Citation
A nonlinear analysis of Arabic syllabic phonology, with special reference to Makkan

Material Information

Title:
A nonlinear analysis of Arabic syllabic phonology, with special reference to Makkan
Creator:
Abu-Mansour, Mahasen Hasan
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publisher:
University of Florida
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xiii, 309 leaves ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Consonants ( jstor )
Lexical stress ( jstor )
Linguistic morphology ( jstor )
Linguistics ( jstor )
Nouns ( jstor )
Phonology ( jstor )
Rhyme ( jstor )
Syllables ( jstor )
Verbs ( jstor )
Vowels ( jstor )
Arabic language -- Dialects -- Phonology
Arabic language -- Phonology -- Mecca -- Saudi Arabia
Dissertations, Academic -- Linguistics -- UF
Linguistics thesis, Ph.D.
University of Florida. ( LCSH )
City of Gainesville ( local )
Spatial Coverage:
North America -- United States of America -- Florida

Notes

General Note:
Typescript. Dissertation
General Note:
Vita.
General Note:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 297-308).

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Mahasen Hasan Abu-Mansour. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
030321960 ( ALEPH )
AEQ2526 ( NOTIS )
16663993 ( OCLC )

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Full Text













A NONLINEAR ANALYSIS OF ARABIC SYLLABIC PHONOLOGY,
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO MAKKAN









By

MAHASEN HASAN ABU-MANSOUR


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY,


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1987





























Copyright 1987

by

Mahasen Hasan Abu-Mansour




























With love and gratitude

I dedicate this study to my parents.



































lob















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


I would like to express my gratitude to Professor D.

Gary Miller, chair of my doctoral committee, for his helpful comments, constructive criticism, and many hours of discussion, especially during the final stages of this dissertation. His constant, challenging comments made me think twice before making claims or drawing conclusions;

I am thankful to Professor Jean Casagrande, member of

my committee, for his advice, helpful comments, and constant encouragement.

I am indebted to Professor Alice Faber, member of my committee, for her helpful comments and for enriching my general understanding of the Semitic background of some of the issues discussed in this study.

I am grateful to Professor Timothy Vance, member of my committee, for his helpful comments and kind assistance. I would also like to acknowledge Professor Vance's prompt response and continued support even after his move to the University of Hawaii. I deeply appreciate his participation in the oral defense of my dissertation.

I am grateful to Professor Marie Nelson, member of my committee, for her reading and commenting on this study.









I would like to thank Professor Abderrafi Benhallam from the Faculte des Lettres, Rabat, Morocco, for reading and discussing portions of this work with me during his 1986 visit to the University of Florida.

Special thanks go to Professor Haig Der-Houssikian for his sincere advice and continual encouragement during my stay at the University of Florida.

I am thankful to my colleagues at the University of Florida, especially Shirley Cole, Maggie MacDonald, and Nellie Sieller, and to my friend Fawn Painter, for making my stay at the University of Florida pleasant.

I would also like to thank Mrs. Barbara Smerage for the excellent job she did in typing this dissertation, despite the difficulty of such a job.

My greatest debt is to my parents who have always encouraged me to pursue my goals in spite of whatever difficulties might arise. I am grateful to them for their unfailing love, moral support, and above all their willingness to put up with years of being away from home and family in order to accompany me during my study in the States. I cannot thank them enough.

My older brother Ali and his family offered constant

encouragement and moral support, and for that I am grateful. Special thanks go to my nephew Waheed for his love and thoughtfulness. His letters and telephone calls have always been my day-brightners.









Finally, and most importantly, my debt is immeasurable to the person who shared with me the ups and downs of graduate life--my brother and closest friend Anas. I am grateful to Anas for his unconditional love, constant encouragement, moral support, stimulating discussions, and his readiness to help me at the expense of his own time and rest. To Anas I would like to say, 'You are a super brother'.


vii
















TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. v

ABSTRACT. xi

CHAPTERS

ONE INTRODUCTION. 1

TWO AN OVERVIEW OF AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY. 4

2.1 Introduction. 4
2.2 Tiers of Representation. 8
2.2.1 The Segmental Tier. 9 2.2.2 The CV-Tier. 29 2.3 Constraints and Other Principles. 35
2.3.1 Association Lines. 35
2.3.2 The Independence of Autosegmental
Tiers. 40
2.3.3 The Obligatory Contour Principle . 42
2.4 Notes. 49

THREE SYLLABLE STRUCTURE AND RULES OF
SYLLABIFICATION. 51

3.1 Introduction. 51
3.2 Syllable Constituency. 54
3.3 Major Approaches to Syllable
Structure. 67
3.3.1 Kahn (1976). 67 3.3.2 Lowenstamm (1981). 69 3.3.3 Cairns and Feinstein (1982). 70 3.3.4 Steriade (1982). .71
3.4 Testing the Syllable Parsing
Theories. 72
3.5 Rules of Syllabification in Arabic 79
3.5.1 Syllable Parsing Rules. 79
3.5.2 Syllable Structure Assignment and
Resyllabification. 87
3.5.3 Ambisyllabicity. 94 3.5.4 The Sonority Hierarchy. 97 3.6 Notes. 99


viii









FOR SUPERHEAVY SYLLABLES AND SYLLABLE STRUCTURE. 10


4.1 Preliminary Remarks. 101
4.2 Major Approaches to CVVC and CVCC
Syllables. 103
4.2.1 The Superheavy Syllable Analysis . 105
4.2.2 The Degenerate Syllable Analysis . 109
4.3 Superheavy Syllables Reconsidered. 116
4.3.1 Distributional Constraints. 116
4.3.2 CVVC and CVCC Syllables in CA
and MA. 119
4.4 Deviations and Explanations. 129
4.4.1 High Vowel Deletion: CVVC Syllables
in Non-final Position. 129
4.4.2 CVVC.C., Syllable Structure and the
OCP. 144
4.5 Concluding Remarks. 153
4.6 Notes. 155

FIVE PHONOLOGICAL RULES AND SYLLABLE STRUCTURE . 159

5.1 Introduction. 159
5.2 Epenthesis. 160
5.2.1 General Epenthesis. 163 5.2.1.1 A Linear Analysis of Epenthesis .170 5.2.1.2 An Alternative Analysis. 174 5.2.2 Postpausal Epenthesis. 180 5.2.2.1 The Relevance of Syllable Structure. 185 5.2.2.2 An Alternative Analysis. 192 5.2.3 Prepausal Epenthesis. 194 5.2.3.1 Context and Conditioning. 197 5.2.3.2 Analysis and Exceptions. 203 5.2.3.3 An Alternative Analysis. 209 5.3 Vowel Shortening. 217
5.4 Epenthesis and Dative Gemination . 237
5.5 Conclusion. 251
5.6 Notes. 253

six COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING, ASSIMILATION,
AND SYLLABLE STRUCTURE. 256

6.1 Introduction. 256
6.2 Compensatory Lengthening in
Generative Linear Phonology. 257
6.3 Compensatory Lengthening in
Nonlinear Phonology. 260
6.4 Glottal Stops and Syllable Structure. 262
6.4.1 CV? Syllables. . 262 6.4.2 CV?C and CVC? Syllables. 270
6.5 Compensatory Lengthening or
Assimilation. 275


FOUR


101









6.6 Compensatory Lengthening, Exceptions,
and the Inalterability of Geminates. 280
6.7 Conclusion . 286
6.8 Notes . 287

SEVEN CONCLUSION . 289 REFERENCES- . o . o . o . oo . o . 297 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . oo . o . 309















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

A NONLINEAR ANALYSIS OF ARABIC SYLLABIC PHONOLOGY, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO MAKKAN By

Mahasen Hasan Abu-Mansour

May 1987

Chair: D. Gary Miller
Major Department: Linguistics

This dissertation deals with syllable structure and

superheavy syllables in Arabic, particularly Makkan Arabic

(MA). Classical Arabic is discussed whenever relevant. The analysis of the syllable is nonlinear, that is, based on recent advancements in autosegmental and metrical phonology.

The hierarchical view of the syllable with the minimal onset/rhyme distinction is shown to be necessary. It is argued that syllabification in MA consists of a universal rule pairing CV sequences into CV syllables, plus a set of language-specific rules that create branching rhymes and superheavy CVVC and CVCC structures in word-final position.

The two best-known approaches to CVVC and CVCC syllables are considered. on the basis of distribution and other related phenomena, it is concluded that the facts of MA are compatible with the superheavy syllable analysis of these xi









syllables. Superheavy syllables in MA are strictly restricted to word-final position underlyingly; therefore, the rule responsible for their syllabification has to be restricted in application to that environment. The constraint against non-final superheavy syllables, however, is relaxed in such a manner that high vowel deletion can yield CVVC syllables in its output.

Two theoretical issues addressed in detail are (1) the idea of allowing unsyllabified (extrasyllabic) consonants in phonological representations, and (2) positing empty nuclei under the degenerate syllable analysis. The first receives considerable support in this study. It is argued that phonological rules affecting syllable structure (epenthesis and vowel shortening) are triggered by the presence of unsyllabified consonants.

Epenthesis applies in three different positions: prepausal, postpausal, and medial (general). Unsyllabified consonants triggering general epenthesis result from potential non-final superheavy syllables, while those triggering postpausal epenthesis result from initial consonant clusters. Prepausal epenthesis is triggered by tautosyllabic consonant clusters violating the sonority hierarchy, and is further subject to the constraint that morphological classes may not be merged. Problems with the analysis of unsyllabified consonants as parts of degenerate syllables are discussed.


xii









Vowel shortening (restricted to a certain morphological class in MA) is also triggered by unsyllabified consonants.

An explanation for the phenomenon of 'dative gemination' is attempted in terms of foot structure, syllable structure, and the rhythmic cadences of the language.

Compensatory lengthening and assimilation are examined both for the formal problems of their proper formulation in the nonlinear framework and for their domain of application. The problem of whether glides in rhyme position in MA are eliminated by compensatory lengthening or assimilation is discussed in the context of the MA-specific problem that glides in certain phonological and morphological environments are not affected.


xiii















CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION


The central thesis of this study is the so-called superheavy syllable (CVVC or CVCC) and its relation to syllable structure in Arabic, particularly Classical Arabic

(CA) and Makkan Arabic (MA). The study defends two general claims. First, most of the phonological rules which modify syllable structure in Arabic are closely related to this syllable type. Second, an autosegmental representation of the syllable offers a clear characterization of facts of syllabification and resyllabification in MA and will consequently affect the form of phonological rules.

The framework assumed in this study is that of generative phonology enriched with the autosegmental representations introduced in recent work by McCarthy (1979a), Halle and Vergnaud (1979), and Clements and Keyser (1983). The bulk of the analysis will be carried out in autosegmental terms. Several references, however, are made to the metrical approach (Liberman and Price 1977, Halle and Vergnaud 1979, McCarthy 1979a, Kiparsky 1979, and Hayes 1980). A metrical explanation is expected for certain phenomena, given the relevance of higher prosodic structure to the overall hierarchy of speech.










In addition to outlining the basic principles of autosegmental phonology assumed in the following chapters, Chapter Two singles out two (out of many) cases in the morphology and phonology of MA that provide evidence for autosegmental representations. The difference in the realization of the eighth binyan in MA from that in CA is better explained morphologically; the rarity of complex segments is borne out by loan words. Chapter Three introduces the rules of syllabification in M A, while Chapter Four establishes the basic syllable types in MA and confirms those of CA (McCarthy 1979a). The superheavy syllable may occur underlyingly but is strictly restricted to final position; exceptions are explained. In the chapter on phonological rules, it is demonstrated that several rules modifying syllable structure are triggered by potential superheavy syllables in non-final position resulting from the addition of new morphological material. The final chapter provides evidence for syllable integrity and the relevance of the superheavy syllable to this matter.

Two theoretical issues will figure prominently throughout the analysis. The first concerns the presence of unsyllabified (extrasyllabic, stray) consonants in the output of basic syllabification. It will be demonstrated that rules of epenthesis and vowel shortening crucially refer to these consonants in their environments and incorporate them into well-formed syllables.










The significance of the CV-tier in nonlinear representations is generally acknowledged. Besides its role in the distinction of single and geminate segments, its presence is indispensable to syllable-related notions like the characterization of timing units and syllable integrity. The analysis in the following chapters lends further support to the CV-tier.

A note about the scope of this study is in order.

Since not all aspects of Arabic phonology are relevant to the issues discussed, a full account of the phonology of either MA or CA is not attempted. Evidence from other dialects is cited, but no claim is made concerning the relation between CA and any of the dialects. However, implications with potential historical significance are stated when relevant.















CHAPTER TWO
AN OVERVIEW OF AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY


2.1 Introduction


In Classical generative phonology (Chomsky and Halle 1968), a phonological representation consists of a linear sequence of segments, where segments are defined as unordered sets of distinctive features. A linear representation implies two restrictions, known as the 'Bijectivity Constraint' and the 'Integrity Constraint' (Poser 1982:122), on the relation between feature matrices and segmental positions. The objectivity constraint insures that to every segment there corresponds exactly one specification for each feature and, conversely, that every feature specification corresponds to exactly one segment. According to this constraint, the partial deletion of a segment or the insertion of an incomplete feature bundle is prohibited. Rules that would give rise to segments violating the constraint of 'one specification for every feature' are disallowed by the integrity constraint. These constraints also disallow representations where single feature representations are shared by two or more segments, or where a single segment is associated with two feature specifications.









It was soon realized that 'subsegmental' and
Isuprasegmentall phenomena, both of which violate the constraints implied by linear representations, do occur in many languages. Complex segments display properties which are incompatible with the objectivity constraint. In English, for instance, the affricates /'/ and /'/ behave as single segments and, yet, cannot be identified with a single specification for the feature [continuant]. The phenomenon of tone stability characteristic of many tone languages whereby a vowel is deleted while its tone is realized on an adjacent vowel is a violation, since it involves the association of a single segmental unit with more than one tonal unit.

In addition to the linear strings of segments, a phonological representation in the traditional sense includes different types of boundaries whose nature and location are dependent on the morphological and syntactic structure. The purpose of including these boundaries in a phonological representation was to divide the segmental string into substrings needed for the application of certain phonological rules. No further grouping of segments into hierarchical units, such as syllables, is provided for by the theory. Nevertheless, the need for the syllable in phonological representations became evident. The need in the Sound Pattern of English, 1968 (henceforth SPE), to recognize a distinction between 'weak' and 'strong' clusters









in the system of English stress is one instance where a linear representation fails to capture the generalization expressed by these clusters.- Instead, the distinction weak' and 'strong' is an arbitrary one based on certain sets of substrings particular to English. In addition, this distinction could not be extended to other configurations which were involved in rules other than the stress rules. For instance, the same distinction would not account for other rules such as flap formation, glottalization, and r-deletion (Kahn 1976).

The combined result of the restrictions implicit in linear representations and the lack of hierarchical units beyond the segmental level was the clear need to modify the traditional phonological theory in order to account for language phenomena that fall outside the linear domain. In fact, the theoretical modifications introduced to deal with such phenomena do not claim to replace the traditional linear representation completely; rather, they complement and enrich this representation by recognizing new elements proved to be necessary to phonological representations. The result was the emergence of two lines of theoretical pursuit, autosegmental and metrical phonology.

The basic assumption of autosegmental phonology is that the standard one-tiered representation is to be split up into several tiers, each constituting a linear arrangement of elements. The elements of each tier are linked to each








7
other by association lines which indicate how they are to be coarticulated. The autosegmental theory was originally proposed to deal with tonal phenomena, which were problematic to the standard theory (Goldsmith 1976, Williams 1976). It was then extended to deal with different kinds of phenomena like complex segments, and vowel and consonant harmon y (Clements 1976). It is also possible to give satisfying analyses of syllable structure and nonconcatenative systems of morphology within autosegmental theory (see below).

Metrical phonology constitutes the other major modification of the standard theory. It concerns the organization of segments into larger units such as syllables and feet. It was originally introduced as a theory of stress (Liberman 1974, Liberman and Prince 1977, Vergnaud and Halle 1979, McCarthy, 1979a, Selkirk 1980, and Hayes 1980) but later extended to cover other areas including syllable structure (Kiparsky 1979) as well as consonant and vowel harmony.

The following is an outline of the basic assumptions underlying the idea of separate tier representations. The goal of this outline is to introduce the relevant aspects of the general framework which will define the theoretical background for the analysis presented in the following chapters. No effort has been made to include in this outline all aspects of the currently developing nonlinear frameworks. The selective nature of this outline is obvious









from the exclusion of certain issues such as the treatment of vowel harmony within the theory, and from the fact that only occasional references are made to metrical structure. Certain issues, however, will be the subject of further discussion as they come up in the analysis.


2.2 Tiers of Representation


The basic insight of autosegmental phonology is that a phonological representation is composed not of a single linear sequences of entities, but of several simultaneous sequences of entities or tiers. Each tier constitutes an independent string of elements. For instance, the segmental tier consists of a sequence of segments, the CV-tier of C and V elements and so on.

In a nonlinear model sounds are organized into several hierarchical units. First, segments are organized into syllables by the universal and language-specific rules of syllabification. Syllables and segments are mediated by a CV-tier. The syllable has a constituent structure of its own represented by an obligatory element, the 'Rhyme' (R), and an optional 'onset' (0). The Rhyme itself might be further divided into two constituents, the obligatory 'Nucleus' (N) and an optional 'Coda' (C). Second, syllables will be organized into higher metrical units, i.e. metrical feet, according to some universal and language-specific conventions. Third, metrical feet as well










as unfooted syllables will be grouped on the word structure level. The overall model of the hierarchy of prosodic units can be schematized as follows (McCarthy 1984:301):


(1)
word tier word


foot tier E

syllable tier a U a a a

Onset/Rhyme tier 0ORO0RO0RO0RO0R
I AI I IA I iIA
CV-tier CV CC V CVV CV CV C
I I I I I
(Melody tiers) ? alk i-- ---- -- -However, only some of these tiers will be included in the phonological representation of the examples presented in this study. For instance, while the syllable and segmental tiers as well as the tiers intervening between them will often be indicated, the foot tier will be referred to only occasionally.


2.2.1 The Segmental Tier


The segmental tier consists of a sequence of the

distinctive feature matrices familiar in linear phonology. Formally, any feature may show autosegmental behavior, i.e., behave independently from all others, but there are some substantial constraints on the number of tiers recognized in languages. Most of these constraints are, in fact, constraints on articulation, as is indicated by recent work










on this matter. Within the framework of dependency phonology, Ewen (1980) considers the segment as an unordered set of gestures, each of which is in itself an unordered set of features. This concept of the segment is schematized by van der Hulst and Smith (1982:24) as in (2):


place height rounding backness



consonantality voice continuance sonorance


glottal stricture glottalicness velaric suction


articulatory gesture categorical gesture initiatory gesture


The representation in (2) makes it possible to assume that features which belong to different gestures may behave independently, thus imposing some sort of constraint on feature autosegmentalization.

Similar proposals were made within an autosegmental framework. For instance, Thrainsson's analysis (1978) of


(2)









aspiration in Icelandic is dependent on the representation of laryngeal and supralaryngeal features on separate tiers. So is Steriade's analysis of h in Attic (1982). Steriade argues that h is not a segment in the sense that it does not take up a skeleton position by itself. This is supported by the fact that the h-initial forms behave like vowel-initial words in that they undergo resyllabification, e.g., d6masin hemeterois 'in our home' -- domasi nemeterois (p. 155).
h.
They also undergo contraction or elision, as in tetra ippos 'driving four horses' -- tet hippos (p. 154).


The other basic question concerning the segmental tier is as follows: Is it the case that only single features may behave independently, or can clusters of features do so? In other words, can complete segments be represented on different tiers, and, if so, at what point in the derivation does tier conflation take place?

With regard to the first question, the representation of clusters of features on different tiers has shown promising results in the analysis of nonconcatenative systems of morphology such as that of Arabic. In his novel extension of the notion of the autosegmental tier, McCarthy (1979a, 1981b) has demonstrated that by splitting up the segmental tier into three separate tiers, the consonantal tier, the vowel tier, and the CV (syllabic skeleton) tier, the rather complex processes of word formation in Arabic could be accounted for in a simple and natural way.









