Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Correspondence with Canada
 The socialist construction of philately...
 Some additional notes on the early...
 Soviet POWs held by the Axis...
 More about the post-WWII surveillance...
 Postage stamps of the Zemstvos
 Scenes from "CAPEX '96"
 The conquest of the Arctic
 The great dot and numeral hunt
 Just a few more ovals
 Special announcement re "The post-rider"...
 Alatyr No. 1
 The divisions of Roumanian prisoners...
 The mail of the Hungarian POWs...
 Philatelic shorts
 Special announcement regarding...
 Review of literature
 The journal fund
 The collectors' corner

Title: Yamshcik = Post-Rider
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00076781/00039
 Material Information
Title: Yamshcik = Post-Rider
Series Title: Yamshcik = Post-Rider
Physical Description: Serial
Creator: Canadian Society of Russian Philately
Publisher: Canadian Society of Russian Philately
Place of Publication: Toronto
Subject: Stamp collections -- Russia   ( lcsh )
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00076781
Volume ID: VID00039
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.


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00039 ( PDF )

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Correspondence with Canada
        Page 3
    The socialist construction of philately in the early Soviet era
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
    Some additional notes on the early Soviet era
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
    Soviet POWs held by the Axis powers
        Page 16
        Page 17
    More about the post-WWII surveillance of international mail
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
    Postage stamps of the Zemstvos
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
    Scenes from "CAPEX '96"
        Page 33
    The conquest of the Arctic
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
    The great dot and numeral hunt
        Page 44
        Page 45
    Just a few more ovals
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
    Special announcement re "The post-rider" No. 40
        Page 50
        Page 51
    Alatyr No. 1
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
    The divisions of Roumanian prisoners in the USSR
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
    The mail of the Hungarian POWs in the USSR
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
    Philatelic shorts
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
    Special announcement regarding "Moscow '97"
        Page 80
    Review of literature
        Page 81
        Page 82
    The journal fund
        Page 83
    The collectors' corner
        Page 84
        Page 85
Full Text



No. 39
November, 1996


Printed in Canada

Are you thinking of selling your zemstvo
collection, some covers or R items?

Please let me know!

Alex Artuchov, P.O. Box 5722, Station"A",
Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M5W 1P2

Postmarks of the Russian Empire
(pre-adhesive period)
by Manfred Dobin

copies for sale $50.00 US postpaid

Alex Artuchov, R O. Box 5722. Station "A",
Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M5W 1P2

The Zemstvo Postage Stamps of
Imperial Russia
Vols. 1 3
$3o.oo VS each postpaid

Alex Artuchov, P.O. Box 5722, Station"A",
Toronto, Ontario, Canaba, M5W IP2


P.O. Box 5722, Station "A",
Toronto, Ontario, M5W 1P2
FAX: (416) 764-8968.



November, 1996.

2 Editorial
3 Correspondence with Canada
4 The Socialist Construction of Philately in the Early Soviet Era
13 Some Additional Notes on the Early Soviet Era
16 Soviet POWs held by the Axis Powers
18 More about the post-WWII Surveillance of International Mail
21 Postage Stamps issued by the Zemstvos
33 Scenes from "CAPEX '96"
34 The Conquest of the Arctic
44 The Great Dot and Numeral Hunt
46 Just a few more Ovals
50 Special Announcement re "The Post-Rider" No. 40
52 Alatyr No. 1
59 The Divisions of Roumanian Prisoners in the USSR
64 The Mail of the Hungarian POWs in the USSR
76 Philatelic Shorts
80 Special Announcement regarding "MOSCOW '97"
81 Review of Literature
83 Journal Fund
84 The Collectors' Corner

Prof. Jonathan Grant
Andrew Cronin
Peter A. Michalove
Various authors
Alex Artuchov

Prof. Otto Schmidt
Alex Artuchov
Rabbi L.L. Tann

Alex Artuchov
Dan Grecu
Andrew Cronin

Coordinators of the Society: Alex Artuchov, Publisher & Treasurer.
Patrick J. Campbell, Secretary.
Andrew Cronin, Editor.
Rabbi L.L. Tann, CSRP Representative in the United Kingdom.

The Society gratefully thanks its contributors for making this an interesting issue.

01996. Copyright by The Canadian Society of Russian Philately. All rights reserved. All the contents of this
issue are copyright and permission must be obtained from the CSRP before reproducing.

The opinions expressed in the articles printed in this issue are those of the individual authors and are not
necessarily those of The Canadian Society of Russian Philately or of its Coordinators.

Note: The article on Alatyr No. 1 by Alex Artuchov will also appear in a Russian version in a forthcoming issue
of the Russian monthly magazine "$HJIATEJI1HH" of Moscow.

-'- ~, '~% I EDITORIAL

It would be fair to say that no other field of specialised collecting is as widespread outside the mother country
as Russian philately. Currently, there are in Canada, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany,
Great Britain, New Zealand and the USA flourishing societies, devoted to the study of the stamps and postal
history of the Russian Empire, USSR and Successor States. The collapse of the Soviet Union certainly did not
affect adversely the market for Soviet material. On the contrary, the demand for such items has increased and
rivals that for the gems of Imperial philately. Russia has, is and always will be in the news and that basic fact
emphasizes the attraction of Russian philately in all its facets.

The time has therefore now come to consider the formation of an International Federation of Russian Philatelic
Societies, with headquarters in the mother country; a "PyccKIci O~iln rTepH", so to speak. The idea is not
new and it was originally broached to your editor at "POLSKA '93" by A. Strygin of Moscow. The original
proposals will be followed up at the"MOSCOW '97" show,where it is hoped that the foundations of such an
organisation will be laid.

The establishment of such a Federation is a pressing matter, as the current state of judging material in our
spheres of collecting at international exhibitions is extremely uneven. The way that international juries are now
constituted, they appear not to know what they are looking at in our area and, moreover, the exhibits in all
categories are steadily being regulated to death.

It would therefore seem that the primary task of the proposed "PyccKHl imTIHTepH" should be the regular
sponsorship in the mother country of exhibitions in the national class, with international participation. That
would ensure a balanced judgement of the exhibits. Concurrently with such exhibitions, there should take place
a Congress of Russian Philately, where matters of mutual concern to the various national societies could be
discussed and philatelic papers read.

The Canadian Society of Russian Philately appeals to all other fraternal societies to consider seriously the above
proposals, so that the suggested Federation can come into being as soon as possible. Meanwhile, let us end with
the following slogans to guide us along the way:-

Aa sapaBcTByeT Apyx6a HapoaoB !
Aa 3spacrTByeT PyccKaSq DmIaTejS !
Ia 3apaBCTByeT PyccKHi$ cHIHHTepH !
The views expressed in the articles contained in this issue are those of the respective authors and not necessarily
those of The Canadian Society of Russian Philately or of its coordinators.
*- *
2 November, 1996

"Correspondence with Canada" is a regular feature of this
journal. Anyone possessing interesting Russian mail to
Canada is invited to share it with the readership by
forwarding a photograph or xerox copy of the item to
the Editor, along with some explanatory text.

P r

..... ............. .... ....... .
4-/- iv r 2....... I
...................................... ........ ...... ................... ....... ........ ...........
.................. .. .7... ... .............

W ,.,:..........
....... ............. N... ......................... .................. ......

Ha e oto cntoponim nuiuemcRn moWco aOpeca. -- CO61 rdeerv4 exclualfement d l'adreasc.


by G.G. Werbizky.

'*^*_'-- __-- -------- ____ ...* .v
Please note the request in French from A. Shevelev, dated 8/20 August 1886, for a specimen copy of "The
Toronto Philatelic Journal", written on a 3-kop. card and cancelled by the MOCKBA F II 2 (Moscow City Post
No. 2) marking, 8 August 1886 O.S.

The card was received in Toronto on 9 September N.S. and was thus 20 days in transit by land and sea. That
compares favourably with travelling times these days.

Does anyone have an earlier card sent to Canada ? It would not have been a common destination in the last
November, 1996


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.. i I


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The Socialist Construction of

Philately in the Early Soviet Era


University of Wisconsin-Madison

The term totalitarian has often been used by scholars to characterize the
Soviet Union's system of government, and in many studies the emphasis has
fallen on assessing the degree of effectiveness of the ruling apparatus in
exercising its total control over society.' Whatever the actual condition of
public life in the Soviet Union (USSR), a desire to use the totalitarian system
undeniably existed; and regardless of the degree to which people were able to
retain an autonomous private sphere, their lives were shaped by this urge to
total control. The best examples of this come not from the realm of high
politics but of mundane personal practices such as the pursuit of hobbies.
During the period from 1921 to 1939, the Soviet government redefined the
hobby of stamp collecting, socially reconstructing it in terms of the regime's
values. In the process, the Soviet regime demonstrated its totalitarian goal in
ways that had ramifications in everyday life, as can be seen in the state's
relations with the philatelists and in the realm of hobbies. The fact that the
government strictly controlled and circumscribed something as seemingly
innocuous and insignificant as stamp collecting reveals how strongly the state
aspired to have total control of society. More important, this urge sprang not
from the top of the Soviet apparatus but, rather, from mid-level officials. In
this essay I intend to examine the relationship between the Soviet government
and philately. More specifically, I am concerned with the financial, ideologi-
cal, and social aspects of this relationship. The financial aspect involves the
state's use of stamps as a source of revenue and its treatment of stamp trading
as a form of currency exchange. From the ideological and social points of
view, we see the reaction of the Soviet philatelists to the state's stimuli as an

I There is a vast literature on totalitarianism. Some of the more recent discussions of the
subject can be found in Geoffrey Hosking, The First Socialist Society: A History of the Soviet
Union from Within (Cambridge. MA: Harvard University Press, 1985); Robert V. Daniels, ed.,
The Stalin Revolution: Foundations of the Totalitarian Era (Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath and
Company, 1990); Lewis H. Siegelbaum. "State and Society in the 1920s," in Reform in Russia
and the U.S.S.R.: Past and Prospects, Robert O. Crummey, ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 1989). 126-43; Abbott Gleason. "'Totalitarianism' in 1984," Russian Review, 43:2 (1984),
145-59. For an overview of the literature, see also Alexander Dallin, ed., Benveen Totalitarian-
ism and Pluralism, vol. 9 of Russian and Soviet Ilistory 1500-1991 (New York: Garland
Publishing Inc., 1992).
0010-4175/95/3377-1019 57.50 + .10 C 1995 Society for Comparative Study of Society and History


attempt to justify stamp collectors and their hobby in terms of the state's
official values.
The reconstruction of philately as a public discourse emerges from the
pages of the only officially sanctioned collectors' journal, Sovetskii Filatel-
ist, and its successor, Sovetskii Kollektsioner. Through the articles and edi-
torials in this official journal, state officials and hobbyists struggled over
what philately should mean in the new Soviet society. The state insisted that
collectors had to abandon the old bourgeois concept of philately associated
with capitalism. In Europe and the United States, stamp collecting repre-
sented a part of the culture of industrial capitalism and, because stamps had
become commodities with market value, helped the collectors to define
themselves in relation to the economic system. As Steven Gelber has recent-
ly pointed out, stamp collecting in capitalist societies functioned as a meta-
phor for the free-market system, and collectors conducted this hobby in
ways that emulated the models of merchants, investors, and speculators.2
For the state it was precisely this aspect of stamp collecting that had to be
rejected in the new Soviet philately. To defend themselves and their hobby
from charges of speculation, collectors fought back by stressing the cultural
value of their activities within the socialist society, thus accepting the terms
of the debate set down by the state.
Over a period of several years the Soviet state moved closer to total control
of philately by creating a number of institutional structures. Initially the state
delimited philately by establishing legal constraints on stamp trading activities
in 1921. Under Article 136 of the criminal codex of the Russian Soviet
Federated Socialist Republic (RSFSR), foreign stamp exchange fell into the
category of a state monopoly, and anyone violating the law faced a six-month
jail term.3 The government required any collector who wished to trade stamps
abroad to register officially.4 While individuals could conduct such trade for
the purpose of completing their own collections, no commercial stamp trading
was permitted under the law. The government brought this point home during
the summer of 1922 when the Soviet government's State Political Administra-
tion (GPU) secret police carried out a series of arrests among stamp collectors
and traders of Moscow who were involved in exchanging philatelic mate-
rials.5 Foreign stamp firms had to learn that "there can be no exportation of
considerable quantities of stamps from Russia owing to the existence in this

2 Steven M. Gelber, "Free Market Metaphor The Historical Dynamics of Stamp Collecting."
Comparative Studies in Society and History, 34:4 (1992), 742-69. According to Gelber. the
merchant model for collectors was followed when collectors sold or traded stamps to fill their
own collections or make a modest profit; the investment model focused on an increase in value of
the stamps over time rather than through trading activity; and the speculator model involved
buying low and selling high in the hopes of sinking it rich through stamp sales.
3 F. G. Chuchin, "Filatelia i deti," Sovetskil Filatelist (cited hereafter as S.F.), 2 (1922), 1.
4 "Zagranichnyi obmen," S.F., 2 (1922), 11.
s "Filateliia i spckuliatsiia." S.F., 2 (1922). 26.





country of a monopoly in export trading, and private collectors are allowed to
exchange only single specimens in order to complete their collections."6
In order to monitor the stamp monopoly, the Soviet government set up the
Plenipotentiary Organization for Philately and Voucher Collecting (OUFB).
Originally, in March 1922, this organization was placed under the People's
Commissariat of Foreign Trade (NKVT), but five months later, in September,
the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's
Commissars placed the stamp monopoly in the service of the efforts to provide
famine relief. An executive order declared that philatelists were to pay both a
tax to aid the famine relief and a special fee to participate in the foreign
exchange of philatelic materials.7
Meanwhile, another set of governmental institutions surrounded and con-
strained the activities and practices of the philatelists. In 1921 the People's
Commissariat of Post and Telegraph had created a special organ, the Russian
P Bureau of Philatelists (RBF), to deal with all questions regarding the organi-
0 zation and development of philately. Two years later, in March 1923, the
1- Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD) authorized the statute to form a
voluntary organization, the All-Russian Society of Philatelists (VOF), to oper-
S ate under the auspices of the NKVD. Under the statute, members of the VOF
If had to be at least eighteen years old, be free of any legal restrictions imposed
~ by a court, and have no forgery convictions. In addition, collectors were
^ prohibited from engaging in stamp dealing, and the organization was to sub-
S mit a list of its members annually to the NKVD. According to the Society's
charter under Article VII, Point 30, of the statute forming it, the VOF could
9 be closed by the NKVD's decree or by the VOF's own action; but in either
S case the inventory of the society would then go to the state.3
Working in tandem, the OUFB and the VOF served as the state's mecha-
nisms to control philately. The government was able to prescribe official
limits for philately within the Soviet institutional system through these two
organizations, thus effectively eliminating any autonomy on the part of stamp
collectors or their organizations. The OUFB clearly acted as the dominant
partner of the two institutions. Practically everything done by the VOF was
done either in accordance or in agreement with the OUFB and its directives,
and the most important VOF documents came under the oversight of Fedor
Chuchin, head of the OUFB. Indeed, the first meeting of the VOF's board
took place on the OUFB's grounds.'

B. Raevskii. "Novaia zagranichnaia fal'sh'." S.F.. 7-8 (1923). 32.
7 N. I. Vladinets. "Organizarsiia Upolnomochennogo po Filatelii i Bonam." in Bol'shoifi-
latelisticheskii slovar' (Moskva: Izdatel'stvo "Radio i Sviaz'." 1988), 214; "Offitsial'nyi otdel."
S.F.. 2 (1922). 9-10.
"Ustav Vserossiiskogo Obshchestva Filatelistov." S.F.. 3-4 (1923). 30-32.
V. Kulakov. "Filateliia v Moskve: organizatsionnoe ukreplenie (1923-1924 gody)," Fi-
(A lateliia SSSR. 2 (1991), 50-51.

Fedor Grigor'evich Chuchin was more than just the linchpin that held
together all the official groups involved with philately, for he played perhaps
the most important role in shaping Soviet philately. Born in 1883, Chuchin
joined the Bolshevik Party in 1904 and was an active participant in the
Revolution of 1917, during which he served as a member of the Moscow
District Committee and the Petersburg Committee of the Party. Originally he
had been a NKVT representative within the RBF in 1921 and in 1922 became
the OUFB's head.10 In 1921, he alone had proposed that the monopoly on
foreign trade be extended to encompass the traffic in stamps and that the
revenue be used to aid children. Chuchin's efforts resulted in Lenin's order to
implement the plan."I Chuchin also participated actively in the VOF from its
inception, organizing the youth section and serving as one of the chief editors
of the journal, Sovetskii Filatelist.12
Chuchin first identified philately with the bourgeoisie in his capacity as the
journal's chief editor. In the founding issue in September 1922 he wrote:
The particular characteristic of communism is not the destruction of property in gener-
al, but the destruction of bourgeois property and several collectors call the de-
struction of this kind of bourgeois relation by the introduction of the monopoly for
philately the destruction of personality and freedom! They are right. The question
concerns actually the destruction of bourgeois personality, bourgeois independence,
and bourgeois freedom. Such freedom we intend to destroy by means of the
introduction of the monopoly for philately in the interests of philately itself (emphasis
in original). 1
The potential for the OUFB to control and lead the activities of the VOF
grew when a new statute was put into effect in December 1924. As a result of
the First Congress of the All-Russian Society of Philatelists, VOF's board
members, along with representatives from the Commissariats of Finance, of
Post and Telegraph, and of the OUFB, established a new administrative board
for the voluntary organization. The new board comprised seven members,
five of whom were elected from the Congress. The remaining two slots were
reserved for the representative of the youth section (that is, for F. G. Chuchin)
and that of the OUFB. In the end the revised statutes more strongly tied the
VOF to the state structure and represented an important personal extension of
F. G. Chuchin's authority.14
Moreover, through these governmental organs the state defined the roles
and tasks for philately in terms of state service. Although originally charged
with executing the stamp monopoly for the benefit of the treasury, the phila-
telic agencies also served in the efforts for famine relief and children's aid.
1o Vladinets, "Organizatsiia," 295.
i Boris Stal'baum. "Lenin. deti. filateliia." Sovetskii Kollekrsioner (cited hereafter as S.K.), 8
(1970). 6-9.
2 "'Sostav Vserossiiskogo Obshchestva Filatelistov." S.F.. 3-4 (1923), 33.
F. G. Chuchin. "Filateliia i monopoliia." S.F., I (1922), 6.
14 Kulakov, "Filateliia v Moskve," 52.




The VOF statute of 1924 further spelled out the aims of the society in terms of
state interests. For state purposes the VOF would combat speculation and
forgery of stamps, collaborate with state philatelic 'organizations, and do
everything possible to enforce the strict monopoly in the foreign stamp
The OUFB's leading role was also evident in the creation of yet another
philatelic group, the Philatelic International (Filintern). L. K. Eikhfus, who
held a position in the OUFB and served as a representative on its export
bureau, played a key role in establishing the Filintern in June of 1924.16 The
Filintern was to be an international association of philatelists, whose chief
tasks consisted of, first, waging class struggle on behalf of philatelist-workers
against bourgeois-traders and their stamp firms and, second, conducting a
print war against all forgers, speculators, and the bourgeois philatelic press.
The OUFB held a commanding presence in the Filintern through Eikhfus,
who became the editor of Filintern's propaganda outlet, Radio de Filintern,
and Chuchin, who served in the presidium. 17
Having examined the various mechanisms by which the Soviet state
bounded philately and the philatelists, it is worth considering why the regime
constructed the hobby in such a manner. Obviously, financial and ideological
motives played important parts in philately's official formulation; and in that
light the use of a collector's organization as a tool of social control and
centralization requires some attention. Nevertheless, the personal interests of
leaders such as Chuchin and Eikhfus merit consideration as well.
The Soviet government, like other governments, looked to stamp collectors
as a source of revenue for various relief funds. In December 1921, the State
Printers issued four stamps with denominations of 2,250 rubles, of which
2,000 rubles went towards famine aid.18 On August 19, 1922, Chuchin su-
pervised a one-day philatelic event, Philately for Children, which yielded
344,535 rubles.'9 All together, stamp sales in 1922 between April 1 and
December 1 generated 2.97 million rubles for famine relief. Because approx-
imately 97 percent of the stamps were sold abroad, these sales figures demon-
strate the importance of the official monopoly in exporting stamps.20 Another
appeal to stamp collectors occurred in 1923 in conjunction with May Day.
This time the government printed stamps inscribed, "Philately for the Work-
ing Masses," and sold them for only one day in Moscow.2? Along with

Is Ibid.. 51.
1 V. Kulakov. "Filateliia v Moskve: organizatsionnoc ukreplenie (1923-1924 gody)." Fi-
lateliia SSSR, 5 (19911. 50.
17 Ibid., 51-52. 'I D. Racvskii. "Pochtovye marki RSFSR," S.F.,, 2 (1922), 5.
"9 F, Chuchin, "Otchet o'Dne Filatelii'." S.F., 2 (1922). 14; O. N. Bukharov, Marki-svidetrli
istoril (Moskva: zdatel'stvo Radio i Sviaz'. 1982). 17.
20 As reported to the Central Committee. 310.287 of the 320.432 stamps were sold through the
official monopoly office in Mannheim. F. Chuchin, "lalans oborotov." S.F., 3-4 (1922), 23.
-I Chuchin, "Balans oborotov." 19.

inscribed issues, the government created new stamps to raise money for
famine relief and child welfare between 1922 and 1930.22 Still, the amount of
money generated from stamp sales was quite small when compared to the total
of 522.6 million rubles for all Soviet exports during 1923-24.23
Increasingly after 1929, the Soviet government devoted its attention to
selling more stamps abroad. Such sales had both propagandistic and financial
functions. A Soviet historian remarked on the rising quality and agitational
content of Soviet stamps after 1929, noting that increasing attention was being
given to stamps costing 7, 14, and 28 kopecks because "they were issues for
international correspondence and were supposed to tell the truth to the world
about the victories of the workers' country of the Soviets."24
Apart from its value in advertising the Soviet cause, the plan to sell more
stamps in the international market had a financial side that should not be
overlooked. By targeting so many stamps for sales abroad, the Soviet govern-
ment obtained desperately needed hard currency. Over the years the number
of different stamps issued annually by the USSR rose steadily. For example,
the vast majority of new issues printed during 1939 and 1940 had denomina-
tions between 10 and 30 kopeks, face values far above those for standard
domestic postage.25 The revenue from stamp sales through philatelic organi-
zations proved to be quite substantial. In that same year, over 85 percent. or
17.28 million rubles, of the Commissariat of Post and Telegraph's total in-
come of approximately 19.833 million, was derived from the sale of stamps to
philatelic organizations.26
The Soviet government was not the only state to recognize the fiscal poten-
tial of selling postage stamps. In fact, many governments developed similar
policies for issuing stamps. It was true around the world that "most stamps,
particularly in the 1920's and afterwards, lost their purely postal character in
favor of other ends. Some countries began to give philatelic issues their
special attention in order to derive a sizable part of the national income from
the sale of stamps."27
In addition to collecting revenue from stamp sales, the Soviet government
apparently thought that the trade in stamps involved a commodity that could
be taxed. In 1922 the RSFSR overprinted its first two stamp issues with
surcharges of 250 and 500 rubles, respectively. Although these newly sur-

22 Scott 1991 Standard Postage Stamp Catalogue, vol. 4 (Sidney, Ohio: Scott Publishing Co..
1990), 413-14,
23 R. W. Davies. ed.. From Tsarism to the New Economic Policy: Continuity and Change in
the Economy of the USSR (London: Macmillan Academic and Professional Ltd, 1990), 322.
2* Bukharov, Marki-svideteli istorii, 37.
23 Tsentral'nyi Gosudarsivennyi Arkhiv Narodnogo Khoziastva (TsGANKh), fond 3527
(NKPT), opis 26. delo 3, I. 3.
Ibid., I. 7,
27 Carlos Stoetzer, Postage Stamps as Propaganda (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Press,
1953), 2.





charged stamps had no postal value, they provided proof that taxes had been
paid on stamps exported from, or imported into, Russia,28 a practice that
continued under the USSR. In December 1923, some tsarist semipostal issues
received export surcharge, as did regular Soviet issues of 1921; and Kharkov,
Tashkent, Tbilisi, Petrograd, Rostov-on-Don, Vladivostok, and Simferopol
served as points of arrival in addition to Moscow. Similarly, the government
issued tax stamps in 1925, 1928, 1931, and 1932. The revenues from these
stamps went to various relief funds.29
The practice of taxing philatelists engaged in international stamp trading
was a policy peculiar to the Soviet government and reflected an attitude of
restrained ideological hostility towards the traders. In following such a policy,
the government evidently regarded stamp traders as just another type of the
petit-bourgeois traders grudgingly allowed to operate during the period of the
New Economic Policy (NEP), and to a large extent the state's perception was
accurate. Even among the 643 collectors who joined the VOF and did cooper-
n ate, a portion continued to conduct affairs in the old way and therefore faced
I' the state's coercive power. The old specialists in the export bureau proved to
ri be especially prone to illegal trading, and quite a few suffered arrest and
S imprisonment as a result.30 Although the majority of the VOF's members
| spoke out against commercialization, in practice they still based their activ-
S ities on commercial interests and carried on philately in the prerevolutionary
- manner.31
4 From statements made in the 1930 edition of the collectors' journal,
Sovetskii Kollektsioner. one can reasonably conclude that the Soviet govern-
P ment continued to view stamp traders with a degree of suspicion and disap-
^ proval. For example, one of the journal's editors wrote, "Alas, among philat-
elists there are several speculators, forgers, dishonest exchangers and other
trading knights, who make a source of personal profit from philately. How-
ever, this of course does not diminish the cultural significance of philately as
such."32 In another article, a member of the VOF defended the organization
from accusations that it was "an organization of private traders and consisted
of speculators, disfranchised persons and similar elements which, of course
do not merit the slightest trust."33 In rebuttal, the author stated that "to give so
shameful a characterization of a social organization which, as is known,
operates on the basis of rules set down by the NKVD, and which does not
have a single disfranchised member, but in fact has an impressive party and

:8 Karalog pochtovykh marok SSSR. 1918-1980, vol. I (Moskva: Tsentral'noe Fil-
atelisticheskoe Agentshestvo "Soiuzpechat" Ministerstva Sviazi SSSR, 1984), 244.
29 Ibid.. 244-47. See also Vladinets. "Organizatsiia." 176.
30 Stal'baum, "Lenin." 9-10; "Novoe v dele gr. Sanchovar," S.F., 1-2 (1923), 40.
31 Stal'baum, "Lenin," 50.
32 A. R. Fisher. "Chto sobirat'," S.K.. 1 (1930), 19.
33 "Slova i dela Borisa Babitsogo," S.K.. 2 (1930), 60.

komsomol stratum, is possible only in the presence of [an] ample supply of
nerve and cynicism."34
Judging by the strong reaction to the charges of speculation and private
trading, it is obvious that the members of the All-Russian Society Philatelists
felt vulnerable. That philatelists could in any way be accused of economic
crimes and that they did not take such an accusation lightly reveals a great deal
about the underlying tension in the relationship between the stamp traders and
the state. This tension was based on the fact that, in the eyes of the govern-
ment, the activity of trading stamps could come dangerously close to specula-
tion, in part because the state regarded this type of trading as a form of
currency exchange. Precedents existed to support the state's position. During
the civil war, postage stamps had indeed functioned as a form of currency in a
number of regions. Later, during the famine, postage stamps had served as a
means of exchange for products.35 When Soviet collectors traded their stamps
for foreign issues, this deprived the government of foreign currency. In effect,
Soviet stamps became convertible even though the ruble was not. Considering
the fiscal implications, then, it is not so surprising that the government wanted
to control the stamp trade.
However, the conception of stamp dealing as speculation had roots much
deeper than those of purely fiscal concerns. Ideologically, the Bolsheviks saw it
as speculation because the stamp traders made a profit by taking advantage of
the demand for stamps based on their rarity in a given market, not by expending
productive labor. To counter this speculation, the government tried to eliminate
the market forces and change the basis of determining the price of a stamp in the
hope that "the estimation of stamps was not to depend anymore on the whim of
this or that foreign firm and its stamp reserves, but only on the figures of an
issue, the only real measure of a stamp's value."36 Seen from this angle, the
state's monopoly on foreign stamp exchange was an ideologically motivated
attempt to redefine what would determine the value of Soviet stamps.
In spite of its hostility towards the stamp traders, the Soviet regime had a
very positive attitude towards using philately as propaganda to further its
ideological interests. Philately offered yet another way to spread the word
about the first socialist state and the October Revolution. Although the propa-
ganda content of Soviet stamps is itself a vast subject, some discussion of the
actual issues is in order. It was not until 1921 that Soviet Russia began to
develop new issues. Its first series consisted of designs of three symbols:

