and women's life expectancies
undoubtedly involve a biological
component, they are also strongly
affected by differences in environ-
mental conditions, differences in
mortality risks, and by differential
access to health resources. Life
expectancy differences can, there-
fore, be used as general indicators of
gender differences in health risks
and resource access.
When looking at gender differ-
ences in life expectancy, we have to
assess whether the difference
observed is greater or smaller than

would normally be expected at a cer-
tain level of development. An exam-
ple given in the tool "Quantifying
Gender Issues" in this tool kit,
noted that in some countries of
South Asia, women's life expectancy
was only equal to, and in some cases
lower than, men's, indicating cultur-
al or health-related factors affecting
women's life expectancy in this
region. In the New Independent
States (NIS) of the former Soviet
Union, the opposite appears to be
the case, as indicated by an examina-
tion of the data. Figure 4 shows the
percentage by which women's life
expectancy exceeded men's in 1990
in these countries, and the average
difference found in the most
industrialized countries.

Figure 4

Percent Difference in Life Expectancies at Birth of Women and

Men in the New Independent States of the Former Soviet Union

Russian Fea
Moldova. Rep of

Average Difference in
Industrialized Nations = 9%


|i m -
-l m l

Source UNDP Human Development Report 19

6 8 10 12
Percent women's life expectancy exceeds men's


16 18


All of the NIS countries except
Tajikistan exceed the average sex
difference in life expectancy of the
most industrialized nations, indicat-
ing that men in this region are in
some way experiencing factors rela-
tive to women in terms of health or
sociocultural practices. A consider-
able amount of research has been
conducted in the NIS countries to
identify the specific practices that
are producing these high sex differ-
ences in life expectancy. Blum and
Moniker (1989), for example, con-
vincingly linked the differences
between male and female mortality
rates to alcohol abuse among men
and to deaths from alcohol-related
illnesses and accidents.
Applying this tool to the prob-
lem, when the phenomenon point-
ing to a relevant gender issue
(greater than normal life expectancy
differences) has been identified,
and specific practices contributing
to the phenomenon (male alcohol
abuse) have been found, the next
step is to explore the motivations
that are perpetuating the practices.

If the goal is to improve men's life
expectancy in the NIS countries,
there may need to be reform of male
alcohol use practices. To reform
these practices, analysts planning
interventions need to understand
the reasons why men of the NIS are
so prone to abuse alcohol, and find
ways to alter the underlying cultur-
al, political, and economic motiva-
tions. Clearly, this problem does
not have a simple solution; many
different countries and many differ-
ent ethnic groups within these
countries are involved. Motivations
in one area or for one group may be
different for other areas and groups.

B. Jordanian Fertility
Jordan is a middle-income country
(World Development Report, 1993)
that is making great development
progress in many ways. Jordan has
also had a persistently high rate of
population growth, a large portion
of which comes from natural
increase. The high rate of popula-
tion growth potentially poses prob-
lems for future economic prosperity
in Jordan as increasing numbers of
workers enter an already crowded
labor market. Jordan also repre-
sents something of an exception to
conventional fertility theories
because its total fertility rate

Figure 5

Total Fertility Rate by Residence,

Jordan 1990 (Women Only)


- 5

Large city Other urban
Source: Jordan Demographic and Health Survey, 1990



Figure 6

Total Fertility Rate by Education,

Jordan 1990 (Women Only)


io eaucation primary second
Source. Jordan Demographic ana Health Survey. 1990

remains high (5.5) in spite of a high The
level of educational attainment Jordania
among both men and women and a as much
predominantly urban population. ization a
Income levels, education, and develop
urbanization have typically been women
associated with declining fertility tions ha\
rates in countries, and according to than woi
the 1990 Demographic and Health they still
Survey of ordan, the more educated than fou
and urban segments of the popula- Amman
tion do indeed have significantly fewer ch:
lower fertility than the less educated counter
and rural segments, as can be seen five child
in Figures 5 and 6. tions abc
gest that
about th
explain t


More than

interesting issue here is that
n fertility does not decline
with education and urban-
s it does in most other
ng countries. Although
with post-secondary educa-
re fewer children on average
men with less education,
have an average of more
r children. Women in
have an average of two
ildren than their rural
,arts, but still average nearly
Iren each. These observa-
)ut fertility practices sug-
conventional wisdom
e factors affecting fertility
ons are not sufficient to
he situation in Jordan. A

more extensive and in-depth analy-
sis of motivations is indicated. Are
there political motivations underly-
ing high fertility in Jordan and in
other Arab states? Are there strong
cultural values about large families
that tend to persist in spite of the
economic disincentives for large
families that come with urbaniza-
tion and wage labor? The purpose
in this discussion is not to explain
high fertility in Jordan but rather to
illustrate the utility of the model
that has been presented; particularly
to point to the importance of
exploring motivational factors in
order to understand development
issues and to design programs and
projects with high probabilities of
efficiency and effectiveness.



Blum, Alain and Alain Moniker. 1989. "Recent Mortality Trends in the U.S.S.R.; New Evidence." Policy Studies, pp.

Feldstein, H., and S. Poats. 1989. Case Studies. Vol. 1. Working Together: Gender Analysis in Agriculture. West
Hartford, Conn.: Kumarian Press.

Harrison, Paul. 1992. "Quintessence of Dust: Kalsaka, Burkina Faso." The Third Revolution: Environment, Population
and a Sustainable World (I. B. Taurus, ed.), Penguin Books.

Henderson, Helen Kreider, Judith Ann Warner, and Nancy Ferguson. 1982. "Women in Upper Volta: Working Paper
#2". Women in Development Program, Office of the Council for International Programs, University of

Macro International Inc. 1990. Jordan Demographic and Health Survey, 1990. Columbia MD: Macro International Inc.

Okoth-Ogendo, H. W. O. 1989. "The Effect of Migration on Family Structures in Sub-Saharan Africa." International
Migration 27 (2, June)

Palmer, I. 1985. "The Impact of Male Out-Migration on Women in Farming." Series: Women's Roles and Gender
Differences in Development. West Hartford: Kumarian Press.

UNDP. 1993. Human Development Report, 1993. New York: United Nations Development Programme.

van den Oever, Pietronella. 1986. "Participation des Femmes aux Travaux Publics a Haute Intensite de Main
d'Oeuvre." International Labor Organization monograph.

World Bank. World Development Reports, 1993 & 1994. Oxford University Press: World Bank.


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