Until the facts of Semitic were pointed out, it was still possible to think of metrical and autosegmental phonology as devices proposed specifically to deal with tonal phenomena. The relevance of metrical and autosegmental phonology to the analysis of nontonal systems has been established in McCarthy's work on Semitic. He shows very explicitly that certain striking characteristics shared by the Semitic languages are quite analogous to phenomena known in tone languages. This similarity, as demonstrated below using one of McCarthy's examples, provides the strongest argument in favor of separate tier representation in the analysis of Semitic word formation.

The assumption underlying the separation of segmental tiers is that particular languages may isolate certain sets of distinctive features and represent them on a separate autosegmental tier. The autosegmentalization of segmental matrices is, however, subject to the constraint that segmental matrices belong to different tiers if and only if they belong to different morphemes (McCarthy 1979a, 1981b). The following is a partial presentation of one of McCarthy's examples, given here to clarify some of the issues involves in nonconcatenative morphology.

The most salient characteristic of Arabic morphology is that each verb may occur in several derivational classes or 'binyanim'. These indicate meanings such as the causative, the habitual, the reciprocal, the iterative, and so on.










Within each binyan, the verb has a number of inflections which denote aspect, voice, finiteness, and mood. This is illustrated in the partial derivational paradigm of the root ktb 'to write' given in (3) (McCarthy 1981b:385):1


Perfective Active

katab

kattab kaatab ?aktab

takattab takaatab

nkatab ktatab ktabab

staktab ktaabab ktawtab ktawwab ktanbab ktanbay


Perfective Passive

kutib

kuttib kuutib ?uktib

tukuttib tukuutib

nkutib ktutib



stuktib


All the forms in (3) share the stem consonants ktb, but differ from one another with respect to the vowels and some additional consonants. They also differ in their syllabic skeletons, or prosodic templates in McCarthy's terminology.


I II III IV V VI VII VIII

Ix x
X XI

XII XIV XV









The forms in (3) exhibit the following patterns (McCarthy 1981b:386):


(4) a. CVCVC e. CVCVVCVC

b. CVCCVC f. CCVCVC

c. CVVCVC g. CCVCCVC

d. CVCVCCVC h. CCVVCVC


The rule in (5) accounts for the canonical distribution of consonants and vowels in the binyanim (McCarthy 1981b:387):


(5) a. [(f{ })CV([+ seg.])CVC] CV
b. V -- 0/[CVC--CVC]


Each pattern in (4) characterizes certain binyanim in (3). For instance, the second binyan usually indicates the meaning of the causative and is characterized by a prosodic template of the form [CVCCVC], while the third binyan has the meaning of the reciprocal and the template [CVCVVCVC], and so on. The vowels carry the grammatical information such as tense and voice. This role is exactly analogous to that played by the tones in some tone languages, where it is the tone sequences that carry the grammatical distinctions in the verbal systems of those languages. The derivational classes, however, are characterized by a prosodic template consisting of the basic root consonants alone (as in I and III), or, in addition to that, by an added consonant (a prefixed t in binyanim V and VI and a prefixed n in VII), or







15

the reduplication of the second or third root consonants (as in II and V, and IX and XI, respectively).

In order to account for this phenomenon of discontinuous morphemes, McCarthy suggests that consonantal and vocalic patterns be regarded as autosegments on separate tiers and governed by the same principles observed in the case of tonal melodies (Section 2.3.1). The derivation is straightforward in the case of the prosodic templates where the number of consonantal slots on the skeleton tier equals the number of melodies (consonants) on the consonantal tier: association is one-to-one, from left to right. As a result, binyanim I and III will have the representations in (6a) and

(6b), respectively (McCarthy 1981b:388):


(6) a. I b. III


C V C V C C V V C V C

k t b k tl b/
\V


The affixes in IV, V, VI, VII, and X are represented on separate tiers since each belongs to a morpheme different from the root. For instance, ? in IV is the causative morpheme. Association starts by linking the affix with the first consonant of the template. However, the affix in the eighth binyan occupies the second consonantal slot rather than the first. McCarthy suggests a Flop Rule restricted to










this binyan and its peculiar pattern. He formulates the rule as follows (McCarthy 1981b:390):


(7) Eighth Binyan Flop

C C -* C





[refl.]


The rule changes the association of the affix t to the second consonantal slot. It will not apply to the affix of the fifth and sixth binyanim since in both cases the two consonants are not adjacent as the rule requires. Association, then, proceeds as usual. Since the infix t of the eighth binyan is represented on a different tier, it will not interfere with the rest of the association process.

The gemination of the last consonant in IX and XI is accounted for by the principle of 'spreading'. The result of initial association is given in (8) (McCarthy 1981b:391):


(8) a. IX b. XI


C \1C V C VC C C VV CV C

k t b k t b




Representations like the ones in (8a) and (Sb) are not wellformed. Spreading of the last melodic element to the







17

unassociated consonantal slot takes place, resulting in the gemination of the last consonant (McCarthy 1981b:391):


(9) a. IX b. XI


C C V CVC C C VV CV C

k t bkt

1A1V

Spreading of melodic elements other than the last consonant would result in crossing association lines. It is to be noted that the spreading of the last melodic element to the last empty consonantal slot is the exact analog of the spread of the last tone to all unlinked vowels in a tone language.

As for binyanim II and V, association followed by

spreading results in the gemination of the last radical. Then, an Erasure Rule (McCarthy 1981b:392) disassociates the final root consonant from the medial C. The new empty C is now subject to the well-formedness condition and associates with the autosegment associated with the nearest consonantal slot, i.e. t.

The representation of elements belonging to different morphemes on separate tiers has a further advantage in the derivation of binyanim XII-XV, particularly XII and XIII. These are comparatively rare--a fact which, according to McCarthy, is captured by their forming a natural class in the language. First, all of them are formed on the prosodic









template [CCVCCVC], and, second, they need a separate stipulation for their peculiar affixal material: the infixes w, n, and the suffix y. This extra statement specifies where the affixes are to be associated on the prosodic template, as in (10) (McCarthy 1981b:393):


(10) a. C C V C C V C b. C C V C C V C


{n} y
I I


The stipulation of the position of the affixes is followed by left-to-right association to give binyan XV: ktanbay. Binyan XIV requires the additional spreading of the final consonantal melody: ktanbab. As for binyanim XII and XIII, they require in addition to the stipulation in (10) and spreading the Erasure Rule which is particular to the second and fifth binyanim. The result of the initial association followed by gemination is ktawbab for both binyanim. The Erasure Rule now applies to ktawbab, giving the representation in (11) (McCarthy 1981b:394):


(11) P
I
w
Y

CCVCCVC
p









By virtue of representing w on a separate tier, reassociation can now be effected from the root second consonant t, or from the infix w without violating the constraints on association. The first association will give binyan XII, ktawtab; the second will result in binyan XIII, ktawwab. The final representations are given in (12) (McCarthy 1981b:394):


(12) a. XII b. XIII


p 1'


w N
CCVCCVC CCVCCVC

ktb k t b




To recapitulate, the representation of material

belonging to different morphemes on separate tiers provides an account of the highly elaborate morphology of the verb in Arabic, where only a few statements are needed. Besides the general principle of left-to-right association of consonants and the set of prosodic templates and affixal morphemes, only two rules are called for: the Erasure Rule and the Flop Rule. The Erasure Rule is involved in the derivation of several binyanim (the second, fifth, and thirteenth). Its role might be seen as one of maximizing the expansion of the template. (Compare the gemination of the last consonant in the case of binyanim IX and XI and XIV.)









The Flop Rule, on the other hand, was provided mainly to account for the eighth binyan, where the prefixed morpheme switches places with the first consonant. No other binyan seems to call for this rule, which might raise a question as to its necessity. McCarthy states that rules of this type are common in the tonal systems described by Goldsmith (1976). In addition to the synchronic frequency of such rules, data from Makkan Arabic, historically related to the Classical, provide further evidence for McCarthy's Flop Rule. The eighth binyan in Classical is the intransitive reflexive or 'ergative' of the first binyan (e.g., Eng. the vase broke). The following are illustrative:


(13) First Eighth
Binyan Binyan

a. faraq 'divide' ftaraq 'to become
divided'

b. aTal 'light, staial 'to break out
set fire' (fire)'

c. kasab 'earn' ktasab 'to earn a
living for
onself'

d. madd 'extend' mtadd 'to become
extended'


In verbs which have no form in the seventh binyan (the passive), the reflexive meaning passes into the passive (Wright 1971:42). These include verbs whose first radical is one of the following consonants: ?, w, y, r, 1, or n. Such verbs are exemplified in (14):










First Binyan

a. lasiq b. nasar




C. radaT


'adhere'


I'help'I


Seventh/ Eighth Binyanim

ltasaq



ntasar


'prevent' rtadaT


'to be /get stuck; hang on to'

'to become victorious; to side with someone'

'to be prevented; to refrain'


It is this group of verbs which is relevant here, i.e. verbs where the reflexive and passive are not quite distinguishable. In Makkan, the seventh and 'eighth' binyanim of certain verbs seem to occur in free variation. Consider (15):2


Seventh
Binyan

a. nkatab b. nkawa c. nkasa d. nRabas e. n'adal


Eighth Binyan

tkatab


tkawa tkasa tFabas O t~adal


'to be written, to become registered'

'to be burned (ironed), to get burned'

'to be dressed, to get clothed'

'to be detained, to be held back'

'to become straight'


Bakalla (1979) suggests that the forms in the second column are derived from their respective forms of the seventh


(14)


(15)










binyan in the first column via a dissimilation rule. The rule changes a prefixed n to t before roots starting with nasals, liquids, glides, and true consonants. Indeed, this rule is justified in the case of roots with initial n, 1, r, VW:


nnasar

nlasaT


tnasar tlasa9


nrafaz -- trafaz nyassar -- tyassar nwassaT - twassaT


'to be helped' 'to be stung, burned'

'to be kicked' 'to become easy' 'to become wide'


It should be added that *nnasar, *nlasaT, *nrafaz, *nyassar, and *nwassaT are all impossible. However, this is not true in the case of the forms in (15) where both forms are equally acceptable. Moreover, in (15) the prefix n- is already dissimilar to k, F, and T. To this is added the fact that some of the verbs with first root consonant m tend to behave more like the examples in (15) in that the n-forms and t-forms are equally acceptable:


(17) a. nmadd


b. nmala


nmaza3 nmanaT


. tmadd Stmal(1)a C tmaza5

tmanaT


'to be/become extended' 'to be filled, to become full' 'to be/become mixed' 'to be prevented, to refrain'


(16) a.

b.


C.

d.

e.








23
For these reasons, I suggest that the dissimilation rule is restricted in application to roots with initial n, 1, r, y, w, and occasionally mn. As for the forms in (15) and (17) where n %~ t, the situation is different. My claim is that the n-forms and the t-forms belong to two different binyanim, namely, the seventh and the eighth, respectively. In other words, the t-forms in both (15) and (17) represent the eighth binyan of these verbs minus McCarthy's Flop Rule. Without claiming any direction for the development of this rule (whether the rule has been partially lost or partially incorporated into the verbal system of MA), I hypothesize that the difference between the eighth binyan in classical Arabic and that of certain verbs in Makkan Arabic can be defined in terms of this rule. 3

In addition to its role in the analysis of verb morphology in Arabic, the notion of separate tiers of representation is further supported by certain morphophonemic processes that operate on elements of a single tier without affecting elements on adjacent tiers (McCarthy 1982, 1985). McCarthy (1982) cites a language game in Bedouin Hijazi Arabic discussed in Al-Mozainy (1981) which freely transposes elements on the consonantal tier only. Elements on other tiers and the canonical pattern of the form are not affected. Thus, a verb like ?arsal 'sent' may have one of the permutations in (18) (p. 197) (McCarthy 1982:197):









(18) ?arsal Base form

?aslar Game forms

?asral ?alsar ?arlas ?alras


But none of the alternations involve the prefix ?-, typical of the fourth binyan. The game, then, affects the consonantal root only. The same is true of inflectional morphemes on verbs and nouns. Thus, in a verb like dafaina 'we pushed' or a noun like miftaa 'key', all permutations are possible except those which involve the personal suffix

-na in dafaTna, or the prefix mi in miftaa (p. 198):


(19) fidaTna mifFaat

Tafadna mitfaai

*na~adfa *ti~maaf

*fina~da *tifaam


In Hanunoo, as in Bedouin Arabic a language game operates on the root tier only leaving unaffected the prosodic template of a word (McCarthy 1982:199). But since the roots in Hanunoo, unlike Arabic, are composed of both consonantal and vocalic melodies, the game may exchange the first and last consonant-vowel sequences in the stem with one another, as in (20):










(20) Base Game

a. rignuk nugrik 'tame'

b. ?usah sa?uh 'one'

C. katagbu? kabugta?


However, in (20c), the heteromorphemic element ka is not tampered with and the game form is kabugta?.

The significance of the Hanunoo game is two-fold.

First, it provides further evidence for the separation of root and nonroot material on distinct tiers (cf. (20c)). Second, it demonstrates that while the dichotomy of root consonantal and vowel melodies is crucial to Arabic morphology, it is not exhibited as such in Hanuno'o.

Up to this point we have seen that the representation of vowels and consonants on separate tiers enjoys considerable support from Semitic-like morphological systems. In section 2.3.3, we will see that the separation of segmental tiers is required for the purposes of morpheme structure conditions (the Obligatory Contour Principle). Separate segmental tiers are also needed for at least some early phonological rules. As an example of phonological rules applying before tier conflation, McCarthy (1986:233) cites a rule of Umlaut in Harga Oasis Arabic. The rule applies to both copies of a spread stem vowel raising a to i or 1 before i or u, respectively. The rule applies to stem vowels only:









(21) a. yinzal 3rd m. sg.

tinzili 2nd f. sg.

tinzilu 2nd c. pl.

b. yikallam 3rd m. sg.

tikillimi 2nd f. sg.

tikillimu 2nd c. pl.


The rule is triggered only by the subject agreement suffixes underlined in the data. The relevance of this example is that none of the vowels of the imperfect personal prefixes (ti- of the 2nd person plural in the last example of (21a) and (21b)) is affected by the rule. Given the assumption of separate segmental tier representations, this suggests that the rule applies at a point where tier conflation has not yet occurred; thus, the prefixes are still on their separate tiers.

Nevertheless, evidence also exists for rules that

require a linearized representation of the more familiar type. For instance, Steriade (1986:138) argues that Semitic Spirantization is such a rule. She discusses two versions of this rule. Spirantization in Biblical Hebrew (Leben 1980, McCarthy 1981a) applies to all postvocalic stops; in Tigrinya (Schein 1981, Kenstowicz 1982) it applies to postvocalic velars and uvulars only. Separate tier segmental representation can be justified for both languages on morphological grounds similar to those in Arabic. The derivation of Hebrew sibbeep 'to turn' and that of Tigrinya









raqi-X 'thin' serve as an illustration. The structure of these forms before Tier Conflation is given in (22a) and (22b), respectively:


(22) a. s b b. r q

CVCCVVC CVCCVC
I V I
i e a i


If Spirantization were to apply to (22), it would produce

*sippeep and *raxyiy. Also, the surface forms sibbeep and raqqix would appear to involve a violation of the 'inalterability' principle (Hayes 1986), since both involve a rule applying only to the last member of the long-distance geminates in (22). However, if we assume that Tier Conflation occurs prior to the application of Spirantization, then the rule will apply to the structure in (23):


(23) a. s i b e b b. ra q i q
I A I I I A 11 /\ I I
CVCCVVC CVCCVC


In (23) only the last consonant will undergo Spirantization. The rule does not apply to the geminate configuration, since only the first C in that configuration is in postvocalic position. The application of Spirantization would produce the unacceptable *sipbeep and *raqiy. However, Spirantization applies to a sequence of nongeminate consonants, as in /higdil/ > hiydil 'be magnified'. The










application of Spirantization to the sequence gd does not involve a violation of the 'inalterability' mentioned above: Consonants other than geminates have the structure illustrated in (24) (after Tier Conflation):


(24) h i g d i 1




Therefore, Tier Conflation creates the linearized

representation required by later phonological rules. Tier Conflation was proposed by Younes (1983) and elaborated by McCarthy (1986). It has the function of discarding morphological information at some point in the derivation. In fact, McCarthy (1986) makes the claim that Tier Conflation is to be identified with Bracket Erasure. (Kiparsky 1982a, Mohanan 1982, H-alle and Mohanan 1985). Bracket Erasure, as suggested in these studies, removes morphological boundaries as they become inaccessible to subsequent phonological rules. Tier Conflation generalizes Bracket Erasure to nonconcatenative systems. McCarthy takes no position as to where exactly Tier Conflation takes place; rather, he concentrates on how it functions in different analyses. In section 4.4.2 we will consider the implications of Tier Conflation and the OCP antigemination effect for high vowel deletion in MA.









2.2.2 The CV-Tier


The segmental tier and syllabic organization are mediated by an intervening tier which consists of the abstract elements C and V. The role of the CV-tier in the description of the nonconcatenative morphology needed for certain languages has already been introduced. The other area where the CV-tier plays a significant role is syllabic phonology or CV phonology. The basic assumption of CV phonology is that the property of syllabicity is separated from the strictly segmental material and represented on an autosegmental tier. Elements on the CV-tier are linked to those on the 'melodic' (segmental) tier via association lines in standard autosegmental fashion. The other significant role of the CV-tier is that of characterizing the elementary units of timing at the subsyllabic level. As in autosegmental phonology, one-to-many and many-to-one associations are allowed by the theory. By virtue of this provision for the two possible types of association, the dualistic behavior of geminates and complex segments can now be represented adequately.

Recall that the standard definition of the segment

implies a constant state in the specifications of features. This is violated, nevertheless, by the existence of affricates and other complex segments. For instance, affricates start as [-continuant], and end as [+continuant]. In order to deal with this problem, the feature [delayed









release] was introduced. Phonologically, affricates count as single segments but also have internal structure comparable to that of sequences of segments. For instance, in the German dialect of Zurich described in van Riemsdijk and Smith (1973), affricates function as units underlyingly but require separate reference to their continuant parts later on.

In a theory with the units of timing represented on an independent tier, the notion of complex segments is characterized in terms of one-to-many association between a single element of the CV-tier and a sequence of two elements on the segmental tier:


(25) a. C b. C c. C

t s m b i e

(affricate) (prenasalized (short diphthong)
stop)


The monosegmental character of these segments is captured on the CV-tier where they are represented as a single unit of timing, while their bisegmental property is recorded on the segmental level as two fully specified segments.

Support for representations in (25) can be drawn from the dualistic behavior of Latin labiovelars discussed in Steriade (1982). Steriade argues for the structures in (26a) and (26b) as the representation for Latin labiovelars:










(26) a. C b. C

k u g u


In Latin, the labiovelars behave like single consonants in that, unlike all other consonant clusters, they fail to close a preceding syllable. On the other hand, they count as a sequence of two consonants: They can occur only in prevocalic position, in which case the second melodic unit in the complex segment syllabifies with the following vowel. This restriction follows from the fact that Latin wordinternal syllables obey the Sonority Sequencing Generalization (pp. 18, 92). Under this generalization, any sequence stop-w-consonant cannot be exhaustively syllabified. Further evidence for the bisegmental character of these labiovelars follows from their fate in preconsonantal position. A labiovelar occurring before consonants may lose its labial component, as in coctus 'cooked' underlying
C
ko] -tos. The second option is for the labial glide to syllabify as a vowel, as in lingula 'little tongue' underC
lying lingu-la. Steriade proposes two rules to account for these two outcomes (deletion or syllabicity). The first rule deletes the association between the labial component and the segmental slot; the second inserts a V slot and associates it with the segment u. It is hard to perceive how a theory which fails to recognize the constituent parts of these segments would handle the data without further complications in these rules.