34 Ibid.
35 For example. Pravda urged the population "not to throw away stamps." and called on all
citizens and children of the RSFSR to gather and send all canceled stamps, stamp collections, and
anything they had on hand to be exchanged for chocolate and other products for starving children.
"Ne brosaite marok." Pravda. 9 March 1922, 3.
36 B. Raevskii. "K godovshchine sovetskoi filatelii." S.F.. 9-10 (1923), 10.




agricultural labor, industrial labor, and science and arts The wording in this
series was kept to a minimum; at most only the word pochta (postage) and the
acronym RSFSR were present. Thus, the RSFSR conveyed its messages
exclusively through pictures. This is hardly surprising, given the widespread
illiteracy in the country at the time.
While this initial series had only three designs, it comprised nine different
stamps of denominations ranging from 1 to 1,000 rubles. Among the nine
stamps, five used the agricultural-labor design, printed in different colors and
priced at 1, 2, 100, 200, and 300 rubles. Similarly, the industrial-labor sym-
bol appeared on stamps in three denominations (5-ruble, 500-ruble, and
1,000-ruble), while the remaining stamp for science-and-arts occurred only
once, when the set was initially issued. Taken in its entirety, the series, then,
was focused on agriculture and was to a lesser degree, industry. In short, this
series of stamps was in accord with the spirit of the government's New
Economic Policy of 1921 in that, while some attention was given to cultural
questions, the emphasis was placed on the recovery of agriculture and indus-
try within the RSFSR. In this regard the themes on the postage stamps fol-
lowed the same trend evident in Soviet poster art in 1921, namely, a rise in the
output of posters dealing with economic subjects, and to a lesser extent,
cultural and educational topics.37 Thus, the regime, "having secured its own
position, turns to problems of peaceful social and economic development
(economic and cultural themes move rapidly to the fore)."38
Because the Soviet government so intimately tied the themes on its postage
stamps to political goals. Soviet stamps can be regarded as visual statements of
the values that the regime espoused and desired to foster among the population.
In this light, these visual representations revealed the regime's conception of
how Soviet society should be structured. Put another way, Soviet stamps made
graphic declarations about the desirable composition of the new socialist
society and what social groups would form the components of that society.
The government initially recognized three social groups within Soviet soci-
ety by portraying the worker, the soldier, and the peasant in their correspond-
ing fields of endeavor of industry, defense, and agriculture. Over time, the
philatelic representations of these groups changed, and additional groups
joined their ranks.
The RSFSR's final issues in 1922 to 1923 depicted the three social groups.
Stylistically, these representations resembled classical busts and were very
similar to the style used by other countries to portray monarchs and other
heads of state on their stamps.39 The Soviets, however, substituted the three

Stephcn White. The Bolshevik Poster (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 91.
Ibid.. 92.
*' For a discussion of profiles ol' ruling heads of state on slamps, see Iarlan J. Strauss,
"Politics, Psychology, and the Postage Stamp." in The Congress Book 1975: Forty-First American
Philatelic Conress, November,3 ,, 1975 (:edcralburg: J. W. Stowell Printing Co.. 1975). 176.

social groups for the usual head-of-state figure. This was not by chance; the
Soviets "specifically decided to create images which would symbolize
the idea of worker-peasant power."40 Accordingly, a representation of a com-
mon person replaced the portraits of the tsars.41 Symbolically, then, the work-
er, the soldier, and the peasant constituted the Soviet state.
The three groups were not necessarily equal partners in the new Soviet
state. I. D. Shadr, who designed the busts, created the worker first, then the
Red Army soldier. These two stamps came out in December 1922, but the
stamp bearing the bust of the peasant did not appear until five months later, in
May 1923.42 Among these nine stamps, the worker and soldier appeared four
times each, while the peasant showed up on only one stamp. Such a ranking of
the groups would certainly have been in keeping with Lenin's conception of
the state as the dictatorship of the proletariat, that is, the proletariat relying on
armed force and guiding the peasantry towards socialism.43
The representation of the peasant fared somewhat better after the USSR
was formed. In the period between 1923 and 1926, the bust of a peasant was
placed on ten stamps, compared to thirteen each for the worker and the
soldier. The peasant now turned up almost as frequently as the other two types
but continued to receive less prominence. For example, stamps portraying the
worker and soldier tended to be physically larger than those showing the
peasant.44 Thus, the other two groups retained their more-than-equal status in
the eyes of the government.
In August of 1929 the USSR produced a new set of regular stamps that
reflected the dramatic changes then taking place in Soviet society as a result of
collectivization and forced industrialization. No longer would the likeness of
the peasant be found on any regular postage issue. Instead, the collective-farm
worker now occupied the face of Soviet stamps as the equal partner of the
worker in Soviet society. Moreover, women also achieved some recognition
in the new stamp series. The female worker and female collective-farm work-
er took their places next to their male counterparts in this series, marking the
first appearance of women on Soviet stamps.45 According to Stalin, collective
farms would bring about equality between rural women and rural men.46
Issuance of these stamps visually proclaimed Stalin's message.
As the economic programs progressed, the portrayals of the groups became

4o Bukharov, Marki-svideteli istorii. 12. Ibid., 13. *2 Ibid., 12-13.
4" V. I. Lenin, State and Revolution (New York: International Publishers, 1988). 23.
Scott 1991, 290,
4S For a discussion of the images on Soviet stamps and their relation to gender construe.
lion, see Elizabeth Waters, "The Female Form in Soviet Political Iconography, 1917-32." in
Barbara Evans Clements, Barbara Alpem Engel. and Christine Worobec. Russia's Women: Ac.
commodation,, Resistance, Transformation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 225-
Mary Buckley, "Soviet Ideology and Female Roles," in Ideology and Sovier Politics. Se-.
phen White, ed. (London: Macmillan Press, 1988). 161-62.





differentiated from the generic image of the earlier period. The worker was
portrayed in the regular postage issue of March 1939 as a steel foundryman,
then five months later, in August, on another stamp as a miner. In the last
regular series begun in the Stalin period (May 1948 to July 1957), the scientist
joined the ranks of laboring groups depicted on stamps and was rapidly
followed by the engineer in 1958. Meanwhile, back on the farm, the combine
worker appeared on a regular issue in 1961.47
One important group remains to be discussed: the Party. The Party was
represented in two ways. First, numerous prominent members, both the living
and the deceased, appeared on stamps. Foremost among the Bolsheviks so
portrayed was, of course, Lenin himself. Approximately 11 percent of all
Soviet stamps after 1923 bore pictures of Lenin. Appearing first on a series of
portrait stamps put out to mourn his death in 1924, various representations of
the first Bolshevik leader soon became ubiquitous. It is therefore almost
S impossible to categorize the different ways in which Lenin is shown on
2 stamps. Besides simple portraits. Soviet stamps present Lenin in numerous
| different roles: as a child and youth, as the organizer of the Communist Party,
as the founder of the first socialist state, as the organizer of the Party press,
and as a civic spirit sanctioning organizations and activities. One stamp even
Shas Lenin sitting next to a New Year's tree, celebrating the holiday.
Party members who appeared on stamps during their own lifetimes were
usually linked to the theme of state power in some way. This reflected a
z world-wide trend in which "in-power political elites [were] portrayed on
postage stamps in various ways, but always in a way that makes them appear
S symbolic of the state."48 The set of stamps commemorating Kalinin's sixtieth
birthday in 1935 serves as a striking example of this practice in the Soviet
context. The different stamps depicted Kalinin as a worker at a forge, a farmer
holding a sickle, and an orator in a western business suit. In other words,
Kalinin illustrated the foundations of the Soviet state: the worker, the farmer,
and the Party.
The Party also appeared on Soviet stamps through slogans and resolutions,
although the manner in which Party goals have been presented on stamps has
changed over time. As mentioned earlier, themes on stamps of the 1920s were
very much in line with the spirit of NEP, but implicitly so. However, begin-
ning in 1929, stamps explicitly proclaimed the economic policies of the Party.
When Stalin's drive to industrialize was launched, the government issued a set
of stamps urging on the effort. One stamp demanded, "More Metal, More
Machines!" while another showed a blast furnace and a chart for iron-ore
production and the slogan, "Iron, 8 Million Tons." Similarly, a stamp showing

"4 Karalog. 84. 87. 146. 159. 265. 301.
4 4d Strauss. "Politics. Psychology. and Postage." 176.

a series of tractors declared, "Let us increase the harvest by 35%." Faced with
the task of reconstruction after World War II, the government again used
stamps as a medium to call for economic mobilization. In 1946 a new set of
stamps exhorted, "Give the Country Annually 127 Tons of Grain," "60 Mil-
lion Tons of Oil," "60 Million Tons of Steel," "500 Million Tons of Coal," and
"50 Million Tons of Cast Iron."
Once again it is important to note that other contemporary regimes linked
their political goals to the themes on their stamps. Perhaps the best compara-
tive examples are Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy. Like its Soviet
counterpart, the nationalist-socialist government produced stamps to support
its party policies and advertise its achievements. Nazi Germany issued stamps
annually to commemorate party rallies as well as Hitler's birthday. Fascist
Italy's issues emphasized glorious achievements of the regime such as re-
claimed marshes, a stronger navy, and the annexation of Fiume.49 In contrast
to Soviet stamp issues, however, all the Italian and German stamps actually
circulated in local post offices and filled a genuine postal function.50
In response to the question of how philately and propaganda were con-
nected, Sovetskii Filatelist responded,
The answer is simple. Take the dear foreign philatelist-collector of whatever class of
society he may be. Being interested in our country as a collector from the point of view
of Russian stamps, he unintentionally comes across the thought: What is going on in
Soviet Russia? What kinds of stamps do they have and what do they express? etc. etc. 5
Certainly another ideological factor behind the official conceptualization of
philately lay in the regime's drive for centralized control of social organiza-
tions in general. In this way the imposition of control over stamp collecting
followed the same pattern as that exerted over other social and cultural activ-
ities. The Soviet regime would not permit truly independent organizations to
function over which it had no control; instead, it monitored a single, central-
ized organization and eliminated all competition to that organization. For
example, the regime supported the Communist Youth League (Komsomol)
but not organizations of Boy Scouts and of Jewish students because they
were seen as institutions that could be potential rivals.52 In the case of philat-
ely, the VOF was the only legitimate collecting society, and other societies
with similar interests were compelled to disband or join it. Although the

49 Stoetzer, Postage Stamps and Propaganda. 15-16. 50 Ibid.. 9. 15.
Sl L.Z., "Filateliia i propaganda." S.F.. 3-4 (1922), 13.
52 For a summary of the common trend toward centralization and control of all social organiza-
tions by the Bolshevik leadership, see Peter Kenez. The Birth of the Propaganda State: Soviet
Methods of Mass Mobilization. 1917-1929 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985). 86-
94, 186. 252-56. For discussion of the conventions of Soviet ideological discourse that promoted
the fusion of state and social interests, see Joseph Schull, "The Ideological Origins of 'Stalinism'
in Soviet Literature." Slavic Review. 51:3 (Fall 1992). 468-84.




VOF was not a mass society, it had much in common with single-issue
voluntary mass organizations in the 1920s such as those opposed to illiteracy,
alcoholism, and religion. As Peter Kenez notes in his discussion of those mass
The government-sponsored mass societies came to play a genuinely important role
within the Soviet political system. They contributed to the development of the particu-
lar flavor of Soviet totalitarianism: They represented counterfeit spontaneity, they filled
a void The societies enabled the regime to channel genuine enthusiasm.53
Fundamentally, these organizations tapped popular support for a particular
cause and harnessed it for the regime's goals. In more precise terms, however,
Cuchin and Eikhfus were the persons who advocated and actually carried out
the centralization of the country's philatelic activities and organizations on
behalf of the regime.54 In this regard the centralization was as much personal
as institutional.
Given Chuchin's career in both the Party and various Soviet administrative
structures, it should come as no surprise that he viewed philately in terms of
its utility for executing tasks important to the state. Furthermore, since he was
not himself a stamp collector, Chuchin had every reason to put state interests
above those of philatelists.55 For example, in the beginning of 1923 Chuchin
wrote, "First of all our efforts must strive to overcome the resistance of some
organs which are still persuaded of their 'ownership' and are hindering the
rapid concentration of all philatelic stores of the state institutions, as it was
ordered by the statements of the Central Executive Committee and the Coun-
cil of People's Commissars on September 21, 1922.'56 Regarding the rela-
tionship between philately and the state, Chuchin felt that it "seems indispens-
able to settle the limits of what is allowed from the public view and what
is tolerated in regard to the security of state interests."57
Leongard Karlovich Eikhfus shared Chuchin's vision of the primacy of the
state over hobbyists and of the importance of a unified, centralized philatelic
organization. Eikhfus advocated the centralization of all philatelic matters in
the USSR, especially the activities of young collectors. In addition, he called
for philately to be used as a means of propagandizing the idea of the Great
October Revolution. However, unlike Chuchin, Eikhfus was a stamp collector
and had engaged in philately long before he joined the Party in 1919.58
Taken together, the similar thinking of these two Bolsheviks about the

53 Kenez. Birth of Propaganda State, 153.
Eikhfus stated, "1 stand on the side of the strict centralization of all philatelic affairs in the
USSR." L. Eikhfus, "O zadachakh filatelii v SSSR," S.F.. 1-2 (1923). 36,
Stal'baum, "Lenin," 21. 56 F. Chuchin, "Itogi i perspcktivy," S.F., 1-2 (1923), 5.
F. Chuchin. "Kollektsionirovanic i ctika." S.F., 3-4 (1923), I.
Eikhfus, "O zadachakh filatelii v SSSR." 35-36: V. Kulakov, "Fllateliia v Moskve,"
Filaelila SSSR. 5 (1991). 51.

purpose of philately suggests that they were motivated primarily by a desire to
see their work as "socially useful" and defined this in terms of service not for
its own sake but solely in the context of carrying out some official task for the
Soviet state. For Chuchin and Eikhfus, if philately did not perform some
socially beneficial function, it was an activity devoid of meaning. The re-
quirement that service be a component of philately was apparent when the
task of famine relief came to an end. Faced with the eventual dissolution of
the OUFB in late 1923, Chuchin redefined the purpose of the hobby in 1924
as providing children's relief and reconstituted the OUFB as the Soviet Philat-
elic Association (SFA).59 He wrote, "The fate of Soviet philately is entirely
connected with the idea of the creation of aid for homeless children" (empha-
sis added).60
Chuchin failed to mention that the fate of his career was equally at stake. In
the previous years he had built a rather elaborate institutional network around
himself, along with a small group of followers. The collectors in the VOF
praised Chuchin as "the founder to whom the creation of the whole
apparatus is due" and expressed "the gratitude of the collectors for all he has
done for philately in Russia."61 Without the OUFB, he would have had no
personal institutional empire or function. Therefore, he had a strong incentive
to find another task for his apparatus and, in turn, to redefine the purpose of
In pursuing their official duties, Chuchin and Eikhfus established institu-
tions which they themselves commanded. As a result, they managed to create
a centralized bureaucratic apparatus that had ramifications for philatelists
throughout the country. The careers of these two men thus demonstrate how,
through the decisions and actions of low- and mid-level officials, the state
could and did significantly affect social organizations at the most mundane
How, then, did Soviet philatelists respond to official efforts to define their
activities; and how did they conceive of their hobby? The evidence suggests
that they both resisted and accommodated these efforts. Despite the state's
heavy tutelage, the VOF's membership in 1924 did not have an overly large
official component. The organization included some Party representation. but
the vast majority of its members (596 of 643) lacked Party affiliation. The
typical participant was male (97 percent), white collar (84 percent), twenty-

9 Sovnarkom charged the SFA with the duly of collecting and trading stamps for the benefit of
the Lenin Fund for Homeless Children. The actual process of dissolving the OUFB and replacing
it with the SFA occurred during 1924-26. The Lenin Fund was authorized by the Central
Executive Committee in February 1925 and linked to philately in October 1926, In 1926 the
Committee and Sovnarkom officially reformed the OUFB as the SFA. For details of this rather
confusing bureaucratic reshutlling, see Stal'baum. "Lenin." 15-20,
6o Stal'baum. "Lenin." 16. ^i Raevskii. "K godovshchine sovetskoi filatelil," 10,






five to forty-five years old (60.3 percent), and lived in Moscow (90 percent).62
Judging by the society's small number of members, it seems reasonable to
conclude that many stamp collectors simply refused to join. Complaints in
Sovetskii Filatelist about the reluctance of old philatelists to participate sup-
port this impression.63 Thus, those who did join were not necessarily typical
but only official philatelists.
Faced with the very real possibility of being labelled speculators and pri-
vate traders, official philatelists attempted to justify their place in socialist
society. To that end, they worked to defend the hobby of stamp collecting in
general and the role of Soviet collectors in particular. These collectors sought
to demonstrate that philately, far from being a bourgeois hobby, was in fact a
revolutionary one and argued that Marx and Engels not only condoned stamp
collecting but actively encouraged it. Their proof consisted of quotations from
two letters from Engels to Marx in which Engels referred to some stamps he
n had included for the benefit of Marx's daughter.64 Based on this record, one
0 author proclaimed in Sovetskii Kollektsioner that "if none other than Marx and
*Z 7 Engels systematically helped an eight-year-old child to collect these stamps,
then they correctly appreciated their cultural significance."65
Having thus managed to manufacture the endorsement for their hobby from
S these two eminent revolutionary thinkers, official philatelists discussed the
S potential role of philately in the task of constructing socialism in the USSR
and emphasized the place of stamp collecting in the cultural revolution. In
order to contribute to that revolution, philatelists turned their attention to the
workers. In this light, the philatelists displayed a strong streak of what Sheila
Fitzpatrick calls "pseudoproletarianism," that is, they made contacts with
industrial workers in order to establish their own legitimacy.66 As Fitzpatrick
comments, "In the rhetoric of cultural revolution, working-class opinion was
the touchstone of good and evil, and working-class participation was essential
to the success of any undertaking."67 Given the defensive posture of the
philatelists toward the government, the attention to the workers most likely
developed as a means of self-protection: By establishing contacts with work-
ers, the philatelists could legitimize their position in society and thereby gain
some security.

62 The complete breakdown of membership at the end of 1924 was as follows: white collar. 84
percent; worker. 3 percent; military. 2 percent: unemployed. 9 percent: the age groups were: 18-
24, 24.7 percent: 25-45, 60.3 percent: 46-69. 15 percent. V. Kulakov. "Filateliia v Moskve."
Filateliia SSSR. 3 (1991). 19; ibid.. 2 (1991). 50.
63 Raevskii. "K godovshchine sovetskoi filatelii." 7-8: F. Chuchin. "Nasha godovshchina,"
S.F.. 9-10 (1923). 2.
D. B. Valeron. "Postavim na nogi." S.K.. I (1930). 3. 1 Ibid.. 4.
66 Sheila Fitzpatrick. "Cultural Revolution as Class War." in idem. Cultural Revolution in
i Russia. 1928-1931 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 1978). 32.
67 Ibid.

In their efforts to attract working-class participation in philatelic activities,
the Soviet stamp collectors organized lectures and presented papers in the
workers' clubs.68 But, judging by the 1930 membership roll of the VOF, the
workers remained rather indifferent to philately, making up only 5.2 percent
of the membership, compared to 43.6 percent for white-collar members.69 As
stated in the July issue of Sovetskii Kollektsioner, "An analysis of the given
statistics about the All-Russian Society of Philatelists shows that the working
stratum among collectors remains insignificant."70 To rectify this situation,
collectors "should go to the factory and show the workers that they can and
should become interested," so that "workers will be convinced by their own
eyes that the postage stamp plays such a serious role in the matter of the
class struggle, propaganda, economics, and politics. Only then will col-
lecting become a tool of the class struggle and an element of the building of
Confronted with the fact that workers at home were not rallying to their
cries, the official philatelists devised an alternative approach to legitimize
their activities. They could validate themselves through their efforts to agitate
and propagandize both internationally and at home. On the international
scene, they could operate as a conduit for advertising the Soviet cause. To this
end the collectors proposed that a proletarian section of correspondence and
exchange under Filinter be created. Such a section "will strengthen the
foreign sections of the Filintern and will give the possibility to the proletariat
of capitalist countries to join us in a cultural bond."72 Along this line, the
collectors also called for printing a prospectus in Russian, German, French.
and English, to be distributed free, for propaganda purposes.73
On the domestic front, official philatelists worked to demonstrate the con-
tribution of their hobby to education. In particular, they preached the merits of
stamp collecting as an aid in studying history. One philatelist discussed exam-
ining a stamp as "an official document of an epoch, as a means of agitation, as
a manifestation of triumph, victory and power of some party, i.e. as a primary
historical source."74 The editors concluded that "philately aids the passing of
a school program, consequently it is useful for the matter of the cultural
revolution."75 Even collecting foreign stamps could be justified on education-
al grounds. Sovetskii Kollektsioner published a series of articles about stamps
of the British colonies on the grounds that "it is necessary to know better our

68 "Po otdelam V.O.F.." S.K.. 1 (1930). 30-31.
69 B. Vilinbakhov. "Litso V.O.F.." S.K.. 3 (1930). 70.
70 D. B. Valeron. "Kollektsionirovanie-v rabochie massy." S.K.. 7 (1930). 165.
7' Ibid.. 166.
72 Erikh Shimengefer. "Za sektsiiu po mezhdunarodomy obmeny pri Filinteme." S.K.. 2
(1930). 63.
73 Ibid. 71 M. Soiuzmov. "O filatlii v shkole." S.K.. 2 (1930). 55. 73 Ibid.. 56.

-I -







friends and especially our enemies. In particular, it is necessary that our
young people should be fundamentally oriented in the world surrounding the
Given the heavy emphasis that the Soviet state placed on propaganda and
agitational work, it is not surprising that Soviet collectors worked with such
apparent enthusiasm to justify philately as a tool for that purpose. To what
extent a genuine belief in the agitational function of philately actually moti-
vated the philatelists is difficult to determine. It is quite possible that they
were truly enthusiastic about their hobby and simply cloaked themselves in
the rhetoric of propaganda in order to go about their business unmolested.
Certainly the government made a conscious effort to inject an ideological
content into philately, and it is very likely that the philatelists responded by
merely playing along. Unfortunately, the philatelists apparently did not con-
vince the state of their sincerity: In 1932 the government terminated their
journal and by the end of the 1930s had disavowed the philatelic organization
completely. With the liquidation of the VOF, the sole "voluntary" stamp
organization in the Soviet Union disappeared, leaving only the state organs.
The elaborate process through which the Soviet regime socially recon-
structed the hobby of stamp collecting reveals a great deal about the extent of
the state's obsession with the total control of society. Philately did not threaten
any vital state interest, nor did stamp collectors as a group represent any kind
of mass following. Yet, the regime quickly attempted as a matter of course to
reach into this mundane hobby, monitor it, and redefine its content to serve
state interests. Moreover, this process was not initiated by the leaders at the
top but, rather, by mid-level Party and state functionaries who would not
tolerate, and could not conceive of, a hobby as an autonomous realm of social
activity. Therein lay the root of the desire for totalitarianism.

Just as the original construction of philately sheds light on the aspiration to
totalitarianism in the early Soviet era, the changing attitude toward stamp
collecting in the post-Stalin years also shows how that interest was fading
later. Although a number of important characteristics from the formative
period of Soviet philately remained, these continuities yielded to some impor-
tant changes in the latter phase of the Soviet state. Among these continuities
were the ongoing fight against business or mercantile manifestations among
collectors, the state's control of foreign stamp exchange, and the promotion of
the virtues of philately as a socially useful activity conducive to bringing up
good communists.
In the post-Stalin years, Party platforms continued to occupy a prominent
place on Soviet stamps but were presented in a different manner. Gone were

"Kolonii brilanskoi imperil i ikh pochobye nmarki." S.K,. 4-5 (1930), 112,


the brief heroic slogans of the Stalin era that urged economic mobilization
and in their place were rather lengthy excerpts from Party congresses. For
example, in 1962 one stamp in the series of "Decisions of the XXII Congress
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union-into Life" said that "by 1980
livestock, cattle and chickens will be significantly increased. Production of
meat will grow almost 4 times, milk almost 3 times." Nine years later, in the
series for the XXIV Congress in 1971, a stamp announced that "the main
problem is to provide a significant increase of the material and cultural level
of life of the people on the basis of high rates of development of socialist
production, an increase of its effectiveness, scientific-technical progress, and
an acceleration of the growth of the productiveness of labor." The tone of
these messages is quite different from that of the Stalinist period. Instead of
short imperative commands we see promises and explanations by the Party to
society. These examples are typical of stamps for the period up to the regime
under Mikhail Gorbachev.
The most significant change for Soviet philately turned out to be the recon-
stitution, in 1966, of the VOF as a social organization. In this second incarna-
tion the VOF did indeed become a mass organization. By 1974 its adult
members numbered 88,173, plus 93,405 children in the youth section.77
Moreover, the social activity of philatelists had lost its fervent edge. As one
philatelist remarked, "The fundamental aspect of activity of philatelists at
meetings became exchange, and then the buying and selling of stamps, enve-
lopes etc. Public speeches with papers began to occur rarely."78 The regime's
pervasive distrust of philatelists in the earlier era had so completely evapo-
rated by 1989 that the collectors' society received one seat in the Congress of
People's Deputies as a social organization.

Special Note: The article above has been taken from the journal
"Comparative Studies in Society and History", Vol. 37, No. 3 for July 1995,
pp.476-493.0Copyright 1995 by The Society for the Comparative Study of
Society and History and reprinted here with the kind permission of the
author and of Cambridge University Press.

Professor Jonathan Grant is now (1996) in the Department of History,
Florida State University at Tallahassee and he has raised some cogent
points in his remarkable study, which was kindly brought to our notice by
CSRP member Michael Kuhn of Bambcrg, Germany. Many thanks to both
of the foregoing and please see the article that follows for additional

7 Kratkie svedeniia o deaoril'nosti vse soiu:nogo obshchestva filatelisrov (Moskva:
Izdatel'stvo Sviazi, 1974), 3.
a7 M. M. Glclzer, Istorila fllateli v Peterburge, 'etrograde. Leningrade (Moskva: Radio i
Sviaz', 1989), 48,

by Andrew Cronin.

Professor Grant has covered a most important area in his study and this present article features some items
linked with the points he has raised.

First of all, we must remember that, until fairly recently, philatelists were regarded by society at large as
eccentric people and not quite all there. To appease the authorities in the early Soviet period, Russian collectors
supported the idea of contributing to famine relief and helping homeless children. Although they enjoyed the
sympathy of F.G. Chuchin, the Commissioner for Philately and Vouchers, their efforts were only moderately
successful for not much more than a decade. By 1933, the magazine "Soviet Collector" and the All-Russian
Society of Philatelists were no more. Ironically, while all legally organised philatelic activity had ceased to exist,
the Philatelic Tax system, with appropriately overprinted stamps, continued to function at least until 1940,
collecting fees even on the samples of stamps sent abroad by the Soviet Philatelic Association and its successor,
the Philatelic Department of "Mezhdunarodnaya Kniga". There was a 1940 example in the Kurt Adler
collection. A perfect example of bureaucracy run riot.

Very early on, the Soviet authorities realized that philatelic material was actually a convenient and portable
form of currency and, for that reason, all commercial trading in stamps etc. quickly came under state control;
speculation was severely punished. That attitude was strongly reinforced when, in 1927, the famous philatelist
Agathon Faberg6 (who had collaborated on the Zemstvo catalogue edited by F.G. Chuchin in 1925), escaped
with his family and fabulous collections across the frozen Gulf of Finland. His material was valued then at well
over one million dollars, which was an enormous sum in those days.