The other problem which the representation of

(sub)syllabic information on a different tier seems to solve is that of 'geminates' or 'long' segments. The special behavior of these segments with respect to phonological rules has been a well-known problem for the standard theory: They behave sometimes like a single consonant and sometimes like two consonants. The SPE framework allows two ways of representing these segments: They can either be marked as [+long], in which case they behave like a single segment, or they can be represented as a sequence of two identical segments when they count as two. However, several studies have shown that neither representation can account for the unique behavior of geminates (cf. Kenstowicz 1970, Pyle 1970, Sampson 1973, and Barkai 1974). Proposals for modification are numerous in the literature, but most of them are concerned with the phonological rules which apply to geminates. Some of these proposals are constraints on such rules, for instance, the 'Integrity Hypothesis' (Kenstowicz and Pyle 1973), or its revision in Benhallam (1979), and the 'Adjacency-Identity Constraint' (Guerssel 1977). others try to specify what kind of rules would apply to geminates, both underlying and derived (Benhallam 1980).

There are two general properties shared by these studies and others done about the same time. First, they all maintain the linearity hypothesis of representations, and, second,









they concentrate on phonological rules rather than the representational aspect of geminate segments.

The representation of geminates in CV phonology is that of many-to-one association between the CV-tier and the segmental tier, where two C or V-slots on the CV-tier are linked to a single melody on the segmental tier. This can be schematized as follows:


(27) a. Long Consonant b. Long Vowel 4


C C V V

V i


As mentioned recently by Hayes (1986), Kenstowicz (1970) noticed that rules which require the sequence representation of geminates are prosodic in nature, while those requiring the single representation are segmental rules. A similar observation is made in Leben (1980) concerning long consonants in Hausa. These consonants pattern with single segments in a plural class but behave like clusters with respect to syllable structure constraints. Given the representation in (27), this split in behavior can be accounted for. Since length is factored out and represented on the CV-tier in terms of occupying two slots, it is natural that long segments behave as such on the same tier where syllable weight is defined, i.e. the CVtier. On the other hand, the monosegmental character of geminates, as illustrated by their immunity to certain










segmental rules, is also accounted for: On the segmental tier, geminates are single consonants.

Further, the representation in (27) predicts the

failure of certain rules such as epenthesis to apply to segments having these structures: Any application will result in crossing association lines (Kenstowicz 1982, Schein and Steriade 1986):


(28) * C V V C

I m I


Finally, it follows from the above that the CV-tier

formally expresses the long recognized distinction between light and heavy syllables. According to this distinction, a light syllable ends in a short vowel, while a heavy syllable in a long vowel, a diphthong, or a short vowel followed by a consonant. Clearly the distinction concerns the nucleus and the material following it, together called the 'rhyme'. Given the function of the CV-tier in characterizing the units of timing, we can now describe the distinction between light and heavy syllables as that of 'nonbranching' vs. 'branching' rhymes. A light syllable contains a simple, nonbranching rhyme expressed on the CV-tier in terms of association to a single V unit. A heavy syllable, on the contrary, has a complex branching rhyme, represented on the CV-tier as a bipositional unit. The CV-tier also explains why the rhyme of a heavy syllable can be one of the







35
following: a sequence of two short vowels (VV), a diphthong

(VG), or a short vowel followed by a consonant (VC). From the point of view of the CV-tier, these sequences are equivalent, regardless of the segmental content of the matrices to which they are linked on the segmental tier. In fact, there have been several proposals to replace the C and V-slots with X slots (cf. Kaye and Lowenstamm 1982, Harris 1985, Levin 1985, Schein and Steriade 1986). Thus, the rhyme of a light syllable is represented on the 'X-tier' by one X-slot, that of a heavy syllable by two slots--hence the equivalence of VV, VG, and VC. Either way of representing the slots on this tier captures the distinction of heavy vs. light as well as the structural equivalence of heavy syllables regardless of the segmental values of the members constituting their rhymes.


2.3 Constraints and Other Principles


2.3.1 Association Lines


Elements on different tiers are linked by association lines, which indicate how these will eventually be coarticulated. The association conventions are identical to those operating in tonal systems. Goldsmith (1976) proposes the following overriding constraints on association:










(29) Well-formedness condition

a. Every unit on one level must be associated

with at least one unit on every other level

b. Association lines may not cross


The first clause of (29) is both too weak and too strong. It is too weak because there are different possible associations that can satisfy (29a). In order to deal with this indeterminacy, Haragauchi (1977) and Clements and Ford (1979) propose several conventions to make the wellformedness convention more specific. One of these conventions is that mapping links elements on different tiers on the basis of one-to-one from left to right. 5

on the other hand, (29a) is too strong to allow

unassociated or dissociated elements, but the theory can be interpreted as predicting the occurrence of such elements. As a result, (29a) has been weakened in recent work (Goldsmith 1979, Clements and Ford 1979, McCarthy l979a, and Halle and Vergnaud 1982). The crux of these proposals is that elements are allowed to remain unassociated after the left-to-right rule has applied, or to become dissociated, and that (re)association should not be a matter of convention. If these elements remain unassociated, they will receive no phonetic realization on the surface.

.In Section 2.2.2, we have seen that in addition to oneto-one association, the theory of multi-tiered representation allows two other types of association between elements








37
on the CV-tier and those on the segmental tier: one-to-many and many-to-one. The first type of association characterizes complex segments, and the second designates geminates. However, it is by language-specific rules that one or both of these association types are excluded. A oneto-many association between the CV-tier and the segmental tier is prohibited for almost all varieties of Arabic (McCarthy 1979a, 1981b). It follows from this that complex segments do not occur in Arabic (but see below).

A prohibition against the one-to-many association

between the CV-tier and segmental elements is observed by loan words in Arabic. The few loan quinqueliteral nouns observe this constraint. In verbs derived from these nouns, the last consonant always stays unassociated throughout the derivation and eventually does not appear on the surface. For instance, the verb maynat 'to magnetize' is derived from the corresponding noun maynatiis 'magnet'. The left-toright association of a root like mynts gives (30) (McCarthy 1981b:399):


(30) C C C C
I I I I
m y n t s




The example in (30) represents the result of one-to-one, left-to-right association. Because in this case there are more melodies than melody-bearing units, s stays unattached









and may not link to any of the already filled C-slots. s does not receive any phonetic realization on the surface and the correct form is derived.

Further evidence for the prohibition in Arabic against a one-to-many association between units of the CV-tier and melodies on the segmental tier (complex segments) comes also from the behavior of the few English loans in MA. This group of words includes forms which have either of the complex segments 5v and Y: check, ketchup, j.11, and march are pronounced [sveekI, [kesvabI, [zvak], and [maarisl, respectively. These examples are different from maYnat in two respects. First, the deleted element in the latter, s, constitutes an independent melody, which would exclusively associate to a prosodic slot, had one been available. On the contrary, the deleted element, t or d, in these examples does not form an independent melody (in the source language) from the point of view of the CV-tier. In other words, the deleted part of the complex segment in each case (t or d) forms only a part of a prosodic unit on the CV-tier:


(31) a. C b. C

t s d z


Second, the deletion of t or d in check, ketchup, march, or jug cannot be shown to be a consequence of the constraint on maximum root consonants, as is the case with maYnat. None of the borrowed examples has more than four consonants. It









is also clear that simplification of complex segments in these words does not follow from the constraint against syllable-initial consonant clusters. If it did, these words could have undergone epenthesis to give *tV~ek, *kitVvab, especially since epenthesis is common in the pronunciation of words with consonant clusters (but not complex segments),
6
cf. ?iskuul or sikuul 'school'. Also, simplification of complex segments through epenthesis will not exhaust the limit on root consonants in Arabic since the resulting forms will have either three or four consonants. It is also interesting to note that in cases where epenthesis applies to a loan word with a cluster, the simplification of the complex segment also takes place; for instance, march is v7
pronounced as maaris, not *maaric. The evidence, then, points to the reality of the structures in (31) and the constraint against them even with respect to foreign words: Epenthesis would obliterate the monosegmental structure of the segment in the source language; a complex segment would, on the other hand, violate constraints on the structure of the segment in Arabic. The result is the substitution for the complex segment of a single, nonbranching one.

The only case which seems to violate the prohibition

against the one-to-many association between the CV-tier and segmental elements is the occurrence of /v/ in certain varieties of Arabic. However, a consideration of the synchronic as well as diachronic status of this particular










consonant supports in various respects the prohibition against complex segments. First, there is a considerable degree of variation in the pronunciation of this particular consonant in Arabic. In MA and CA it is often pronounced [5']; but [g]l, [Z'], and [Y]I occur in other varieties as well. Second, it is the case that even where [v] is heard, a considerable amount of variation exists. For instance, in MA alternation between ['] and [Z'] is quite common. Consider 5vamal 'U zamal 'camel', v'u~ "' zuuTi 'hunger', ri3'il 'U .rizvil 'foot'. Third, /3/ is the only complex segment in the phoneme inventory of, at least, MA and CA; its voiceless counterpart, /5v/, does not occur. Fourth, if we adopt the viewpoint that considers the' modern dialects to be the direct descendants of CA, the change of classical ' dialectical zv can also be viewed as part of the tendency to eliminate this consonant from the sound inventory of the language. What is involved here is a change of a complex branching consonant into a simple, nonbranching one, thus, providing further evidence for the prohibition against complex segments.


2.3.2 The Independence of Autosegmental Tiers


one of the constraints implied by the linear theory of phonological representations is that in tone languages, both segmental and tonal features should form an integrated whole. This would mean that deletion rules could not








41

operate on one without affecting the other. The phenomenon of contour tones, where vowels delete leaving their tones to be realized on adjacent vowels is, nevertheless, a clear indication that the two levels of representation are quite independent. The independence of tiers of representation is basic to the autosegmental approach, where each tier might undergo rules that exclusively refer to elements on that specific tier. In Etsaka (Clements 1979:100), as in many tone languages, a vowel deletes and its tone appears on another vowel. The expression 'each noun', for instance, requires the reduplication of that noun:


(32) a. owa 'house'
J-WV N I
b. 6 owa each house'


The underlying form of (32b) is given in (33):


(33) H L H L
I I I I
0 W CL V W


The surface form is derived by deleting the first occurrence of the vowel a. The deletion rule, however, leaves the tone of the deleted vowel to be later realized on the following vowel as a contour tone. The example also shows the stability of the tonal tier.

The notions of independence and stability of autosegmental tiers extend to the CV-tier. Languages possess rules that refer to the segmental elements along with their










positions on the CV-tier. Rules of epenthesis exemplify this type. Languages may also have rules that refer exclusively to elements on the segmental tier, without reference to their position on the CV-tier. A classic example would be rules of compensatory lengthening whereby a segment deletes but with concomitant lengthening of another segment. For instance, in Latin /s/ is voiced to /z/ and later deleted before dental stops, causing compensatory lengthening, e.g. */sisdo:/ > si:do: 'I sit', and /disdu:co:/ > di:du:co: 'I separate'. Compensatory lengthening clearly violates the 'integrity constraint' on phonological rules. It is a rule that deletes a segment but leaves its temporal position, i.e. its slot on the CV-tier, intact. In a theory where the segmental and subsyllabic material are represented on one and the same level, it is hard to represent the changes involved in a process like compensatory lengthening.


2.3.3 The Obligatory Contour Principle


The last constraint relevant to autosegmental representation is the Obligatory Contour Principle (henceforth OCP). The OCP, originally proposed by Leben (1973) for tonal phonology, prohibits sequences of identical elements if they can be replaced by a single multiply associated element. In addition to tonal phonology, it has been demonstrated that the OCP is operative in other areas of phonology and










morphology. Its relevance to the analysis of other than tonal systems was examined in McCarthy (1979a, 1981b) where it was presented as a distributional constraint on Semitic roots. McCarthy argues more recently (1986) that the OCP has an equally significant role throughout the phonological derivation, as exhibited by processes of gemination and antigemination in many languages including non-Semitic types of languages. In what follows I present some of the arguments offered by McCarthy (1979a, 1981b, 1986) in support of the active role of the OCP in these areas.

The first piece of-evidence for the role of the OCP in governing lexical representations comes from the unique explanation it offers for the absence in Arabic of geminate roots with identical first and second radicals, e.g. *sasam. This prohibition cannot be justified by phonetic reasons, since identical (but heteromorphemic) consonants are commonplace in the language, e.g. ta-takallam 'you converse' Nor does it follow from a restriction on identical consonants separated by a vowel within the stem. The absence of such forms is explained under the two assumptions that Arabic roots are subject to the OCP and that all autosegmental spreading in Arabic is rightward (McCarthy 1979a, 1981b). As concluded by McCarthy, the representations in (34a) and (34b) are excluded by the OCP and rightward spreading respectively; operation of the two principles









gives the actual form samam as represented in (34c) (McCarthy 1986:209).


(34) a. b. c.


*sasam *sasam samam

a a a

CVCVC CVCVC CVCVC

s s m s m s m


The OCP also plays a significant role in the structural distinction between tautomorphemic and heteromorphemic identical consonants. These behave differently with respect to a well-known rule in Arabic. This difference can be attributed to their having distinct representations, where the role of the OCP figures prominently. The rule in question is that of Identical Consonant Metathesis first discussed by Brame (1970) and reformulated by McCarthy (1979a, 1981b, and 1986). The rule applies to tautomorphemic identical consonants as in /samama/, but skips heteromorphemic ones as in /ya-ta-tabba~u/. There is no short way of distinguishing the two types of consonants without further complication of the rule. However, the enforcement of the OCP as a constraint on the lexical representation of tautomorphemic identical consonants makes the distinction manifest. Only tautomorphemic consonants are characterized in terms of one-to-many associations between the melodic and skeletal tiers (cf. (34c)). The










structural distinction can thus be incorporated into the rule itself making it inapplicable to heteromorphemic identical consonants.

In addition to its role in the lexicon, the OCP has an equally significant role throughout the derivation, as emphasized by McCarthy (1986). Drawing evidence from a variety of languages, Semitic and non-Semitic, McCarthy argues that the OCP shows what he calls an 'antigemination' effect. That is, instead of fusing two identical elements into a single unit, the OCP is enforced to prevent the creation of such sequences.

The first rule he cites is a syncope rule from Afar, a Lowland East Cushitic language. The rule syncopates an unstressed vowel in a peninitial two-sided open syllable. This is illustrated in the following examples he cites from Bliese (1981):


(35) xamila xaml-i 'swampgrass (acc./
nom.-gen.)'

digib-t-6 digb-e 'She/I married'


He cites the following examples where the rule regularly fails to apply:


(36) midad 'fruit'

xarar-e 'he burned'

danan-e 'I/he was hurt'








46

In (36) the vowel which fails to undergo syncope is in each case located between two identical consonants. McCarthy argues that the blocking of the rule is not a langaugespecific constraint against geminates, since both tautomorphemic and heteromorphemic geminates occur freely in the language. Rather he attributes the failure of syncope to apply to the antigemination effect of the OCP. The expected output of syncope contains a sequence of identical tautomorphemic consonants that violates the OCP. McCarthy illustrates the prohibited derivation in (37) (p. 221):

(37) e e

[[ C V C V C ] v ] --- *[ [ C V C C I V
I I I I I I I I I
walal wall


The OCP also interacts with yet another principle that has been shown to be required by nonconcatenative systems for the application of some phonological rules. The principle of Tier Conflation (cf. section 2.2.1) achieves the linearized representation required by certain rules. The interaction of these two principles shows that the OCP is also enforced after Tier Conflation. McCarthy gives Tiberian Hebrew schwa deletion as an example. In Tiberian Hebrew, schwa deletes in a two-sided open syllable but fails to apply between identical consonants as in the following examples (McCarthy 1986:234):









(38) zaaxruu 'they but saapapu'u 'they
recalled' surrounded'

malXe 'kings of' but harere 'mountains
of'


Schwa also deletes between heteromorphemic identical consonants as in the case of verbs with final k followed by the pronominal suffix -akaa: tapaarexxaa 'she will bless you' (p. 235). The Hebrew data offer further support for the enforcement of the OCP, however, with slightly different assumptions depending on the morphological make-up of the language and the place of schwa syncope in the overall derivation. McCarthy notes that the application of schwa syncope to the Hebrew example harere 'mountains of' displays no violation of the OCP, as is evident from the output of the rule (p. 235):


(39) a e a e
I I /\ I A
C V C V C + V V --+C V C C + V V
I I v
h r h r = *harree


The nonviolation of the OCP in this case is due to the fact that vowels and consonants are represented on different tiers. However, if schwa syncope is assumed to apply after Tier Conflation, the facts of Hebrew will also be in agreement with the OCP principle. In this case, schwa syncope applies to the linearized representation in (40), therefore, the violation of the OCP in the output of the rule:









(40)ee


I I I I I I I I I
h ar o r h ar r

There are, however, certain lapses to the antigemination effect of the OCP. One of the rules exhibiting geminates in its output is the rule referred to at the beginning of this section as the rule of Identical Consonant Metathesis. The rule plays an important role in the phonology of classical Arabic and that of the modern dialects. The rule is responsible for the derivation of verbs with final identical consonants like svadd 'he pulled' from the underlying structure svadad. The rule was formulated as a phonological rule in Brame (1970) and McCarthy (1986). However, McCarthy (1986) presents arguments that the rule can also be viewed as a rule of allomorphy or a very early phonological rule. One of the arguments, which will prove to be significant in section 4.4.2, is that early rules have many exceptions on the basis of lexical or morphological class membership. The other argument, which holds in MA, is that no phonological rule can be shown to apply before this rule. on the basis of the early nature of such a rule, the assumption that it applies before Tier Conflation is well motivated. Therefore, the geminates in the output of the rule are compatible with the OCP antigemination effect.










2.4 Notes


iThis is an incomplete representation of McCarthy's
original example. For instance, it excludes the active and passive forms of the imperfect and the participle. In addition, the forms cited in the example involve a certain amount of abstraction. For instance, the root ktb does not occur in all the binyanim. Ktanbay (XV) is not an actual form, but landay 'to be stout' is. The range of meaning expressed by each binyan besides the original meaning of the root is given below:

I 'stative'
II 'intensive, extensive, causative'
III 'reciprocal'
IV 'causative' V 'reflexive'
VI 'reflexive of third binyan' VII 'reflexive of first binyan'
VIII 'reflexive or middle voice of first binyan'
IX 'express colors'
X 'reflexive or middle voice of fourth binyan'
XI 'express defects'
XII sporadic
XIII sporadic
XIV sporadic
XI sporadic
2Verbs of this group that undergo the Flop Rule of the eighth binyan in MA are few in number. They are mostly learned words, e.g. ?igtadilu 'straighten!' (in prayers). The colloquial forms used elsewhere are ?anTadlu or ?at~adlu (with no flop).
3The first possibility, however, is more compatible
with the generally observed phenomenon of simplification in the grammar of MA and the other dialects if compared to that of Classical Arabic.
4Certain versions of the theory allow another representation of long vowels, whereby the vowel is dominated by the sequence VC instead of VV as in


V C

a


The evidence given by Clements and Keyser (1983) is language specific. It relies on the observation that in certain







50

languages, vowel-final words behave like consonant-final words. We will return to this issue in Chapters Five and Six.
5 This convention excludes pitch-accent systems for which association starts by linking the starred segment with the starred tone. In this case the melody may be introduced by a phonological rule.
6 School has not yet made it as a loan word in Arabic.
The pronunciation cited for the example is that of a student learning English and, thus, applying the syllable structure constraints of MA to the target language.
7 Epenthesis in this particular example serves to simplify the complex coda of march, i.e. rv c_
















CHAPTER THREE
SYLLABLE STRUCTURE AND RULES OF SYLLABIFICATION


3.1 Introduction


Since antiquity, the syllable has been recognized as a relevant unit in phonological descriptions. Evidence to support the role of the syllable in phonological theory usually comes from three areas. First, it can be argued that the syllable provides the domain within which the phonotactic constraints in a language can be best defined (Pike 1947, Kurylwicz 1948, O'Connor and-.Trim 1953, Fudge 1969, Sampson 1970, Kahn 1976, Benhallan 1980, Selkirk 1982, and many others). The majority of these studies demonstrate that 'morpheme-structure conditions' and redundancy conditions can be more adequately stated as constraints on syllable structure.