While the number of new stamps issued per year climbed steadily, sales abroad by the Soviet Philatelic
Association could not have been a really significant component in overall exports, especially during the 1930s,
as the rest of the world was struggling to cope with the Great Depression. In fact, some of the hard currency
earned was earmarked towards mass purchases of stamps from the West, for sale in the Soviet market. The
Soviet Philatelic Association had even approached Stanley Gibbons Ltd. of London for that purpose around
1935, but was rebuffed. Later on, as more than 100 stamps and several souvenir sheets were being issued
annually, it became evident that this was a policy designed in part to mop up excess purchasing power in the
general Soviet population. People had surplus funds, but there was nothing to buy in the stores of that spartan
society. (please continue overleaf)
Kuznetsky Most s18 MOSHWA G.S.P.4.


MA-W eUy -t St.i.
.. .,- - -, .o__

.S.A. z. H H 7atenrmn
Chicago,I11. Us.A

11.1.34. 26.10.34.
Note the sender's initials "G.S.P. 4" (=FopoAcKan C.nyxe6Ha I HoqTa N9 4). See "The Post-Rider" No. 38,
p. 12 about the "Postage on account" system, by Ivo Steyn and Robert Taylor.
November 1996

MO8KWA. G. S. P. 4
Kulnetsky Most 8.

JKWA. G. S. P. 4
letsky Most 1&8.




Crown Hill Dru Store,
8364 -15th,-


8 7 -.. I

IKWA. G. S. P. 4
Utaky Most 1&

i MOSrnWA G.S.=.4.
Kusnetaky Most 18.


~l: EPVli

Sweler Instit.rnr
MOCKBA-0 1-3KCnIEl. rnd:Ugn r90"1Ulns
3.11.34. 3nANsTOCHW I/DErUTSCI,.
-4-F I., q- _

'MOCKBA-a 1-KCInEA. 'n,._
23.3.35. 22.
crC', I-.. U.

MoSKW^. G. S. .. 4
IUaetakLy Most 1i6

Lexington Townmaan Iro.
1840 BNaa.a. ,
3Boton, "'lnas .-t .
- 6 1-3KCIIE.

,"- e c:--3. .,.. --- & Co.
1. 08 rl:-acL:csett" Avenue
SBoston. l s. U.S.A.

:, s. .. x-... .. : I

-VRSS U<..oSm, Kolih L~Ut. 18 URSS 3-. ,. -- -

Rare usage of the 20-kop. Fedorov on cover.

1-3KCIIE,. 23.3.35. 28.3.35. 12.6.35. P.Y3EJI

November, 1996

I- Io .
\'.)"0 -t
-, ,.

Let us now look at some of the postal rates in the early Soviet period, after the stabilisation of the rouble on a
gold basis. While odd face values could only be used as make-ups for a total fee, most of the issued stamps did,
in fact, correspond to specific postal charges. It is most instructive to collect postal history material showing the
application of such rates and we will take as an example the first rate step for surface printed matter going
abroad, in the tariff period from 1 July 1930 to 30 April 1936. During that time, the fee was a mere three
kopeks and that amount was designated on many of the commemorative stamps then being issued. Please refer
to the bottom of p. 13 and also to p. 14 for seven such examples, affixed by "Mezhdunarodnaya Kniga" in its
mailings to the West. We can even identify foreign surface printed matter usages during that time frame on
loose 3-kopek commemoratives, such as the three copies of the Otto Schmidt stamp from the 1935 Chelyuskin
set, as they all clearly bear postal markings of Moscow, rather than cancellations to order. Kindly refer to the
bottom of p. 14; the normal c.t.o. on that value was a bilingual KRIVOI ROG KRYVYJ RIH of the Ukraine.

As an instance of a rate set up for the roughly corresponding internal tariff period from 25 February 1933 to 15
February 1938, we can see that the postally used 10-kopek Stratosphere Record stamp of 1933 (note the last
stamp at the bottom of p. 14) must have paid the intraurban fee for a local letter within Khar'kov on 4.4.34.

Turning now to the external rates in force from 1 May 1936 to 9 June 1950, the last cover on p. 14 shows the
50-kopek foreign surface letter rate paid by "Mezhdunarodnaya Kniga" and sent through the Moscow-31
Dzerzhinskii P.O. on 31 January 1937 to the well-known stamp firm ofH.E. Harris & Co. in Boston. Despite
many years of searching, this is the only postal usage your editor has ever found of the Ivan Fedorov set on
cover; in this case, the 20-kopek value. That opens up a whole new area of investigation: why are some
commemoratives of the early Soviet period so rare on cover?

Part of the answer must certainly be that complete sets of Soviet issues were then never on sale to the public at
post offices. The intention was to stop collectors from building up credits abroad. It therefore took quite some
effort for philatelists to complete their collections and, hence, full sets on cover are often rare items. One such
example from the collection of the late Dr. Leonid Kvetan-Chenakalo is shown below as a much overfranked
express (special delivery) letter from Kiev to Moscow and bearing the complete Chelyuskin set (face value: 1 r.
99 kop.). Your editor has never seen any other example of such a usage for that set. In addition, the cover has
a special cancellation, entirely in Ukrainian and reading: KIHYB. IIAJIAIL HIOHEPIB 11.9.36 OBJI.
3JIIT DIJIATEJIICTIB (Kiev. Palace of Pioneers. Provincial Competition of Philatelists). This appears to
be an early date, as the event actually took place 20-22 September 1936. Quite a conversation piece !

a c Finally, we note that Professor Grant has
consulted a large number of references
] to produce his study. The information
he has provided can be used as a spring-
S, .d ,, board for further research to fill out the
"*j picture of this fascinating and mostly tragic
era. Much of the relevant material was
Destroyed during the Great Purge of the
1930s, with practically only the items
posted abroad surviving. Additional
data from CSRP members would be
S7 greatly appreciated, as more rare
t usages will then certainly come to

November, 1996

by Peter A. Michalove

The recent articles in The Post-Rider by Dan Grecu (1996) and Andrew Cronin (1996) about
POWs of the Axis nations held in Soviet captivity make us wonder about Soviet soldiers who
were held by the Axis forces. According to Stich and Stich (1990: 81) there were an estimated 2
million Soviet POWs in German camps alone.

The Soviet authorities were extremely suspicious of their soldiers who had been captured and
might be exposed to western ideas. In fact, some Soviet POWs did turn against their fatherland:
General Vlassov's "Russian Liberation Army" was formed from Soviet POWs who fought for
the Germans in hopes of overthrowing the Soviet regime. But Vlassov's army actually involved
very few POWs, and they had practically no effect on the war. In fact, the Germans did not trust
them either and so were reluctant to use them.

After the war, the Soviet soldiers still in Axis POW camps were repatriated to the USSR, often
forcibly. Unlike Vlassov's troops, most of these soldiers had remained loyal to the Soviet Union
but, upon their return many were accused of treason and deported to the GULAG, along with
former Ostarbeiter and even many ordinary citizens of the western regions of the USSR that had
been under German occupation during the war. Given this suspicion by the authorities of anyone
who had been outside of Soviet control during the war, we can imagine that the Soviets would
not have welcomed mail from POWs in Axis captivity even during the war. But their families
may have tried to locate them, especially after the war, and the covers shown here illustrate that
someone made the effort.

These covers are from Latvia to the International Red Cross Committee in Geneva. The Red
Cross collected information on POWs, internees and refugees at its offices in Geneva, and it
distributed postal stationery similar to this to all of the nations involved in the war. Typically,
civilians used the stationery to write to the Red Cross Committee to inquire about their relatives
who might be be POWs. The Red Cross then facilitated correspondence between the POWs and
their relatives, again usually using International Red Cross postal stationery prepared for the

The cover in Figure 1 is from Riga, presumably from the relative of a missing POW trying to
locate the soldier. The cover was mailed 29 November 1945, and was censored in Riga with a
circular Riga censor mark, BOEHHA5I UEH3YPA CCCP '/P-a/3 (Figure la). The circular censor
marks of of this type, showing the name of the city, are most typically seen on civilian mail.
Despite the "FRANC DE PORT" endorsement printed on the cover, the sender paid 1.30 rubles,
the correct rate for an international registered letter. The cover passed through Istanbul on 29
January 1946 and arrived in Geneva on 31 January.

Figure 2 shows an almost identical cover from Aizpute (also in Latvia) on 6 December 1945.
This cover has a manuscript return address on the reverse, but Figure 1 does not, so it is not
certain whether they are from the same sender. This cover was examined by Riga censor no. 6,
with a censor mark of the same style we saw in Figure la. Although the cover was mailed about
a week later than Figure 1, this cover reached Istanbul a week earlier (22 January 1946) and it
arrived in Geneva on the the same date as Figure 1, 31 January.

As we have seen, given the Soviet attitudes toward POWs, Ostarbeiter, and others who lived
outside Soviet control during the war, it is amazing that these letters were allowed to leave the
USSR and reach their destination. It is very unlikely, though, that any information the Red Cross
Committee could provide was ever able to reach the senders in Riga and Aizpute.
Cronin, Andrew. 1996. "WWII Mail from POWs in Soviet Captivity." The Post-Rider, 38, June
1996: 60-62.

Grecu, Dan. 1996. "Postcards for the Correspondence of POWs in the USSR." The Post-Rider,
38, June 1996: 52-59.

Stich, Dr. H. F. and W. Stich. 1990. Prisoners of War, Internees and Refugees in the European
Theatre of World War II. The authors: Vancouver.
November, 1996

:I:~"T'i"''5 :k6NC DE ~PORTcrl~

IH~yapOAOM ~Fig. 1,

M 'aAHM OMHTeTy"," ~Aeonced ceh __

vnpaC guoe *





fl- 47,- N V
(IIBE LIA HF) :,( U'I SE -...J
THE$ gJ.PO No 39 17

~Novmber 1996
FigSI~: lainol( ~i.~"-

*1 S-T 4i~: *; '*, --r
/~ .' Ii' -?'
.4. ..
P.1 OJI bt -

4.. .44 .

w-. (IIJBENL1APUi~I) -

*i -r. .:: 1 *: r. r1. x-4.iJ 4
. . .
L tl'~?.2
\Fig 2.'
Noemer 1996

by Robert Taylor, Michael Carson & Andrew Cronin.

The article "Post-WWII Surveillance of International Mail in the Stalin Era" (see "The Post-Rider" No.38, pp.
37-41) has resulted in some interesting comments, as set out hereunder.

(a) Robert Taylor, California, U.S.A.
MOSCOW (RSFSR centre).

S Moscow, Kusnetzky Most 18. Cable address ..BUCHKNIGA MOSCOW" .
&~ld RIg~ R-
-" -i ,Wi.. c ^ S.

Looter S.GaBS 4r ^'' r,

Although a state agency, "Mezhdunarodya Kniga", sent this registered letter through the Moscow-8 Despatch-
Office 27.11.48 to the well-known Russia specialist dealer Lester S. Glass, it was still monitored two days later
at 1a ,io, -- -

in the same post office (note the "A" marking on the back). Moreover, the pre-war style of rectangular cachet
was resurrected, to read in French: REQU A MOSCOU / AVEC LES SOUPAPES / MAL COLLEGES /
L'EMPLOYE (Received in Moscow with the flaps badly stuck The employee) and signature: 33 x 54 mm.

ODESSA (Ukrainian provincial centre).

November, 1996

A somewhat similar procedure was inflicted on a registered letter from Nikolaev 26.5.46, where the name and
address of the sender was not specified and he/she also used one of the special envelopes with the preprinted
address "To the International Committee of the Red Cross / Central Agency for Prisoners of War" (see the
previous article by Dr. Peter Michalove and especially p. 17). By June 1st., it was being monitored by ODESSA
- N, together with the application of yet another pre-war style of boxed cachet, measuring 19 x 40 mm. and

RIGA (Latvian SSR centre).

fOI:: TOB. -T

w.n ** .

mnpasu. .. ..me .............. ....... ............ .... ..................... ...

This monitoring point now appears confirmed with the application of the bilingual PHFA RIGA "a" marking
of 6.4.49, with a diameter of 30 mm. Note that the normal postmarkers in the capital for cancelling the postage
had the place-name in Latvian at top and the name of the republic in French at bottom: RSS DE LETTONIE.
Incidentally, this card was either much overfranked for surface transmission (+70 kop.) or underfranked to go
by air (-30 kop.).

YEREVAN (Armenian SSR centre).


S.c ..W. ..1 ... ........

,, I R E .. .

This cover, overpaying the registered foreign surface rate by 20
monitored by YEREVAN "o" two days later (diameter: 30 mm.)

^7 10:22

kop. was posted at Leninakan 25.9.48 and was

November, 1996

(b) Michael Carson, Illinois, U.S.A.
Would not the bilingual Vladivostok "MX) postmark on the covers of Peter Michalove and Ya. Afangulskii
(see "The Post-Rider" No. 33, pp. 59-62) also fit into the post-WWII mail surveillance category ? If so, such
covers were hit twice, as they both bear a "ME)KaLYHAPOIHOE" cachet as well.
Editorial Comment: At first sight, one would agree with Michael. However, the late Marcel Lamoureux had
two covers of the relevant period from Vladivostok, as featured below:-

f- Cv~e~czc 9w. 4( ? cove(%w4v'

Vai7aWr IXic446k01
jmtwiwvoarJ~H 6

t lit

(1) An airmail cover to Pyongyang, postmarked VLADIVOSTOK SORTIROVKA "a" (?) 9.9.50 and with a
Vladivostok bilingual "MX> transit marking. There are several distinct breaks in the bottom frameline of the
"MEX;AYHAPOAHOE" cachet, as we can note above at right.

(2) A registered airmail cover, judging from the .
prepaid 2r. 40k. rate and with either a heavily inked i
identical or another "ME)K YHAPOAHOE" ME:]AP E.-
cachet, showing no breaks. The envelope is -Kya.. .d
postmarked with the Vladivostok bilingual "M))A" "-
canceller 20.9.50, with no markings on the back. A .'
By the way, what does "MXA" mean? ?
Hence, we see that the function of this bilingual,
canceller is still unclear and we therefore need to find Ko y -
further material before coming to a definite -t- ..e .
conclusion. ,
Aapec'fllnanumeAR 4_..__.d1J.XC
(c) Andrew Cronin, Ontario, Canada. ". ( // ,/ 6- .:
TALLINN (Estonian SSR centre).
A Canadian postcard has been acquired, sent from Toronto ,
10 Feb.1948 to Mihkli, Estonia and bearing on the face a ,. ,
28 mm. marking with filled-in stars, reading TALLINN S
10.III.48. CSRP member Henry Blum (born in Estonia) _- ,
confirms that this "S" type is known as a monitoring mark S'", /- t ''
on incoming and outgoing foreign mail. -:a ,,
Conclusions: We still have a long way to go, but those i c
modest covers of the late Stalin era addressed abroad are i
now taking on an added importance. More data, please !
* ,
20 THE POST-RIDER/AIMUIHK No. 39 1/ z-- .. .
November, 1996 /., *'.^ <. .-"--


by Alex Artuchov

(continued from No. 37)

1878 (end of)
Similar to design of previous issues, the lettering and the numeral of value 3 are larger and
the word BJIAJIHMIPCKOI is not abbreviated, the star at the top is smaller, 27 mm in
diameter, lithographed on coloured paper 0.1 mm thick, white gum, sheet of 10 x 2 with
the left hald inverted, 2 types, imperforate.
3. 3 kop. black on green paper 10.00

The 2 Types
Type 1 The letter M in inscription on the left side has a short left leg.
Type 2 The first letters of the inscription to the right of the star are placed further away
from the outer frameline, the letter M is complete.

Provisional Issue of 1879 (March)
25.5 mm in diameter, label for sealing official packages with handstamped overprint
MAPKA 3 k in dark blue, typeset on white wove paper.

4. 3 kop. dark blue overprinted on official label ---
(1 known)

1879- 1881
There is some discrepancy in the listing of these issues between Schmidt and Lavrov, the
latter lists five rather than the four editions listed by Schmidt and a completely different
sequence in which they were issued.

31 x 22.5 mm, lithographed in two colours on white paper 0.12 mm thick, gray brown
gum, imperforate, 4 editions.

November, 1996

First Edition (January 1, 1879)
A small issue that was used up very quickly, known in single copies only.

5. 3 kop. dark blue and vermillion 25.00

The stamps of the editions that follow were at first printed in groups of 8, later they were
printed in groups of two and finally singly.

Second Edition (March, 1879)
Sheet of 4 x 4 with the upper half inverted and printed in groups of 8 with guide holes
between every 4 stamps spaced 40.5 mm apart, distance between stamps is 9.5 mm
vertically and 6 7 mm horizontally, space between the groups of 8 is 13 mm.

6. 3 kop. dark blue and lilac rose 25.00

The Sheet

0 0 0

0 o o

x printed inverted
o guide holes

Used stamps of this edition or any of the other editions of this issue are not known.

November, 1996

Second Edition (According to Lavrov)
These stamps resemble the stamps of the 3rd edition listed as nol 7 by Schmidt, and can be
identified due to the following:
the stroke in fI in the first word of the inscription is a small dot or a short stroke
at most
on Sch. No. 7 it a longer triangular shaped dot
the letters of the last word or the inscription are thicker than they are on No. 7

5a. 3 kop. dark blue and lilac rose (?)

Third Edition (1879 ?)
Sheet of 2 x 6 with the right half inverted, the stamps are 28 mm apart on the sheet, the
guide holes are 61 mm apart and there are 3 holes for every 2 stamps.

7.3 kop. dark blue and lilac rose 10.00

The Sheet

0 O x 00

0 o x 00

x- printed inverted
o- guide holes

Fourth Edition (1880)
Sheet of 4 x 10 with the left half inverted and each stamp printed separately, there is a
guide hole for each side of every stamp that are 40 mm apart, there is a small break in the
right outer frameline, stamps with the rose background printed twice are known.

8. 3 kop. dark blue and lilac rose 2.00

November, 1996

Pair with Guidelines

Lavrov's Editions

1st Edition 2nd Edition 3rd Edition 4th Edition 5th Edition
Sch. 7 Sch. 5 Sch. 5a Sch. 6 Sch. 8
-Sign above last letter of top inscription separated -Same sign joined to letter
-Pearl inside of letter P in 2nd word

-Framelines of equal thickness

- Break in left
hand white

-Letter B in
top inscrip-
tion retouched

-Cut at bottom -Cut at top

-Both legs of -3rd and 4th letters
letter A in the in top inscriptions
second word joined
of equal length -Left foot of large A
in second word
joined to curved line
- Cut at the bottom

The speculative issue illustrated below was lithographed in black on coloured paper 0.07
mm thick with white gum. 29.25 x 23.66 mm, sheet of 2 x 2 without any types as stamps
were printed one at a time. The distance between stamps varies from one sheet to another.
Imperforate. One of the sheets is known with an imprint of an oval blue seal on back.

9. 3 kop. black on green paper

Schmidt/Chuchin Catalogue Cross-Reference:

Sch 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Ch 1 2 3 6 445

November, 1996

of white

-Cut at top

(Poltava Province)

Pereyaslavl is located in the western portion of Poltava province, only-26 miles southwest
of Kiev. In 1910, its population was 14,609.

Pereyaslavl traded in salt, grain, cattle and horses and manufactured tallow, wax, tobacco
and shoes. The town was founded in 993 by Vladimir the Great of Moscow. In the 17th
century, Pereyaslavl was the stage for fierce battle between Cossacks and Polish forces
and lead to Gogol's immortalization of Taras Bulba.

Pereyaslavl issued stamps from 1871 to 1915.

Coat of Arms Colours:
Silver background with a white church, brown roof, golden coupola and cross, red crown
and brown earth and green grass

Circular with 29.5 mm diameter, typographed with permeating print, surface coloured
paper 0.12 and 0.17 mm thick, brittle white gum, imperforate, with 2 different types which
are perhaps 2 different issues, one of the known copies is cancelled with a penstroke.


1. 3 kop. black on yellow paper RRRR
(2 known)

November, 1996

Same specifications as for the proceeding issue but with paper 0.17 mm thick.


la. 3 kop. black on yellow paper RRRR
(1 known)

Similar to the proceeding issue, letters of inscription and numerals of value are larger and
the O is placed more directly over the word KOII. than on the previous issue, stamps
separated by thin framelines, 29.25 x 28.75 mm, lithographed in black on coloured paper
0.09 0.22 mm thick on brittle white gum or 0.07 mm without gum, sheet 8 x 5
(according to S. Koprovsky) with part of sheet inverted, imperforate.

| -

2. 3 kop. black on yellow paper 25.00

23.5 x 24.25 mm, lithographed in black on coloured paper 0.1 mm thick, white gum,
stamps framed by thin lines, sheet of 5 x 6, imperforate.

[ iPK, '
=:,Kon. I
I R.

3. 3 kop. black on yellow paper 5.00

20 x 23.5 mm, lithographed in black on coloured paper 0.08 mm thick, white gum, sheet
of 4 x 7, imperforate.

November, 1996

4. 3 kop. black on yellow paper

The stamps of this issue show many plate flaws including: spots of colour and scratches.
Sufficent block material has not however, allowed for this issue to be plated. One constant
plate flaw (?) that is however known is the black spot between the letters b and C of the
word CEJIbCKAA, as shown below. /

Provisional issue reflecting an increase in the postal rate to 5 kop. prior to the availability
of this issue the 3 kop. stamp of 1875 was used as a 5 kop. value but a 5 was applied by
hand in red ink in order to create this stamp.

5. 5 in red ink on 3 kop. black on yellow paper

(7 known)

Stamp similar to the previous issue, the numeral 3 of value is changed to a 5 but the
corer numerals remain unchanged, lithographed on coloured paper 0.08 mm thick, white
gum, sheet of 7 x 5 with 35 types with differences in the numeral 5, imperforate.


: Kq i

6. 5 kop. black on yellow paper

November, 1996


-- 0


n.AP AA -

The Sheet

Plate Flaws
Stamp 10-

Stamp 11-

Stamp 17 -
Stamp 28 -

1882- 1883

Tiny spot between the numeral 5 and letter O of the word KOII., the top
of the numeral 3 in the NW corer forms a complete circle.
A short thin diagonal line outside of the left frameline near the top and a
black spot slightly lower, the numeral 3 in the SW corer and most
particularly its upper half is poorly shaped.
A black spot is attached to the bottom frameline in the SW corer.
Part of the bottom frameline near the SE corer is missing, there is a black
dot under the bottom end of the frameline on the right side.

18.75 x 24.33 mm, lithographed in black on coloured paper 0.1
separated by thin lines, imperforate, 2 editions.


First Edition (January, 1882)
Shiny white gum, sheet of 6 x 8.

7. 5 kop. black on pale brown paper

Second Edition (January, 1883)
Change of colour, sheet of 8 x 5.

8. 5 kop. black on light violet paper

mm thick, the stamps are



November, 1996

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8 9 10 11 12 13 14

15 16 17 18 19 20 21

22 23 24 25 26 27 28

29 30 31 32 33 34 35

1884 1885
20.33 x 26.25 mm, lithographed on white or coloured paper, imperforate, 3 editions.

First Edition (Nov. 7, 1884)
Yellowish white paper 0.09 mm thick, yellow brown gum, sheet of 4 x 9 with 6 types in a
3 x 2 transfer block.

9. 5 kop. gray blue, light or dark 2.50

The 6 Types of the First Edition
Type 1- Small shield with the numeral 5 has a thicker white outline on the left side,
a small white tail like spot is on the top right side of the shield.
Type 2 The letter B of 3EMCTBA has an open top, the numeral 5 on the shield
has a double vertical stroke, the flag is improperly shaped and the stamp is
generally poorly drawn.
Type 3 A defective vertical stroke on the numeral 5 in the NE comer, tiny break in
the 2nd thin outer frameline on the left above the letter JI .

Type 1 Type 2 Type 3

Type 4 There is a dot inside the head of the letter 51 of the word on the left.
Type 5 There is a spot of colour on the oval outline to the right of the shield, there
is a small break in the frameline of the shield on the lower left side.
Type 6 The ball on the large 5 in the shield is poorly shaped.

Type 4 Type 5 Type 6

November, 1996 29

Second Edition (beginning of 1885)
Bluish white paper 0.09 mm thick, yellowish white gum, sheet of 7 x 2.

10. 5 kop. bright blue

Third Edition (Nov. 14, 1885)
Coloured paper 0.08 mm thick, sheet of 7x 3.

11. 5 kop. black on orange red paper



1888 (January 1)
20.5 x 25.5 mm, lithographed on coloured paper 0.09 mm thick, shiny or dull white gum,
sheet of 2(?) x 6(?) with 2 types located next to each other, imperforate.

12. 5 kop. lilac on orange red paper 1.50

The 2 Types

Type 1 Small crown
with 5 concentric dashes.

Type 2 Larger crown with
6 concentric dashes.

Other Differences

Type 1 a. 5 in circle on right without ball
b. Without the short extra line.
c. Right arm of K is short, separated from
rest of letter and does not touch top
outline of shield.
d. Small circle, poorly defined
e. Break in the top curl.
Type 2 a. 5 in circle on right with ball
b. With short extra line
Sf c. Right upper arm of K opposite to T.1
d. Circle larger and clearly defined.
f. Break in the third curl

November, 1996

a 6-

1889 (January 1)
This issue is the first type of the 1888 issue in changed colour, lithographed on coloured
paper 0.08 mm thick, yellowish white gum, sheet of 5 x 6, perforated 12.5 and known
imperforate vertically.

13. 5 kop. dull red on yellow paper 1.50

1889 1890
Similar to type 1 of the 2 proceeding issues, without the outer framelines, lithographed on
coloured paper 0.08 mm thick, perforated 11, 2 editions.

First Edition (1889)
Coloured paper, yellowish gum, sheet unknown, space between stamps 5.5 5.75 mm.

14. 5 kop. brick red on yellow paper 1.75

Second Edition (Jan. 1, 1890)
Coloured paper, dull white gum, sheet unknown, space between stamps 2.75 3.25 mm.

15. 5 kop. carmine red on yellow paper 3.50

1891 1897
Similar to the issues of 1884 1885, smaller and without the thin outer framelines,
numeral of value in the shield is larger and the inscription of value at the bottom is longer,
19 x 24.5 mm, lithographed on coloured paper, white gum, perforated, 4 editions.

First Edition (February, 1891)
Sheet of 5 x 5, perforated 11.75 and imperforate.

16. 5 kop. red on green paper 2.00

Second Edition (end of 1893)
Poorly perforated 11.75.

17. 5 kop. indigo blue on rose paper 5.00

November, 1996

Third Edition (1895)
Slightly smoother paper, sheet of 7 x 6, clean cut perforation of 12.5 and known
perforated horizontally through the stamp and double perforated at the bottom of the
sheet margin.

18. 5 kop. dark blue on rose paper 2.00

Fourth Edition (June, 1896)
Coloured paper, streaky and shiny brownish gum, sheet of 7 x 6, perforated 11.

19. 5 kop. dark red on gray paper 2.00

1898 (March)
Similar to issues of 1891 1897 but with larger letters and corer numerals, the numeral
on the shield is smaller, 18.75 x 24.25 mm, lithographed on white paper 0.09 mm thick,
sheet of 6 x 4 with 24 separately drawn types, perforated 11.

20. 5 kop. gray lilac 3.00

1899- 1908
Similar to the proceeding issue, smaller corer numerals, the 2 words in the curved
inscriprion are further apart, 18.75 x 23.5 mm, lithographed on white paper, perforated
11.75, 6 editions.

First Edition (March, 1899)
White paper 0.08 mm thick, light yellowish gum, small guide crosses between stamp

21. 5 kop. rose red 3.00

Second Edition (March, 1902)
White paper 0.09 mm thick, brownish yellow gum, small crosses between stamp comers
as on previous edition, sheet of 9 x 6.

22. 5 kop. rose red 8.00

(to be continued in No. 40)

November, 1996


From left to right: Frau von Hofinann, Harry von Hofinann, Yaroslav Ilyushin, Leonid Mel'nikov,
Prof. A.S. Ilyushin, Galina Vinogradova and Viktor Sinegubov at the CSRP Dinner.
P;~r Bnr w asmsr~sllgnie

Professor Alexander Ilyushin.
who secured a vermeil award
(underrated. in our opinion)
for his Imperial Russian Postal
Stationery 1872-1917. We
regret missing it in our No. 38.

From the left: John D. Myke
and Andrew Cronin.