Second, the syllable forms the proper domain for

certain phonological rules. In other words, it is only with

reference to the syllable that these rules can be properly characterized. Studies of this kind are numerous and cover a wide variety of languages. Among these are Basbgll's analysis of Danish st9(d (1974); Hooper's argument for a syllable-based analysis of nasal assimilation in








52

(Allegretto) Spanish, of consonant devoicing in German, and of nasalization of high vowels in Akan (1972); Hoard's discussion of aspiration and tenseness in English (1971); Vennemann's analysis of vowel lengthening in Modern Icelandic (1972); Kahn's characterization of some low-level processes in English (1976); and Broselow's (1979) as well as Benhallam's (1980) account of emphasis in Arabic.

Third, the syllable constitutes the domain of various suprasegmental phenomena (Trubetzkoy 1969, Cheng 1966, Lehiste 1970, and many others).

While the evidence for the syllable as a unit of

segment organization exists in abundance, the efforts to accord a theoretical status to it fluctuate. References to it in pregenerative literature are hard to miss. But the several attempts to define it either in phonetic or phonological terms (cf. Hjemslev 1939, Stetson 1951, Haugen 1956, Hala 1961, Rosetti 1962, O'Connor and Trim 1953, Pulgram 1970) were inconclusive, mainly because of the complexity and variety of the linguistic phenomena related to the syllable.

This led phonologists to leave out the syllable as a unit of phonological organization. The standard theory of Chomsky and Halle (1968) gives no place to the syllable in phonological representations. The characterization of syllabically conditioned processes was, therefore, particularly problematic and led to the use of some










abbreviatory devices to describe these processes. Well-known are cases of C } to indicate the syllable-edge and C { V }C to characterize the distinction between
o VC 0
'weak' and 'strong' clusters. In addition to their being arbitrary, there are other problems with such conventions. The first device contains the elements C and #, which do not form a natural class. Several attempts have been made to naturalize the word-boundary by giving it specifications for segmental features (Lass 1971, Lightner 1972). An alternative way of dealing with these boundary markers was proposed in Pyle (1972).

The second convention mentioned above was introduced to characterize the distinction between 'weak' and 'strong' clusters in English*stress, which is actually a distinction between light and heavy syllables, respectively. This is a very common distinction utilized in the description of the stress systems of many languages, yet it cannot be expressed using A phonological feature. This particular convention is found to be not only arbitrary, but also cannot be motivated on independent grounds.

In light of the increasingly clear need for the

syllable in phonological organization, there have been several proposals for incorporating the syllable into the generative framework. These include the use of boundary symbols (Hooper 1972) and bracketing (Anderson and Jones 1974). They all concern themselves, in one way or another,








54

with the marking of syllable boundaries in the phonological string so that rules can refer to them.

A distinction like the one between 'weak' and 'strong' clusters, however, does not seem to depend on reference to boundary markers; rather, what is involved is the difference in the internal structure of the constituents to which these clusters belong.


3.2 Syllable Constituency


According to the few proposals which incorporate the syllable into phonology within a linear framework, a phonological representation includes in addition to the sequences of phonemes a number of boundary markers that serve to delimit syllables, morphemes, and words. It is assumed that all information crucial to the operation of phonological rules or to the statement of phonotactic constraints are encoded in the segments themselves or in these boundaries. According to this theory, then, syllables are defined in terms of their boundaries. A syllable consists of all segments delimited by a boundary marker, usually '$' or 1. '. This view of the syllable is represented in Hockett (1955), Haugen (1956), Pulgram (1970), Hoard (1971), Hooper (1972, 1976), and Vennemann (1972).

Although these proposals represent a major step towards

the incorporation of the syllable into the phonological










representation, they all have one thing in common. Apart from the delimitation of segments belonging to the same syllable by syllable boundaries or juncture elements, no further structure is assigned to the syllable. However, there are certain phonological generalizations which can be captured only with reference to the internal structure of the syllable. First, as mentioned briefly in Section 3.1, such a structure figures prominently in the statement of

certain phonological rules (cf. the distinction between 'strong' and 'weak' clustersI). Second, in the absence of such constituency the phonotactic constraints within the syllable will have to be stated in some ad hoc manner.

In fact, earlier proposals viewed the syllable as

having a constituent structure of the same type as is to be found in morphosyntactic domains (Pike and Pike 1947, Fudge 1969). For instance, Pike (1967) argues for the onset, peak, and coda as being the major constituents of the

syllable since it is among these positions that phonotactic constraints hold. Similarly, KuryIlowicz (1948) argues for a constituent that groups the peak and coda together. The

basis for this grouping is that cooccurrence restrictions are more likely to hold between the peak and coda than between either peak or coda and the onset. Other arguments offered for the relevance of syllable internal structure involve certain phonological processes. For example, Pike and Pike (1947) argue for a nucleus unit on the basis that








56

suprasegmental and segmental phonological rules refer to it. Kurylowicz (1948) and Newman (1972) observe the importance of the rhyme to the treatment of the heavy/light syllable distinction. However, in spite of the above efforts, it was only recently that these constituents were given a place in the overall hierarchical structure of speech and considered

as indispensible to the structure and operation of certain phonological phenomena.

In fact, the whole issue of the internal structure of syllables has received a great deal of attention recently. The reason, again, is the growing evidence for the importance of syllable constituency. It is a generally observed fact that most syllabically related processes do not refer to the syllable as a unit; rather, they are sensitive to the structure of its constituents, particularly the rhyme. The comment made by Halle and Vergnaud (1980:93) is relevant here:

Our studies have uncovered many phonological
processes where the constituents of the syllable-in particular, the onset and rime--function independently from one another. In fact it
appears to us that the superordinate unit, the
syllable, plays a much more marginal role in
phonology than do its constituents.

Evidence for the independence of the different constituents within the syllable, as stated by Halle and Vergnaud, in itself constitutes an argument for syllable constituency. The syllable structure of many languages supports this viewpoint. See, for instance, Pike and Pike (1947), Saporta








57

and Contreras (1962), Fudge (1969), and Newman (1972), among others. The syllable structure of Arabic is not an exception in this respect (McCarthy 1979a).

It is necessary to note that any evidence for syllable constituency will argue not only against the linear representation of the syllable but also against any theory that does not assume an internal structure for syllables, including some proposals made within the nonlinear framework. For this reason, it is instructive to note that not all versions of the nonlinear representation of the syllable assume syllable constituency. Two viewpoints can be distinguished in this respect, namely, the 'flat' vs. 'hierarchic' theory of syllable structure.

The flat theory is discussed mainly in Kahn (1976),

which introduces the first nonlinear treatment of syllable structure. Apart from the association of segments that constitute one syllable to the syllable node located on a separate tier, Kahn does not discuss the issue of syllable internal constituent structure. In this respect, Kahn's proposal is quite similar to those of McCawley (1968), Vennemann (1972), and Hooper (1976). However, Kahn's approach differs from the boundary approach in two major respects. First, it recognizes the syllable as a linguistic unit separate from the strictly segmental information. Second, unlike the boundary approach, it allows for the representation of 'ambisyllabic' segments (Section 3.5.3).








58

Recently, Clements and Keyser (1983) have argued in favor of the flat theory of the syllable. They argue that no further structure is required between the syllable nodes and syllabic slots. 1 Clements and Keyser maintain that the category 'nucleus' plays a significant role in phonological representation and that the 'onset' and 'coda' are unnecessary. They propose that phonological representations consist of the syllable tier, CV-tier, the nucleus tier, and the segmental tier. The first three tiers are defined as structural units, which represent the organization of speech units at higher levels. The segmental tier, on the other hand, consists of several phonetic tiers such as the nasal tier, the laryngeal tier, the tonal tier, and others. It has to be emphasized that the recognition of a nucleus constituent does not affect their basic assumption that syllables have flat structure since the proposal nucleus category is considered to be a simultaneous representation on a different tier:


(1) N nucleus-tier

A
C C V C C CV tier


syllable-tier


The other nonlinear representation of the syllable recognizes an internal hierarchical structure within syllables. This view is adopted in most studies that deal










with syllable structure (Vergnaud and Halle 1979, 1980, McCarthy 1979a, 1980, Kiparsky 1979, Prince 1980, Selkirk 1980, Steriade 1982, Harris 1983, and many others). Although differences might exist as to the number of constituents recognized or the internal organization of certain constituents, there seems to be a general agreement on the division of the syllable into two major constituents: the 'Onset' and the 'Rhyme'. For an example of variation in the number of constituents recognized, see Halle and Vergnaud (1980) where a third constituent, the 'Appendix', is argued for on the basis of data from Arabic, German, and Malayalam. Variation in the internal organization of the rhyme constituent also exists. For instance, Selkirk (1984a), Pesetsky (1979), Safir (1979), Hayes (1980), Mohanan (1985), and Benhallam (1986) recognize the further division of the rhyme into the nucleus and coda.

An examination of the syllable structure in MA reveals evidence that supports syllable constituency. It will be noticed that while the discussion is directly pertinent to the syllable in MA, most observations also hold for the syllable in CA. Of course, certain differences exist as well and will have considerable implications for the data we are discussing.

We first consider the area of phonotactic constraints. The following general observations characterize the syllable in MA. In other than word-final position, syllables contain










at most three segments. The first two positions are reserved for the onset and nucleus, both of which are obligatory. The third position is occupied by an optional coda. There are no coocurrence restrictions between the onset and what follows. Any consonant in the phoneme inventory of MA may occur alone as the onset, including the glides w, y, and ?: ?amiir 'Prince', ?as.wad 'black', and yaa.bis 'hard'. Onsets consist invariably of one consonant. Thus, the first syllables in *#ktubu, *#lbalad, *#stalam are all ill-formed syllables, even though the overall length of the first syllable is not excessive. The second position is always occupied by the nucleus or the sonority peak, always a vowel in Arabic but not necessarily so in other languages. In the case of CVV, the second and the third positions are exhaustively occupied by the nucleus. In the case of CVC syllables, on the other hand, the third position is occupied by a single consonant. The glides, however, are banned from this particular position. The only exception is when the glide happens to form the first member of a geminate cluster.

More restrictions exist when we move to consider

syllables that occur in word-final position. The maximal syllable in this position consists of four segments. These are, in fact, the same basic CVV, or CVC, plus an extra consonant giving the syllable types CVVC, or CVCC, respectively. The same restrictions on positions two and three







61

discussed above also hold here. Two additional restrictions can be stated with respect to the fourth position. The glides are excluded from this position in both types of syllables, i.e. CVVC and CVCC, except in certain cases which will be discussed in Chapters Five and Six. The other restriction is specific to CVCC and concerns the last two positions: The more sonorous member of the biconsonantal cluster usually occupies position three; exceptions occur where the cluster forms a geminate or in the case of a certain morphological class.

So far, all the constraints mentioned above concern the last two membersof the syllable, the nucleus and the coda; none of the constraints involves the onset. The claim is that the relevance of certain parts of the syllable but not others should be expressed in terms of a specific syllable internal constituent structure.

In a flat theory the domains within which these

constraints hold cannot be designated without making use of some ad hoc mode of description. The argument put forth by Steriade (1982:73) can be summarized as follows: The fact that in one and the same language rules can refer only to the domains represented in (2d) and (2e) and not the others constitutes an argument for the syllable internal constituents they represent (the rhyme and the onset):









(2) Cy

C C V C C

domain (a)

domain (b)

domain (c)

domain (d)

domain (e)


As mentioned by Steriade, the domain in (2d) can be defined in an ad hoc manner as the part of the syllable that begins with the vowel, and the one in (2e) as the elements preceding the vowel. However, it is no accident that the domains described in such terms coincide with the domains usually referred to as 'Rhyme' and 'onset', respectively.

It seems likely that the onset and rhyme constitute the minimum hierarchical structure within the syllable. Under a theory that recognizes this distinction, the phonotactic constraints holding among the last two or three positions in the syllable can now be given some significance. Phonotactic constraints are more likely to hold between positions forming one and the same constituent, in this case, the rhyme. No such constraints exist between the onset, on the one hand, and any of the other elements within the rhyme, on the other.

The recognition of a rhyme constituent enables us to

formulate the constraints on the maximum number of segments that may follow the onset as the maximum number of segments








63

allowed in the rhyme in MA. The irrelevance of the onset to the statement of phonotactic constraints then follows from the onset-rhyme division within the syllable.

It can be roughly stated that in the case of MA, the upper limit on the rhyme is three segments in word-final position and two elsewhere, and that glides may not occur in either position following the nucleus, except in very few cases. It is worth noting that in CA the glides can occur in the positions following the nucleus. Examples from CA include fa?run 'mouse nom. ', s'ay? 'thing (pausal form)'.

The upper limit of segments allowed in the rhyme in MA is further confirmed by the impossibility of CVVC iC~ syllables. The constraint against this syllable type is observed by both native and loan words, as we will see below.

The distribution of CVVC.iC.i syllables in CA is relevant

here. This syllable type is the least frequent in CA. it appears rarely as the final syllable of utterances or of words in pause form (Al-Ani and May 1978:118). The coda of a CVVC iC i syllable is always occupied by a geminate cluster. As mentioned by Al-Ani and May, these syllables are phonetically realized as CVVC; however, they must be phonologically considered as CVVC iC 1 on the basis of their behavior in other than final position. For instance, compare maarrun 'passerby (nom.)' where -r becomes the onset of the following syllable, to the pausal form maar(r) 'passerby'.










The situation in MA and most of the dialects is,

however, different. CVVCiCi syllables do not occur in final position. Compare, for instance, 'aara 'neighbor (f.)' and zaar 'neighbor (m.)' to zaar.ra 'dragging (f.)' and zaarir
V
'dragging (m.)'. The expected form in place of zaarir is
V
zaarr, which never occurs in that position. The gemination of the final consonant is justified on the basis of the feminine form 'aarra. The replacement of CVVC.C. syllables in MA by the configuration CVVCiVCi is only one way of dealing with words that do have a CVVC.C. in CA. (See Chapter Four for more details.)

Loan words also conform to this constraint, but, through different mechanisms. Compare, for instance, English bank to Arabic bank. The reduction of the nucleus results in changing the syllabic configuration from nonoccuring CVVCC into CVCC which conforms to the limit on the rhyme as mentioned above. However, nucleus reduction is not the only way in which the syllable structure of loan words is modified to fit that of the borrowing language. Other words are dealt with in different ways. For example, English march is borrowed as maaris with epenthesis simplifying the final cluster.

The general observation is that in all such examples either the nucleus or the coda branches, but not both. If the nucleus branches, then CVVCC syllables are realized as CVVCVC sequences; if the coda branches, then the result is









CVCC through nucleus reduction. The significance of the nucleus/coda distinction in the realization of CVVCC in the language seems to require the recognition of these constituents within the rhyme. However, this is not necessarily the case, since the upper limit on the number of segments within the rhyme can be stated as a restriction on the rhyme node. Thus, if the upper limit is three positions or segments, then CVVC is the result of rhyme branching, while a CVCC is the result of coda branching. The branching of both would violate the upper limit constraint.

In the above discussion, reference to the rhyme node was shown to be crucial to the statement of certain constraints holding within the syllable. The other reason for recognizing the onset/rhyme division within syllables is the frequently observed relationship between rhyme structure and certain phonological rules, such as stress. The first relevant observation is that onsets and certain syllablefinal segments are not relevant to the operation of stress rules (exceptions occur (cf. Davis 1982)) but these are rare cases. The general observation is that stress is attracted to heavy syllables only; light syllables are usually skipped by stress. For instance, in Makkan Arabic, heavy penultimates are always stressed, as in raddeetu 'I returned it', and gaalAtlu 'she said to him'. However, if the penultimate syllable is light, stress falls on the








66

antepenultimate syllable regardless of whether it is heavy or light, as in w~gtahum 'their time' and sazvara 'tree'.

As mentioned earlier, the distinction of 'light' vs.

'heavy' syllables is represented linearly in terms of 'weak' VS. 'strong' clusters. But the 'strong' vs. 'weak' distinction misses the generalization that what is involved is the difference in the internal structure of the syllables. As recently proposed by McCarthy (1979a, b) and Vergnaud and Halle (1979), this difference in structure can be formally represented in terms of the internal structure of the rhyme. Given the view that long vowels are represented as underlying geminates, the distinction is reduced to one of, branching vs. nonbranching rhymes:


(3) a. a b. aC. a

0 R 0 R 0 R


C VC V V C0 V C


The structures in (3) provides a formal way of characterizing two well-known observations. First, the geometrical structures in (3b) and (3c) capture the structural equivalence of C 0V and C 0VC syllables, and thus provide a justification for their similar behavior with respect to stress as in MA. With this representation there is no need for the use of disjunction to characterize them. Second, these structures characterize the distinction between light syllables, as in (3a), on the one hand, and heavy syllables,










as in (3b) and (3c), on the other. The distinction is characterized in terms of nonbranching vs. branching rhymes. As a result, stress rules can now refer exclusively to the structure of the rhyme constituent (McCarthy 1979a, b).

The enrichment introduced by the incorporation of autosegmental representations into generative phonology is not limited to stress rules. As will become clear in the course of this study, other phonological rules can be stated more adequately in a theory where the hierarchical structure of the syllable is represented separately from the strictly segmental information.

There have been several proposals in the literature,

all of which deal with the process of basic syllabic parsing in the nonlinear framework. These will be outlined in the next section.


3.3 Major Approaches to Syllable Structure


3.3.1 Kahn (1976)


In Kahn (1976) we find the first nonlinear approach to the syllable within a generative framework. Kahn's argument includes discussion of syllable structure assignment as well as discussion of low level phenomena in English, such as ambisyllabicity, aspiration, flapped /t/, /r/-loos, and the like. Syllabification rules, in Kahn's system, can be viewed as a parsing device which assigns tree structure to








68
words, and they will be considered as such here. The analysis of a string of segments proceeds as follows:


(4) Rule I (p. 22)

With each [+ syllabic] segment of the input
string associate one syllable:


[+ syll] -- [+ syll]
I


Rule II (p. 24)


a. C1 Cn - C1 . i Ci+l . nv


s s


where C . Cn is a permissible initial
cluster, lut Ci Ci+1 . . . Cn is not.

b. VC C VC .C.C .c
I 1 1 * * * In V j j+l n

S S


where C1 . C. is a permissible final
cluster, but C1 . * C. C j+ is not.


Rule I spots a vowel and assigns the node S (syllable) to it. Rule II, then, associates as many preceding consonants as can make a possible word-initial cluster, and then associates as many following consonants as can make a possible word-final cluster.

There are two major aspects to Kahn's theory. First, the notion of 'onset maximization' is achieved through










ordering: Preceding consonants are associated before following ones. Second, the set of possible syllableinitial (-final) clusters in English is established on the basis of possible word-initial (-final) clusters. 2While the first aspect of Kahn's theory enjoys considerable support as a universal principle, the second is corroborated only by some languages. 3


3.3.2 Lowenstamm (1981)


A definition of the Universal Syllable is given in the following statements:

(5) In a string of segments, a syllable is a maximal
substring such that

a. (i) No segment is lower on the hierarchy than both its immediate neighbors

(ii) No two segments of equal ranking on the hierarchy are adjacent

b. The onset is maximal within the limits of (a) Syllables are thus defined without reference to languagespecific rules. Maximization of onset is stated as a wellformedness condition on syllabification. While Lowenstamm' s approach characterizes the syllable in many languages, cases from many others may be cited as exceptions to the sonority hierarchy on which this approach relies.