November, 1996



From the left: Alex Artuchov, Leonid Mel'nikov and Pat
Campbell in front of Alex's "Dots & Numerals" exhibit.

From the left: Dr. Owen White, Norman Banfield, Michael Well-known Russian-area dealer
Carson & Andrew Cronin at the CSRP Dinner. Dragan Udovic'i, his wife Zdenka
The poor quality of the picture is regretted. and assistant Anne at the show.




(Issued in English by the Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow 1939. Reprinted here with the text
unchanged, but with stamp illustrations added as a matter of both historical and philatelic interest).

November, 1996

. .- .- .-. -


For hundreds of years, humanity has striven to unravel the mysteries of the North Pole, of the Arctic Ocean and
of the Polar Basin. Intrepid men of many nations penetrated into the regions of eternal ice. Quite a number of
them perished in the struggle against severe nature. But their work was not in vain. Our knowledge of the
Arctic regions increased and became more definite with each new attempt to conquer the Arctic. Mankind will
forever cherish in its memory the illustrious names of the Arctic and Antarctic explorers of the past Barents,
Bering, Franklin, Peyer, Weyprecht, Andre, Nansen, Amundsen, Peary, Shackleton, Scott, Sedov and, of our
contemporaries, Byrd and numerous others. The history of the exploration and conquest of the Arctic was
marked by such momentous events as Fridtjoft Nansen's journey in 1893-1896 on the Fram and then on foot up
to 86 degrees northern latitude, and the journey of Robert Peary, the American explorer, to the North Pole in
1909. The courageous American was the first man to reach the North Pole.

But even these extremely difficult expeditions only partly lifted the veil concealing the mysteries of the North.
Scientific research in the North was rare and sporadic. It bore no relation to the general scientific and vital
interests of the various countries. Gone is the time of the famed whalers of the 17th. and 18th. centuries, who
followed the coast of Greenland and penetrated far to the north in their small and poorly equipped vessels. One
can only admire the courage and perseverance of these people. Still earlier, in the 16th. century, the first
attempts to discover a northern sea route along the coasts of Europe and Asia to the coast of America had been
undertaken by Dutchmen and Englishmen, bent on finding "a new sea route to India".

A thorough exploration of the Far North requires close contact between science and practical work. It requires
large resources, planned organisation and constant scientific observation, conducted on an extensive scale. The
conditions for such work have been created in the Soviet Union.

I. Soviet Activity in the Arctic.
During the past ten years (1929-1939), the USSR has organised a great number of successful
scientific expeditions to the North. In 1937, a scientific research station was set up on an ice
floe at the very North Pole. The four explorers P.P. Shirshov, E.T. Krenkel', I.D. Papanin &
E.K. Fedorov (Editor: as shown here from left to right on the stamp) obtained remarkable
results in the scientific investigation work, which they carried out while drifting on their ice
floe from the North Pole to the coast of Greenland. It was during the same year, 1937, that
the Soviet pilots V.P. Chkalov and M.M. Gromov each accomplished the feat of flying for
the first time in history from Moscow to the U.S.A. via the North Pole.

It was no mere chance that these successes were achieved and that they were achieved by the USSR. These
expeditions, which have gained world-wide fame, were the result of many years of work by our scientists, our
airmen and our seamen during the exploration of the North. In this course of this work, scientific investigation
was closely linked up with practical measures for the conquest of the Arctic.

Before we answer the question as to the reason for the exploration of the Arctic by the Soviet Union, let us
glance at the map of the USSR. Its longest coastline is that of the Arctic Ocean and its parts: the Barents Sea,
Kara Sea, Laptev Sea, East Siberian Sea and Chukotsk Sea. The regions bordering on these seas comprise a
vast part of the territory of the USSR. The climate in these regions is severe, but the land is extremely rich in
gold, coal, mineral salts, nickel, oil and it is covered with tundra and large forests, abounding in valuable fur-
bearing animals. These regions are inhabited by the sturdy peoples of the North. In the course of centuries of
life in the Arctic, they have developed amazing pluck and acquired a knowledge of natural conditions, as well as
the ability to adapt themselves to these conditions. They are remarkable hunters, who cover hundreds and
thousands of miles of entirely roadless country and still reach their exact destinations. Under Tsardom, they
were doomed to hunger and extinction. The Soviet Government, which knows neither privileged nations nor
nations treated as stepchildren, has been doing everything to help these peoples and has brought them
increasing prosperity and culture.
November, 1996

How did the Soviet Union approach the problem of the conquest of the North? Stalin pointed out that the
main link in the chain, the link that had to be grasped first, was that of the Northern Sea Route. Once we had
discovered and explored the route from Murmansk and Arkhangelsk to Kamchatka and Vladivostok. we
would connect the west and the east of the Soviet Union by sea, in addition to the existing railway line linking
Moscow with Vladivostok. The Northern Sea Route would open up a way to the mouths of the rivers flowing
into the Arctic and to the northern regions of the country which, owing to their remoteness from any railway
line, had no outlet for their natural resources.

In order to tackle the problem of the Northern Sea Route, it was necessary to start by exploring the North.
This required proper equipment: icebreakers, airplanes etc. and, what was even more important, people fit for
the job. The history of the conquest of the Arctic has given convincing proof that we have plenty of such
people in our country. We have also created the requisite equipment. The first step taken was to establish a
network of polar stations on the islands and the coast of the Arctic Ocean. These serve today as the principal
Soviet bases for the study of the climate, the direction of the winds and the movement of the ice in the Arctic
Ocean. At the same time, the icebreakers went into action. At first, they cut a passage to the mouths of the
Ob', Yenisei and Lena Rivers. Later, they opened up a through route from end to end of the Arctic Ocean.

. ............................ There had been individual explorers prior to this, who had succeeded in
traversing the Arctic Ocean. But it had taken them two navigation seasons,
which detracted from the practical and economic value of their achievements,
since there is no commercial advantage in using a route which takes one or
two years to cover. The icebreaker A. Sibiryakov (see the upper stamp here at
left) as the first to traverse the Arctic Ocean in one navigation season in 1932.
SThe trip was attended by a number of mishaps. In the beginning, the screw-
blades were broken by the ice. When these were replaced, the main shaft
............... broke. After that, the icebreaker proceeded under sails, but the passage was
.... ...... ...... completed nevertheless.
In the following year of 1933, the Chelyuskin (see the lower stamp here at
left) sailed along the same route and also succeeded in reaching the Bering
Strait. But here, the Chelyuskin was caught in the ice which dragged the ship
back in its stream. Jammed by the ice, the ship sank.The 104 people who
made up its crew and passengers spent two months on the ice before they
were saved by the Soviet airmen, who amazed the world by their courage and
x their skillful, organised and precise work carried out under extraordinarily
difficult conditions.

Since then, beginning with 1934, Soviet boats have been crossing the Arctic Ocean along the Northern Sea
Route in ever increasing numbers. It is no longer solitary ships that enter the mouths of the Northern rivers,
but dozens of them at a time put in there, bringing with them people, building materials, food and machines
and carrying back ore, coal, timber and furs. The regions, which so recently represented an uninhabited
wilderness, are now covered with a rapidly increasing number of new towns, villages, factories and
educational centres.

II. The Exploration of the Arctic.
What is expected of science as its contribution to the practical exploration of the Arctic Ocean and the
adjacent territory?

In the first place, exact maps showing the depth of the sea, all islands, shoals and reefs, deviations of the
magnetic needle and the character of the sea bottom. In the past five years, a great deal has been accomplished

November, 1996

along these lines. As a result of a thorough study of the Arctic Ocean, a considerable number of newly
discovered islands has been put on the map, while some islands that were erroneously traced have been
"eliminated". Here is the curious story about the "discovery" and subsequent "elimination" of one such island
in the Arctic Ocean.

In the seventies of the last century, a Norwegian captain by the name of Johansen discovered in the northern
part of the Kara Sea an island, which he called "Lonely Island". In 1930, we sailed to the place which was
indicated on the map as the location of this island. We criss-crossed the place several times, but found no
trace of an island. We looked for it again in 1931 and 1932, but with just as little success. Only in the
following year did we accidentally come across an island situated in a different part of the Arctic Ocean, 60
miles / 96 km. away. This island was not indicated on the map. After we had made a study of its outlines, we
arrived at the conclusion that it was the very elusive "Lonely Island". Captain Johansen, owing to the
faultiness of his measuring instruments, had made an error in determining its location and had wrongly traced
it on the map. We thus had to "move" this island to its proper place.

The Great Northern Sea Route has been equipped with radio and meteorological stations. It has also been
necessary to set up repair bases and supply bases for coal and fresh water and to provide the ports with
lighters and other auxiliary craft. It is by accomplishing all these tasks that we are, in the main, mastering the
Northern Sea Route. I say, "in the main", because the work of mastering the sea route cannot be separated
from other tasks. The difficulty is that the ice in the Arctic Ocean is constantly in motion. Now and again it
blocks up the sea route, rendering the passage of ships difficult or impossible. In order to sail along the
Northern Sea Route, we must know the laws governing the movement of the ice floes. And this means that
we must study the direction of the winds and of the ocean currents, which affect the shifting of the floes. The
winds and the currents have their origin in the northern regions of the Arctic Ocean, including the regions
bordering on the very North Pole.

There are two principal means for carrying on the work for the solution of these and other scientific problems.
Firstly, permanent scientific polar observation stations located on the islands and on the coast of the Arctic
Ocean and, secondly, expeditions on icebreakers. Both means are widely used in the Soviet Union. Each year,
icebreakers, loaded with building materials and scientific apparatus, make their way through the ice to the
remote islands. The icebreakers bring people who erect buildings for radio stations and scientific observatories
on the islands. They also land groups of scientific research workers, who remain on the islands for the winter.
These scientific workers constantly study the weather and transmit their observations by radio to the
mainland. The information transmitted by the meteorologists is studied in the Central Weather Institute and it
furnishes an inestimable contribution to the weather forecasting for the entire northern hemisphere, since the
weather is to a very large extent "produced" in the North. The staffs of the scientific station are also engaged
in gravimetric and astronomical observations, in the observation of magnetic and other phenomena and in the
study of the flora and fauna and of the geological structure of the islands and the mainland. The Soviet
Government provides these research workers with the best possible conditions for their work. They live in
well-built warm houses and maintain constant radio communication with the mainland. Special radio
broadcasts are arranged for them to keep them fully informed about the life of their country. Despite the
thousands of miles that separate them from home, despite the polar night, the cold and the blizzards, they
always feel their close contact with the whole country, take part in its political life, talk to their families over
the radio, etc. Polar stations have been set up on the Arctic islands and along the entire coastline. There are
scientific stations on Franz-Josef Land and on Novaya Zemlya and on the shores of the Chukot Peninsula,
neighboring on Alaska; altogether 51 stations in the Soviet Arctic.

Severnaya Zemlya, which represents a group of islands north of Asia, was discovered in 1913. But, at that
time, only the south-eastern tip of this group was known. The first time that we reached the western and.
November, 1996

----------- -- .---- northern shores of this archipelago was in 1930, on the icebreaker Sedov.
S We built a polar station and left there four scientific research workers, with
the well-known polar explorer G. Ushakov at their head. He, with one or
two members of his staff and riding on dog-sleighs, would travel for months
on end through the interior of the islands, trace new lands on the map and
engage in scientific observation. He thus covered more than three thousand
S Or."0""" EB miles (4800 km.) in two years. Severnaya Zemlya is now explored no less
----------- than any part of Southern Siberia.

While the Soviet icebreakers are cutting their way through the ice for the purpose of setting up new polar
stations or reinforcing the staffs of existing scientific stations, the people on board study the entire route,
sound the depths of the ocean, analyse the chemical composition of the water at various depths and of
different currents, register the direction and velocity of the currents, etc. Icebreakers have been frequently
sent far out into the Arctic Ocean, especially for the purpose of scientific investigation. All these expeditions
have served to train hundreds of experienced people who know the North, are able to live in the North and
are not afraid of difficulties.

III. The Expedition to the North Pole.
The expedition to the North Pole in 1937 was the culmination of work that had been carried on for many
years. Having been appointed to lead the expedition, I, together with my assistants headed by the well-
known polar explorer M.I. Shevelev, worked hard for a year and a half preparing for it. We had the
powerful assistance of the Soviet Government and enjoyed the constant attention of Comrade Stalin, who
was the inspire of the expedition. This enabled us to make very careful preparations.

Others had reached the North Pole before us. In 1909, Robert Peary, travelling with a dog team, had crossed
on the ice from the northern tip of America to the Pole. The intrepid American had been limited in his
opportunities for investigation. With a dog team as his means of transportation, he could only take along an
extremely small load and could not stay more than one day at the Pole. He had established that there were
no islands at the North Pole, but only a deep ocean covered with ice. But he had not even been able to
measure the depth of the ocean. He had sunk all the cable at his disposal to a depth of 7544 feet, but had not
reached bottom. We have subsequently established that the depth of the ocean at that point is 4290 metres
(about 14,070 feet). Nor could Peary ascertain whether the ice was moving and in what direction. It had
been still less possible for him to find out anything definite about the weather in the region of the North Pole.
It is obvious that just one day could not have been sufficient for that purpose.

The magnificent exploit of the famous American indicated the necessity of continuing his work and enlarging
upon his experience. However, nothing had been done along these lines for nearly thirty years. True, flights
to the North Pole had been made during this period by Byrd, Amundsen and others. But since no landings
had been made at the Pole, these flights added but little to what we had already known from Peary. It had
become clear that a different technique was needed; that it was not sufficient just to fly over the Pole, but
that what was required was to land at the Pole and stay on the ice long enough for extensive scientific
observations. This was the task that we had set ourselves. There were great technical difficulties to be
surmounted. Authorities throughout the world considered that it was impossible to make a landing on
moving ice with land planes. We could not think of using seaplanes, because fissures between the ice are
very rare at the Pole and the few that may be found are too small and not constant. A poll taken by the
Moscow Izvestiya among the best authorities on the Arctic throughout the world elicited the universal
opinion that a flight such as the one we planned could not be realized. Still, we were firmly convinced of the
successful issue of our undertaking. Our conviction was based on the knowledge of the Arctic which we had
gained during the preceding years of scientific study and investigation.

November, 1996

Personally, I had no doubt that we would find comparatively smooth ice-fields in the vicinity
of the North Pole. My conviction proceeded from the idea that fissures and hummocks are
formed on the ice when, in its movement, it meets obstructions in the shape of land or
shoals. Such phenomena are also possible at a distance from the shore, but they are likely ........
to occur more rarely and would be smoothed away in time. It had also been suggested I
that only a small plane be sent or that a landing be made with parachutes. As is universally
known, the technique of such landings has been highly perfected in our country. However,
we made our flight in four heavy four-engine planes. We had to use heavy airplanes,
because our instructions called for the setting up of a regular scientific station at the Pole,
with proper living quarters, a radio plant with a wind-driven motor, complex scientific
apparatus and instruments and a food supply and fuel to last for a year and a half. -

The four heavy planes, accompanied by a number of smaller ones, assembled on Rudol'f Island, which is the
northernmost of the Franz Josef group. On 21 May 1937, the first of these airplanes, piloted by the famous
polar flyer, M.V. Vodop'yanov, landed at the North Pole. (Pilot Vodop'yanov was featured on the 25-kop.
value of the Chelyuskin set; see p. 15 herewith). In addition to the crew, this plane carried the four members
of the staff of the future scientific station and myself. We flew above the clouds at an altitude of over 2000
metres (about 6500 feet). When our astronomical coordinates indicated that we were above the Pole, we
began to descend. Our suspense was at its highest: would there be an end to the clouds and would we see
the ice before we hit it ? And what kind of ice would we find: smooth, or full of fissures and hummocks ? At
an altitude of 500 metres (1640 feet), we came out of the clouds and we saw under us vast ice-fields
stretching to the horizon, with fissures far between. Each ice-field extended over an area of several square
miles; a number of landing fields prepared by nature itself. Our theory was thus substantiated. The pilot,
M.V. Vodop'yanov, made a perfect landing on an icefloe amid the silent vastness of the central polar region.
The other airplanes landed at the Pole several days later and we rigged up a radio station. After spending 16
days at the Pole, we took off on our homeward journey, leaving our four comrades to carry out the difficult
exploit that had been assigned to them.

Papanin, Shirshov, Fedorov and Krenkel', the four comrades who were left at the Pole, immediately made
themselves at home. The scientific instruments were put to work from the very first day. The depth of the
Arctic Ocean was ascertained. In the course of nine months, these comrades were regularly engaged in
collecting extremely valuable scientific material pertaining to meteorology, magnetism, gravimetry, the study
of the currents, the physics and chemistry of the sea, geology, etc. As had been foreseen by Soviet polar
experts, the drifting of the ice carried the station towards the shores of America, at first slowly and then at
an ever increasing velocity until, in January 1938, the icefloe reached the shores of Greenland, where it
broke apart. The courageous four did not lose their self-possession and continued their work on the
remaining hundred-foot fragment of the icefloe, until the arrival of the icebreakers that had been sent to their
rescue. By 19 February 1938, the celebrated explorers had reached latitude 70054' north.

The work accomplished by Papanin, Shirshov, Fedorov and Krenkel' represents an extremely important
contribution, not only to the study of the polar regions, but also to the science of geography as a whole.
These four brilliant workers completed a programme of scientific research which would have done credit to
twenty or more scientists. The records of this expedition are now being put into final shape and they will be
published shortly in several volumes. The personal diary of Comrade Papanin, already published, is one of the
most interesting documents of human perseverance.

IV. The Northern Sea Route.
It has been mentioned above that the principal task set by Comrade Stalin in connection with the work in the
Arctic was that of opening up a northern sea route across the Arctic Ocean from the shores of Europe to the
shores of Eastern Asia. A special government body "FDaBceBMOpnyTb" (Main Administration of the
November, 1996

Northern Sea Route) was created for the purpose of coordinating all the activities: scientific, exploratory
and economic in the Far North. The Main Administration of the Northern Sea Route has been placed in
charge of an icebreaker fleet, the Polar Aviation Service and the economic establishments engaged in mining,
fur buying, trade with the local population, etc. in the Far North. After the beginning made in 1932 (the
expedition on the Sibiryakov; see the upper stamp illustration on p. 36), scores of ships have been plying the
Arctic Ocean every year; some crossing it from end to end, others heading for the mouths of the great
Siberian rivers, bringing in and taking back goods, or putting in at the port of Igarka on the Yenisei River
and returning loaded with the world-renowned Siberian timber. Navigation in the Arctic Ocean requires a
special technique. Each group of ships is preceded by a powerful icebreaker, which clears the way through
the ice for the whole convoy. Wherever the ice is particularly heavy, the icebreaker leads each ship
separately through the difficult spot, sometimes taking the ship in tow. The entire burden of the struggle
with the ice devolves on the icebreaker, which cuts its way through with its powerful body, ensuring a safe
passage for the ships in its wake. At the same time, smaller icebreakers are engaged in reconnoitering the
condition of the ice and keeping watch in the most dangerous spots.

The first powerful icebreaker was built at the end of the past century. It was the famous EPMAK (Yermak:
see the first stamp above). It was the "grandfather" of the icebreaker fleet and designed by the Russian
Admiral Makarov (the second stamp above shows a Soviet icebreaker named after him). To this day (1939),
the Yermak sails every year in the Arctic Ocean. A still more powerful icebreaker is the Krasin (10,000 h.p.;
see the third stamp above), which operates in the eastern half of the Arctic. It has frequently put in at the
harbours of Alaska. Four just as powerful icebreakers of the latest design and equipped with up-to-date
machinery have now been built in Soviet shipyards. Three of these icebreakers, the I. Stalin (see the last
stamp above), the V Molotov and the L. Kaganovich, have already started active service. Large port
facilities are under construction along the Northern Sea Route, on the Island of Dikson, in the mouth of the
Lena River (Bay of Tiksi) and in a number of other places.

In these first years of operation of the Northern Sea Route, there have been cases of ships stranded for the
winter. These were ships that had strayed from the convoy, or had ventured unaccompanied too far north.
They were released by powerful icebreakers the following summer. In each case, all these operations were
brought to a successful conclusion. This year (1939), the icebreaker Yermak released a number of ships
stranded in the ice.Some of these ships were as far as 380N, which is a record for navigation in the North.
One small icebreaker, the Sedov (already shown in the stamp illustration on p. 38), remained icebound and
has drifted to a point beyond the latitude of 86ON. This ship is equipped as a scientific laboratory and is
making valuable observations in a part of the Arctic which has never been reached before by any ship (north
of the famous drifting of Nansen's Fram). With the new powerful icebreakers joining the service, it will be
possible in the future to prevent any ships being imprisoned in the ice for a winter.

The Northern Sea Route has become a paying enterprise of great benefit to the national economy of the

November, 1996

USSR. Our polar navigators have learned to manoeuvre splendidly and find the best route amid the banks of
ice. In this they have the active assistance of our Polar Aviation Service. Airplanes regularly reconnoitre the
ice, both along the coast and within a distance of up to seven hundred miles from the coast.

V. The Polar Aviation Service.
Icebreakers and airplanes are the principal up-to-date technical means employed in the conquest of the Far
North. Perhaps in no other place have the potentialities of modem aeronautics been so strikingly revealed as
in the Far North. Thousands of miles of uninhabited territory devoid of any means of communication are
easily covered by airplanes, which bring culture and civilisation to the remotest covers of this territory and
extend the power of man to the very Pole. Flying in the Arctic regions requires special skill. A pilot who has
been accustomed to follow the regular air routes from radio beacon to radio beacon, or along the railway
lines, or other easily visible landmarks, would find flying in the Arctic very difficult at first. All that the pilot
sees from his plane is an endless white wilderness. Fogs are very frequent. In the case of a forced landing,
the pilot must exercise exceptional skill. Yet people fly in the North and over the Arctic Ocean. There is a
regularly functioning airline to Dikson Island and Tiksi Bay (the mouth of the Lena). There is a group of
airplanes in constant operation on the Chukot Peninsula. Airplanes reconnoitre the ice in the ocean and assist
in guiding the ships through the ice. Passengers, mail, newspapers, goods and scientific instruments are
carried by air to remote settlements. In the past few years, scores of polar flyers have acquired the special
training and skill needed for their work in the Arctic.

An important turning point'in the development of the Soviet Polar Aviation Service was the rescue of the
crew and passengers of the Chelyuskin (see the cover with the entire 1935 Chelyuskin set shown on p. 15).
That ship sank in February 1933. The entire world was then stirred by this Arctic tragedy which forced 104
people, who had witnessed the sinking of their fine ship, to camp for several months on the ice, far from the
shore. The Soviet Government immediately set in motion a powerful machinery to rescue the Chelyuskinites.
Seven of the best polar flyers: Levanevskii, Lyapidevskii, Molokov, Vodop'yanov, Kamanin, Doronin and
Slepnev, brilliantly accomplished the task assigned to them. Under the difficult conditions of the Arctic
winter, they succeeded in reaching the Chukot Peninsula, finding the camp lost in the icy wastes and landing
on the aerodrome which we had managed to improvise. All the 104 persons were safely brought to the
mainland and returned to their homes. As for myself, I was ill at the time and was therefore taken to the
nearest hospital in Nome, Alaska. I returned home through the USA and was thankful for the opportunity I
had to witness and appreciate the cordial regard shown by the American people to our polar explorers. It
was thanks to the energetic help of the entire Soviet Union, thanks to the organisation of the Chelyuskinites
on the icefloe and thanks to the supreme courage and high sense of duty displayed by our flyers that the epic
of the Chelyuskin, which had begun as a polar tragedy, was converted into one of the greatest victories of
man over the elements. The flyers who accomplished this feat were the first upon whom the title of Hero of
the Soviet Union was conferred (seven of the values of the 1935 Chelyuskin set show these pilots with their
rescuing aircraft and are inscribed "FepoH CCCP" = Heroes of the USSR).

The range of polar flights increased in the succeeding years.
Immediately following the setting up of the scientific station "
at the North Pole, two brilliant flights from Moscow to the
USA were accomplished, which will live forever in the annals
of aviation. The first was the flight made by V.P. Chkalov,
with F.G. Baidukov and A.V. Belyakov from Moscow to
Portland. It was the first non-stop flight from Europe to
America via the North Pole. The second was the flight made
by M.M. Gromov, with A.B. Yumashev and S.A. Danilin
from Moscow to San Jacinto, California (all six men are on Unissued
the stamps here and were made Heroes of the Soviet Union). design !
November, 1996

The Soviet flyers made a beginning in traversing this shortest route between the Soviet Union and the United
States. It is to be hoped that, in the not too distant future, regular communication will be established along
this route between the two great nations, whose cooperation will contribute substantially to human progress.
We shall always remember with gratitude the flights of the Americans Wilkins and Kenyon in search of
Levanevskii's airplane, which had been wrecked in the Arctic. The difficulties attending flying in the Arctic
are so great that we can only marvel at the comparatively very small toll in human lives paid by the Soviet
aviation forces in the process of surmounting them.

VI. Economic Development and Culture.
The introduction of ocean and air transport in the Arctic has been the key to the opening up of this vast
territory and to the development of its resources. Formerly desolate regions are waking up to new life. The
hunter who roams the tundra in quest of the fur of the silver fox is no longer the sole visitor in these parts.
Mines are now being sunk there and factories built. The North is taking its place in the economic life of the
country. Its population is rapidly increasing. The native population, the peoples of the North who enjoy the
solicitude of the Soviet Government, have been given extensive facilities for economic and cultural
development. The process of degeneration that was observable among some of the small nationalities of the
North in the times oftsardom has not only been stopped but reversed and we now observe a rapid growth of
these nationalities. Many schools and hospitals have been built. Educational centres have been created for
the nomadic reindeer breeders. Here their children live in special homes and receive an education like that of
all the children of the Soviet Union. Radio and gramophones have become a regular accessory of life in
every tundra settlement. A considerable number of youths and girls of the Northern peoples (Evenki,
Chukchi, Nentsi, etc.) attend higher educational institutions. The special Institute of the Peoples of the North
in Leningrad is both a higher educational institution and a scientific centre for the study of the languages,
folklore and economic life of the peoples of the North.

During the last ten years, the city of Igarka has grown up in the lower reaches of the Yenisei, with sawmills
and other industrial enterprises. Another rapidly growing town, Dudinka, is situated still farther north.
Geologists have discovered rich deposits of various useful minerals in the polar regions of the USSR. The
steamers following the Northern Sea Route get their coal in the North. In the near future, the Main
Administration of the Northern Sea Route will have its own northern oilfields.

Trade in the North is concentrated in the hands of the state and is conducted through the Main
Administration of the Northern Sea Route. Good prices are paid for fur and for fish. The prosperity of the
population is steadily growing and there is a constantly increasing demand for goods in the North. The
delivery of goods by the sea route has considerably speeded up transportation and reduced its cost.

The rapid growth of the population raises the problem of developing agriculture in the North. At present,
even the most remote polar stations have their hothouses in which vegetables are grown. In a number of
places north of the Arctic Circle, a beginning has been made in developing agriculture and stock-raising. For
instance, Igarka grows its own vegetables and has a sufficient supply of milk from its own dairies.

Socialist economic requirements and science, practical considerations and the lofty aspirations of scientific
investigators have combined to form a mighty movement which has opened the road of development and
progress to even the most remote parts of the globe. Soviet science, enjoying the powerful support of the
Soviet nation and its government and inspired by Stalin, the moving spirit behind all the great victories over
the Arctic, has not yet said its last word in the struggle for the exploration and conquest of the severe wastes
of the vast North. The Soviet scientists and polar workers have already succeeded in making their
contribution to the storehouse of science of the USSR and of the whole world. There is no doubt that the
men and women of the Soviet Union will successfully complete the great task of the conquest of the Arctic.

November, 1996

Editorial Comment: Some biographical and other notes are now in order.
Otto Julius Schmidt was born into a German family in Mogilev, Belorussia 18/30 September 1891 and died
in Moscow 7 September 1956. He had a brilliant career as an astronomer, geophysicist, polar explorer and
professor of mathematics at Moscow State U. 1923-1956. Named a Hero of the Soviet Union 27 June 1937
in connection with the expedition that set up the "North Pole No. 1" Station, he was awarded the Order of
Lenin three times, as well as three other orders and several medals. Despite the ideology in his article, it is
obvious that he regarded very highly Americans in general and their scientific accomplishments in particular.

Ernst Theodor Krenkel was a Baltic German, born 11/24 December 1903 in
Tartu, Estonia and a Soviet citizen after 1917. Famous for his call sign "RAEM"
as a polar radio operator (see the magazine "HoBbIii MHp", Nos. 9-11/1970
& 10-11/1971) he was named a Hero of the Soviet Union in 1938, awarded the C
Order of Lenin twice, three other orders and some medals. He was also a general 3.T.PEHnE"b"-". '
collector and your editor has sometimes seen covers that he sent abroad; unfortunately, all in very poor
shape. President of the VOF until his death on 8 December 1971, he was affectionately known to Soviet
philatelists as "Ham KpeHKenib". He was at "SOFIA '69" in Bulgaria and could still speak flawless German.

The 10-kop. stamp on p. 39 commemorating the famous four-plane flight to the North Pole in 1937 has a
badly shifted background, as can be seen clearly from the illustration. Probably only one sheet ever existed
thus and it was cancelled to order. This is an interesting and rare variety, well worth looking for.

SajSur S^ rnr n\.

Re the references on pp. 40-41 to Tiksi Bay, a registered airmail cover is shown here with bilingual
postmarks in red, reading BYXTA-TI4KCIH 5IACCP BYXTA-THKCHIfi "a" 25.6.47 (diameter of
30 mm.), Moscow 8 Desp. Office '"" 6.8.47 monitor on the back and Philadelphia arrival of 3 September.
This is a rare Polar sending by Hirsch Ferkin and one wonders what he was doing in such a remote place.
*& *
November, 1996
o ^ ^ > .. .A^ .^ . .


by Alex Artuchov

Since the last instalment of this serial article, this author is very pleased to provide
additional information as a result of two recently acquired covers.

The first item illustrated below as Fig. 1, is with number 1300 and a circular cancellation
of Bogorodsk, Nizhnii-Novgorod Province on the reverse side. This item confirms the
location concretely and removes the question mark that was previously placed beside this
listing due to a cancellation that was not quite clear.

The second item listed below as Fig. 2, is number 1290 which is identified by a straight
line cancellation on the front of the postal stationery as Gonczyce, Siedlce province. The
location was previously allocated to number 1291 in error. The author will attempt to
track down the reason for this error.

The author is grateful to V. Kalmykov of Moscow for correcting the name of the location
of number 1330 to be Landvorovo and not Dandvorovo as listed in the previous
instalment of this article in No. 37 of this journal.

S *, ./f A -4'
/*.,:;: '/ i' .- .

5 /,/, A ,

Fig. 1

|fl8 OTHPbTITOE nmICbM o

44.i I'HI-R 'rI) ,'NImbr No. .' ,
?-" ,,I i,' N m "r ,1, 9 .

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Fig. 2
November, 1996

This writer was very recently very flattered by a request from Philip Robinson to comment
and compare lists of known allocations above 848 for the purpose of assisting Mr.
Robinson and co-author Anatoli Kiryushkin with the second edition of "Russian

As a result of information exchanged, the following unknown allocations were obtained
from Mr. Robinson:

886 Klein Pungern, Estland Province
-Rannapungern, Estland Province
926 Raja, Estland Province
1042 Turek, Kalisz Province
1044 Tserkow, Kalisz Province
1045 Shadek, Kalisz Province
1255 Gorodeya, Minsk Province
1256 Dunaevtsi, Podolsk Province

It should also be noted that Mr. Robinson had Zlotoria, Lomzha Province listed as both
no. 1078 and 1178. It is somewhere between highly unlikely to impossible that the same
location would have had two separate numbers allocated to it. We will accordingly attach
a question mark to both of these numbers until better information becomes available and
request readers that may have such material or information at their disposal to assist.

The World Philatelic Exhibition

17. 26.10.1997 "-'


Reservations for dealers
Welcome to booths, exhibitors, seminars,
MoSCOW-97 society tables and club

For Information write to:
V. Sinegubov, Union of
Philatelists of Russia,
12, Tverskaya street, 103831,
.Moscow, GSP-3, Russia.

PUBLISHINGMRA AND sThe International
TRADING CENTRE General Sponsors Economic Cooperation"

November, 1996

by Rabbi L.L. Tann.

The fascination of railway postmarks, particularly of the oval types that characterized the final years of the
Tsarist period, is such that it is impossible to turn away from the subject With the forebearance of our
editor, as well as his own encouragement of further exploration of this study, I present here a few more oval
postmarks of stations and of TPOs / RPOs. There are one or two here that have never before been seen or
recorded, having arrived from Russia in recent months and it is not only a pleasure to have them, but also to
record and show them for other collectors to enjoy.

The first item I have (Fig. 1) requires a few paragraphs of explanation, since it emanates from a remote
branch-line that was in fact the most southerly point of the Tsarist Empire. As with other out-of-the-way
branch-lines, it has attracted almost no interest or study at all. The Murghab Valley Railway of 293 versts /
192 miles was built in the late 1890s from Merv to the Afghan border, mainly for military purposes. It was a
branch from the main Trans-Caspian Railway that ran from Krasnovodsk on the eastern shores of the
Caspian Sea, through Chardzhui, Bukhara and on to Tashkent, where the branch-line via Kazalinsk linked up.

The first (and as far as I know the only) notes on this remote branch-line were written up by W.S.E. Stephen
in the BJRP No. 29 for May 1961, pp. 36-38, on the occasion of the BSRP Silver Jubilee; readers are
referred to those particulars. I will simply mention the relevant essentials. The sketch I have drawn here at
top left of p. 47 is based on the most authoritative railway maps available of the Imperial period, also taking
into account the details on the one that Mr. Stephen gave in the specific BJRP. Mr. Stephen mentions a
branch that was built from Tash-Kepri down to Taunsang (Tanur-Sandzhi), but it is obvious that this was
discontinued and fell into disuse. It appears on no maps that I have seen, including my Marks Atlas of 1905.
In those notes, attention was drawn to the postmarks of villages (they were hardly towns !) in the area and
this is a perfect example of a region and associated local railway that begs for study. More postmarks are
now known of Takhta-Bazar than were noted at that time, but still very little.

Merv was an important junction and there is no shortage of examples of the oval MERV / VOKZAL type.
However, the earlier circular type is scarce. In the 1961 BJRP, Bill Stephen was able to show only a partial
strike of the oval KUSHKA-228-MERV postmark, although mentioning one or two types. Thankfully, many
more 228s have appeared in the intervening 35 years and serials "a", "b" and "g" have been recorded, with
the "v" yet to be notified. The earlier circular type for 228 is unrecorded and must therefore be scarce. As
far as we know, other than the junction station of Merv, none of the stations up to and including Kushka had
station post offices of any kind. Kushka town post office had a standard type inscribed KUSHKA ZAKASP.
OBL., which is not common. Otherwise, mail was posted on the mail vans of the trains on this branch.

However, the southbound route No. 227 has not been recorded until now in either the earlier circular or the
later oval type. Not surprisingly, the vast bulk of the mail was going northwards into mainland Russia. The
population ofKushk / Kushka, or in its earlier name: Kushinskoi Post, was almost entirely military, guarding
the border with Afghanistan (a wild and lawless country) and the railway and border post were established
entirely for military reasons. There were a few Russian settlements nearby: Alekseevskii and Poltavskii,
which needed support and protection. Bill Stephen mentioned that a spur-line was built from the main
station of Kushka right down to the border itself at Chibil-Dukhtaran.

Fig. 1 at top right on p. 47 shows a postcard with typed message and address. It is to Torzhok in Tver'
province. This item was sent fron IOLATAN ZAKASP. on 1? (probably 10.4.1908). This town or village
postmark is scarce, but it is interesting to note the spelling: IOLATAN, because many of the maps spell the
town with an "E"; presumably the Russian "E", pronounced "YO". The postcard was put aboard a
southbound train having a TPO / RPO, where it collected an oval that has been struck over the town pmk
November, 1996

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Fig. 1.

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November, 1996


Fig. 4.

Fig. 7. Fig. 8.

November, 1996

Fig. 6.

on the stamp and it is clearly MERV-227-KUSHKA "a" (clearly reproduced by P.E. Robinson at top right of
p. 47). In an exchange of views about this subject, my friend Alexander Epstein of Tallinn pointed out that
certain trains southbound stopped at some stations and certain northbound trains stopped at some stations,
but not always the same stations, such that it may well have been that the TPO / RPO operating at Iolatan
that morning / afternoon was on the southbound train. Anyway, we are glad that it was so, or else we would
not have been able to show the scarce No. 227. All the brave Russian boys, guarding the frontier at Kushka
and writing home, put their cards aboard the northbound No. 228 route. All the anxious parents and
sweethearts wrote to the boys via their local post offices. It needed someone being on the station at Merv
itself or on the railway line so as to ensure that an item went on the southbound No. 227 route. If there are
any other examples that readers might possess, please do let us see them.

I have mentioned in the past that among the scarcest of the numbered postmarks are Nos. 97-98 for the
remote POTI-SAMTREDI branch in Transcaucasia. There are probably not more than a very bare handful
struck on loose stamps and pieces, with one or two on complete cards or covers. Fig. 2 on p. 47 shows a
postcard mailed 15.1.07, that was sold by the Dutch firm of Sheraton & Peel earlier in 1996. An outstanding
item, it is addressed to Vil'na (Wilno / Vilnius) and bears an imprinted 3-kop. die. There are two fairly good
strikes of the oval POTI 98 SAMTREDI, with star at base and no serial letter. This item sold for -115 (just
over USD 178.00). This magnificent example is shown with thanks to Sheraton & Peel and the present
unknown owner.

Fig. 3 features two items. The first is a cover to Olomouc in Moravia (Austria-Hungary), franked by 3-k. & 7-
k. Arms types and with fine oval postmarks of MAIKOP-ARMAVIR / POCHT. VAG. 6.2.14. The second
item is a postcard to Kishinev in Bessarabia. The oval postmarks read MAIKOP-ARMAVIR / POCHT.
VAGON 7.4.14 with serial "a". It is possible that two TPO/RPO vans on this line used these slightly differing
cancellers. The main line ran from Armavir to Tuapse and Maikop was on a branch-line from this main
railway, from Beloregenskaya. The full TUAPSE-ARMAVIR route was served by TPO vans Nos.317-318.

A tiny "twig of a branch" was the TERESHCHENSKAYA-PIROGOVKA line in Chernigov province of the
Ukraine. It branched off from the Konotop-Khutor Mikhailovskii line, stopping at the banks of the Desna
River. The branch from Novgorod-Seversk to Novozybkov was on the other side of the river. The
Tereshchenskaya-Pirogovka branch was served by an unnumbered TPO/RPO van and Fig. 4 on p. 48 shows
three items, all with this unnumbered oval.

Fig. 5 on p. 48 shows another hitherto unrecorded TPO/RPO oval in the 300 class. This is a postcard, sent
early in April 1917 to Kutuzovo. The oval reads KOROSTEN 320 ZHITOMIR "b" and the year is clearly 17.
The franking of2-k. + 1-k. Arms in consistent with the rate during April 1917, but the receiving postmark of
Kutuzovo reads 9.4.18. It is unlikely to have taken a year to arrive and we must presume that the clerk at
Kutuzovo had changed the year digits in error. Thus, No. 320 now joins the ranks of recorded numbers.

A few "Postage Due" cachets.

Figs 6. & 7 on p. 48 show postcards coming into Russia from abroad; one from Germany and the second from
Switzerland. The item in Fig. 6 bears a German 5-Pfg. stamp and, at the top, there is a postage-due cachet,
reading DOPLATIT' / POCHT. VAGON (No.) 5 / 5 k. The rate for postcards going out of Russia in 1909
was 4 kopeks and the 5 Pfg. already paid on the incoming card was calculated as equivalent to 3 kopeks. The
double-the-deficiency charge for an unfranked card would have been 8 kopeks, less the 3 kopeks already paid
by the German stamp and hence we now know how the 5-kopek fee was assessed. ig 7 bears no franking at
all and there are three "T" (= Tax) designations on the card. The postage-due cachet reads DOPLATIT' /
POCHT. VAGON (No.) 4, with "8 k" written in by hand, i.e. double the deficiency. The card passed through
the St. Petersburg 1st. Despatch Office on 28 July 1901, on the way to its destination in Pargolovo.
November, 1996

Fig. 8 on p. 48 is an internal postcard to Dvinsk (now Daugavpils in Latvia). It bears a fine circular
POCHTOVYI VAGON No. 3 (St. Petersburg-Vil'na) and alongside it an oval DOPLATIT / 3 POCHT.
VAGON 3, filled in for 6 kopekss), i.e. double the 3-kop. rate. Dvinsk arrival of 26.4.10.

Fig. 9 on p. 51 has a postcard sent from DVINSK / RIG. OR. VOKZ. (Dvinsk / Riga-Orel Station) 24.2.10.
As it was unfranked, there is a postage-due cachet of the station alongside, reading DOPLATIT / DVINSK.
ZHEL. P.O., filled in for double the missing rate, i.e. 6 kopeks.

Fig. 10 on p. 51 is a real puzzler. Again, a postcard sent from the DVINSK / RIG. OR. VOKZ. 12.9.09, this
time to Kazan'. It bears a 3-kop. stamp which, by any standard, was the correct rate, even if the sender had
written over every area of space available. However, for reasons known only to the (presumably) now long
dead clerk at the station post office, the amount paid was not considered enough. He applied a postage-due
cachet alongside: DOPLATIT' / DVINSK ZHEL. P.O. and assessed the amount due at 8 kopeks. How did he
arrive at such a sum ? My guess, and I stand to be corrected, is that the clerk thought that it should have been
franked at the 7-kopek letter rate. Deducting the 3 kopeks paid, he doubled the 4-kopek deficiency to arrive
at an 8-kopek assessment.

My final postage-due item is in Fig. 11 on p. 51. Sent to Tula, it received a fine oval TPO/RPO MOSKVA-
15-KHAR'KOV OTD. "g" dated 5.9.14. At the top, unusually in cherry-red (the others in Figs. 6-10 are in
black) there is a postage-due cachet, reading DOPLATIT' / 15 OTDELEN. POCHT. VAGONA 15 and filled
in for 6 kopeks, i.e. twice the missing postal rate.

Still in the ovals area, but trespassing in the post-Tsarist period are the following three superb items, all now
in the collection of Robert Taylor of the USA. Our thanks to Robert for sharing these delightful items with
other collectors.

Fig. 12 on p. 51 has a postcard with a very fine oval NARVA*353*PSKOV "g". The drawing alongside,
made by Philip Robinson and with due thanks to him, clarifies the postmark. Dated 25.11.20, it was sent to
Serebryanka Station on the North-Western Railway and appears to be a message to the wife of the writer.
This is a different oval for route No. 353 to the one shown in "The Post-Rider" No. 30 for June 1992, p. 45,
Fig. 22. The present one is larger, but like that one, it is from the post-Imperial period, as the word PSKOV
does not have the hard sign "b" at the end. It is interesting to note that, at that time, Narva was the border
town between Russia and the Republic of Estonia (Eesti Vabariik). The train and its TPO/RPO van had to run
from Narva towards the main Petrograd line and then turn south-west towards Pskov.

The last two items in Figs. 13 & 14 on p. 51 are undoubtedly brilliant items They are both franked with the
20-shahiv definitive of the Ukrainian National Republic. Fig. 13 is postmarked with two strikes of the oval
ROSTOV-20-KHAR'KOV / OTD. "b" ?.10.18 and has a partial arrival marking of Slavyansk. Fig. 14 was
sent from VOLOCHISK VOKZ. "a" 22.10.18 to Kiev 31.10.18, the latter marking tying the edge of the
stamp as well. I might venture to say that usages of stamps of the Ukrainian National Republic with surviving
Tsarist railway ovals cannot be common !

Many thanks to our editor for permitting the presentation of all the above delightful items.

Our No. 40 issue due out in June 1997 will commemorate the 20th. anniversary of The Canadian Society of
Russian Philately, with our journal "THE POST-RIDER/AIMII.HK" appearing regularly twice a year.
Over 3200 pages of solid research, practically all of it original, have been published and we have an enviable
international reputation, with our articles reprinted in other journals. We assure all our members and
collaborators that our No. 40 journal will be one to remember and contributions will be sincerely welcomed !
November, 1996

Fig. 9. Fig. 10.

Fig. 11. Fig. 12.

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Fig. 13.
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November, 1996

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by Alex Artuchov

Shortly after the publication of the first volume of "The Zemstvo Postage Stamps of
Imperial Russia" this author proudly forwarded Oleg Faberge's copy with a note
requesting his comments. Oleg Agafonovich provided the hasty response illustrated below
as Fig.2 in which he condemns the illustration of Alatyr No. 1 shown immediately below
as Fig.l, as a forgery.

...... v .... .

The author immediately wrote to Mr. Faberg- requesting a detailed explanation and
................ *0.

FX g.-

promised in the foreword to Vol. 2 to provide readers with full particulars in a
forthcoming article. Oleg Agafonovitch never did respond and no promised article
followed. Not only was the author left with an unfulfilled promise made in no less than
print but with a further complication of the plot. A German colleague came forward
with his copy of Alatyr No. 1 requesting an opinion whether or not it was genuine. The
stamp was no other than the one that the author had illustrated and the one that Faberg6
had put the cloud over.

November, 1996

The Canadian Society
of Russian Philately
M5W 1P2
Helsingfors, 10th April 1988

Dear Society,
While I was most busy selecting, mounting and describing
all those items which will be included in my Zemstvo exhibit
in the Court of Honour at "FINLANDIA 88" I received from you
a copy of a Zemstvo catalogue Vol. 1.
Please accept my sincere thanks.
As soon as I have the necessary time I will go deeper into
the matter but unfortunately at this instant I had only the time
to turn over the pages. By the ways why do you illustrate the
ALATYR stamp with the picture of a forgery ?

With all good wishes
,;6 ,*---7

Fig. 2

To complicate matters even further, an article written by G. G. Werbizky entitled
"Zemstvo: Forgeries, Errors Perpetuated by Catalogues, and Comments" appeared in No.
119 of the Rossica Journal. In this article, Mr. Werbizky illustrates the very same
"Moens" stamp when describing the differences between genuine and forged copies of the
issues of Ala-tyr. Mr. Werbizky represents his own copy of the 2 kop. issue which is ex-
Faberg6 and is illustrated as Fig. 3a as being unquestionably genuine. He notes that the
forged copies illustrated as Figs. 3b and 3c are distinguished from the genuine by ink and
paper differences as well as noticably differing lettering. Mr. Werbizky does not clearly
condemn or endorse the "Moens" stamp. He does,however, make mention of the fact that
a portion of the design in the upper left hand corer is missing and refers to this as "the
clue to look for". This author does not consider this defect to be the sign of a forgery.
There is no end to such defects on zemstvo stamps printed by the typographic process and
their occurrence is perfectly normal as a result of hand assembly by the printer.

In his long-standing search for the answer, the author broadened his search by writing to
two highly respected and knowledgeable "zemschiks", Professor N.V. Luchnik of Kaluga
in the then USSR and M. V. Liphschutz in Paris. Both have unfortunately since passed
on. Neither, possessed one of the known copies of the stamp in their collections nor was
able to provide a meaningful opinion or answer to the subject dilemma.

November, 1996

Fig. 3a Fig. 3b

Alatyr is a rare example of zemstvo post in Siberia. The town is located in the province of
Simbirsk and the post functioned there only briefly in 1867, when the zemstvo postal
service was both opened and then absorbed into the Imperial postal system in the same
year. The stamps of Alatyr are accordingly extremely rare. No. 1 is listed as known with
only 3 genuine copies, by C.C. Schmidt. The second stamp of this zemstvo, is also of
some considerable scarcity. Schmidt lists 25 known copies. As a result of only 28 known
stamps for the entire district, Alatyr is particularly prized by zemstvo collectors.

The technical details relating to Alatyr No. 1 are as follows:
29.5 30.0 x 23.75 24.25 mm in size, typographed in pale ink on rough and thick
yellowish paper 0.11 0.15 mm, white gum, imperforate, sheet of 4 x 5 with 20 types.

Some further attention should also be given to the information known about the 20 types.
To date, only 15 of the 20 types have actually been identified. They are distinguished by
the position of the stars noted as 1 and 2 of Fig. 4.


Fig. 4

It should also be noted that there are two versions of how the sheet may have actually
been composed. The first version noted as Fig. 5, is an attempt at 4 x 5 by Schmidt. The
next version noted as Fig. 6, is an alternate configuration.

Both of the reconstructions of the sheet are based upon known multiples and how they
may have been positioned on the sheet. There is certainly no clear answer, only further

November, 1996

Fig. 3c

S7212 M212 2r-21 22 121 21
I 2 2 I1 3 i j
S .1 2 2 .2 T.3or4 ,
2 1 2 1 2 1
2 1 2 2 1
111 1222211 1221211221 221112122 2
2122 22 2 11 112 122 122 22 2 12 1 22. 2
1 4 2 1 6
1 1 1 5 1 2 6 2
2. 14 2 T.6 1 2 T.7
2 12 2 2.
S!1 2 1

S7 11 11 9 I

T.21 2 1 1 T.10 2 1 .22 2

S12 2 2 11 1 1 2 112112111 2112122 2 2

11 1
2 221 1 2 1 22
11212121222 2221112121 12221 212
2212112 122 1 112211 111 112111 2
1 1 2 2 1 1
12 13 1 14 2 1 15 1
12 T.17 1T. 2 1 2.
1 1 2 2 1 12
S1 2 1
2 1 212
1 111 2 1 12 1 221 2 1 112 122

1 2. I I Fig. 5 L


r- ---------- -
2 2 11 2 1 2 1 2 21212 221 1 2 2 2 1 2 11 2 2
1 21 I 1
12 2 2 1
ST.1 2 2 T.2 T.3 or 4
I 2 2 1 2
1 1 2 2 1

11112122122 121112122.2
21 2 21
2 1 1 2 2 7 2 2 2
2 2 1 2
2 11 1
1 1 2

1 11 1
2122 21 211222212

1 12 2 221
L 1 .10 2 2 .1 2I

121 1 1 1

1 2 1 2
11212121 2 2 1121 2
21 ,., 2 21
2I 1
11112 1 22. 1 2122 2 2 2 1 1 12 1 2 1
12212112122 111221 1 1 1 1
1 1 2 2

1 11 1 2 1

1 1 2 21 1
1 1 1 2 1
S 2 1 2

1 2 2 11 2 2 2 1
1 1 1 2 1
1 1 1 2 2

1 1 1 2 1
2 1 1 1 2 1
S1 1 2 1 2 2 11 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 22 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1

Fig. 6

conjecture that the sheet may have consisted of 15 stamps, as the neat assembly of Fig. 5
suggests. Fig. 6 on the other hand, puts forward a 3 x 6 scenario.

Since only the numeral of value differs No. 1 from No. 2, it has also been suggested that
both Nos. 1 and 2 were printed on the same sheet and that the denominations of the
corer stamps were altered accordingly for the 1 kop. value. In Fig. 5, the 3 known types
being 3 or 4, 12 and 17 are all accommodated in comers. Type 1 is then assumed to
belong to No. 2 only and that there are 3, 1 kop. stamps per sheet. While it may seem
strange that the stamp was not accommodated uniformly in all four covers, some of the
no less than wild sheet layouts of zemstvo stamps on the other hand suggests that logic
could easily turn out to be an obstacle.

What the author was quick to establish was that the stamp in question was of some
considerable vintage and was assumed to be genuine by many others over the course of
many years. It perhaps first appeared "in public" in 1893 when it was used as the
illustration for Alatyr No. 1 in "Les Timbres de Russie" by J. B. Moens. Since then it has
been used by F. G. Chuchin in his 1925 "Catalogue of Zemstvo Postage Stamps" and
again in the 1988 reprint of the English language version by J. J. Barefoot. Very
significantly, this very same stamp was also used as the illustration in the 1914 Schmidt
and Faberg6 catalogue.

November, 1996

As noted above, it is not difficult to identify the subject stamp. The circle in the upper left
hand corer is nicked on the upper left hand side as shown in the enlargement in Fig.1,
above, which is further highlighted by an arrow. In Fig.7, illustrations from some of the
sources cited are shown, demonstrating that the stamp under discussion is indeed one and
the same.

The Moens Illustration

The Barefoot Illustration

The Chuchin Illustration

The Schmidt/Faberge(1914) Illustration

Fig. 7

The current owner of the stamp provided an illustration of the reverse side shown below
as Fig. 8. It is interesting to note what is presumably the expertization mark of C.C.
Handford. Mr. Handford was of course a well known British zemstvo scholar from
whose collection this item was acquired by the current owner. The fact that the stamp
went through Mr. Handford's hands cannot be lightly dismissed. If anything, Mr.
Handford's presence lends the item a sense of "pedigree" and legitimacy and in the worst
case suggests to this author that if the stamp is indeed a forgery it is a very convincing one
that has fooled many respected collectors over the course of some considerable time and
furthermore that the subject stamp was the most accessible and widespread illustration of
Alatyr No. 1.

*.R' .

Fig. 8

November, 1996

Alatyr No. 1 was not a part of the Baughman collection. What is however noteworthy is
the fact that the collection, in the absence of a copy of the stamp, contained a photograph
of the 3 known stamps, illustrated below as Fig. 9. None of the three illustrated stamps
is the subject copy of Alatyr No. 1! Obviously, according to Baughman and Stanley Gold
these were the 3 stamps considered to be genuine by Schmidt.

AjaTEpc Kaa HA g|AaaTrpCr, a i aaTUpc3a U

1 I1 I l g | 1.
O1 |g | 1- MO z

Fig. 9

It is not difficult to identify the "types" on the issues of Alatyr using the information cited
above in Figs. 4, 5 and 6. A check of the 3 stamps illustrated as Fig. 9 demonstrates that
they are indeed Type 3 (or 4), Type 12 and Type 17, exactly as indicated by Schmidt. The
subject copy of Alatyr No. 1 is Type 3 (or 4).

The author next proceeded to search for the 3 copies. The first copy found was Schmidt's
own, cited on p. 11 of his "collection" catalogue. It is identified as Type 17. The stamp is
not used as an illustration by Schmidt who instead uses Alatyr No. 2 as the illustration for
the district. The next copy to be found is in the 1925 auction catalogue of the collection
of M. Ferrari de la Renotiere as Lot No. 475 which also included four and six block
multiples of Alatyr No. 2 as part of a magnificent zemstvo collection. Through careful
examination of the blurry illustration (Fig. 10), it was possible to identify this copy as
Type 12 The third copy surfaced in the March 18th, 1940 auction catalogue of the sale
of the celebrated collection of Agathon Faberg6. The stamp is listed as Lot 1 and is a
Type 3 (4) and is illustrated below as Fig. 11.

The Ferrari copy The Faberge copy

RAlaTUpcZB .*araIpeaac

Fig. 10 Fig. 11

There is little doubt in this author's mind that Schmidt knew of the existence of the subject
copy of Alatyr No. 1. This stamp as noted above was the illustration used by Chuchin in
1925 and Schmidt,who meticulously checked for known copies,could not have

November, 1996

missed it as part of the data that culminated into his 1930's publications. Schmidt for
whatever reason became convinced sometime after the publication of his 1914 catalogue
that the subject example of Alatyr No. 1 was not the fourth copy known and in fact a
forgery. What remains as significant however, is the fact that Schmidt was at one time
very clearly convinced that the subject copy was genuine and that the item is at least very

One question that remains unanswered is where did the "Moens" copy originate? Who
went to all the trouble of preparing a forgery in the late part of the past century that would
have required hand assembly by a knowledgeable printer to the degree where the stamp can
actually be identified by type and had two of the greatest ever zemstvo authorities
.convinced enough to use this stamp as the illustration for their catalogue? And
furthermore, why is there only one known copy of alleged this forgery. What remains is
that there are numerous reasons to suggest that there are a lot of reason to suggest that
the "Moens" may well be genuine. On the other hand, there is suggestion but no concrete
reason why the stamp really is a forgery.