3.3.3 Cairns and Feinstein (1982)


This approach is basically a theory of syllable markedness. Focus is on the internal structure and markedness relations of consonant clusters in syllabic onsets. The pivotal aspect of this view of syllabification is that 'various nodes of hierarchical syllable structure are assigned markedness values according to universal interpretive conventions, depending on the kinds of node expansions that are chosen from a set of universal rules of syllabic 'phrase structure"(p. 193). In addition, the role of the sonority hierarchy is fulfilled by the formal characterization of the universal component of syllabification; language-specific well-formed syllables.are defined in terms of an explicit algorithm, and nodes in hierarchical syllable structure are crucially.labeled. Under this approach, syllabic parsing proceeds as follows. First, the languagespecific syllable template parses a string into a 'candidate set' of all possible syllabification. Then each syllable is assigned a markedness index by a universal convention of markedness evaluation, and a composite markedness value is computed for all possible syllables (in the candidate set). The syllabification which has the lowest composite markedness value is then chosen. The second mechanism is a language-specific disambiguation clause which states that, for certain structures, candidate parsings which select them must be preferred, other things being equal.










3.3.4 Steriade (1982)


The main claim in Steriade's approach to syllable

structure is that not all aspects of syllabic organization are decided at the same point in the phonological derivation but that syllabic structures are created by syllable building rules which are ordered among the rules of the phonological component. The syllabification rules proposed by Steriade for the different dialects of Greek are of two types, universal and language-specific. First, the segmental string is parsed by a universal first rule which crates CV syllables. The other universal aspect of syllable parsing is implied in the requirement that other core syllable rules must adjoin stray Cs as immediate sisters of syllabified skeleton slots (p. 82). The language-specific aspects of syllabification include the rules that create branching onsets and codas, their relative order, their unbounded or binary character, and the existence of some segmental well-formedness conditions on their application.

Steriade maintains that there are two important consequences to her approach. The first is that the universal aspects of the template (i.e., each syllable consists of a rhyme and a preceding onset if a consonant happens to be in that position) can be factored out and distinguished from language-specific aspects. The second is that this approach predicts rather than stipulates that the nuclear vowel will always be a member of the right branch








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since stray skeleton slots are adjoined as immediate sisters of the neighboring skeleton slots and not to the syllable or any of its constituents. Therefore, a stray C adjoined to the right of a CV syllable creates a branching rhyme,


//^",X C V C

while a stray C adjoined to the left of a CV syllable will create a branching onset,



C C V

In both cases the vowel occupies a terminal node of the right branch.


3.4 Testing the Syllable Parsing Theories


In this section I will discuss some of the issues contingent on the extension of each of these approaches beyond the languages for which they were originally proposed. The issue here is not whether these proposals can be of a universal validity (some do not claim to be). Rather, the main point is to consider some of the results that might be achieved from applying each approach to some other languages, as well as the problems that might arise in the course of doing so.

The previous section identifies two aspects to Kahn's system of syllabification: the rules of syllabic parsing, which divide the string into possible syllables, and a








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number of low-level rules particular to English. The rules of parsing are candidates to be tested against the syllabification systems of other languages. Drawing on an analysis by Dresher of data from the Vespasian Psalter dialect of Old English, Lowenstamn (1981) demonstrated that Kahn's approach is open to objections on two grounds. First, the definition of syllable-marginal clusters in terms of configurations permissible at word margins is problematic. Second, some undesirable consequences for the statement of syllable-based rules follow from this assumption. In particular, the rule of epenthesis in the Vespasian Psalter dialect of Old English as well as the rule of sonorant syllabicity in both modern English and Yiddish will have to be stated inI paradoxical terms: Syllable structure assignment presupposes nuclei, but the rule that creates nuclei also presupposes syllable structure. For instance, the epenthesis rule which simplifies a final consonant cluster in a word like wetr 'water (nom.)' must be able to refer to a representation like (6) (Lowenstamm 1981:583), where tr can be shown to be tautosyllabic in order to trigger epenthesis:


(6) w e t r




According to Kahn's parsing rules, the final consonant in

(6) may not be associated to the syllable node since the resulting cluster tr is not observed word-finally in









English. Similarly, the rule of modern English which accounts for derived syllabic sonorants, e.g., 1 in simpl involves a paradox: Syllable structure assignment, as given by Kahn's Rule (Ib), requires nuclei, but the rule which brings the nucleus 1 into being also presupposes syllable structure.

The facts of syllabification in Arabic contradict part of the maximum cluster approach: While the structure of the initial margin of the syllable can be defined in terms of what is admissible in word-initial position, syllable-final clusters may not be described in terms of word-final clusters.

In this language, consonant clusters are generally

allowed at word margins only, more precisely in word-final position under very restricted circumstances. 4Wordinternal syllable margins are, however, restricted to one consonant only. 5

In the case of initial clusters, the condition in (Iha) is not violated. Words and syllables invariably begin with a single consonant, as in (7).


(7) a. ma.Ta 'with'

b. mad.ra.sa 'school'

C. 2aIl.ki.taab /l-kitaab/ 'the book'


All of the examples in (7) start with a single consonant, and so do all syllables regardless of their position in the









word. Therefore, (IIa) of Kahn's rules makes the correct prediction in the case of syllable- and word-initial clusters in Arabic.

However, the condition in (IIb) is not borne out by final clusters. Consider the following examples of some possible consonant clusters in world-final position. These forms are restricted in occurrence to prepausal position:


(8) a. kalb 'dog'

b. burl 'tower'

C. 3ins 'race'


According to (IIb) the final clusters in (8) are expected to be permissible at word-internal syllable margins as well. This is not the case, however, as illustrated by the forms in (9):


(9) a. *kalbha 'her dog'

cf. sababha 'her reason'

b. *bur"na 'our tower'

cf. sababna 'our reason'

c. *Jinshum 'their race'

cf. sababhum 'their reason'


The only way to achieve well-formedness for the forms in (9) is to break up the cluster at the syllable margin in each case:










(10) a. kalbaha

b. burJana
c. 3insahum


The extra consonant at word margin is syllabified with the inserted vowel. Thus, syllable-final position is restricted to one consonant only--a situation that does not hold for word-final position. Thus, Kahn's approach makes the right prediction in one case but not in the other. It is worth noting that the unparallel structure of onsets and codas with respect to clusters is not unique to Arabic. Pulgram (1970) remarks that while syllable onsets always correspond to word onsets, the same is not always true of codas.

The second objection raised by Lowenstamm against the maximum cluster approach concerns the structure of some epenthesis rules. Observe that these problems follow from the conditions stated in (IIa) and (IIb), i.e., epenthesis or sonorant syllabicity needs to refer to the tautosyllabicity of tr or pl cluster, but cannot, since neither is observed word-finally. However, we have already seen that such constraints are not without exceptions. Therefore, many languages may put severe restrictions on clusters at syllable-margins but, at the same time, allow syllables at word margins to include extra elements (cf. Arabic as in

(8)). In addition, part of the paradox is due to the requirement that epenthesis refers crucially to the tautosyllabicity of the cluster. An alternative would be to








77

incorporate the conditions defining these clusters into the rules of syllabification. or, for languages other than English, the removal of the conditions in (Iha) and (Ib) will allow the consonants of the cluster to be tautosyllabic. Epenthesis would then modify consonant clusters that violate the sonority hierarchy (cf. Section 5.2.3).

Lowenshamm's approach is a rearticulation of the

sonority hierarchy principle recognized long ago (Sievers 1893, Jespersen 1904, and Saussure 1915, among others). Many languages seem to obey this principle according to which segments within a syllable tend to occur in an order of increasing sonority from the outside of the syllable toward the syllable peak, which is by definition the most sonorous segment.

These hierarchies, however, are not assumed to be

absolute. Violations of the sonority hierarchy may occur as a result of languages having their own (language-specific) constraints defined on their syllable structures. However, most of these violations can be shown to be morphologically motivated, as illustrated below.

The situation where the sonority hierarchy would be violated is hard to come by in most varieties of Arabic since consonant clusters are not usually allowed at syllable margins. Yet, it is still possible for certain morphologically determiined derivations to deviate from the sonority









hierarchy. Consider the following examples from Classical Arabic:6

(11) a. kasb 'earning' b. kabs 'pressing'

surb 'drinking' sabr 'patience'

?ams 'yesterday' ?ism 'name'

qalb 'heart' F6abl 'rope'


The cluster involved in each example in the second column violates the hierarchy in that the members of the cluster are not arranged in such a way that the more sonorous among the two occurs next to the syllable peak. However, these examples are all nouns formed in accordance with a certain morphological template.

In fact, the sonority hierarchy principle is observed by many languages, but deviations may still be found. A possible suggestion is to specify where deviations from the hierarchy occur and to interpret this principle as an indicator of relative syllable markedness rather than an absolute universality.

Our objection to Cairns and Feinstein's markedness

theory of syllable structure falls along the same lines as Steriade's objections to this model: Namely, the model is too complicated compared to the results it was established to achieve. For instance, the role of the markedness evaluation can be simply stated as one that assigns a V.CV structure to the sequence VCV. Such a simple procedure does










not justify the highly complex mechanism of the markedness evaluation. Moreover, little attention is given in this model to the co-occurrence restrictions that usually hold within the rhyme. This is not a genuine criticism since similar conventions can be devised to account for the rhyme structure of the syllable, but it is very likely that these conventions will involve the same kind of elaborate procedures.

The main point of Steriade's approach is the distinction she draws between the universal and language-specific aspects of syllabification. The universal part of syllabification is that all syllables consist of a rhyme and a preceding onset if a consonant is found in that position, and that stray consonants must be adjoined as sisters to already adjoined C-slots. Differences among languages arise as a result of the presence or absence of other syllabification rules, in particular an onset rule which creates complex onsets, and a coda rule that creates branding rhymes. Languages might also vary with respect to the number of applications of the onset and coda rules as well as the constraints imposed on their application.


3.5 Rules of Syllabification in Arabic


3.5.1 Syllable Parsing Rules


It has been demonstrated in section 3.2 that syllable constituency is a crucial aspect of the syllable. In this










section we consider how segments are organized into syllables displaying such hierarchical constituency. The main claim is that syllable structure organization consists of a set of syllable-building rules, both universal and language-specific. In this respect, my indebtedness to Steriade's work will be evident, but certain modifications are called for. It will be demonstrated that this view of the rules of syllabification has the advantage of allowing a unified description for syllable structure organization in a number of varieties of Arabic.

I first assume that the phonological string is parsed by a universal CV rule that takes precedence over any language-specific rules(s). 7This rule is given in (12):


(12) CV-Assignment Rule (Universal):



A
O R

C V => C V


The application of Rule (12) to strings of segments like hiba 'donation' and kasa 'to clothe' gives the structures in (13a) and (13b), respectively:


(13) a. G a
A A
0ORO0R
I I I I
C V CV C VC V
I I I Rule (12) 1 1 1 1
hib a > h ib a









b.
A A
0 R 0 R
I I I I
C V C V C V C V
I I I I Rule (12) I I I 1 ka s a > k a s a


The first language-specific rule of syllabification in

Arabic is the coda rule given in (14):8


(14) Coda Rule (optional) (a preliminary form)

cr G
R R
I A
VC > VC


The Onset Rule in (13) and the Coda Rule in (14) together

account for the syllable structure assigned to words like

katab 'he wrote', and rasmu 'his painting', as represented

in (15a) and (15b), respectively:


(15) a. G a a a
A A A A
0O R 0 R 0RO R
I 1 . 1 1 I I I
CV C V C C VC V C C V CV C
I I I I Rule (12)1 I 1 1 jRule (14)1 1 1 1 k a t a > k a t a b >k a t a b


b. a a a a
A A /\ A
OR OR 0 R OR
I I II I A I I
Cvccv cvCCv cvccv
I I I I IRule (12)1 1 I I IRule (14)1 1 1 1 1 r a s m u - > r a s m u > r a s m u









The Coda Rule as stated in (14) accounts for CVC but not CVV--the other heavy syllable type in the langauge (cf. section 3.2). However, it is a well established observation that CVC and CVV syllables behave uniformly with respect to receiving stress in certain positions (Chapter Four) as well as triggering certain phonological rules in certain environments--facts which suggest that they form a natural class. The claim is that this property should be reflected in the rule responsible for their creation. However, this depends to a great extent on the representation assumed for long vowels on the CV-tier. A note on the representation of long vowels in autosegmental phonology is in order.

The representation of length in terms of a many-to-one association between the CV-tier and the segmental tier is commonly maintained by autosegmentalists. Yet, the representation of the units of the skeleton tier and, in turn, the characterization of long vowels in terms of these units is still debated. The skeletal tier as originally proposed by McCarthy (1979a) consists of C and V elements representing the features [cons.] and [syll.], respectively. In subsequent work, however, C and V slots have been interpreted as encoding only [- syll.] and [+ syll.], respectively. The most familiar representation of a long vowel is in terms of association to two V-slots on the skeletal tier. But we have already seen that this








83

representation is not accounted for by the Coda Rule in (14) since that rule syllabifies a post nuclear C-slot.

The other possible representation proposed for long

vowels in this framework associates a long vowel with a VC sequence on the CV-tier (cf. Clements and Keyser 1983):


(16) V C

[vowel]


The significance of the difference entailed by the two representations of long vowels seems to be languagespecific. In other words, if there is no language-specific rule that differentiates the two structures, vowels dominated by VV and those dominated by VC will have identical realizations. For instance, Clements and Keyser use the representation of long vowels as VC sequences to characterize a certain set of stems in Turkish that end in long vowels but behave phonologically as though they were consonant-final. However, Clements and Keyser indicate that phonetically the realization of vowels dominated by VV as VC is identical.

Following a suggestion made by Halle and reported in Steriade (p. 81) that Arabic long vowels are VC sequences, we might assume the same representation for long vowels in MA. Under such an assumption, as Steriade notes, long vowels can be derived by the Coda Rule. If this assumption is correct, then the Coda Rule as stated in (14) can be









maintained for the syllabification of CVC as well as CVV. Consider, for instance, the derivation of naamu 'they slept'. According to the above assumption, the long vowel of the first syllable is dominated on the CV-tier by a VC sequence:


(17) a 0 0 a
A A /\ A
OR OR 0 R OR
It II i A i
cvccv cvccv cvccv
i V I Rule (12)1 V I I Rule (14)1 V I I n a m u -> n a m u -> n a m u


However, in the absence of phonological rules that

would justify a VC-representation for long vowels, we opt to reformulate our coda rule. The new form of the coda rule is given in (18):


(18) Coda Rule (optional) (Final form)



R R
_ K
V X > V X


In (18), X covers vowels, glides, and consonants.

So far the core syllables of the language, CV, CVC,

and CVV, are accounted for by rules (12) and (18). Section 3.2, however, shows CVVC and CVCC as possible syllable types that occur at word margins. The application of (12) and

(18) leaves the final consonants unsyllabified. In order to









account for these syllable types we propose the Incorporation Rule in (19):


(19) Incorporation Rule



R R
/A, / A +


Rule (19) says that a syllable with a branching rhyme incorporates a single unsyllabified consonant in word-final position only. Rule (19) will account for the syllabification of CVVC and CVCC as in (20a), (20b), respectively:


(20) a. b.


C VV C IvI b a b


A
o R I A
C VV C
I v I
b a b




O R I X\
CVV C
b ab


cvc
dar s



A
o R I A
CV C C I a I I

da r s
Cf
A




o R I A
CV C C
I I I I



dar s


Rules (12) and (18) Rule (19)


Consonants which may not be exhaustively parsed into core syllables, as is the case with superheavy syllables in








86

non-final position, remain extrasyllabic (unsyllabified) and must be incorporated into well-formed syllables by phonological rules, such as epenthesis (Chapter Five).

To recapitulate, rules of syllabification in MA are of two types: universal and language-specific. The universal aspect includes Rule (12) and the requirement stated in Steriade (1982:82) for Greek that other core syllable rules must adjoin stray Cs as the immediate sisters of the already syllabified skeletal slots. The language-specific rules include (a) the Coda Rule in (18), (b) its restriction to one iteration per syllable, (c) the Incorporation Rule in

(19), and (d) the restriction of its application to wordfinal position.

In evaluating the system of syllabification outlined above, we might repeat Steriade's argument. The system makes a clear distinction between the aspects of syllabification which may belong to Universal Grammar (if they are indeed part of core grammar at all) and those specific to Arabic. Under a template-based analysis, on the other hand, this distinction is not immediately realized. The fact that onsets are restricted to one consonant need not be stated twice, once in the template and once in the languagespecific disambiguation rules. It is stated only once--in the fact that Arabic lacks an onset rule. 9

A further advantage is that this view of syllabification makes it possible to talk of a set of syllabification









rules common to all varieties of Arabic. We can make the claim that the universal rule in (12), the Coda Rule in

(18), and their relative order constitute part of the syllabification system of most varieties of Arabic. It can also be claimed that the dialects differ with respect to the Incorporation Rule in (19). For instance, while the Incorporation Rule in CA is restricted to the end of the phonological phrase, in MA it applies only at word margins. However, in Palestinian Arabic, as reported by Abu-Salim (1982), it also applies word-internally which means that in that specific dialect syllable and word margins are subject to the same constraints.


3.5.2 Syllable Structure Assignment and Resyllabification


We must now decide the point of the derivation at which the rules of syllabification (section 3.5.1) are defined. The analysis presented in the following chapters shows that various phonological rules refer, in one way or another, to the syllabic organization of segments. This implies that underlying strings have already been organized into syllables prior to the application of phonological rules. Therefore, we assume, following McCarthy (1979a) and Hayes (1980) among others, that rules of syllabification are assigned on the underlying representation. (For a different view, see section 3.3.4, Steriade (1982), and Harris (1983).) We also assume that rules of syllabification are




Full Text
286
The glides in (40) are exceptions to rule (25) although all
occur in the rhyme position. They are geminates as their
occurrence in non-final position shows. The fact that a
morphological explanation for their exceptionality is not
available provides further support for the role of the
multiple association of geminates in the blocking of certain
phonological rules.
In several places, we observed that the output of CL or
assimilation contains true geminates but gave no example
from MA to support our claim. Recall that _? deletes both as
a first and as a second consonant after the vowel. The
second situation is exemplified by a word like say? sayy
'thing'. That sayy contains a true geminate is evident from
the following:
(41) a.
/say?/
UR
b.
sayy
CL
c.
*seyy
monophthongization
The unacceptability of (41c) lies in the fact that
monophthongization in this case violates the
'inalterability' principle that characterizes geminates.
6.7 Conclusion
This chapter has investigated the general tendency on
the part of MA to eliminate the glides (?, y, w) from the
rhyme constituent. The rule of CL has been the main


110
Thus, CVVC and CVCC syllables
and (lib), respectively (Aoun
(11) a. o a
A I
CVVC
have the structures in (11a)
1979:141):
b. o a
CVCC
Aoun's account of final superheavy syllables depends on the
assumption that the right-most rhyme, be it light, heavy, or
degenerate, is always projected as nonbranching, and thus
unstressed. Under this assumption, rule (7), as well as the
special convention of stressing superheavy ultimas proposed
by Halle and Vergnaud, can be dispensed with (for the
purpose of stress assignment). However, it is worth noting
that the projection of rhymes according to Aoun's assumption
results in metrical structures quite similar to those
created by the McCarthy/Halle-Vergnaud analysis. For
instance, compare the structures in (12a) and (12b) as given
in Aoun (1979:144) to those in (8a) and (8c), respectively:
(12) a.
w s w
A A I
mustasfa
a
'hospital'


214
Now consider the derivation of the same form using the
reverse order, i.e. prosodic assignment followed by
epenthesis. As mentioned above, the degenerate analysis of
katbt is /ka.ta.bAt/. This syllabic configuration
(CVCVCVC) makes such forms eligible for antepenultimate
stress according to the stress rules of the language;
compare ktabat 'she wrote', ftafat 'she opened', rgabat
'neck of' (idaafa construction), and bgarat 'cow of'(idaafa
construction). The result of rhyme projection and prosodic
assignment to /ka.ta.bAt/ is given in (88):
S W
/X A
s w s w
lilt
k a t a b A t
As is clear from (88), the empty nucleus is counted as the
rhyme of the ultima. Since heavy ultimas and light
penltimas are not usually stressed, stress falls on the
3
antipenultimate syllable. Epenthesis follows prosodic
assignment but fails to apply. Instead, the rule of final-
syllable incorporation applies to give the final output
* ktabt with stress on the wrong syllable. It is, of
course, possible to derive the actual form in (87) where
stress falls on the last superheavy syllable through the
reassignment of prosodic structure to the output of the
incorporation rule. However, the point is that this shows