L. Ya. Melnikov, the chief editor of "Filatelia", mentions that there is information to the
effect that Schmidt also expressed his reservations about the genuiness of the Faberg6
copy to Faberg6 himself. It is not clear whether Schmidt provides Faberg6 with actual
reasons or just an unqualified expression of suspicion. If the latter is correct,then the
silence of Oleg Faberg6 becomes more understandable. The subject copy of Alatyr No. 1
may have accordingly also subject to an unqualified expression of suspicion that Oleg
Agafonovitch may have been aware of. All of this is most admittedly speculation and
conjecture. The truth is that the facts and the information that we are seeking have been
taken into eternity by Schmidt and the Faberges.

Whether we will ever know the answer to this riddle is another interesting question.
Apparently, it was Schmidt that bought the Ferrari copy of Alatyr No. 1 and therefore the
owner of the only 2 copies he seemed to conclusively consider as being genuine. Schmidt's
collection was of course donated to the Reichmuseum and perished into oblivion during
the course of World War II. If the Schmidt copies have vanished, the Faberg6 copy was
indeed dubious and the subject stamp in the same category, does that then mean that
Alatyr No. 1 has become extinct ?

Our search ends here somewhere between eternity and oblivion, a state by the way, which
is not uncommon for many other zemstvo items.

If there are any lessons, or truths at the end of this exercise they are firstly, that
expertization should not be limited to the two basic conclusions of false or genuine. A
third, and perhaps very legitimate conclusion that should be added to the list of
possibilities is the one where the answer is "I just don't know". The second issue is that
one should not hesitate to share knowledge with philatelic colleagues. Information should
be expanded, enhanced and spread. Knowledge unshared and lost on the other hand, is
to the total detriment of philately and is inexcusable.

November, 1996


by Dan Grecu.

A special case during the years of WWII was that of the divisions formed from the former Roumanian prisoners
in the USSR and trained there. They were incorporated into the Soviet Army, to fight within that framework on
the front in Transsylvania, Hungary and Czechoslovakia during 1944-1945, after Roumania had broken the
alliance with Germany on 23 August 1944 and had begun to fight on the side of the Red Army.

The first and only division that ever got to the front was the "Tudor Vladimirescu" 1st. Roumanian Division. Its
"godmother" was Ana Pauker (1893-1960), born into the family of Rabbi Hersch Kaufnann Rabinsohn at
Codreqti, Vaslui county in the north of Roumanian Moldavia. Ana Pauker was one of the most important
figures of Stalinism in Roumania. Enrolled as a young girl in the Socialist movement, she became an instructress
of the Comintern in France and was finally arrested in Roumania in 1935, where the Communist Party had been
illegal since 1924. Sentenced to 10 years imprisonment, she was exchanged in 1940 against a Roumanian
detained by the Soviets and thus arrived in Moscow. She became there the undisputed leader of the Roumanian
Communist exiles in the USSR. She returned to Roumania in September 1944 after the Soviet armies had
entered the country, becoming Secretary of the Central Committee of the Roumanian Communist Party and
Minister of External Affairs after 1947. She was purged from the Party in May 1952 on the basis of the anti-
Zionist campaign launched by Stalin, as well as during the struggle for power within the Communist Party
between the "external" Muscovite and Comintern faction led by her and Vasile Luca (Luka Laszl6, an ethnic
Hungarian from Transsylvania) and the "internal" Roumanian nationalist wing led by Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej.

It would seem that the first visits by Ana Pauker, together with Nicolae Cambrea (who was to become the first
commander of the division) to the camps of Roumanian POWs in the USSR had taken place at Camp No. 160
in Suzdal' Vladimir province, in the summer of 1943. She succeeded there in bringing together some
Roumanian officers, with whom to create an "Anti-Fascist Committee", composed of Roumanian POWs. Then,
within five weeks, she visited other camps, among them for example Camp No. 74 at Oranki, Gor'kii province,
at the end of July. A Congress of Roumanian Prisoners in the Soviet Union was held on 3 September 1943 at
Camp No. 27 in Krasnogorsk, Moscow province. The suggestion and idea of Ana Pauker to form a Roumanian
Division was officially launched there. The Congress addressed a letter to Stalin about this matter and received
approval on 2 October 1943. As a result, the "Tudor Vladimirescu Division of Panduri" (see the Editorial
Comment at the end of this article for data on Tudor Vladimirescu and the Panduri) was set up on 15
November 1943, Ana Pauker being its political commissar with the rank of colonel.

Its structure was that of a Soviet infantry division and thus differed from that of Roumanian divisions (see Table
1 at the end of this article). The total complement was around 9000 men and, by a year later on 24 December
1944, the casualties had already come to 5276 officers, NCOs and men. The commanders were Colonel Nicolae
Cambrea up to 1 October 1944; Colonel Mircea Haupt from 2 October 1944 to 30 January 1945 & 11 to 25
March 1945 and Colonel lacob Teclu from 31 January to 10 March 1945.

In order to facilitate the identification of locations of the despatch centres for military mail from the division,
data are now given here on the routing of the units at the front. Regarding the locations in the USSR, it is
known that the division was at the village of Klembovka in the Ukraine in April-May 1944 and it then moved to
the vicinity of Balti (Beltsy in Bessarabia), where it experienced the events of 23 August 1944 (i.e. when
Roumania changed sides in WWII). Immediately after that date, the division moved on to Iasi (Jassy, the capital
of Roumanian Moldavia), entering into the composition of the 33rd. Armoured Corps in the 27th. Soviet Army
on the 2nd. Ukrainian Front.

It received a baptism of fire on 31 August 1944, when Echelon No. 2, which was proceeding from Iasi to
Barlad, battled with German units trying to get out of the Chipiniu (Kishinev)-Husi encirclement. EchelonNo. 2
November, 1996


was then at Birlad on 2 Sept. 1944 and north of Focsani three days later. At the same time, the Division H.Q.
was at Ciorograrla on the 3rd., Comarnic on the 4th., Bragov on the 5th. and in Harman at 8pm on the 6th.
Echelon No. 2 went into action at the front on 5 Sept. at the side of the Roumanian Mountain Corps, being
incorporated into the 27th. Army after other actions in the 7th. Guards Army. From the 6th. to the 9th., it was
on the offensive from Brapov towards Sfantu Gheorghe, the latter town being liberated on the 8th. It regrouped
on the 9th. and headed south of Targu Mures. From the 15th. to the 17th., it was again on the offensive from
Targu Mures towards Ungheni (in Transsylvania). On the 17th., it received an order to regroup in the area of
Beius, which it reached on the 21st. On the 27th., it went into battle positions and on 11 October, it began an
attack on Oradea, which it entered in two days.

From 13 October 1944, it was operating in Hungary and, between the 14th. to the 20th., it was taking part in
"Operation Debrecen", entering that town on the 19th. By now, it had sustained very heavy casualties, as
announced by the Soviet Supreme H.Q. and the name of the town was then added, so that it was thus given the
title of "The Tudor Vladimirescu-Debretin Division" (Debretin is the Roumanian name for the Hungarian town
of Debrecen). After 23 October, the division was regrouped into Echelon No. 2 of the 2nd. Ukrainian Front for
reorganisation and was located for that purpose in the area of HajdubSszoSrm6ny from 2 to 27 November 1944.
On that last day, an order was received to proceed to the area of the Matra mountains, being temporarily
incorporated into the 57th. Army Corps of the 53rd. Soviet Army. Between 28 November and 10 December, it
was at FUizesabony and from 11 to 18 December, it defended Verpel6t. By now, a detachment of volunteers had
been received from Roumania to bring the division up to full strength and a "Battalion of Political Cadres" was
formed. On 19 December, the division was at Abasir, near Gyoingy's. From 19 to 31 December, it participated
in the battle to conquer the Matra mountains, taking the town of Salg6tarjin on 25-26 December. Finally,
N6grAdszakil was reached on the Ipoly River, at the border with Czechoslovakia.

By 2 January 1945, it was operating in Slovakia, crossing the Ipoly River and going on the offensive up to 16
January in the localities ofSuche Brezovo and Senne. It was regrouped on 21 January and incorporated into the
Soviet 10th. Cavalry Guards Division, thus entering into the composition of the 49th. Armoured Corps. It
continued to advance in stages towards the area of the Javorina mountains, taking Sklabina on the 22nd., Sahy
on the 23rd., Kostolne-Moravee on the 24th. and Zemberovce on the 25th. From 26 January to 1 March 1945,
the division defended the Batovce-Bohunice-Hornm Almn area. From 1 to 19 March, it participated in
"Operation Javorina", advancing up to the eastern bank of the Hronul River. On 20 March, it was merged with
the Roumanian 19th. Infantry Division and was regrouped in the area of Varsany. By 25 March, it went into the
reserves on the 2nd. Ukrainian Front in the vicinity of Balassagyarmat.

On 3 May 1945, it received the Order of the Red Banner from the Supreme Presidium of the USSR and on the
5th., it began the return to Roumania by train, while all the other Roumanian divisions went back home on foot
during June and July 1945 The headquarters were fixed in Bucharest, where the Division became the military
master of the capital after the Roumanian Guards Division had been despatched to the front in 1945.
Unfortunately, it finally constituted one of the principal factors for installing the new social order and
Communist ideology in Roumania; this was the division that was to surround the Royal Palace during the
forced abdication of King Mihai in December 1947.

The other division formed from POWs, namely the Roumanian 2nd. Division, was based at Kotovsk in the
Ukraine on 12 April 1945. The explanatory work of enrolment was conducted by the same Ana Pauker,
accompanied from that date by Walter Roman. He had fought in Spain and was the Commander of Roumanian
Artillery in the International Brigades there. He was also the father of Petre Roman, prime minister of
Roumania during 1990-1991. This second division was commanded by General Mihail Lascar, former
commander of the 6th. Infantry Division and who had been taken prisoner at Stalingrad on 22 December 1942.
After the war, he was Minister of National Defence from December 1946 to December 1947. The 2nd. Division
did not go into battle, but was sent back to Roumania on 14 July 1945, with its H.Q. being stationed in PiteqtL
November, 1996

By an Order of the Day No. 71, dated 16 July 1945, it was given the title of "The Division of Horia, Cloqca and
Crigan" (please see the Editorial Comment for data on these three men).

A Supreme Directorate of Education, Culture and Propaganda came into being on 8 May 1945, together with
an "Educational Staff', which was subsequently put together from 1005 officers and NCOs of the Tudor
Vladimirescu Division. They had been sent to these two Roumanian armies at the front to make Communist
propaganda reeducationon" or "explanation", in the jargon of the period). On 2 October 1945, the Educational
Staff was expanded with the inclusion also of 724 officers and NCOs from the 2nd. "Horia, Closca and Crisan"
Division. As a curious fact, these two divisions also had their own press, namely the newspaper "Inainte"
(Forward) for the Tudor Vladimirescu Division, which appeared in 507 issues as of 12 December 1943 and in
as many as 8000 copies and the newspaper "Pentru Patrie" (For the Fatherland) for the H.C.C. Division,
appearing in 95 issues from 1 May 1945, in as many as 3000 copies.

On 15 August 1945, both divisions were integrated into the Roumanian Army. On 1 July 1947, with the
reorganisation of the army, there remained in Roumania just six divisions, of which the most well-equipped
were the divisions of the former POWs: the T.V. Division became the Armoured Division, with headquarters in
Bucharest and the H.C.C. Division became the Motorised-Mechanised Division, with its H.Q. at Arad.

Postal Aspects.
The only pieces of mail known up to now are from the T.V. Division. They are rare and, apart from the two
examples illustrated with this article, the only other item noted in the Roumanian philatelic press, namely in the
almanac "Filatelia" of 1989, p. 25, is from Constantin Gombos. That last piece was written on a Roumanian
military postcard at the reduced rate of 3 lei, having in the address the fieldpost No. 42299. It does not bear a
postmark of the despatching office, but only the designation of arrival (censorship marking and postmark of
Lugoj, dated 29 January 1945). However, these three pieces are sufficient for the examination of some
(a) In the first place, the idea has circulated as "folklore" among collectors that only the officers and NCOs had
mail privileges and that this is supported by the pieces known. However, that opinion cannot be proved in full.

(b) The mail that went through the Soviet postal system had the following characteristics: the address was
regarded as a secret matter, such that the name of the military sub-unit was not indicated, being linked with the
fieldpost number, which was normally in five digits. We know up to now the numbers 10079, 19750 & 42299,
which probably represent three different sub-units in the organisation of the Division.

(c) The fieldpost marking with the indication "HOJIEBAI IIOITA" appears on a sole item, proving in this
case with certainty that it was transmitted from the front to Roumania by the Soviet Fieldpost Service.
Regarding the pieces without this marking, it can be conjectured that either it was not applied for a different
reason (because of the operative situation at the front), or that such mail was sent to Roumania by other means
(military courier ?).

(d) On ordinary Soviet military mail, there would usually also appear markings of military censorship with the
inscription "IIPOCMOTPEHO BOEHHOI I EH3YPOI" (Examined by the Military Censorship) and a
number below consisting of 3 to 5 digits. However, that type of marking does not appear on any of the pieces
analysed here, but that does not mean at all that it cannot be encountered in the future. The only indication of
censorship is on the cover in Fig. 1 on p. 62, where the operation was carried out by a Roumanian officer in the
sedentary area of the unit, i.e. not at the front.

(e)What we do know is that the military markings on Roumanian military mail, i.e. administrative markings of
the military units, with their names shown openly and not codified, do not exist on Soviet fieldpost mail. From

November, 1996

what has been seen so far, the military markings of a Roumanian division were only used in a sedentary area
and I do not believe that they were also applied in the active area at the front, namely because of the required
secrecy, as already mentioned. It would be very interesting if further mail from the POW divisions were to
come to light, as they could offer many surprises regarding the procedure for transmitting mail, as well as the
military and censorship markings applied.

Table 1: The Structure of the Tudor Vladimirescu Division as at 1 September 1944.
General Staff
Command Platoon of the Division
Scouting Company
Anti-Aircraft Artillery Company
Battalion of Pioneers (Sappers)
Transmission Company of the Division
Two Education Sections
Three Infantry Regiments, numbered 1, 2 & 3
One Artillery Regiment

Captions for the illustrations:



a~~ ~r


November, 1996
Fig. 1L.
November, 1996

... L


e Ac

Sr only p~osntar ked t 6..945 ,

'Fig. 3.

Fig. 2. ,.Dv,'VI', ., T3 ",

Fig. 1: A cover sent from the front by the Soviet postal service (see the address on the back) from Fieldpost
No. 10079. However, the cover was only postmarked at Brasov 6.1.945 where, as far as can be seen, the
sedentary section was operating. Censorship was carried out there by Sub-Lieutenant Apostol, who also signed
it and added at top the indication "De pe front" (From the front). After censorship, a circular military marking
the arms of the division in the centre. The conclusion that can be arrived at is that the cover was carried by
military courier from the front to the Sedentary Section, where it was put into the Roumanian mail stream. An
arrival marking of Craiova 16.1.945 is on the back.
Fig. 2: The method of postal transmission for this letter is clearly given as having been sent from the front,
where the Soviet fieldpost marking flOJIEBAI TIOqTA "e" 26.2.45 was applied and the unit number given
as 19750, to arrive at Craiova 19.3.945.
Editorial Comment: Fig. 3 shows a Roumanian 1.50-lei stamp issued 20 Feb. 1971 for the national hero
Tudor Vladimirescu, who also had a Russian connection.. He was born around 1780 in the village of Vladimir
in Wallachia. He commanded a detachment of Roumanian volunteers in the Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812,
rising to the rank of lieutenant in the Russian Army and was awarded medals for his services. At that time,
Moldavia and Wallachia were Christian fiefdoms under the control of the Ottoman Empire and were ruled by
Phanariot "hospodars" or lords, who came from the Phanar or Fener quarter of Constantinople. In 1821, Tudor
Vladimirescu led a band of "panduri" (Roumanian irregulars) in Wallachia against Turkish rule, in league with
the hospodar Alexandros Ypsilantis. Although Bucharest was taken, the alliance fell apart, as Ypsilantis was
dreaming of a future Greek Empire, to include the Roumanian fiefdoms. Not a far-fetched idea for those days,
as Greek influence among the Balkan Christians was then very strong. Tudor Vladimirescu was tragically killed
by the supporters of Ypsilantis on 27 May 1821 and the revolt collapsed.
7 -i i --... I go .. m .i..i.if -- - - --

'PaSTA ON -- ---------------
Fig. 4.
Horia, Clopca and Crisan were three Transsylvanian heroes who led a peasant revolt against serfdom in 1784. It
was crushed by the Austrian Army and, in the following year, Horia and Closca were executed at Alba-Iulia and
Crisan committed suicide in prison. See Fig. 4 above for the set issued 28 February 1935 in their honour.

November 1996

by Andrew Cronin.

I. Historical Outline.

As already pointed out in "The Post-Rider" No. 36, p. 41, Hungary was tricked into declaring war on the
USSR 27 June 1941 after German aircraft, disguised with Soviet markings, bombed Kassa and Munlkcs and
strafed a train at Rah6. Even in his memoirs published after WWII, the former Regent of Hungary, Rear-
Admiral Miklos Horthy, stated that he did not believe that the Soviets were responsible for those attacks. Right
from the beginning of hostilities, there was no enthusiasm among Hungarians for the campaign on the Eastern
Front, as can be seen from the text of the fieldpost card shown above in Fig. 1. In poor but understandable
German, serviceman Jeno Dallos wrote via Hungarian FPO No. 40 to his girlfriend Maria Frolik in Neu-Sandez
(Nowy Sqcz, in the German-occupied General Government) as follows:-
"Dear Maria, 8 November 1941.
Only now could I write to you. I am now at the front. I see many things here. It is not nice here. I lived well
there in Neu-Sandez. But not here. My address is on the other side of this card. I ask you to write to me
immediately a fieldpost card. How are you doing ? And your mother and sister ? Make sure that you write !
Hearty greetings from the front. Eugenius".

I4 fAionRI Po et LIV

fi I

0l7ns-l Fig. 2.

The lowest point was reached when the Hungarian 2nd. Army lost
150,000 of its 200,000 men in January 1943 at Voronezh in the
battle for the great bend of the Don River. That was coupled with
the disaster at Stalingrad and the Soviets now had many
thousands of Hungarian POWs on their hands. One would
therefore think that Soviet cards should exist, sent by the POWs
during 1943-1944 to their relatives in Hungary. The present
writer has never seen any, probably because, as with the German
authorities, they were confiscated on arrival since they could have
severely affected civilian morale. Thereupon, the Soviet

Propaganda Service swung into action and dropped facsimiles of Hungarian fieldpost cards over the front lines.
A part illustration is given here in Fig. 2 of such an item, featured in the Swiss Kronenberg Auction of 20
December 1994. It shows that the left part of the card is now taken up with the picture of a Hungarian
orchestra in a Soviet POW camp. The names, ranks and towns of origin of the players are stated in flawless
Hungarian, including that of a Snr.-Lt. Laiszl6 (Vasyl)......from Huszt (XYCT in the Carpatho-Ukraine). Such
cards are rare, as they were probably confiscated and destroyed by Hungarian security units on the Eastern
Front. Further data on these items would be much appreciated.
November, 1996


II. The post-WWII issues of cards for Hungarian POWs in Soviet hands.
Due to the specific political situation that developed in Hungary after WWII, there were four main
organizations supplying cards for POW mail, namely:-
(a) The Hungarian Communist Party.
(b) The Hungarian Workers' Party.
(c) The Hungarian Red Cross.
(d) The Union of Societies of the Red Cross and Red Crescent of the USSR.
Let us now look at each of these organizations in turn.

(a) The cards and labels of the Hungarian Communist Party.
Until after 28 June 1948, when Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform, the political situation in Hungary
was fluid, as a multi-party system was still being tolerated. Primarily to win the votes of anxious relatives, the
Hungarian Communist Party moved quickly to set up a POW Service. The implication was that they were on
the inside track in dealing with the Soviet authorities.

Levelezilap HadifogolyhozzAtartozok rbszere
0 ibloe flICbUO Inal BoeHHonneHHoro

..... ......
~ -
o ~ ar~epNn/7aOYTO Rr~~

E-0~~-kL..~ C.C.C.P.MC~A
A LUI Id; jdJ: A M.31., K-nonrkta Pidt K6.p.o.0 1.dIt iy Ih.dhj. Bfdtp..t VT. D....fIV.. 34
Fig. 3.


.. ................... .. ....l .C.........:...........

4o4ToDIcIN49\rop, flPt.TO6.t C U............ .

flw WtU ea Feadil cinle) _XR-A t f3 W T -------
ropon. yanita, JO Z k .. X

A Lanlak(spot kld..Ja A Mgy., Kan...F P&,t K.,ooiI Vpdaog Iyfd ,,1.. Bud"p.. V1, 0-alt. 12.
Ue.,pa-nso. E po no Atwa soe..onne.,.up. IL I. Ile-npn-t No.-yuscr...ca.11 Ifla~pt
En.,..e. DenrpS. VI.. FX. 0 A 13
Fig. 4.

Bilingual Hungaro-Russian and postfree double cards were issued, the bottom halves to be filled in by the
relatives in Hungary and the upper halves used as replies by the POWs in the USSR. The bottom or outgoing
halves were usually stamped on the left side with a circular cachet 34-36 mm. in diameter, in black, carmine or
violet, with a five-pointed star in the centre and with either of the following two inscriptions:-
* POW Enquiry Office), or
Central POW Office).
Readers will notice these cachets on the cards featured in this section. We will now examine the types of cards.

Type 1. Fig. 3. Printing details: On pink stock, printed by Szikra of Budapest. No printing order number.
Inscriptions. At top: Postcard for POW Relatives (Hungarian); Postcard for the POW (Russian).
Down the right side: To be filled in with Russian letters (Hungarian).
Bottom right: C.C.C.P. = USSR (destination).
Hungarian Imprint at bottom: The Central POW Office of the Hungarian Communist Party, Budapest VI,
Dessewffy St. No. 34 issues (the card).
Inscription at bottom on the back: EROSITSD A SZOVJET-MAGYAR BARATSAGOT (Strengthen Soviet-
Hungarian Friendship !).
Observed period of use: 9 June to 12 October 1946.

Type 2. Fig. 4. Printing details. On cream or pinkish stock, by Szikra. Printing Order No. 9266 (bottom right)
Inscriptions: With or without the MKP (Hungarian Communist Party) logo in red at top left and top right.
November, 1996



Inscriptions: At top: Postcard for POWs and POW Relatives (Hungarian); Postcard for the POW (Russian).
Up the right side: To be filled in with Russian letters (Hungarian).
Hungarian Imprint at bottom: The Central POW Office of the Hungarian Communist Party, Budapest VI, Old
Street No. 12 issues the card. Reprinting forbidden (bottom left).
Russian Imprint at bottom: Central Bureau for POW affairs at the Central Committee (of) the Hungarian
Communist (incorrect grammatical case for those last two words) Party, Budapest, Hungary VI, Old St. No. 12
Inscription at bottom on the back: Bilingual as shown: EROSITSD A SZOVJET-MAGYAR BAcLATSAGOT!
Observed period of usage: 15 July to 25 Oct. 1946 (with logo) PEITSDI COBSZTKO-BEEPCAGYOE ACATAGiOT
6 January 1947 (without logo). C

4 ).O

Kwem 1 .14r.GM i..A..Mk.............
hu ot ifi asG. e c-"...q...e..... ............

thBean Ms VI., U 12 I
ttCeomlua tefl,: .,i *, .IkLn 1 :l11

19- V.J6. 6.
F ooGIYOK Es HADlFOrGLYnOzAzinTloIz ELr fzki

r.A ^ L pa MraR DAma A i z. .ApAi z .

Onhmpa.rae tfejbi6) .BA~ N S-Z KAR1 4
novroiut aipec (Feled6 elmne) r'41t Z 4
ropoA, YmM& A .........._-... .T" U. 4. -F..
Fopo. yma. JE K.. -
A LlJutsedt U.dl.: V 1.. K.u-iM PM ..n K t.l H.ILr B.Ai. V. J-A U I
UeIpbun. Brpo unsu .of.ounnsu. 0. K. Brerpcnrl KI.Wr-r.n.*al thsrwa
I~~ (1** Drs iBT Beearpa L.ys. U u u up 2.
UU~ay-iA tll* fern i L Bilvr* Iv

Fig. 5. Fig. 6.

Type 3. Fig. 5. Printing details. On pink stock, by Szikra. Printing Order No. 12212 (bottom right).
Inscriptions: Special issue with the design at top right including a horseshoe and "B.U.E.K 1947", being the
initials for the traditional Hungarian greeting "Boldog uj6vet kfvanok", i.e. "I wish (you) a Happy New Year
1947". All the other inscriptions on the front, including mistakes in the Russian imprint and bilingual slogan on
the back are the same as for Type 2:
Observed period of use: 28 November & 19 December 1946 (only two examples seen so far).

Type 4. Fig. 6. Printing details: On cream stock, by Szikra. Printing Order No. 13848 (bottom right).
Inscriptions: Destination given at top left as CCCP and at top right as SZOVJETUNIO. All other inscriptions
on the front as before.
Bilingual inscription at bottom on the back as shown: EROSITSD A SZOVJET-MAGYAR BARATSAGOTI
(wrong grammatical case for last two Russian words). KPEHH COBETCKO-BEHrEP Kofl y11aRPhl
Observed period of use: 8 January to 18 March 1947.

Type 5. Printing details: On cream stock, by Szikra. Printing Order No. 14749 (bottom right).
Inscriptions: Exactly the same setting and errors as for Type 4 just above, the new order number apparently
designating a reprint.
Observed period of use: 24 February to 1 April 1947.

Type 6. Fig. 7 on next page. Printing details: In red on pink stock, by Szikra. Printing Order No. 15692.
Inscriptions: Another special issue, this time with a hatching chick at top left and the Easter Bunny at top
right, with the added Hungarian greeting "Pleasant Easter Holidays". The rest of the printed texts front and
back are the same as for Types 4 & 5, with the same grammatical errors in the Russian inscriptions.
Observed period of use: 25 March 1947. Apparently a rare card, as only one example seen so far.
November, 1996


,. :

S,- .LZC)~LP. L A- .
P ,. .*-*^ Sz l I iE IIU N I "

-: ..^ y-',,, '=r %nr,,^-, _.-
S'y ('r, 'APIFiAiILT- -
HAlt RESZK RE nnepeket
: oMorofP.A ADAM A 5.
.......-..EMETEP-P ...AAA -

Fig.p7. i
Q,),;, r. MOCK aa 9.4s F& E5.-.5.... 5

IloITonBlt aSpe o c A T tt SZAG C APj P SF
IopoA. ynulsa, J--
A Leilezlslpotdl kir\d a l : dl. i logoly ltr.82. BSdapsl, VI.. O.0-ca 12
l'.pirpsn. u h .op i no Xn..o 3!iB U 11. lisrpcns a Kohouya rss.Mou"I llaprN

Fig. 7.

TEL: 175-011. 124.8C5.

-... ........ ...

I- esi 5 el6cgs 3
^rf^C~ML%~-~o, .-

Fig. 9.
Budapest, 194 .... .......
Or8mmel 6rtesitjGk T. Cimet, hogy hozzutartoz6jinak
.........a...... ..... ........ .....- ---... .......... ; .

........................ ....................................:............... ..............
6ltoemlt, tiborban van, teitn varrf ar 'el;a
J6egszs6gben von vs sokszor Gdv6zli On8ket.
Addig Is mig haza nem j6n, irianak levelet. ml tovAbbltluk.
Valasz-lapot kaphat a v rtszervezetben vagy nilunk.

trted 6s csalddod boldogs6gd6rt kizd a

Su SasLtana -1J eJWrl a on1 vmwouvyv
s %V 0 i-l "IA mIdJIEg U0*BV-S
udwn lSBBSIBIIa tI*no4 BasBIdlainS } 31I adu xliniarnooBHOace mtre on odoag souqtrmd.Lfl
gt 6el -o "IA *1*dpng i lpoI l P g go6;PIt H jIlodIin i'Jd 8 1t'lwlu5 oil O I> 0h *IPWal todeI i*II ezI V

(a.n g ppvlaj) oaditu uIqaonod

... ...................... ......... ................................ H H 8 aUN ar rend
.----------*---- ----------9y 'nut5~ar "rodoj)

S(AN) Ano0
zegasi 1Iozomvly.yzzoilAIOOOa&IYu S 3a011o00TIOaYH

wf9np.gpOja9 sA9 00 as.qZqSB pBquzs r nuafi

9VZSaOHIVAVW 8 .61I-818T l HdJH a8

, I 1r




Fig. 8.


ijen a szabadstahare 100 66es 6vfordnl6ja

Kouy (N6v) -
aMr E ....... ... ... ... ...
,: jrAPrEP NN .._ 7../. 4:.
Orupaare.,m (Felad6) -; o L .
lau n a un it s .......... .. ........... 1
lIoqroBbifl aapec (Felad6 clme) 1 Z4 "
Sopox. yana,. M --.....-. .....'.......................... ...........
A Lovrlerl.apo kIdll: a Magys' Kommunlm .t PArt Kzpontti fladlI:ogol IodAil Budapest. VI.. O.ut1a I.
Ueprrpasibueo Bapo no aeuxM BoeuiionreIIll x upR II. K. Beerepc-n ll KouMyusierecitl tlappr
G sann rI RFerpse V. yn. 0 M 12
t'inAn.ywoma HIm. Srikrt r. t.. RBud.est.p at7

Type 7. Fig. 8 on p. 67. Printing details: On cream stock, by Szikra. Printing Order No. 27378 (bottom right)
Inscriptions: At top of bottom half: "CCCP 1848-1948 SZOVJETUNIO / Long live the 100th. anniversary of
the struggle for liberty" (in Hungarian; i.e. the revolt against the Austrian Empire in 1848). The central portion
of the text now includes the Russian designation "JIATEP No" (Camp No.) and the rest of the inscriptions are
the same as before, including the Russian grammatical errors. Also, the proper word for Camp is JIATEPb !
Upper half of card for reply: Basically the same text, but the top now reads "BEHTPIH 1848-1948
MAGYARORSZAG" for replying to Hungary.
Inscription at bottom on the backs of both halves: Bilingual as shown in Fig. 8 and with grammatical mistakes
in the last two Russian words.
Observed period of usage: The written text is dated 4 April 1948, but this double card was apparently never
posted as the sender in Eger placed her message on the reply half, rendering the mailing useless.

Type 8. Fig. 9 on p. 67. On pinkish stock, by Szikra. No printing order. Imprint at bottom left.
Inscriptions: MKP logo at top left and four-line text at top centre in Hungarian, reading: HUNGARIAN
COMMUNIST PARTY / CENTRAL POW ENQUIRY OFFICE etc. There is a boxed two-line inscription at
bottom left, obscured by the redirection slip and reading "Hadifogolyiigyben / dfjmentes" (Free of charge for
POW affairs). The printed message on the back reads as follows:-
"Budapest, 19 June 1947.

It is with pleasure that we inform the esteemed addressee that his relative (at Camp No.) 7147 is in the camp.
He is in good health and greets all of you many times over.
Since he has not yet come back to the homeland, (keep) writing letters and we will forward.
A reply card is available at the party organization or from us.
The Hungarian Communist Party fights for the happiness of you and your family !"
Note: Camp No. 7147 was located at Georg'evsk, Stavropol' province, in the Northern Caucasus.


Charity labels issued by the Hungarian Communist Party.

- Such labels were sold from 1946 onwards to raise funds for POW affairs.
They are dated 1946 at bottom left; inscribed at left and top "CENTRAL
SPOW OFFICE OF THE MCP" and at bottom "FOR THE POWs". They
- were sometimes affixed by senders in Hungary to MCP or Soviet cards,
Sbut left uncancelled. Two values have so far been seen, as shown here:-
S50 filler, pale or dark carmine (i.e. at least two printings).
1 forint, dark blue.

(b) The cards of the Hungarian Workers' Party.

IJ Kopsunth. refi i, TaucIle. szelleniben. [(
j/.b V*^~ e n.ipl denmokricla fitjiu. IhLi-19D1. AP
- ,5-<. '-LEVELEZO3LAP Y
h... l6 hadiroglyok rszre I. I *

^' ................. .... ...........
Lakhely (viros, falu) ...................., .................................
Utca... .. _/...... ........... H zsz m ...
M egye ................ ., ..................................................... : ..........

Felad6 neve... ....... a m ro........z -
[~dramaro vsziget ".

TIED AZ ORSZAG. .fdramcross-get. 1945 Jl_ .
^'S^^Cy-y' M. .-.-'r: C," ** .I'

*F 0. E4i bW hnk bizlositka, a Szoviet-Rn M s isz-Nigi^ fri ik :1 ..

November, 1996

Kiadja: a Magyar Dolgaodk Pdrt.a Klrp. Ha.dlogoly Iroddja, Bpst, VI., -Outca 12. 4.
Uiu.ryom. Isi1o
I.tiI-Olofldi. 3,3.p..t. Hor-.EJ..a. -li


That particular political party was apparently allied with the Communists, as its offices were also at Old Street
No. 12. It issued a card in 1948 to Hungarian POWs held at Maramarossziget (Sighetul in Roumania), which is
listed here for the record, as the printed text at bottom on the back contains a reference to the Soviet Union
(see Fig. 10). Printing details: on cream stock, by the Igazsag (Truth) Printery. No printing order number.
Inscriptions: At top front: "In the spirit of Kossuth, Pet6fi and Tdncsics / forward on the path to a People's
Democracy 1848-1948 / POSTCARD / for POWs returning to the homeland".
THE HOMELAND / Issued by the Central POW Office of the Hungarian Workers' Party, Budapest VI, Old
Street No. 12, 1st. Floor, Room 4".
At bottom back: "Long live the eternal alliance of the Soviet Union and Hungary, the assurance of our peace"
Circular cachet with a five-pointed star in the centre at top left on the front: Struck in violet with a
diameter of 36 mm. and inscribed: "MAGYAR DOLGOZOK PARTJA / KOZPONTI HADIFOGOLY
IRODAJA" (Hungarian Workers' Party / Central POW Office).
Biographical Note: RAkosi Mityis was a minister in the 1919 Hungarian Soviet Republic and was released
from life imprisonment in 1940 to go to Moscow in exchange for Hungarian battle standards of 1848 (see "The
Post-Rider" No. 36, p. 41). He came back with the Soviets in 1945 and, upon consolidating the Stalinist grip on
the country during 1949-1953, plunged Hungary into the four blackest years of its long history. He retired in
disgrace to the Soviet Union after the 1956 Revolution. We will have an article on the 1919 Hungarian Soviet
Republic in "The Post-Rider" No. 40, as there were then certain parallels with the situation in the RSFSR.

(c) The cards of the Hungarian Red Cross.
"?-. ..- f loao -.- Ip, .u- .oO, L O, .
'a0,.. -..n. .... Hadif-ogoly e.a Iapja .... .
Levele6lap hadifogoly riegrre .omy: ov C

.,-, ,-^ ..- ..................................... ..................... .. .


Down the right side: "Fill in with Russian letters !". Below the cross at right: Bilingual "Free ofcharge".
l. "-, Fb e ad vne. ..-: ...' F d ooy d ..: ..-' ....... ........ ....
Ky0 Fc1ad6 ee. ....Q. .i.. ... .. .. .. '
. .. ... . A. O- - - -. . . .. .. . .. .-....- ....--.

Fig,. 1.- ,,2. r1.' Fig. 12.

BoeHHOiieHHoro / Levelez6lap hadifogoly r6szere (last two phrases both mean "postcard for the POW").
Down the right side: "Fill in with Russian letters !". Below the cross at right: Bilingual "Free of charge".
On back at top left: "TKCzlemny a Hhadif ogoly rszre :" (Communication for the POW).

the POW). Note that the destination "C.C.C.P." now taken out of the address box.
Observed period of use: 15 July 1948.
November, 1996
Tye1 i.1.Pitn eal:OncemsokwtotipitIrsssa o lasi e rcrie

SB______ rEPCKHKACOOKPCTA________ F 1 F.J.Srt wr ..-0- .c; SZE ED f

OrnpurToe nocbo a soeueonseuuore Bennro
Levelez6lap hadifogoly r6szfre Port o mete ~ i r. "o c
b.ur: A badllogoly neve e.M l a.,.. ........ Lev
KyM; A badlogoly cime: 9d 1n'#;" .^fa^ ^ g,..g. .4
ra nani"oBoly nWE:P
... -.... .......... ..... .... .................. ................ ...-............ o .
( O BA c.c.c.VP. 1/ ,

Fed6 reved: ousC C C. R
Felad6 neve: ** ----*-- -----*---*----------------*-***^---------- ;o__' '* 'J t -C C C
nM xp. optv.,Mni I a t ^Y ... .....
Felad6 cime. --5a,,nC u f rpa.e l81W. Felcdo ; 1 10-
.............. ..... ... ... ..... .............. ... n rcA aeje; oripd.6Tl, rFCe cj1d C1i1 .

Fig. 13. Fig. 14.

Type 3. Fig. 13. Printing details: On cream stock without imprint. Crosses at top always in red or carmine.
Inscriptions: This card is really a sub-type of Type 1, the only difference being that, in the second line at top
front, all three Russian words are now incorrect, with the "1" missing at the end of the first word, thus now
reading "BEHrEPCKH".
Observed period of use: 23 August 1946 to 16 March 1947.

Type 4. Fig. 14. Printing details: Printed in red, so that it does not reproduce well (Dan Grecu Collection).
Inscriptions: This is a local issue from the branch of the Red Cross in Szeged, Southern Hungary
At top front: "HUNGARIAN RED CROSS / BRANCH BeHrepcKum KpacHoro KpecTa SZEGED",
with the last two Russian words again in the incorrect genetive case. The rest of the text on the front basically
copies that for Types 1 & 3 as above, with the following exceptions:-
In the outgoing address section: "Vbtroiskereszt postafi6k" = "Red Cross P.O. Box" at left and "MOSZKVA /
C.C.C.P." at right. Inscription on back and observed period of use not stated, but obviously a scarce card.

(d) The cards of the Union of Societies of the Red Cross and Red Crescent of the USSR.
It would be advisable to follow hereunder the excellent classification of these cards, worked out by Dan Grecu
in "The Post-Rider" No. 38, p.53, as follows:-
A. Cards with the emblem of the Red Cross at top left and of the Red Crescent at top right.

Fig. 15.

Type A.1: Two-line title at top, with an imprint up the back at bottom left, reading "L151473. Moskva.
Goznak. 1941". This was the first wartime issue and it has not yet been seen utilised by Hungarian POWs. It is
shown here in Fig. 15 for the record and as an aid to recognition.

November, 1996

.. CCC -
sarr do p t
Carte postale du prisonnier de guerre
Koxy (Destinataire) ----.....- -- ...........
...s........... ..... .......................-... .... ....... .-- .--
da (Adrese) ...... (... 7.. .-I

OrnpB x (1EFxp ditear)
*.a.. X 600Ao.- ............................................. ............................Z.........
NoMr da prisur dl gurr*t
Rj7omasd d per .orumendsIow
AdMrt da pmonnlr.de garfr

*.TjcT acumL oaoiraeO oro
dttre du prisonnir de gurre

I .


Type A.2: Two-line title on cream stock without an imprint. Only one example seen so far, sent by a Hungarian
POW at Kiev in July 1949. See Fig. 16 overleaf.

Type A.3: Two-line title, with imprint at bottom right: "Krasnoe Znamya. Moskva Sushchevskaya, 21. Zakaz
1922. Rough surface on the address side and smooth on the back for the message.
Observed period of use: 18 March to 10 August 1966. See Fig. 17 overleaf.

Type A.4: Two-line title on cream stock, with imprint at bottom right: "TL-4 Zak. 2675 17.IX-45g.".
Observed period of use: 15 September 1946. See Fig. 18 overleaf.

Type A.4a: Two-line title, but underlined at top. On cream stock and with the same imprint as before.
Observed period of use: In June 1949 from Kiev (Fig. 19 overleaf).

Type A.4b: Two-line title, but underlined at top. On green stock, with the same imprint at bottom right as
before and another imprint at bottom left, reading: "JP 46 1525" (!).
Observed period of use: By air from Budapest-72, 28.3.1948. Note 40-filler postage (Fig. 20 overleaf).

Type A.6a: Three-line title on pink stock, with imprint at bottom right reading: TL-4 Zak. 3689. 19.VIII-46g.
Observed period of use: 25 November 1948 from Kiev (Fig. 21 overleaf).

Type A.7: Three-line title on cream stock, with imprint at bottom right reading: "T-3, 6.IX-1946g."
Observed period of use: 16 February 1949 from Kiev (Fig. 22 on p. 73).
Note also in Fig. 22a a cut-down version of this type of card, where the trimming took place before the
complete message was written on the back, dated 9.12.47. It was passed in that mutilated state by Censor No.
221 (in Simferopol'), went through Moscow 22.12.47, to arrive in Diosgy6r 29 December and with a reply
going back on 31 December.

B. Cards without the two emblems in red at top.
Type B.1: Two-line title on cream stock, without an imprint in the bottom margin.
Note in Fig. 23 on p. 73 the handstamped "BEHFPHII" (Hungary) at top and camp designation "CCCP
7414/1" at bottom, applied in black or violet at Camp No. 1 at the Berezan' Complex in Kiev province.
Observed period of use: 10 January 1947 to 8 April 1948.

Type B.la: Two-line title, the lower now reading: MECII.IA CCCP on white or cream stock (Fig. 24-p.73)
Observed period of use: 15 March 1947 to 27 April 1948. No imprint.

Type B.2: Not yet seen utilised by Hungarian POWs.

Type B.3: Two-line title on cream or brown stock, with imprint at bottom left: "Zak. 395" (Fig. 25 on p. 73).
Observed period of use: 5 November 1947 on cream stock (Arkhangel'sk) and 1 October 1946 to 22 May
1947 on brown stock (Simferopol).

Type B.4: Two-line title on brown, cream or white stock, with imprint at bottom left: "16-ya Tip. Zak. 395"
(Fig. 26 on p. 73). The featured item is a card sent from Piispbkladany 14 September 1947 with 40-fill6r
postage, despite the postfree privilege, to a POW at Camp Complex 7406, Camp No. 4 at Orel. Note the
German-language cachet in black at bottom, reading "7406/20 NICHT 30.IX."; there must also have been
German POWs in Camp No. 20. A pencilled note in Hungarian up the left side states that the card was
forwarded to Camp Complex 7453, Camps 7/8 (Moscow), where it arrived on 18 December 1947.
Observed period of use: 1 January 1946 to 10 February 1948.
November, 1996

t3 Cctl3 C:utccT- -pacHcro Kpccra i Hpac:ora nony:ecnta
rnOSTCCM HapTo04Ia Oe!HOnne1HJHOraT 2 r
". .arle pustue du r dscnnic l e S crre
O ( PsLJtlffah 7e/elan e
rsek c. ,,
R (Adrcssel A~ ree ~ T-----
rj a icpau. rope.2 yal: n oi. pyr, a m ceno. repcaBn)

OTrp an Te (Expd!ts:r) '". ereszur q6"rgqqg
0a.lmnno it prR sonnir ond.eHi iro -a -
Nom du prisonnier de guerre

Fig. 17.

i a o, Ornp eoare a ("I"peder) "' ,
: u s.iP a Ub o inp te., .'

lierobuft ..cd..pj Cl 0i* 2i2W
Prifte dderlmre isr care pos.le, aulrr 2cei s Inllei lie raiil p I lit iW

Fig 18. ,; -
Fig. 18.

Fig. 20.

-. ~o~an ,AIQrnA BOEIOIICTmERm c'rn

i-_.-. .. .- -M -

.: ..,. F e- 7,z le "szsv /-.i -

Otflralex k4 ere ty s r '-qf
Nom du prio .inor d. guer

Ad-r da pri ir d. gue-
:C- V. 1x1-br

Fig. 19.

S"' ... :-Io'nroaa apToqi a BoeHHOIIeHHoro .-F
.w ~-r* _t r W. ; Ac 'r .

OrnpaSareas (Expidiur) O o
a a ln w tta rai. Kr .. -' .
*&LMU N M1211 BO OIeB Xo efo tY
Nom du prisonnier de gurre
oro. apec soe.roneoro C o e ./ .
Adresse du prionnier de uerre

Fig. 21.

November, 1996

- -* p.
no* rioTOBaaR MapTowsa soeHH0OuHH 0 o

*oxy (Daitflia /IV9 \ t

*, .-. CZZLLINGEqZV -'Z2.
u (Ad-) I ReA; ar777

.T t .r OSZK o,"2 E 1/: f / 7 -K

A':, "d dio mtw do gr m. -. .- -

t.. .. .. .O.- *.. c p 2L s.. MSrs
1 j

CCCe Jf/a oct, o'2 ./'.

nIorronTfn agpee Mesnllnon toro -
Adresse du prisonnier de gurre

Fig. 16.

- ---~--------

., oa (Deall
V. U (A,

-.0 T ps a
Nom do pr

Carte stale du rrisonnrer e gerre pot
D* 4 ,.-)tuo'OQh 'Bcidn ,
e (Dos r

Y 'dre) Eger. Erse ". '.
I(npl.u. ropoL. ypa~g. N W tua. o upy .. |lpms*l) -

"I>T.n T <*.: l*ip*fdiinir e G' /
l,I a. ea 1 i zpit. euir ) ,*g -t* Jt- 3 _._
N om du prtsonnler de guerre

S A du prsonnlr de ue rre
T3, L LX-1946Lr.
i\&----- .^

Fig. 22 a.

* w. -5.
:*', ." .,. ,,. -" ( ,,,

: MECR4A CCCP ; -:;:'
notToeaH KprTOaKa BaeHHOnneHHoro
S -Cat. pstalPs do-' M r .
*,.ar(tI I ..".r.,,

nior do pguorr pri i .
S"- 'f! -

..nnId> lem ..t .

Fig. 24.

Fig. 26.

November, 1996

r i'C. CCCP --.. 72,
S\ 2'lbOqTOfo a KAPTO iA_6 cdoEIIptEHHrQO tc d r

L .. ** [. -. : ". : .7

Hyxa (Adresse)
:, / r (paa. ropoe, n j.l N o a.of. opyr, ceao, A pe=an)

,- ..''aQ.. R2 4.-4C.. ei- .... __ _-

S"'4.i,,'d *'S "^ -t~"-".^ "
-M 72q

coI0 o-cmqf;fI KPACHorO KPECTA a KPACHOrO nOlJWiECv'll
S w Ban KapTOa BoeHHonneoro FrV! d. P'"
& arte postal d prisanasir e guCrr

Ryan (Adre--se) -----.
tOTDtt. Pe.I *.1.A-5N OnWa. OUPpr. Ct=.. aepts-)

Onpasao s( ( t t r xpidlto ur) f
o0M0J1265 4 ^,o .t. h)r --- "*"'-. ...^

Nam do prkonnler de guerre
n~vr~uJ ixee timrflei~r -- --------- -----*------- '"'
frOullwA aspP e seen tnornemetre o
Adress. do presonlier de guerre c C C? t

Fig. 22.

Fig. 23.

Fig. 25.

.i .,


S4" ,
: '


' .

7 ______

C0103 14 T,3 KPACHoro KPECT ii ik P noJ iMECsIA

!42 3o0 KapTO4Ka BoeHHOrlneHHoro ".a 4.al
rte postal du prisonnler de guerre

(crpiu, rpoz, l N J si cpyr, cse. npatp )

Ornpaesrenb (Expediteur) .l C, i->"

Nom du prisonnler de guerre 5 7 / "?')ey

rnoQUwol INPlO BOeHHOnieHHOrO----tor
oua~eraull upeo soaenonenrnor r a..
Adresse du prisonnler de guerre
.. ot tn 395


roT"rosaa KapTonKa BoeHHonneHHOMy TraIn drt
Carte postal au prlsoanler de uperr /
Ro"m (Dstlatsatlre)- r Ti / 4 a ./Wzr '

ryA (Adrese*) t r r
(trpaa., ropon. ynima. Ai ta.t oapyr. co. Repenasm

OrnpiBaTenb (Expdliteur)
lom de IVexpUedlito

flnoiroau ipe ompsHem U
Adresse de I'expediteut
Pritre d'icrire sur carte postage, autrement tea Icurte se slnont pas premises au aoetataaal
LLtt au. VoU t
1-.. t. am. se

Fig. 27.

- I.

Fig. 28.


norwoBa KapTOw4a BoeHMo3G cro'-,O r irr
Carte postal do prison -erre -

oyAa (Aro.,,,) .. ^ .... -' -' .--_
TTIt. ispsJ. R-a. -at ~ RS. t
KoRMy (Dsti, :nataaae) aro

OTn pasuretzu (Expiditulr) -
a1a3rn M wnn soeno atnt -ro
Nom du prionnler de gurre F -a

norroBsll aaptc RO nitERnaro
Adrease du prisonnier de guerre

10-a t.a. BE. 395

rlooeal- KapTowta Boewon removy eo p Par
Carte ptIle au priaonin-er gerre
Koay (Destinataire) I s C (.C." ; *-
-------- (-C -e *^ -- -. __ -_____

(tpram. npoa. yaT.- a-W, .-yr, -.- Qe.aewss

Oinpas Treas (txpdittur)
4amanHs a II IS OrTOpeaBrJ
Nom de I'txpditeur

orrostsll aApec or.pal~loas a
Auresse de I'expediteur
Prlire d'crire sur Cate postale a.rtrnrt cr ist tusor re rarrt cra ie as.-S f .
LL.a n.t aOs t5o.
a... na. Bit. f53

Fig. 29.

. .& -,, ._,rf ... ... ._
, . ..- ,

<...C,5 Z

A' Mf- jLQ-R.." :

C C G;.- -

-- :-

November, 1996

K Ariveme

.7. .. ---. --.-

Two unsevered double cards with the "16-ya Tip. Zak. 395" imprint are given in Fig. 27 on p. 74, showing
slight differences in the settings. We need to find further unsevered examples to determine whether such cards
were printed as singly, or in groups of settings, which were then guillotined into double cards.

C. Envelope mail sent by Hungarian POWs.
It appears that, under certain conditions, letters could have been enclosed in envelopes and sent from the POW
camps after appropriate censorship. The present writer has two examples, as follow:-

(1) An envelope sent by Dr. Dezso" Kovdcs at Camp Complex No. 7204 at Astrakhan'. Note the special two-
line Russian cachet in black at bottom front, reading "To the POW / U.S.S.R. Camp No. 7204" and the
rhomboid marking of Censor No. 453 (see Fig. 28 on p. 74). The cover was in transit at Budapest 24 May
1948, on its way to Rikospalota.

(2) This item is a handmade envelope, sent from Camp Complex 7299, Camp No. 15 at Simferopol' in the
Crimea and passed by Censor No. 221 (see Fig. 29 on p. 74). From the numbering system used by the recipient,
Andrfs Szu(cs, and referring back to the trimmed card in Fig. 22a from the same correspondence, we can
deduce that the letter was sent in the year 1948, being received on March 27 and replied to on March 30.

D. POW Camp Locations and associated Soviet rhomboid censorship markings.
The seminal reference on camp locations has been advised by Dr. Peter Michalove as being by Kurt W. Bohme:
"Die deutschen Kriegsgefangenen in sowjetischer Hand" (The German POWs in Soviet hands), Munich, 1966.
Dr. Michalove was also able to determine that the numbered censorship markings were allocated in blocks on a
per-Union Republic basis. Axis POWs were apparently not separated ethnically and, based on the material in
the collection of the present author, the prisoners sent and received mail through designated post office boxes in
Moscow, which denoted specific camp complexes. By around June 1947, these box numbers were transformed
into 4-digit designations, by prefixing "7" or "70". Dr. Michalove was then able to demonstrate that the
number added as a suffix after the "/" referred to a particular camp in any complex. The allocations identified as
being of Hungarian interest are as follow:-
Complex No. Location Associated Censor Numbers
(70)62 Kiev, Kiev province 234, 414, 419.
(70)95 Usman', Lipetsk province 48?, 370, 390, 393, 412, 419, 431.
(7)147 Georg'evsk, Stavropol' province {370, 390, 391, 392, 412, 413, 414, 415, 417,
(apparently a large camp complex) {418,432, 433, 434, 435, 452, 459.
(7)204 Astrakhan', Astrakhan' province 453
(7)211 Arkhangelsk, Arkhangelsk province 40, 434
(7)224 ? 79
(7)251 Rostov-na-Donu, Rostov province illegible
(7)299 Simferopol, Crimea {221, 3?7, 321, 393, 398, 412, 414, 419, 431,
(apparently a large camp complex) {433,458,472,484.
(7)324 Ivanovo, Ivanovo province 434
(7)356 Taganrog, Rostov province 370
(7)376 Krasnoural'sk, Sverdlov province 167, 451
(7)406 Orel, Orl province 435, 457
(7)414 Berezan', Kiev province 257, 415, 435
(7)421 Rostov-na-Donu, Rostov province 420
(7)453 Moscow, Moscow province 457
Many of the rhomboid censorship markings are poorly struck, so that the numbers are difficult to read. It will
also be noticed that some of the censorship numbers appear also in other locations. We know that some camps
were transferred to other complexes in neighboring locations, i.e. from Berezan' to Kiev, Orel to Moscow and
November, 1996

Taganrog to Rostov-na-Donu. It should also be borne in mind that most of the cards seen so far are not in the
best of condition, as the POW recipients were in the habit of folding them vertically down the centre after
reading them. Several such examples may be noticed in the illustrations for this article. Upon being released, the
POWs were supposed to surrender all documents, including mail, to the Soviet camp authorities. Many of the
men obviously did not comply fully with that regulation and kept the folded cards in their pockets upon
returning to the homeland.

Hungarian glossary.
A short list of Hungarian terms and their meanings is given here, as they are concise and will help to determine
whether the card portion is to or from a POW. Readers will notice that Hungarian is a completely unfamiliar
language, as it does not belong to the Indo-European family. It is similar in grammatical structure and vowel
harmony to the Finno-Ugric and Turki groups. The Magyars arrived in the Pannonian Plain from somewhere in
Asia 1100 years ago and they have survived in Europe over the centuries because of their highly developed
language and culture.
Cim: address Levelez6lap: postcard
Dfjmentes: free of charge Megye: county
Es: and Nev: name
Felad6: sender Neve: his, her, its, your name
Felad6 hadifogoly crime: address of POW sender Port6mentes: postfree
Fi6kja: its branch Postafi6k: P. O. Box
Hadifogoly: POW Reszere: for
Hadifogolyhozzatartoz6k: POW relatives Tabor: camp
Hadifoglyok: POWs Taborszam: camp number
Hazatro': person returning to the homeland Utinnyomas tilos: reprinting forbidden
Hazszam: house number Vdroskereszt: Red Cross
Abbreviations: hdf= hadifogoly = POW; zls = zaszl6s = ensign (rank).
The above study is far from complete, certainly so far as the camp locations, censorship and postal markings for
Hungarian POWs are concerned. Other issues and settings for the POW cards should also exist and further data
from readers would be much appreciated. A future issue of "The Post-Rider" will also look at the cards and
markings relating to German-speaking POWs in the USSR. They were by far the largest group held by the
Soviets and there is no doubt that an examination of the material sent to and from them will bring to light some
very interesting data.


Is there a question or point that you would like'
to put across to the readers ? Is there an
interesting stamp cancellation or cover that
you would like to describe ? Is there an item in
your collection that could use some clarifying
information or might there be some gems of
wisdom that you could impart on some newly 1 *
acquired item ? o" oO

Share your questions, thoughts and wisdom
in the confines of a couple of paragraphs
with the rest of our readers !
November, 1996

Raymond Pietruszka, Alabama, U.S.A.
More about the Pitney-Bowes meter "I killed Stalin".

NOEL, Sterling. I Killed Stalin. Farrar. 8/17
An exciting secret service story which is glorl.
fled wishful thinking (an American agent as.
sassinates Stalin in 1958), and will probably
bo described by 'ravda as a piece of fascistic
warmongering. An American with an Old Bol-
shevik father, this Alexis Bodine talks tough,
acts resourcefully, and is a sort of combined
Tommy Hambledon, Richard Hannay, and
Lanny Budd. His masquerade as an official high
up in Soviet circles in both the United States
and tho Kremlin, the.execution of Stalin, and
his escape to Turkey, generate plenty of sus-:
pense. Recommended. EARLE F. WALBMIUDC
Ref. Asst., Wash. Sq. Lib., N. Y. Univ.

Above: From "The Library
Journal", August 1951.
At right: From "The Saturday
Review of Literature", 27.10.51.