180
degenerate syllable only if the long vowel of that syllable
will not undergo VS afterwards.
It is thus evident that a degenerate syllable analysis
in this case is not feasible. At the very least, it
requires certain modifications in the rule of VS. According
to these modifications, the final consonant of a non-final
CVVC syllable will be treated in two different ways. For
these reasons, the analysis of epenthesis as a rule
triggered by the presence of unsyllabified consonants in the
phonological string is to be preferred.
5.2.2 Postpausal Epenthesis
Word-initial consonant clusters may arise from two
sources. First, certain verbal forms occur with consonant
clusters, as is the case with the imperative forms of a
number of triconsonantal verbs. Examples include
Imperative
katab
' he
writes'
ktub
'write!'
saba R
' he
swims'
sbaft
'swim!'
jalas
' he
sits down'
5lis
'sit down!'
Second, the majority of forms with initial clusters result
from morpheme concatenation, both within and across words.
Within the verbal paradigm, several binyanim are derived
through the prefixation or infixation (after the first
radical) of certain consonantal morphemes to the basic form.
For instance, while n- and st- are prefixed in binyanim VII


283
To these, we might add the following:
(36) a. ?aytaam
sg. yatim 'orphans'
ytm
b. ?awtaar
sg. watar
wtr
'cords, strings'
(37) a. ?astawrad
wrd 'import (perfective
active of binyan
X)'
b. ?astaysar
ysr
'to be or to find
easy (perfective
active of binyan
X)'
The examples in (35), (36), and (37) are clear counter
examples to our claim. What is striking about these
examples is that the glide which occupies the coda position
is, in each case, the first root consonant. This consonant
participates in the derivation of several morphological
classes, such as the comparative (35), the plural (36), and
the perfective active of the tenth binyan (37). A
phonological explanation is not available for these forms.
The failure of monophthongization to apply to /y/ and /w/
when they form the first consonant in a root can be
8
incorporated into the rule.
The second group of exceptions includes the following
examples:


syllables. Superheavy syllables in MA are strictly
restricted to word-final position underlyingly; therefore,
the rule responsible for their syllabification has to be
restricted in application to that environment. The con
straint against non-final superheavy syllables, however, is
relaxed in such a manner that high vowel deletion can yield
CVVC syllables in its output.
Two theoretical issues addressed in detail are (1) the
idea of allowing unsyllabified (extrasyllabic) consonants in
phonological representations, and (2) positing empty nuclei
under the degenerate syllable analysis. The first receives
considerable support in this study. It is argued that
phonological rules affecting syllable structure (epenthesis
and vowel shortening) are triggered by the presence of
unsyllabified consonants.
Epenthesis applies in three different positions: pre-
pausal, postpausal, and medial (general). Unsyllabified
consonants triggering general epenthesis result from poten
tial non-final superheavy syllables, while those triggering
postpausal epenthesis result from initial consonant clusters.
Prepausal epenthesis is triggered by tautosyllabic consonant
clusters violating the sonority hierarchy, and is further
subject to the constraint that morphological classes may not
be merged. Problems with the analysis of unsyllabified
consonants as parts of degenerate syllables are discussed.
Xll


238
c. waddee-t-l-ha >- waddeetlha
'I took to her1
The forms in (123) alternate with those in (124),
respectively:
(124) a. katabtllaha
b. ?atareetllaha
c. waddeetllaha
Each of the examples in (124) has the underlined extra
syllable. This syllable consists of a copy of the dative 1
and another occurrence of the epenthetic vowel a. In what
follows we discuss some of the issues that might be relevant
to the dative gemination illustrated in (124).'*"^ Additional
data are illustrated in (125).
(125) a. /katab-t-l-u/
katabtllu
b. /?astaree-t-l-i/
?a£taretalli
c. /waddee-t-l-u/
waddeetllu
katbtalu ^
'I wrote to him1
?a§tareetali ^
'you (m.) bought for me'
waddetalu %
'you (m.) took to him'
Doubling is not limited to dative 1; b 'with' behaves in a
similar way:


83
representation is not accounted for by the Coda Rule in (14)
since that rule syllabifies a post nuclear C-slot.
The other possible representation proposed for long
vowels in this framework associates a long vowel with a VC
sequence on the CV-tier (cf. Clements and Keyser 1983):
(16) V C
X/
[vowel]
The significance of the difference entailed by the two
representations of long vowels seems to be language-
specific. In other words, if there is no language-specific
rule that differentiates the two structures, vowels
dominated by VV and those dominated by VC will have
identical realizations. For instance, Clements and Keyser
use the representation of long vowels as VC sequences to
characterize a certain set of stems in Turkish that end in
long vowels but behave phonologically as though they were
consonant-final. However, Clements and Keyser indicate that
phonetically the realization of vowels dominated by W as VC
is identical.
Following a suggestion made by Halle and reported in
Steriade (p. 81) that Arabic long vowels are VC sequences,
we might assume the same representation for long vowels in
MA. Under such an assumption, as Steriade notes, long
vowels can be derived by the Coda Rule. If this assumption
is correct, then the Coda Rule as stated in (14) can be


164
In each case, a consonant is left unsyllabified as a result
of the restriction of the coda rule to one application per
syllable. This consonant may not join the following
syllable because the same restriction applies to onsets in
the language. The unsyllabified consonant in each case is
in fact the final consonant of a potential superheavy
syllable. Epenthesis creates a new syllable with which the
stranded consonant in each case can syllabify. Application
of epenthesis and subsequent syllabification of (5a) and
(5b) give (6a) and (6b), respectively:
(6) a. a a a o
A A A A
ORO R OROR
I I I A II II
cvcvccvcv
I I I I I I I I I
katabtaha
b. c a a a
A A A A
OROROROR
I A I A I I I A
cvccvvcvcvc
I I I I V i I I I I
muft a nakum
The rule of epenthesis in this context may tentatively be
formulated as follows:
(7) General Epenthesis
* V / c'
a


170
5.2.1.1 A Linear Analysis of Epenthesis
Consider the application of epenthesis before
syllabification. Under such an analysis, no reference is
made to any kind of syllable information; instead,
epenthesis is formalized in terms of the presence of n
number of consonants in the phonological string. The
examples in (16) show that a vowel is inserted after the
first two consonants of a cluster, both within words (16a)
and across a boundary (16b):
(16) a. katabtaha 'I wrote it (f.)'
/katab-t-ha/
b. katabtalkitaab 'I wrote the book'
/katab-t-l-kitaab/
Epenthesis can thus be formalized as follows:
(17) fS a / CC
However, in the examples in (18) the vowel is inserted after
the first consonant of a cluster:
(18) a. kitaabaha 'her book'
/kitaab-ha/
b.
laalahum
/iaa-l-hum/
'he came to them'


167
(12) a.
a
o
0
A
A
A
0 R
0 R
0
R
1 1
l A ,
, ,1
A
C V
1 1
C V c c
1 1 1 1
c c
1 1
V c
1 1
1 1
k a
1 II 1
t a b t
1 1
1 k
1 1
u m
b.
a
a

o
A
A A
A
0 E
ORO
R
0 R
IAIII
A
, ,1 A
C V
C C V C
V V
C C C V c
1 1
Jill
V
Mill
? a
star
e
t 1 h u m
c.
0
0
0
A
A
A
0 R 0 R
0 R
1 A 1 A
,1 I
C V
C C V V
c'c
C V
1 1
v V
1 1
1 1
? a
d e
t 1
h a
Two consonants
are
left stranded by the rules of basic
syllabification in
each case.
The rule of general
epenthesis is applicable to the examples in (12). After the
application of (7) and subsequent syllabification, (12a),
(12b), and (12c) are modified as follows, respectively:
(13) a. cr a a a
A A A A
OROROROR
I I I A I A I A
cvcvccvccvc
I I I I I I I I I I I
katabtalkum


171
In order to account for the examples in (18), the rule needs
to be slightly revised as in (19).
(19) * a / C(C)
The first expansion of (19) accounts for (16), the second
for (18). Consider the examples in (20). The vowel is
inserted after the first consonant of a cluster, again both
within words (20a) and across a boundary (20b):
(20) a. ?astareetalhum 'I bought for them'
/?a£taree-t-l-hum/
b. katabatalkitaab 'she wrote the book'
/katab-at-1-kitaab/
The application of the first expansion of rule (19) to the
underlying representations in (20a) and (20b) produces the
ill-formed outputs in (21a) and (21b) respectively:
(21)a. *?astareetlahum
b. *katabatlakitaab
A way to rescue this analysis is to stipulate that
(excluding (20b)) the vowel is inserted after the first two
consonants if a short vowel precedes the cluster, but after
the first if the preceding vowel is long. However, this
condition misses the generalization that the first consonant
in cases where the vowel is inserted after the first two


279
(13), the rule applies obligatorily in cases in which the
preceding vowel is /a/ (cf. (8), (11) and (12)). On the
other hand, the rule is still optional in the case of _?
following i (17). Sounds which are already similar are more
likely to undergo assimilation (for instance the assimi
lation of the definite article 1 to a following s, js s, t,
t but not to m, k, £0. Similarly, /a/ is more similar to
/?/ than either /i/ or /u/. In terms of features, both /?/
and /a/ are [- high], [+ low], whereas /i/ and /u/ are both
[+ high], [- low]. That the rule is almost always
obligatory with /a/ follows under the assimilation
hypothesis.
However, there seem to be two ways of formulating this
phenomenon in this framework. The first treats it as CL
whereby a segment deletes leaving its CV-slot vacant.
Lengthening is assumed to be the result of spreading of the
closest melodic element to the vacant slot or by the
reassociation of the slot to that melodic element. On the
i
other hand, assimilation creates two matrices with identical
specifications for all features. The OCP enforcement
requires the merger of the two matrices. Since both of
these formulations characterize the facts of MA, and there
is no decisive evidence for either position, we will
maintain the formulation in (25), according to which this
phenomenon is analyzed as a case of CL.


(1)
V C Y Z
12 3 4
1
+ long
3 4
259
Rule (1) assigns the feature [+ long] to the vowel
simultaneous with the deletion of the consonant. While (1)
captures the simultaneity of deletion and lengthening, it
fails to express the fact that the lengthening of the vowel
is contingent on the deletion of the consonant. That the
weight of the syllable undergoes no change in the output of
(1) goes unnoticed (is treated as accidental). In other
words, what is essential to CL is that a segment deletes
while its position in the syllable is maintained. In fact
this is what makes CL different from ordinary deletion where
both the segment and its slot in the syllable are deleted.
Thus, the facts of CL clearly point to the independence of
the level where timing units (length) and syllabic
information are represented.
It is necessary to mention that there have been several
attempts to describe the facts of CL without recourse to the
transformational rule given in (1). Lightner (1973) treats
cases of CL as instances of 'complete assimilation of one
segment to a contiguous segment'. Therefore, Old Irish ma;1
'prince' developed from Common Celtic magi through the
complete assimilation of 3 to a, i.e. ag > aa. However, as
Clements (1986) observes, this approach has no explanation
for the widely-observed fact that the resulting long vowels
behave as single units with respect to quality-sensitive


113
(13) Degenerate Syllables
a. a
b. a
c.
a
A
/X
C A
C A C
A A C
However, an analysis in terms of completely-filled
syllables, when one is available, is to be chosen according
to the general principle that all else being equal, dummy
symbols are to be minimized in underlying structure. Two
other conditions are imposed on underlying and surface
syllabification. According to the 'Exhaustive Syllabifica
tion Condition', underlying segments which cannot be
analyzed into completely-filled syllables of the available
syllable types in the language are analyzed into partially-
filled syllables, i.e. degenerate syllables. Further, the
surface phonetic structure is subject to the 'Completeness
Condition' according to which all syllables in the input to
the articulatory mechanism have to be phonetically realiz
able. This can be accomplished through the operation of
certain phonological rules, such as epenthesis, which have
the effect of filling those empty positions. This approach
to syllabification, then, puts strict constraints on the
relationship between underlying and surface syllabification:
Underlying segments are necessarily analyzed into either
completely or partially-filled syllables in accordance with
the canonical forms of the language. Selkirk demonstrates
the application of this approach to the analysis of CVCC
O
syllables by the following examples from Cairene (p. 217):


71
3.3.4 Steriade (1982)
The main claim in Steriade's approach to syllable
structure is that not all aspects of syllabic organization
are decided at the same point in the phonological derivation
but that syllabic structures are created by syllable
building rules which are ordered among the rules of the
phonological component. The syllabification rules proposed
by Steriade for the different dialects of Greek are of two
types, universal and language-specific. First, the
segmental string is parsed by a universal first rule which
crates CV syllables. The other universal aspect of syllable
parsing is implied in the requirement that other core
syllable rules must adjoin stray Cs as immediate sisters of
syllabified skeleton slots (p. 82). The language-specific
aspects of syllabification include the rules that create
branching onsets and codas, their relative order, their
unbounded or binary character, and the existence of some
segmental well-formedness conditions on their application.
Steriade maintains that there are two important
consequences to her approach. The first is that the
universal aspects of the template (i.e., each syllable
consists of a rhyme and a preceding onset if a consonant
happens to be in that position) can be factored out and
distinguished from language-specific aspects. The second is
that this approach predicts rather than stipulates that the
nuclear vowel will always be a member of the right branch


240
structure in (127b) contains a sequence of more than two
consecutive light unstressed syllables after the stress.
Ingram (1971) mentions that there is a tendency in some
dialects of Arabic to avoid such sequences. It can be
claimed that (124a) is the result of a similar tendency on
the part of MA to avoid these sequences. Thus, the first
two light syllables are joined into one heavy CVC syllable,
as in (128).
(128) *ka.tab.tal.a.ha
The structure in (128) contains an onsetless syllable and is
therefore ill-formed. Therefore, dative _1 is doubled to
provide the needed onset. There are three problems with
this analysis. First, it depends crucially on the
assumption of optional application for epenthesis; the
remaining cases of epenthesis are all obligatory. In
addition, the optional application of epenthesis has some
undesirable consequences for certain aspects of syllabifica
tion which proved to be required by the process of
syllabification in the language, for instance, continuous
syllabification and the cyclic application of the
syllabification rules. Second, the analysis also relies on
the tendency to avoid certain syllabic sequences as the
motivation for gemination. Such a tendency can be justified
for MA on the basis of cases like those in (124), where an
intermediate structure with the prohibited sequence can be


271
by Kenstowicz and Kisseberth (1979:215), the Alternation
Condition amounts to the constraint that 'the underlying
representation of a morpheme may not contain a phoneme /x/
that is always realized phonetically as identical to the
4
realization of some other phoneme /y/.'. I take it to mean
that in the case of the examples cited here, if a glottal
stop is posited as part of the underlying representation of
a specific morpheme, it has to be part of the surface
manifestation of a different form of that specific morpheme
(e.g. singular/plural) or closely related morphemes
(belonging to the same root). The Alternation Condition as
stated above has been subject to extensive discussion in the
literature (which does not concern us here). For instance,
see Kenstowicz and Kisseberth (1977), and Kiparsky (1982b)
who offers a revised version of his Alternation Condition.
Consider the following examples in light of the Alternation
5
Condition:
(21) a. /fa?s/ >
cf
b. /a?n/ *
cf
cf
f aas
1 axe'
fu?uus
'axes'
saan
'matter, concern
su?uun
'matters'
baas
'misery'
bu?s
'misery'
baa?is
'miserable'
c.
/ba?s/


33
they concentrate on phonological rules rather than the
representational aspect of geminate segments.
The representation of geminates in CV phonology is that
of many-to-one association between the CV-tier and the
segmental tier, where two C or V-slots on the CV-tier are
linked to a single melody on the segmental tier. This can
be schematized as follows:
(27) a. Long Consonant b. Long Vowel**
C C V V
V V
m x
As mentioned recently by Hayes (1986), Kenstowicz
(1970) noticed that rules which require the sequence
representation of geminates are prosodic in nature, while
those requiring the single representation are segmental
rules. A similar observation is made in Leben (1980)
concerning long consonants in Hausa. These consonants
pattern with single segments in a plural class but behave
like clusters with respect to syllable structure
constraints. Given the representation in (27), this split
in behavior can be accounted for. Since length is factored
out and represented on the CV-tier in terms of occupying two
slots, it is natural that long segments behave as such on
the same tier where syllable weight is defined, i.e. the CV-
tier. On the other hand, the monosegmental character of
geminates, as illustrated by their immunity to certain


48
(40)
e
e
A
A
cvcvc+vv
C V C C + V V
h a r e r
h a r r
There are, however, certain lapses to the antigemination
effect of the OCP. One of the rules exhibiting geminates in
its output is the rule referred to at the beginning of this
section as the rule of Identical Consonant Metathesis. The
rule plays an important role in the phonology of classical
Arabic and that of the modern dialects. The rule is
responsible for the derivation of verbs with final identical
consonants like sadd 'he pulled' from the underlying
structure sadad. The rule was formulated as a phonological
rule in Brame (1970) and McCarthy (1986). However, McCarthy
(1986) presents arguments that the rule can also be viewed
as a rule of allomorphy or a very early phonological rule.
One of the arguments, which will prove to be significant in
section 4.4.2, is that early rules have many exceptions on
the basis of lexical or morphological class membership. The
other argument, which holds in MA, is that no phonological
rule can be shown to apply before this rule. On the basis
of the early nature of such a rule, the assumption that it
applies before Tier Conflation is well motivated.
Therefore, the geminates in the output of the rule are
compatible with the OCP antigemination effect.


38
and may not link to any of the already filled C-slots. £
does not receive any phonetic realization on the surface and
the correct form is derived.
Further evidence for the prohibition in Arabic against
a one-to-many association between units of the CV-tier and
melodies on the segmental tier (complex segments) comes also
from the behavior of the few English loans in MA. This
group of words includes forms which have either of the
complex segments c and check, ketchup, jug, and march
are pronounced [seek], [kesab], [zak], and [maaris],
respectively. These examples are different from maVnat in
two respects. First, the deleted element in the latter, £,
constitutes an independent melody, which would exclusively
associate to a prosodic slot, had one been available. On
the contrary, the deleted element, t or d, in these examples
does not form an independent melody (in the source language)
from the point of view of the CV-tier. In other words, the
deleted part of the complex segment in each case (t or d)
forms only a part of a prosodic unit on the CV-tier:
(31) a.
b.
Second, the deletion of t or d in check, ketchup, march, or
jug cannot be shown to be a consequence of the constraint on
maximum root consonants, as is the case with maVnat. None
of the borrowed examples has more than four consonants. It


118
when the consonant in question happens to be a geminate.
According to Abu-Salim, such a consonant cluster should be
dominated by the same node or two sister nodes because
geminates behave as single consonants occupying two non
nuclear positions at the metrical level. Accordingly, a
word like ?imm 'mother' should have the representation in
(19) (p. 25) rather than the structure in (20a) derived by
Rule (7), or its modified version in (20b) (p. 24 & 57
respectively):
(19)
a
C V c c
I 1 V
? i m
(20) a.
A
C V c c
? i m m
b.
C V C C
I V
? i m
Thus, on the basis of examples like the ones in (18), as
well as the problematic structures in the output of Rule
(7), Abu-Salim concludes that CWC and CVCC are basic
syllable types in Arabic. Hence, when they occur, the last
consonant will be sister-adjoined to the preceding node, as
in (19) or (21) :


276
total assimilation. The basis for this claim is that, in
all the cases of CL discussed above, the segment that
undergoes lengthening is always adjacent to the deleting
segment. What is needed as strong evidence for CL is a
clear case where the involved segments are non-adjacent. A
case like this can be represented by the following schema:
(27) CVCXYZ CWCXZ or CVCCXZ
In the absence of instances of the types illustrated in
(27), the facts of CL in MA seem perfectly compatible with
the assimilation hypothesis.
In what follows, I will show that by modifying our
views of assimilation, the acceptance of an assimilation
hypothesis will not contradict the basic results achieved
from the autosegmental approach to CL, i.e. the notion of
quantitative syllable integrity. I also show that several
observations in MA are compatible with the assimilation
hypothesis.
This view of assimilation depends heavily on the idea
of autosegmental spreadinga well-known mechanism of tonal
phonology. (The role of spreading in prosodic morphology
has been reviewed in Chapter Two, and at the beginning of
this chapter). Halle and Vergnaud (1980) argue that
assimilation does not involve the change of a segment into
something more similar to an adjacent segment; rather, what
is involved is the spreading of the trigger segment melody


Ill
b.
w
A
?istaValt 'I worked'
Apart from the extra structure in (12b), which represents
the syllable, ta, the final consonant of the superheavy
syllable, Yalt, has the same representation as that of tabt
in (8c). Stress aside, Aoun takes no position on the
resyllabification of the degenerate syllable. I will return
to his remarks on native speakers' parsing of these
syllables in a later section.
So, on the basis of stress assignment alone, it is
obvious that both the superheavy and the degenerate analysis
are able to account for the stress of final CVVC and CVCC
syllables. They even create similar metrical structures.
The difference between the two alternatives lies in the
assumptions they make concerning the structure and projec
tion of the final rhyme. In Halle and Vergnaud, branching
rhymes in final position are projected as nonbranching,
while all ultimas are assumed by Aoun to be nonbranching,
including the degenerate rhyme. The final consonant, though
treated differently, serves the same purpose of securing
stress for a preceding heavy syllable. In McCarthy's
analysis it is considered part of the preceding syllable and
thus constitutes part of a superheavy syllable. For Aoun


107
Rule (7) presents a superheavy ultima as 'a syllable which
also contains a heavy syllable as its left daughter. That
heavy syllablethe subordinate 0 of the derived structure
becomes in effect a heavy penult, since it is the second
last major constituent in the word. It therefore is
stressed like any heavy penult1 (McCarthy 1979b:453). In
other words, a word with a superheavy ultima is equivalent
to a word with a heavy penult and is stressed in the same
way. Therefore, the final consonant in McCarthy's analysis
serves to locate a heavy syllable in a penult position where
it can receive stress by the regular rule of stressing heavy
penults.
Vergnaud and Halle (1979) offer a slightly modified
version of McCarthy's analysis of stress in Cairene.
According to this view, final heavy ultimas are treated as
if they were light. A word-final branching rhyme is
projected as if it were nonbranching. Conversely, a
branching rhyme in non-final position, be it in penult
position or followed by a consonant (as in superheavy
syllables), will always be projected as branching. This can
be illustrated by the projection of the rhymes in (8a),
(8b), and (8c):


160
particular significance are the implications of a degenerate
syllable analysis of the Makkan data.
An alternative analysis of epenthesis that makes no
reference to syllable structure will be considered, and
contingent problems will be pointed out.
It will also be demonstrated that while most cases of
epenthesis are triggered by the presence of unsyllabified
consonants (represented as C' in the data), this does not
offer an explanation for how to syllabify an unsyllabified
consonant (as an onset or as a coda). This will have direct
relevance to the issue of whether it is possible to analyze
all cases of epenthesis in terms of one rule.
The rule of Vowel Shortening (henceforth VS) provides
further support for the role of unsyllabified consonants in
the conditioning of certain phonological rules. Vowel
shortening is triggered by the presence of such consonants.
However, as will become evident, vowel shortening is more
restricted than epenthesis.
5.2 Epenthesis
The function of this rule is to incorporate into
well-formed syllables consonants which cannot be properly
syllabified by the rules of syllabification. Cases of
unsyllabified consonants usually arise as a result of
the concatenation of morphemes. It was mentioned in
section 4.3.2 that consonant clusters in the language can


47
zaaxruu
'they but
saa Pa^uu
' they
recalled'
surrounded'
malXe
'kings of' but
harare
'mountains
of'
Schwa also deletes between heteromorphemic identical
consonants as in the case of verbs with final k followed by
the pronominal suffix -skaa: tapaarexxa 'she will bless
you' (p. 235). The Hebrew data offer further support for
the enforcement of the OCP, however, with slightly different
assumptions depending on the morphological make-up of the
language and the place of schwa syncope in the overall
derivation. McCarthy notes that the application of schwa
syncope to the Hebrew example harare 'mountains of' displays
no violation of the OCP, as is evident from the output of
the rule (p. 235):
(39) a e a e
I I A I A
CVCVC + VV C V C C + V V
IN/ IV
hr hr = *harree
The nonviolation of the OCP in this case is due to the fact
that vowels and consonants are represented on different
tiers. However, if schwa syncope is assumed to apply after
Tier Conflation, the facts of Hebrew will also be in
agreement with the OCP principle. In this case, schwa
syncope applies to the linearized representation in (40),
therefore, the violation of the OCP in the output of the
rule:


10
on this matter. Within the framework of dependency
phonology, Ewen (1980) considers the segment as an unordered
set of gestures, each of which is in itself an unordered set
of features. This concept of the segment is schematized by
van der Hulst and Smith (1982:24) as in (2):
place
height
rounding
backness
articulatory gesture
consonantality
voice
continuance
sonorance
categorical gesture
glottal stricture
glottalicness
velaric suction
initiatory gesture
The representation in (2) makes it possible to assume that
features which belong to different gestures may behave
independently, thus imposing some sort of constraint on
feature autosegmentalization.
Similar proposals were made within an autosegmental
framework. For instance, Thrainsson's analysis (1978) of


142
be properly syllabified. Thus, HVD applies optionally to
the examples in (55) (Bakalla 1979:43, 45, 48):
(55) a.
yistfigiru
^ yistafigru
'they despise
b.
tigrbiu
'v tigarbTu
'you (pi.)
make noises'
c.
tinsulu
^ tinslu
'you (pi.)
steal'
The structure in the output of HVD in (55) seems to violate
the otherwise consistent restrictions against complex onsets
and non-final superheavy CVCC syllables (cf. (47)), and,
consequently, against the structure-preserving character of
HVD mentioned above.
Several observations can be brought to show that the
application of HVD in (55) is late, probably at the phonetic
level and, therefore, not subject to the principle of
structure-preserving. Observe that this principle is
intended to apply only to phonological rules in the strict
sense, and not to phonetic ones (McCarthy 1981c:76-77).
The first relevant observation is that this particular
case of application of HVD is optional (cf. the alternation
in (55)). In (49b), (49c), (50b), (50d), (51b), (51d) and
(52b), on the other hand, it is obligatory. Examples (56a)
and (56b) are the equivalent of (50d) and (51b) minus HVD:
(56) a. *mudaafi?a
b. *makaatibi


120
c.
mad.ra.sa.tun
'a school
d.
ka.tab.tu
'I wrote'
The other syllable types which occur in the language include
CVVC, CVCC, and CVVCC (Mitchell 1960, Al-Ani and May 1978,
Benhallam 1980, and McCarthy 1979a, b). With few excep
tions, these syllable patterns are, however, restricted to
the final position of words and utterances in pause forms:
(23) a. ki.taa.bun mu.fiid(un)
'a useful book
b. min.?ib.nin baar.(r)(in)
'from an obedient son'
c. saar.run wa sahl(un)
'delightful and easy'
d. qa.ra?.tu 1 ki.taab(a)
'I read the book'
Except for the first syllable in (23c) and the fourth
syllable in (23b) which represent a particular case and will
be discussed in section 4.4.2, CVVC, CVVCC, and CVCC are
restricted to pausal forms. These forms result from the
optional deletion of the case endings -un 'nom.', -in
'gen.', and ^ 'acc.' before a major pause.
McCarthy (1979a, b) proposed Rule (7) (cf. section
4.2.1) in order to account for superheavy syllables of the


52
(Allegretto) Spanish, of consonant devoicing in German, and
of nasalization of high vowels in Akan (1972); Hoard's
discussion of aspiration and tenseness in English (1971);
Vennemann's analysis of vowel lengthening in Modern
Icelandic (1972); Kahn's characterization of some low-level
processes in English (1976); and Broselow's (1979) as well
as Benhallam's (1980) account of emphasis in Arabic.
Third, the syllable constitutes the domain of various
suprasegmental phenomena (Trubetzkoy 1969, Cheng 1966,
Lehiste 1970, and many others).
While the evidence for the syllable as a unit of
segment organization exists in abundance, the efforts to
accord a theoretical status to it fluctuate. References to
it in pregenerative literature are hard to miss. But the
several attempts to define it either in phonetic or
phonological terms (cf. Hjemslev 1939, Stetson 1951, Haugen
1956, Hala 1961, Rosetti 1962, O'Connor and Trim 1953,
Pulgram 1970) were inconclusive, mainly because of the
complexity and variety of the linguistic phenomena related
to the syllable.
This led phonologists to leave out the syllable as a
unit of phonological organization. The standard theory of
Chomsky and Halle (1968) gives no place to the syllable in
phonological representations. The characterization of
syllabically conditioned processes was, therefore,
particularly problematic and led to the use of some


17
unassociated consonantal slot takes place, resulting in the
gemination of the last consonant (McCarthy 1981b:391):
(9) a. IX b. XI
C C V C V .C C C V V C V C
K
U U
Spreading of melodic elements other than the last consonant
would result in crossing association lines. It is to be
noted that the spreading of the last melodic element to the
last empty consonantal slot is the exact analog of the
spread of the last tone to all unlinked vowels in a tone
language.
As for binyanim II and V, association followed by
spreading results in the gemination of the last radical.
Then, an Erasure Rule (McCarthy 1981b:392) disassociates the
final root consonant from the medial C. The new empty C is
now subject to the well-formedness condition and associates
with the autosegment associated with the nearest consonantal
slot, i.e. t.
The representation of elements belonging to different
morphemes on separate tiers has a further advantage in the
derivation of binyanim XII-XV, particularly XII and XIII.
These are comparatively rarea fact which, according to
McCarthy, is captured by their forming a natural class in
the language. First, all of them are formed on the prosodic


287
mechanism by which the language achieves such a goal with
no change observed in syllable weight. Independent
autosegmental representations were able to bring out this
property of CL. Glide deletion in MA was shown to be
compatible with the assimilation hypothesis as well. It was
also demonstrated (using an example from MA) that the output
of CL or assimilation contains true geminates.
6.8 Notes
^As shown later, this analysis can be maintained under
another assumption of autosegmental phonology, namely, that
complete or total assimilation results in merged matrices,
i.e. true geminates (Steriade 1982).
2
However, HVD cannot apply until after CL. That is
because the stranded consonant m in the output of HVD is
adjoined by rule (54) of Chapter Four to a preceding CVV
syllable. CL creates such a syllable.
3
I have chosen not to include cases of optional
deletion following /i/ and /u/ in the rule. Of course,
these have to be incorporated to the rule anyway.
^Kiparsky (1982b) offers a revised version of the
Alternation Condition according to which obligatory
neutralization rules apply only in derived environments.
5
The problem with raas 'head' as a possible example is
that an underlying _? in /ra?s/ is motivated on the basis of
forms like ra?iis 'president' and ra??as 'make president'.
Such forms could be claimed to belong to two different but
semantically similar roots. The question that remains is,
Do native speakers really relate these forms to raas 'head'
in such a way as to justify an underlying representation
/ra?s/? Native speakers' judgments might also be influenced
by the orthographic representation of ra?s which always
contains the orthographic symbol for the glottal stop,
and/or by knowledge of Classical Arabic.
To the best of my knowledge, zuzu(u) < /juzu?/ (cf.
(18)) seems to be the only occurring example. Bakalla cites
muumin < /mu?min/ 'believer'.


154
CVV syllable lends support to a superheavy structure in this
case. This result is different from what Aoun (1979)
reports about the syllabification of this form by native
speakers of Lebanese Arabic. He states that kaat.ba and
kaa.tba are both possible parsings. This difference in the
syllabification of stranded consonants is significant. It
shows that for speakers of MA, a superheavy syllable in non
final position is less marked than a branching onset, and
therefore provides further support for a superheavy
structure.
The second observation has not been widely tested, but
18
a preliminary result is noteworthy. It seems that the
syllable boundary in (74) is also the domain of infixed
material. Therefore, the structure obtained in the output
of infixation in (74) is kaat-wanaT-ba 'wri-damn-ter' (or
the like) rather than *kaa-wa na 9-tba. This example,
unfortunately, does not prove that 'infixation' does not
follow kaa- simply because *tba- is not a possible syllable.
However, (a) that the 'infixation1 cannot occur both after
kaa- and after t^ suggests that something more is at issue
than complex onsets, and (b) in a form like tinslu 'you
(pi.) steal' where complex onsets (si-) are tolerated, the
infixed form would be ting-wa^af-lu, showing that the 'final'
consonant belongs to the superheavy syllable, and is not a
degenerate syllable. If it were a degenerate syllable,
'infixation' should be able to occur on either side of it.


165
This rule states that a vowel is inserted after an
unsyllabified consonant. The rule is general and applies
regardless of the segmental composition of the stranded
consonant. That is, the sonority of the stranded consonant
in this position is not an issue here. Further examples
include
(8)
a.
/saab-hum/
saabahum
'he left them'
b.
/naay-ha/
>- naayaha
'her flute'
c.
/iumr ha/
- iumr aha
'her age'
d.
/kalb kum/
- kalbakum
'your (pi.) dog'
Similarly
the
rule applies
to examples
where
the last
consonant
is a
member of a
geminate cluster.
So, the
following
examples are subject to epenthesis
too:
(9)
a.
?umm-na
?ummana
1 our
mother'
b.
?add-hum
iaddahum
' he i
counted them'
c.
zaww-ha
> zawwaha
' its
weather'
d.
layy-kum
layyakum
'your (pi.) hose'
Epenthesis applies to the examples in (9) in the same way it
does to (4a), with a small difference in structure due to
the geminate. The stray consonant in this case is the
second member of the geminate as shown in (10):


149
and (49c) in that high vowels delete in open syllable
environments:
(66) a. /?a-kaatib-u/ ?a.kaat.bu
'I write to him'
b. /ti-saamifi-i/ >- ti.saam.6i
'you (f.) forgive'
c. /?a-zaakir-u/ ?a. zaak.ru
'I study it (m.)'
The superheavy syllable in the output of HVD contributes no
violation of the syllable constraints and is provided for by
the rule of consonant adjunction in (54) of the previous
section. With consonant initial suffixes, however, these
vowels fail to undergo HVD since they are still in closed
syllables:
(67) a. /?a-kaatib-ha/ >- ?a. kaa. tib.ha
'I write to her
b. /ti-saamiFi-ni/ v ti.saa.mi6.ni
'you (m.) forgive me'
c. /?a-zaakir-ha/ >- ?a.zaa.kir.ha
'I study it (f.)'
Consider the small set of verbs which is of interest
to us here. These verbs have or end in a CWC.iC.
i i


katabtalu
Fourth cycle
Resyllabification
and restructuring
h.
s w w w
|| | | Word-level sj^ucture
katabtalu and labeling
The output is katabtalu with no gemination. The other
option is to maintain the structure in (135f) and continue
the derivation as follows:
i.
A A
s w s w
II I I I
katabtalu Fourth cycle
The structure in (135i) is maximum so that it cannot include
the final syllable. It also contains a branching rhyme in
the penultimate position, which makes the form eligible for
penultimate stress. The presence of the stray syllable
(foot) in (135i) is said to trigger gemination of 1. to
provide an onset for the final syllable. After gemination
and restructuring, word-level structure and labeling give
the following structure:


109
heavy rhyme (8b) is always projected as nonbranching and is,
therefore, grouped as the weak sister in the same foot as
the preceding syllables.
4.2.2 The Degenerate Syllable Analysis
A different way of dealing with CVVC and CVCC syllables
is proposed in Aoun (1979) and Selkirk (1981). While both
CVVC and CVCC syllables are considered as cases involving
degenerate syllables by Aoun, only CVCC is analyzed as such
in Selkirk. The main claim in this approach is to analyze
this syllable type as consisting of two syllables: heavy
and degenerate. A degenerate syllable is one with an empty
nucleus; it consists solely of the extra consonant.
Formally, then, a degenerate syllable may have one of the
following representations:
(9) a. Degenerate Onset b. Degenerate Rhyme
a a
/\. /\
C A AC
In fact, Aoun makes no claim about the position of the
7
extra consonant within the degenerate syllable in Cairene.
He proposes the following representation for a degenerate
syllable:
(10) a
I
C


235
T
regardless of whether this sequence surfaces as a mid or ^
high vowel depending on the rules they undergo. In such a
case there would be no need to rewrite the rule as in (117)
or (121) for two reasons. First, all the exceptional cases
can be characterized as being dominated by a VC sequence and
thus not satisfying the structural description of (97).
Second, rule (97) makes no reference to the segmental
composition of the vowels it applies to.
Thus, the possibility of representing a long vowel as
either a VC or a VV sequence allows phonological rules to
utilize this distinction. However, it does not provide
evidence as to whether all long vowels (or which of them)
can be represented as a VC sequence. The question, so far,
seems to be language specific, as noted by Clements and
Keyser (1983). Our use of VC domination for these
particular vowels is a mere reflection of the fact that
there is justification for treating these vowels as consist
ing of a vowel followed by one of the glides, at least at
one point in the derivation. The basis of this claim goes
beyond the treatment of these verbs by the traditional Arab
grammarians to include some more recent analyses of these
verbs (Brame 1970, Bakalla 1979).
The other explanation for the failure of our rule in
(97) to apply to the examples in (115) is to assume with
Bakalla that this rule is restricted to hollow verbs only.
Implied in the discussion of the representation of long


195
rather than underlying. Several facts can be brought to bear
on this claim. Basically, the claim can be justified on the
basis of the alternations exhibited by these forms in pausal
and non-pausal positions. Compare the pausal forms in (58a)
to their non-pausal counterparts in (58b):
Fiusun
1 beauty1
Titir
1 perfume'
? isim
'name'
suvul
'work'
fiusnaha
/fSusn-ha/
'her beauty'
?itru
/?itr-u/
'his perfume'
?ismeen
/?ism-een/
'two names'
suV li
/suV1-i/
'my work'
Epenthesis is not applicable in (58b) since the final
consonant of the cluster in each case can be properly
syllabified with the following syllable. This kind of
syllabification is not available for the final consonant of
the clusters in the pausal forms in (58a). Instead,
epenthesis applies and derives the actual forms. The
examples in (58) are not quite conclusive since it might
still be argued that the vowels in (58a) are actually under
lying, and that they delete in a certain environment. An
argument which might be used to support this claim, however,
relies on a similar, though not identical, rule of deletion
in the language. Makkan Arabic, as well as some other


54
with the marking of syllable boundaries in the phonological
string so that rules can refer to them.
A distinction like the one between 'weak' and 'strong'
clusters, however, does not seem to depend on reference to
boundary markers; rather, what is involved is the difference
in the internal structure of the constituents to which these
clusters belong.
3.2 Syllable Constituency
According to the few proposals which incorporate the
syllable into phonology within a linear framework, a
phonological representation includes in addition to the
sequences of phonemes a number of boundary markers that
serve to delimit syllables, morphemes, and words. It is
assumed that all information crucial to the operation of
phonological rules or to the statement of phonotactic
constraints are encoded in the segments themselves or in
these boundaries. According to this theory, then, syllables
are defined in terms of their boundaries. A syllable
consists of all segments delimited by a boundary marker,
usually '$' or '. '. This view of the syllable is
represented in Hockett (1955), Haugen (1956), Pulgram
(1970), Hoard (1971), Hooper (1972, 1976), and Vennemann
(1972).
Although these proposals represent a major step towards
the incorporation of the syllable into the phonological


131
The short high vowels of the second syllable in (34a) and
(34b) now stand in open unstressed syllables. Assignment of
prosodic structure results in antepenultimate stress in
accordance with the accentuation rules of the language:
(35) a.
k i b i r a t
b.
k
s w w
i b i r u
The deleting vowels in (35a) and (35b) occupy weak positions
in metrical structures. Therefore, it can be generally
stated that short high vowels delete when they are dominated
by W-nodes. But this claim cannot be maintained because of
examples like (33b) and (33d), where the short high vowel of
the first syllable is dominated by a weak node but does not
delete:
(36)
w s
A \
s w w
k i b i r t


155
In sum, the chapter has considered in detail the two
best known approaches to CVVC and CVCC syllables, the super
heavy syllable approach (McCarthy 1979a, b) and the
degenerate syllable approach (Aoun 1979, Selkirk 1981). On
the basis of data from MA, it was concluded that superheavy
syllables are restricted to final position in underlying
structure; therefore, the rule responsible for their
syllabification, i.e. (7), may not be dispensed with as a
rule of syllabification in certain varieties of Arabic.
The chapter concludes with the exceptions to the
constraint against non-final CVVC syllables. It was shown
that these exceptions are found only in derived structures,
namely, the output of HVD.
Finally, certain exceptions to HVD were explained in
terms of the OCP antigemination effect proposed by McCarthy
(1986).
4.6 Notes
1 ,
The final vowel in katabu 'they wrote' is underlymgly
long. The short variant is accounted for by a rule that
shortens unstressed long vowels in word-final position.
Compare katabuha 'they wrote it'.
2
Heavy syllables are found to behave similarly in other
dialects including Makkan (Bakalla 1979, Damascene (McCarthy
1979a), and probably others.
3
Nouns with stressed final CVV syllables other than the
reflexes of the pronominal suffix are very few. McCarthy
cites disco 'disco' (1979a), fiaya 'life', and gato 'cake'
(1979b). The following examples occur in Makkan Arabic
(pakalla 1979:31-32): ?alla ^ ?lla 'Allah', billa ^
billaa 'by Allah', ?aloo ^ ?lu 'hallo!' (on the telephone),


With love and gratitude
I dedicate this study to my parents.