I KILLED STALIN. By Sterling Noel.
Farrar, Straus & Young. $3. From .his
compelling title; to the final accom-
plishment of its program, it is clear
that Mr. Noel has us all by the nose
and may lead where he will. He is
making use, of course, of a powerful
mass phobia, and it is useless even to
suggest that his.is an irrational pallia-
tive that could not possibly hold any
cure. This is romance. Ten years ago
Tommy Hambledon .was rambling
through the novels of Manning Coles
disguised as a Nazi general, nudging
Goering, shouting -Goebbels down,
playing hob with Hitler's plans. And
here we are-now with one Jan Miles,
planted within the Russian MVD by a
mysterious intelligence bureau, with
cne .grim, timed, inexorable. m-sion
to perform. There may or may not be
some significance in the difference in
temper between the cheery and
charming Tommy Hambledon and this
hard, humorless, sanguinary Miles,

who works with the precision and in-
flexibility of a hired nemesis. This
kind of thing isn't as much fun as
it:used to be. Maybe Mr. Noel-is too
close to reality.
So far as detail is concerned, he is
inexhaustible. How would a deter-
mined man progress from a -picket:
line on the New York waterfront to
the inner circle of Beria's secret -po
lice? How would he be trained to
meet with familiarity 'and resource-
fulness every situation that must ap
pear on the way? How would he keep
in contact with home base? Mr. Noel
has set up a labyrinthine world of
intrigue and violence so convincing
in the half that. we- can- recognize
from our 'own limited- newspaper.
knowledge that we are led to concede
the rest It moves at high speed, and
qtite apart from its political appeal it
will hold the thriller-addict to the
bitter end.

As can be seen from the book reviews reproduced above, "I killed Stalin" was written by Sterling Noel and
published by Farrar, Straus & Young in 1951. The Avon edition must have been a paperback reprint. It is a spy
novel, whose plot is that of an American mole in the KGB, assigned in the war of 1958 to kill Stalin. He does
that and then escapes from the Soviet Union. As a fiction work of the 1950s, it is not listed by the Library of
Congress and is therefore a little hard to find. It has a Wilson number: 51-12054, but I do not know if anyone
uses that system any more. It sounds as if it might be a good read, but very dated today.

Michael Kuhn, Bamberg, Germany.

... b. //r TOB Aq KAPTROLK

(a) More examples of postal codes from the Ukraine.
The postcard above at left was sent by a French Esperantist from Paris, 1 April 1935. In tracing the addressee,
the card received four Kiev markings, including strikes of three postal codes: 14-Y-2 (9.4.21 instead of 35 !),
14-Y-7 (11.4.35) and finally 14-Y-6 (19.4.35). Quite an array of these interesting and scarce postmarks !
(b) A puzzling numeral marking on an internal Soviet postcard.
The 20-kop. card above at right from Moscow 10?.9.41 to Tbilisi 15.9.41 has at top left an usual circular
marking with the number "96" in the centre. What is the significance of such a cachet ?

November, 1996



de t rS~ lP9 -
'I' xp dc ar7r'JY49At.tQ$r34A~a i- t4

~4~7~~e~r ~f~ II

Editorial Comment: The cachet has a diameter of 24 mm. and a similar marking with the number "172" as
shown here is recorded in the Russian magazine "(HIJIATEJIII5" for July 1996, p. 49 in an article
"Handstruck Postmarks of Moscow" by L. Il'ichev. He states that such items are control markings of
Moscow, applied in the 1934-1952 period on mail going to areas where postmen picked up mail for
delivery. Its application on the card held by Mr. Kuhn may therefore have been accidental.

Robert Taylor, California, U.S.A.
Another Maksim Gor'kii Mourning Overprint usage.


M* ... ... ... *
.... ..................... -'........ ... .. .. ... ...

R ef j "A rr t t .e .. ..i ...... ". .............. .

Referring to the registered local Moscow cover with two copies of the 15-kop. Maksim Gor'kii mourning
overprints advised by Michael Kuhn in "The Post-Rider" No. 38, p. 78, I can record another two copies added
to a 20-kop. postal stationery envelope and mailed on the same day (19 June 1936). Also registered, it was sent
by N. Shcherbinovskii from the Moscow Frunzenskii post office to A.P. Berezskii in Tashkent, where it was
received on 22 June. The mourning borders are in a good solid black colour and it would be interesting to
know if the current generation of philatelists in Moscow have any recollections or knowledge of Mr.
Shcherbinovskii. The rate for an interurban letter then was 20 kopeks, plus another 20 kopeks for registration;
the cover has thus been overpaid by 10 kopeks.

Rabbi L.L. Tann, Birmingham, England. Y qn
(a) Two further Groznyi usages. i .

-(, 4.,
*'*D oopp o 111( 01

THEPOSR DR JMH. No 39 "-#-

Wm 49
-)- '*

SNovember, 1996
^^ '^ *^A
Noemer 1996^^

Si i

k -RTE .A

,t .:,^ ,. "^ o-

A fine registered cover was shown from Groznyi in "The Post-Rider" No. 38, p. 77. With this area in the news
nowadays allow me to show two more items from the same town. The example advised by Mr. Kuhn has a
double-circle postmark in a narrow setting, reading GROZNYI, serial "a" and with defacing dots m the
canceller. My first item, at bottom left on the previous page, is a postcard to Kremenchug. It is franked with a
3-kop. Arms of the 1902-1906 series and is cancelled by two double-circle postmarks, with larger lettering of
GROZNYI 31.8.07 and serial letter "v".
My second example is a cover, which was shown in part in a recent BSRP newsletter, being a registered item
going to Petrograd. The front shows a registration label reading in Cyrillic: Z / No. 964 / GROZNYI / TER.
OBL." (Tersk province). The reverse bears six copies of the 10k./7k. Nikolai II stamp and the postmarks are m
the form of a large double-circle GROZNYI TER. "a" 23.11.16. The letter was received in Petrograd on 27
November (see at bottom right on the previous page and above at left).
We thus see three different types of Groznyi postmarks in the Imperial period. One might assume that there
were several post offices in the town, which may have had different cancellers. It would be interesting to see
more material from this place, in the hope that we may be able to coordinate the postmarks according to
location and years of usage.
cancelled. My first item, An incoming card from the French P.O. in Smyrna.
The card above at right is f ranked with a pair of French 5-centime stamps, postmarked SMYRNE / TURQUIE
strikes of Crew No. 1) and arrived at Staro Yur'evo,Tambov pr.1 July O.S. A nice Franco-Turkish item.

Question: While on the subject of TPOs/RPOs, having been a serious collector of Russia for well over 30 years
and a student of the railway oval postmarks, wh in hat I haven't never seen or read of oval Station or TPO
markings on the "Sw ord and Chain" stamps ? They were widely distributed over the whole of Russia and one

might expect to find covers, cards and loose items with the various station or railway postmarks of the time on
them. At the aavery least, one should see the more common types, such as i PETROGRAD 1/2 MOSCOW,
ePETROGRAD / NIKOL. VOKZ. etc. Have any readers or members any such items to show us
We thus see three different types of Groznyi postmarks in the Imperial period. One -might assume that there

Horst Taitl, Dornbirn, Austria.
wee several pPost-WWII censorship martin gs ale n tra. owol be interest to ee

Re the trilingual card shown by Dan Grecu in "The Post-Rider" No. 38 p. 56, Fig. 8, sent
censorship marking No. 606 at bottom right is p inscribed "sterreichishe a Zensurstelle TURQ
W.", but was applied by a Russian censor in th e Soviet occupation zone of Austria to s
put on the TPO/RPO No. 172 RUAEVKA-BALASHOV 9 July O.S. (two circular POCHTOVYI VAGON
November,strikes of Crew No. 1) and arrived at Stare YuevoTambov pr. July 1996S. A nice Fran-Turkish item
Question: While on the subject of TPOs/RPOs, having been a serious collector of Russia for well over 30 years
and a student of the railway oval postmarks, why is it that I have never seen or read of oval Station or TPO
markings on the "Sword and Chain" stamps ? They were widely distributed over the whole of Russia and one
might expect to find covers, cards and loose items with the various station or railway postmarks of the time on
them. At the very least, one should see the more common types, such as PETROGRAD 1/2 MOSCOW,
PETROGRAD / NIKOL. VOKZ. etc. Have any readers or members any such items to show us ?

Horst Taitl, Dornbirn, Austria.
Post-WWH censorship markings applied in Austria. 0 Y
Re the trilingual card shown by Dan Greeu in "The Post-Rider" No. 38, p. 56, Fig. 8, sent Ps
from Vienna 7.5.48 with 20 Groschen postage to a detainee in the USSR, the circular ,(Z i- i
censorship marking No. 606 at bottom right is inscribed "Osterreichische Zensurstelle a--
W.", but was applied by a Russian censor in the Soviet occupation zone of Austria.
November, 1996

Andrew Cronin, Ontario, Canada.
(a) A Siberian oval TPO/RPO postmark during the Civil War.

'1* H O + .-I 0 3 iOSTALE -
!> 1 ^1 t al ,0- -- "


It d 0 O 0 0o t t that Chu rch
th -'-e 0 .d t 0 F r .a d W. "ene at Ks n-- Re Fr Th a
-...F ...r
Ve.yndham Rond
01 ,,4 1 0 t .
SR F 4 Kinston on Tb- a

T i agl l It wN set o A Dnv 0 and sc % a D.

The above card sene by Major A. Browne (presumably in the British Military Mnission at Omsk) showirs the
OMSK-ct5-N.NIKOLAEVSK 25.i0.18 "d" TPO/RPO marking (cheer up, Leonard!) and it is addressed to
the Rev. Friar W. Kenney at Kingston-on-Thames in England. The illustration on the back features a Helkori
prostitute in Changshun, Manchuria. It would seem to be singularly inappropriate to send such a card to a
gentleman of the cloth, whatever the circumstances in this particular case. Tut, Tut!
(b) A crash cover, originally mailed in Finnish-occupied Eastern Karelia.


fod 55 L4 ..5..t- O P 1.-
--, "- *" 0 ."2-- 370 *,r .... .1

The registered airmail letter above at lef was sret from Aunus (Olonets) 3 Novr 1941 and aron ed by a Junkers-
52 aircraft named "Sampo", which crashed near Turku/Abo on 7 Nov.(see top left). Mail salvaged from that
flight received a three-line Finno-Swedish-French cachet, reading "The sending damaged by air crash" as shown
here. Another example is a Finnish field postcard, Lot 432 in the Rurik Sale of 19.11.96 (see above at right).
Also sent to Sweden, it was mailed from TPO/RPO markinna (Petrozavodsk) 2.11.41 and shows a Finnish anti-aircraft
crew at left. The four-line poem below it is reproduced in Finnish and a translation attempted by your editor:

Miehet valvoo katsein kovin, The men on watch looking carefully, Note: Any corrections would be most
tuliptutki ahnain suin. Barrel with a greedy mouth be singularly inapprecopriated. In any case, this card and
Kohta idleman surmanlntu Soon the Eastern death-bird all other pieces from this crash are rare
putoo slivin pirstotuin. Will fall with wings crippled, and interesting items.

"Linn's Stamp News" of 30 Sept. 1996, p. 16 had an article "Troubles in leaving Russia with your stamps".
Intending exhibitors are reminded that such restrictions apply only to collectors migrating from Russia. Exhibits
from abroad for "MOSCOW '97" will go under guard direct to Russian Customs on the exhibition floor.
November, 1996
November, 1996


THE BRITISH JOURNAL OF RUSSIAN PHILATELY, No. 80 for August 1996. The official organ in A4
size of The British Society of Russian Philately. All enquiries to the Secretary, N.J.D. Ames, Ashton House,
Ashton Keynes SN6 6NX, England.

This issue has an Editorial; Obituary of dear old Boris Pritt, by E.G. Peel; Background to an Estonian prestamp
letter, by A. Gilliam; Petrograd Name Change, by N.C. Warr; British Armoured Car Division in Russia 1916-18
(comprehensive), by P.T. Ashford; Yarensk Zemstvo Discovery, by T. Page; Golden Age of Soviet Postmarks
1924-38 (lovely strikes here), Tridents of Kiev, L'vov and Chernigov & FINLANDIA '95, all by Ivo Steyn;
Current Postal Experiences in Russia, by M. Torreggiani; Post-Soviet Azerbaijan (some fishy varieties
therefrom), by T. Pateman; Postal Rates of Belarus' (very useful), by M. Kahane, to end with Notes from
Collectors and Reviews. A lot of hard work put in here by the Editor.

HOMTA No 20 for July 1996. The journal in A4 size of The Australia and New Zealand Society of Russian
Philately. Enquiries to the Secretary & Treasurer, N.R. Banfield, 14 Rata Road, Raumati, Wellington 6450,N.Z.

This journal contains an Editorial, Correspondence Russia-Australia & New Zealand, My Favourite Cover (in
lovely colour from Berdyansk 1872 to Genoa !) and Literature Reviews, all by Dr. A.R. Marshall; Censorship
Organisation in Kazan' Military District, by N.R. Bansfield; How to become an Expert & An Interesting Cover,
both by P.E. Robinson; Russian Arctic Activities & Russian Report, both by S.A. Chudakov; Baikonur
Cancellations, by C. Bromser; Shadrinsk Zemstvo Postal Cards, by G.G. Werbizky; Special Rate for Chess-by-
mail, by T. Hines; More Railway Ovals in Free Mail Period, by Rabbi L.L. Tann, to end with More Oval
Postmarks in Free Mail Period & Late Postmarks of Older Types, both by A. EpStein. An excellent issue !

OSTARBEITER MAIL IN WORLD WAR II, by G.G. Werbizky. A softbound book of 232 pages in
standard U.S. format (22 x 29cm.), put out by Hermitage Publishers 1996 and available from the author at 409
Jones Road, Vestal, N.Y. 13850-3246, U.S.A. for USD 25.00 + 3.00 for postage and handling.

This remarkable work is in three sections: an Introduction, explaining who were the Ostarbeiter in WWII and
their often tragic history; followed by reproductions of both sides of the cards they were allowed to send and
receive and concluding with an Appendix and Bibliography. This is the story of the slave labourers in the Third
Reich and the effect has been heightened by the parallel text in Russian. The impact of this work in present-day
Russia and the Ukraine cannot be underestimated and, while a comprehensive amount of postal history has also
been incorporated, this study is also a very important contribution in the field of Social History. The impression
is even greater if one can read the Russian and Ukrainian messages; the level of literacy was high and the very
last thing that can be said about these people is that they were "Untermensch" (sub-human Slavs).

UKRAINIAN POSTAGE STAMPS: A Catalogue of Issues from 1991-1995, by Ingert Kuzych, PhD. A 58-
page softbound book in standard U.S. size, issued in 1996 and available from Ukrainian Philatelic Resources,
P.O. Box 7193, Westchester, Illinois 60154-7193, U.S.A. for USD 6.00 postpaid.
November, 1996

This most reasonably priced work presents all the available information on the postage stamps of the Ukraine in
the first five years of independence, sticking to the national issues and the Trident overprints for Kyiv, L'iv and
Chernihiv that were authorised by Ukraine Post. Cross references of catalogue numbers, a listing of special
postmarks up to the end of 1995, data on postal rates, selected bibliographic references and information on
stamp fluorescence under UV light are all included in a series of appendices. A model piece of work.

RUSSIA BY RAIL with Belarus' and Ukraine, by Athol Yates. A softbound book of 472 pages in 13.5 x
21.5 cm. size, issued in September 1996 by Bradt Publications, 41 Nortoft Road, Chalfont St. Peter, Bucks
SL9 OLA, England at E15.95 postpaid and by the Globe Pequot Press Inc., 6 Business Park Road, P.O. Box
833, Old Saybrook, Connecticut 06475-0833, U.S.A. at USD 21.95 postpaid.

This brilliant travel writer and investigator of the "Siberian BAM Railway Guide" fame (see "The P-R" No. 38,
p. 82) has done it again with this new work. He presents much amazing information, including an update on the
current BAM situation, how to get to Pyongyang in North Korea (!) and down into Mongolia by rail, uses
Belorussian and Ukrainian fonts in the text and promises that the book cannot go out of date in the foreseeable
future as he is on the Internet at the World Wide Web address of http://www.russia-rail.com. All prices in this
voluminous guide are quoted in USD and the book was typeset from the author's disc, hence some inevitable
typos. An invaluable aid for the current TPO/RPO enthusiast and it gives many street plans of important towns.

IOITA, the softbound journal in A4 size of the Russia/USSR Study Group in Germany. All enquiries to the
Secretary, Hans Kupec, Jurastrasse 30, D-93161 SINZING, Germany.

Journal No. 64 for December 1995 contains a Message from the Administration; Routes & Transit Markings
of Cross-Border Mail from Poland to Prussia and Western Countries (magnificent !), by Ilse Popp; Soviet Posts
in WWII (very interesting) & More about the A.R.A., both by J. Schneider; Meeting with Czech Counterparts
in Prague, MOSCOW '97, Literature Reviews & Auction Notes, all by H. Kupec, to end with Society Notes.
Journal No. 65 for March 1996 has Offers of Literature; Continuation of the Cross-Border Mail study by Ilse
Popp; New Find in Russian Booklets, Riga Booklets of 1914 & Moscow awaits us, all by H. von Hofinann;
Mail from Lenzenhof to Dorpat, Letter Enquiry & Literature Reviews, all by H. Kupec; Information Wanted,
by J. Schneider; St. Petersberg Prestamp Marking, by J. Servotte; Soviet Postfree QSL-Cards (well worth
investigating) & Soviet insurance stamps used philatelically, both by A. Pfliiger, ending with Society Notes.
Journal No. 66 for June 1996 continues the Cross-Border article by Ilse Popp; 1860 Rates Table for Foreign
Mail, by W. Meyer & Dr. R. Bartmann; Russian Postmarks 1858-1917 (interesting), by A. Schlegel;
Czechoslovak Fieldpost in Siberia & Relay Stations in Estonia and Livonia, both by H. Kupec; Notes on
Lenzenhof to Dorpat, by H. von Hofnann, to end with Literature Reviews by J. Schneider & W. Meyer and
Society Notes. A wide range of subjects has been covered in these three issues.

THE INTERIM REPORT Nos. 14-15 for August 1996. A series of sheets in U.S. standard size, issued by
Michael Padwee of The Society for the Study of the New Republics of the Former USSR, P.O. Box 023138,
Brooklyn, N.Y. 11202, U.S.A.

Due to the financial difficulties involved in trying to keep this project going, Mr. Padwee now announces that
he finds it impossible to keep publishing "The Interim Report", despite the offers of help. His predicament is
understandable, given the sheer volume of the information that he has valiently been trying to record in these
times of continual flux in the areas concerned. He has our deep sympathy and he certainly gave of his best. The
situation can only right itself when the former Socialist countries achieve economic stability.

HET BALTISCHE GEBIED (The Baltic Area), No. 28 for for July 1996. A softbound journal in A4 size of
the Dutch Study Group of the same name. All enquiries to the Secretary, A.C. de Bruin, Ten Passeweg 10A,
NL 8084 ANt Harde, Holland.
82 November, 1996

This journal seems to get bigger and better as it goes along. It contains Society Notes; Stamps of Latvia-Part 7,
by late J. Poulie; Russian Postal Rates in 1918, by I. Steyn; Latvian Arms Type Plate Flaws, by N. Jakimovs;
Soviet Fieldpost in Baltic States 1940-1941, by A.C. de Bruin; New Developments in Latvia-Part VI &
Literature Reviews, by R.W. van Wijnen; Estonian Finno-Ugric Theme, by R. Reuderink; Plate Flaws on
Latvian 1st. Issue, by J. van Heeswijk, terminating with Perforated Stamps of Latvian 2nd. & 3rd. Issues, by A.
EpStein. A very commendable issue.

HCTOPH5I OTEqECTBEHHOIA nHI TbI (History of the Post in the Fatherland), by Aleksandr
Nikolaevich Vigilev. A beautifully produced hard-cover book of 312 pages in 16.5 x 21.5 cm. format, issued by
the "Radio i Svyaz'" Publishers, Moscow 1990 in an edition of 30,000 copies. Price 3r. 50k.

Copiously illustrated in colour and reproducing several early postal documents and letters, this is the second
and improved edition of a work, covering primarily on a historical basis the development of the post in Imperial
Russia from its origins in the dim past until the end of the 18th. century. As it has been written on general lines,
it was obviously intended to appeal to a broad spectrum of the public, not just to philatelists. Illustrations are
included of some postage stamps, where their designs refer to the Imperial period. An interesting read.

BHBJIHOTEKA (DHJIATEJIHCTA : MACTb I KHHFH (The Library of the Philatelist: Part I -
Books), by M.M. Gleizer. A paperback of 112 pages in A5 size, issued by the "Radio i Svyaz'" Publishers,
Moscow 1990 in an edition of 3000 copies Price 2 roubles (those were the days !).

This useful guide arranges Soviet philatelic works under various categories and even illustrates some rare early
titles, which are also of great historic interest. It is obviously of great use to librarians, as well as to philatelists.
Orders should be made out to the CSRP, Box 5722 Station-A, Toronto, Ont., Canada M5W 2P2. All previous
titles are unfortunately sold out.

KOJIJIEKIJHOHEP ("The Collector"),Double No. 31-32. In Russian and containing many useful articles
(see "The Post-Rider" No. 38, p. 82). Limited supply Price postpaid USD 12.50.

COMPLETE GUIDE TO THE SOVIET UNION (Revised & last edition), by V. & J. Louis. 378 large
pages full of historic & tourist data etc. LONG OUT OF PRINT. Price postpaid USD 16.50.

THE SPY WHO DISAPPEARED (1918 Diary of R. Teague-Jones about the 26 Baku Commissars). A
275-page A5 paperback with amazing Civil War revelations. Very limited supply. Price postpaid USD 10.95.

of this rare 1932 Kharkiv work of the world's first postal code system. Thousands of POs, arranged both
alphabetically and numerically. Ideal for Ukrainian postal historians. Price postpaid USD 20.00.

ARMENIAN SOVIET ENCYCLOPAEDIA: Vol.12, 1986 with entry about philately and 2 pages in colour
of Armenian and foreign-related stamps. Great conversation piece Price postpaid USD 16.00.

SOVIET DIARY 1927 & OTHER WRITINGS, by S.S. Prokofev. An absorbing book by this great
composer, with interesting illustrations & notes re growing terror. Limited supply Price postpaid USD 9.50.

Grekov. A 32-page booklet in Russian and in natural colours. Interesting Price postpaid USD 5.00.

November, 1996

Are you still missing that elusive item from your collection or
philatelic library? Do you have some duplicate material that
you would like to trade or sell? We can publicise your want-list
or duplicates for the extremely low rate of USD 1.00 per insertion.
Please note that the Society disclaims any responsibility for any
misunderstandings between exchanging parties.

FOR a book on the subject, I am interested in information on Catholic anti-Communism in the U.S. during the
early Cold War (1947-1962). Recollections of sermons in churches, lectures in schools and activities of
organizations would be especially welcome.
KENNETH J. UVA, 68-10 108th. Street, Forest Hills, N.Y. 11375, U.S.A.

RUSSIAN REVENUES: Advanced collector will trade or purchase needed revenue stamps, revenue paper and
better Cinderella (label) materials of Early Soviet, Imperial and Civil War States/Armies.
MARTIN CERINI, 21 West 12th. Street, Huntington Station, N.Y. 11746, U.S.A.

MOLDOVA-USSR: Stamps, FDC, covers, phone cards, banknotes. I can write English.

MY newly revised and greatly expanded (130 pages) Philatelic Library Listing has been published. Cost is USD
6.00, deductible from first order of over USD 30.00. Many low-cost but excellent reprints available.
ALEX SADOVNIKOV, P.O. Box 210073, San Francisco, California 94121-0073, U.S.A.

WANTED: Covers. Imperial dotted numerals, Used Abroads and Baltic Forerunners. Buy or trade. Send photo
or description to:
M. R. RENFRO, P.O. Box 2268, Santa Clara, California 95055, U.S.A.

ORIGINAL Big Schmidt leather-bound Zemstvo Catalogue available at USD 2000.00. Contact:
CSRP, Box 5722 Station-A, TORONTO, Ont., Canada M5W 1P2.

Ukrainian Philatelic Resources is pleased to announce the publication of Ingert Kuzych's
Ukrainian Postage Stamps: A Catalog of Issues from 1991-1995. In this publication collectors
now have at hand -- for the first time ever -- all of the available information on Ukraine's postage
stamps from the first five years of independence. Included in the listing are not only all of the
regular stamp releases, but also the 1992 trident overprints on Soviet-era stamps prepared by order
of Ukraine Post for Kyiv, Eviv, and Chernihiv.

In order to make this catalog still more useful, it is supplemented by four detailed appendices
describing the fluorescence characteristics exhibited by most Ukrainian issues, all official first day
commemorative cancels, Ukraine's postal rates from 1991-95, and a synopticon comparing the BK
numbering system used in this catalog to other numbering. Order your copy today for only S6.00

Ukrainian Philatelic Resources
P.O. Box 7193
Westchester, IL 60154-7193
November, 1996


Latest Releases Complete Mammoth Effort

WESTCHESTER (UPR)-Peter Bylen's latest catalog,Independent Ukraine 1918-1920, treats the postal
emissions of the successive non-Bolshevik, democratic governments: the Ukrainian National Republic under
Mykhailo Hrushevsky, the Hetmanate government of Pavlo Skoropadsky, and the Provisional Government headed
by Symon Petliura. Following the November 1918 Armistice, portions of Ukraine fell to Bolshevik and Denekin's
White Army forces, while other areas remained under democratic control, creating an interesting and complex
philatelic situation.

In this book, Bylen provides a comprehensive treatment of the national postage stamps of independent
Ukraine with appropriate technical philatelic data including varieties, historical summaries, and other pertinent
information. The core comprises a listing of the regional trident overprints (Katerynoslav, Kharkiv, Kyiv, Odesa,
Podilia, and Poltava). Also detailed are the Luboml and Volyn occupational issues. A bibliography of relevant
philatelic literature is included.

Independent Ukraine 1918-1920: A Catalog-Checklist of National Postage Stamp Issues as well as Regional
Trident Overprints and Occupational Issues by Peter Bylen (UPR No. 5; 128 pages, 6 x 9 format, ISBN: 1-889581-
04-6) $18.00.

Ingert Kuzych's Ukrainian Postage Stamps: A Catalog of Issues from 1991-1995, presents for the first
time ever -- all of the available information on Ukraine's postage stamps from the first five years of independence.
Included in the listing are not only all of the regular stamp releases, but also the 1992 trident overprints on Soviet-era
stamps prepared by order of Ukraine Post for Kyiv, Eviv, and Chemihiv. Every stamp or souvenir sheet description
contains complete philatelic and subject data. In addition, all known varieties are described along with information on
inscription blocks and printer's specimens where applicable. In order to make this catalog still more useful, it is
supplemented by four detailed appendices and an extensive bibliography.

Ukrainian Postage Stamps: A Catalog of Issues fom 1991-1995 by Ingert Kuzych (UPR No. 6; vi, 56 pages, 8.5"
x 11" format, ISBN: 1-889581-05-4) $6.00.

Previous Publications Round Out the Cataloging Effort

Western Ukraine: A Catalog-Checklist by Peter Bylen (UPR No. 1,24 pages, 8.5" x II" format, ISBN: 1-889581-00-
3) $5.00.

Soviet Ukraine: A Catalog-Checklist ofNational and Local Postage Stamp Issues Includfng Occupational Issues
of 1919-1923 and 1941-1944 by Peter Bylen (UPR No. 2; 34 pages, 8.5" x I1" format, ISBN: 1-889581-01-1) $5.00.

Carpatho-Ukraine: A Catalog-Checklist by Peter Bylen (UPR No. 3; 26 pages, 8.5" x 11" format, ISBN: 1-889581-
02-X) $5.00.

All prices include postage and handling. Orders outside North America will be sent by surface mail; include extra
funds if airmail delivery is desired ($2.00 for first publication; $1.00 each publication thereafter). Payment strictly in
U.S. currency drafts payable to "Ukrainian Philatelic Resources."

Ukrainian Philatelic Resources
P.O. Box 7193
Westchester, Illinois 60154-7193

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