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Mahasen Hasan Abu-Mansour was born in Makkah, Saudi
Arabia. She attended Al-zahraa? Private Schools in Makkah.
In 1971 she ranked first in the literary section among all
(female) high school graduates in the kingdom. In 1972 she
joined the English Department at King Abdul-Aziz University,
now Umm Al-Qura University. In 1975 she received a BA with
High Honors in English. She was then appointed as an
assistant lecturer in the same department where she taught
English from 1976 to 1978. At the same time she earned a
diploma in curriculum design with special emphasis on
English and participated in administrative work in the
department of Admissions and Registration. In 1979 she was
awarded a Saudi Arabian Government Fellowship to study
linguistics in the United States. She joined the
linguistics program at the University of Florida in the Fall
of 1979 and received a master's degree in linguistics in
1982. In the Fall of 1982 she was admitted to the doctoral
program in linguistics at the same university. Upon
graduation, she will resume teaching in the English
Department, Umm Al-Qura University, Makkah, Saudi Arabia.
309


63
allowed in the rhyme in MA. The irrelevance of the onset to
the statement of phonotactic constraints then follows from
the onset-rhyme division within the syllable.
It can be roughly stated that in the case of MA, the
upper limit on the rhyme is three segments in word-final
position and two elsewhere, and that glides may not occur in
either position following the nucleus, except in very few
cases. It is worth noting that in CA the glides can occur
in the positions following the nucleus. Examples from CA
include fa?run 'mouse nom.', say? 'thing (pausal form)'.
The upper limit of segments allowed in the rhyme in MA
is further confirmed by the impossibility of CWC^C^
syllables. The constraint against this syllable type is
observed by both native and loan words, as we will see
below.
The distribution of CWC^C^ syllables in CA is relevant
here. This syllable type is the least frequent in CA. It
appears rarely as the final syllable of utterances or of
words in pause form (Al-Ani and May 1978:118). The coda of
a CWC^C^ syllable is always occupied by a geminate cluster.
As mentioned by Al-Ani and May, these syllables are phone
tically realized as CWC; however, they must be phonologi-
cally considered as CWC^C^ on the basis of their behavior
in other than final position. For instance, compare maarr-
un 'passerby (nom.)' where _^r becomes the onset of the
following syllable, to the pausal form maar(r) 'passerby'.


CHAPTER FIVE
PHONOLOGICAL RULES AND SYLLABLE STRUCTURE
5.1 Introduction
In the preceding chapter, it was argued that the
proposal to include CVVC and CVCC syllables as basic and
free occurring syllable types cannot be maintained for
certain varieties of Arabic, particularly MA. This chapter
is a follow-up on the general tendency on the part of MA to
minimize this syllable type. The chapter is basically
concerned with the phonological rules employed by the
language to properly syllabify any string of segments which
cannot be parsed by the rules of syllabification. Some of
these rules have been briefly introduced in the preceding
chapter. Here, they will be motivated on the basis of their
role in modifying syllable structure. In other words, they
can be seen as language-particular strategies to avoid
superheavy syllables whenever they would otherwise arise in
positions where they are not allowed.
The discussion will include rules of epenthesis and a
rule of vowel shortening. We will also consider the
possibility of treating epenthesis in different positions as
one and the same process, which was suggested under the
degenerate syllable analysis of CVVC and CVCC syllables. Of
159


138
syllable configurations or simply conforming to the under
lying syllable patterns of a language (cf. Kisseberth 1970,
Miller 1969, and Pyle 1974, among others). McCarthy (1979a,
1981c) makes the further claim that this reflects a general
requirement that phonological rules be structure-preserving;
that is, a phonological rule may apply to a form only if its
output can be properly syllabified. If the output cannot be
syllabified, the rule is blocked. Deviations from this
principle are allowed by explicit stipulations (McCarthy
1981c:76-77). Therefore, schwa deletion in Hebrew is blocked
from applying to forms like /yiktabuu/ since the output will
contain a non-final CVCC syllable (*yiktbuu) that cannot be
syllabified. However, a special stipulation is needed for
the fact that CVVC syllables, which are restricted to word-
final position in underlying representation, may occur in
non-final position throughout the derivation as a result of
schwa deletion. The application of schwa deletion to the
intermediate representation /kaatabu/ yields kaatbu (note
3, p. 96). The following discussion will make several
references to the principle of structure-preserving, as
interpreted above.
My claim is that the rule of HVD in MA is structure
preserving in the sense that it applies only if its output
can be properly syllabified (46); otherwise, it is blocked
(47) and (48). The only exception to this generalization is


275
Although epenthesis can be independently motivated, in (26)
it has the additional effect of moving a glottal stop from
the rhyme position in a CVCC syllable to the onset position
in a CVCVC configuration. The relevant question is why CL
does not apply to the forms in (26). A possible answer
might involve the obligatoriness versus optionality of the
rule. We have seen that in CV? syllables, _? deletes
obligatorily before /a/, but optionally before /i/; examples
with /u/ are almost non-existent.^ We might then conclude
that CL in (25) does not generally affect ?_ following /u/ in
CV?C syllables. Examples involving /i/ could be assumed to
have undergone the rule of CL, for instance, diib 'wolf' and
biir 'well1. However, these examples are dubious since
there is no synchronic evidence (by any version of the
Alternation Condition) for a glottal stop in the underlying
representation (*/di?b/, */bi?r/).
It is interesting to note that the equivalent forms of
the examples in (26) in Egyptian Arabic are luum and jiuum,
respectively. What this means is that the operative rule in
Egyptian is (probably) a more generalized version of CL.
6.5 Compensatory Lengthening or Assimilation
In this section I would like to take up a possible
objection to the analysis of CL presented in the last
section: namely, that all the examples which have been
dealt with as cases of CL might in fact be instances of


gives the actual form samam as represented in (34c)
(McCarthy 1986:209).
44
(34) a,
b.
c.
*sasam
a
C V C V C
I I I
s s m
:sasam
C V C V C
\/ I
s m
samam
a
C V C V C
I \/
s m
The OCP also plays a significant role in the structural
distinction between tautomorphemic and heteromorphemic
identical consonants. These behave differently with respect
to a well-known rule in Arabic. This difference can be
attributed to their having distinct representations, where
the role of the OCP figures prominently. The rule in
question is that of Identical Consonant Metathesis first
discussed by Brame (1970) and reformulated by McCarthy
(1979a, 1981b, and 1986). The rule applies to tautomor
phemic identical consonants as in /samama/, but skips
heteromorphemic ones as in /ya-ta-tabbaTu/. There is no
short way of distinguishing the two types of consonants
without further complication of the rule. However, the
enforcement of the OCP as a constraint on the lexical
representation of tautomorphemic identical consonants makes
the distinction manifest. Only tautomorphemic consonants
are characterized in terms of one-to-many associations
between the melodic and skeletal tiers (cf. (34c)). The


182
(33) a a
A A
ORO R
,1 I I A
C C V C V c
I I I I
n k a t a b
The extra consonant in (33) as well as those in the other
examples of (31) is then syllabified through the insertion
of the sequence ?V-. First, rule (34) provides a nucleus
with which the stray consonant can syllabify. We formulate
the rule as follows:
(34) Postpausal Epenthesis
0 V / # C'
I
a
Then, 2z is inserted in order to avoid a vowel-initial
syllable. Like the rule of general epenthesis in (7) the
rule in (34) is sensitive to the presence of unsyllabified
consonants in the phonological string. However, it is to be
noted that the vowel in this case is inserted before the
stray consonant which gives it the coda analysis. This
observation will be relevant to the discussion of a possible
degenerate syllable analysis which we consider later in this
chapter.
Bakalla (1979) argues that on the basis of economy the
rule that inserts the vowel (the equivalent of (34)) and


263
(4) a. Verbs
Root
Stem
Example
ktb
ktub
?aktub
'write (m.)!'
drs
ndaras
?andaras
' it was
studied'
Nouns
madrasa
'school'
1-madrasa * ?almadrasa 'the school'
ams
1-ams alsams
' sun'
'the sun'
Non-root glottals are always pronounced in postpausal
position as in (5).
(5) a.
?alwalad
raaft
'the boy left'
b.
laatilTab
?aktub
'Don't play (m.)
write!'
Some traditional analyses of the glottal stop treat
root and non-root glottals as underlying and give rules to
specify where the non-root ones may or may not delete
(Mitchell 1962). Since non-root glottals are fully
predictable, there is no justification for treating them as
underlying.
Root glottals do not usually delete. This is true of
glottals in initial position as in (6).


11
aspiration in Icelandic is dependent on the representation
of laryngeal and supralaryngeal features on separate tiers.
So is Steriade's analysis of h in Attic (1982). Steriade
argues that h is not a segment in the sense that it does not
take up a skeleton position by itself. This is supported by
the fact that the h-initial forms behave like vowel-initial
words in that they undergo resyllabification, e.g., domasin
h h.
emeterois 'in our home' domasi nemeterois (p. 155).
They also undergo contraction or elision, as in tetra ippos
'driving four horses' - tet rippos (p. 154).
The other basic question concerning the segmental tier
is as follows: Is it the case that only single features may
behave independently, or can clusters of features do so? In
other words, can complete segments be represented on
different tiers, and, if so, at what point in the derivation
does tier conflation take place?
With regard to the first question, the representation
of clusters of features on different tiers has shown
promising results in the analysis of nonconcatenative
systems of morphology such as that of Arabic. In his novel
extension of the notion of the autosegmental tier, McCarthy
(1979a, 1981b) has demonstrated that by splitting up the
segmental tier into three separate tiers, the consonantal
tier, the vowel tier, and the CV (syllabic skeleton) tier,
the rather complex processes of word formation in Arabic
could be accounted for in a simple and natural way.


87
rules common to all varieties of Arabic. We can make the
claim that the universal rule in (12), the Coda Rule in
(18), and their relative order constitute part of the
syllabification system of most varieties of Arabic. It can
also be claimed that the dialects differ with respect to the
Incorporation Rule in (19). For instance, while the
Incorporation Rule in CA is restricted to the end of the
phonological phrase, in MA it applies only at word margins.
However, in Palestinian Arabic, as reported by Abu-Salim
(1982), it also applies word-internally which means that in
that specific dialect syllable and word margins are subject
to the same constraints.
3.5.2 Syllable Structure Assignment and Resyllabification
We must now decide the point of the derivation at which
the rules of syllabification (section 3.5.1) are defined.
The analysis presented in the following chapters shows that
various phonological rules refer, in one way or another, to
the syllabic organization of segments. This implies that
underlying strings have already been organized into
syllables prior to the application of phonological rules.
Therefore, we assume, following McCarthy (1979a) and Hayes
(1980) among others, that rules of syllabification are
assigned on the underlying representation. (For a different
view, see section 3.3.4, Steriade (1982), and Harris
(1983).) We also assume that rules of syllabification are


117
arguments against McCarthy's treatment of CVVC and CVCC
syllables. Generally, the majority of his objections relate
in one way or another to the distributional facts of these
syllable types and their implications for rule (7) of
section 4.2.1 as part of syllabification in Arabic. The
first argument concerns the constraints on the distribution
of CVVC and CVCC. He argues that both CVVC and CVCC are
basic syllable types in Arabic and, therefore, should be
provided for in the syllabic template or by the rules of
syllabification. He adds that this, in turn, raises several
questions concerning the validity of rule (7) as a part of
syllabification in this dialect in particular, and in Arabic
in general. Abu-Salim bases his claim on the observation
that CVVC and CVCC syllables are not absolutely restricted
to word-final position. He gives the following examples
from Palestinian (PA) and Damascene Arabic (DA) to support
his claim (p. 22-23):
(18) a.
burd.?aan
(PA)
'oranges 1
b.
ub.baak.hum
(PA)
'their window'
c.
Tand.kon
(DA)
'you have'
d.
ba.naat.kun
(DA)
'your (pi.) daughters
Each of the above examples contains a superheavy CVVC or
CVCC in non-final position.
The second argument is that the representation of the
final consonant of a CVCC syllable is further complicated


in the system of English stress is one instance where a
linear representation fails to capture the generalization
expressed by these clusters. Instead, the distinction
'weak' and 'strong' is an arbitrary one based on certain
sets of substrings particular to English. In addition, this
distinction could not be extended to other configurations
which were involved in rules other than the stress rules.
For instance, the same distinction would not account for
other rules such as flap formation, glottalization, and
r-deletion (Kahn 1976).
The combined result of the restrictions implicit in
linear representations and the lack of hierarchical units
beyond the segmental level was the clear need to modify the
traditional phonological theory in order to account for
language phenomena that fall outside the linear domain. In
fact, the theoretical modifications introduced to deal with
such phenomena do not claim to replace the traditional
linear representation completely; rather, they complement
and enrich this representation by recognizing new elements
proved to be necessary to phonological representations. The
result was the emergence of two lines of theoretical
pursuit, autosegmental and metrical phonology.
The basic assumption of autosegmental phonology is that
the standard one-tiered representation is to be split up
into several tiers, each constituting a linear arrangement
of elements. The elements of each tier are linked to each




40
consonant supports in various respects the prohibition
against complex segments. First, there is a considerable
degree of variation in the pronunciation of this particular
consonant in Arabic. In MA and CA it is often pronounced
[53; but [g], [z], and [Y] occur in other varieties as well.
Second, it is the case that even where [5] is heard, a
considerable amount of variation exists. For instance, in
MA alternation between [5] and [z] is quite common.
Consider jamal % zamal 'camel', nuu? ^ zuu? 'hunger', ri^fi!
rizil 'foot'. Third, /j/ is the only complex segment in
the phoneme inventory of, at least, MA and CA; its voiceless
counterpart, /c/, does not occur. Fourth, if we adopt the
viewpoint that considers the modern dialects to be the
direct descendants of CA, the change of classical 3 >
dialectical z can also be viewed as part of the tendency to
eliminate this consonant from the sound inventory of the
language. What is involved here is a change of a complex
branching consonant into a simple, nonbranching one, thus,
providing further evidence for the prohibition against
complex segments.
2.3.2 The Independence of Autosegmental Tiers
One of the constraints implied by the linear theory of
phonological representations is that in tone languages, both
segmental and tonal features should form an integrated
whole. This would mean that deletion rules could not
%


CHAPTER SEVEN
CONCLUSION
This dissertation has treated syllable structure and
superheavy syllables in MA. Classical Arabic syllable
structure has been discussed whenever relevant. The
analyses in the preceding chapters have resulted in a
convergence of evidence in support of the basic claims given
at the beginning of this study. The following is a summary
of our most significant findings.
Chapter Two, which focuses on the consequences of the
incorporation of multilinear and hierarchical representa
tions into phonology, confirms that phenomena which have
been problematic for the standard theory (geminates, complex
segments, and nonconcatenative morphology) receive
explanatory treatments in the nonlinear framework. Only
those aspects of the autosegmental framework which underlie
the analysis presented in this study have been included in
the overview. The illustration of nonconcatenative
morphology using one of McCarthy's examples is felt to be
necessary for two reasons. First, the nonconcatenative
phenomenon is a basic aspect of the structure of Arabic; MA
is not an exception in this respect. It has been demon
strated that the difference between the eighth binyan in CA
289


166
(10) o o
/\ A
O R OR
I A l|
C V c C' C V
I I v I I
? u m h a
Epenthesis applies to provide the syllable with which the
stray consonant can syllabify, as in (11):
(11) a a a
/\ A A
O R O R O R
i A I I I I
C V C C V C V
I I v 1 I 1
u m aha
Cases like these provide further evidence for the special
structure of geminates as occupying two consonant slots on
the CV-tier. They trigger epenthesis like any other
cluster.
We now turn to the other cases where epenthesis
applies. These involve situations where more than one
consonant remains unsyllabified. The great majority of
these cases result from the concatenation of a consonant-
initial suffix and a preposition with a stem that ends in a
CVCC syllable.'*' Consider, for instance, /katab-t-l-kum/ *
katabtlkum 'I wrote to you (pi.)', /?a£taree-t-l-hum/>-
V /
?astareetalhum 'I bought for them', and /Taddeet-l-ha/
?addeetalha 'I counted for her'. Initial syllabification of
these examples will give the following structures,
respectively:


285
clusters since the multiply associated melody of ]_ exceeds
that mentioned in the rule. However, this constraint
applies only to rules that refer to both the melodic and the
CV-tier. Our rule of CL is such a rule; it refers to the
melodic tier in order to distinguish _? from other consonants
and to the CV-tier in order to specify the environment of
deletion.
A possible objection to the above explanation is that
the forms in (38) can be morphologically explained. That
is, the rule does not apply since the gemination of the
second root consonant (the glide) participates in the
derivation of the second binyan, i.e. the causative. In
order to dispute such an objection and therefore maintain
our phonological explanation, we note that the
'morphological' geminates in (38) are not the only
exceptions. Consider the following:
(40) a. Jaw(w) ]oow 'atmosphere'
cf. Jawwaha 'its atmosphere'
b. law(w)
* loow
'if'
cf. lawween
'two if's'
c.
Bay (y)
* Beey
alive (m.)'
cf. Bayya
'alive (f.)'
d. zay(y)
* zeey
'like'
cf. zayyi
'like me'


192
syntactic conditions (e.g. whether word boundary (#) can be
ignored or not) which determine that the two words are pro
nounced as two separate entities in which case resyllabi
fication cannot apply. If resyllabification does not apply,
the newly-created syllable is onsetlessa situation that
violates syllable constraints of the language. Thus,
insertion is triggered. The output of 7_- insertion and
syllabification is given in (53):
(53) o
/\
0 R
I X\
C V V c
I V I
min
o a o
AAA
O R ORO R
I A I i I A
cvccvcvc
I I I I I I I I
# ?anhazam
Similar derivations can be given for (44) and (45). There
fore, assuming the syllable structure of the language, the
epenthetic vowels in both forms (cf. (43a) and (43b)) are the
result of one and the same rule, viz. (34). Also, under our
analysis, there is no need to insert ?_ and delete it later
when a consonant precedes, as in Bakalla's analysis. Here,
insertion and the resyllabification of a word-final con
sonant are in complementary distribution.
5.2.2.2 An Alternative Analysis
We now turn to consider the analysis of initial
clusters as constituting parts of degenerate syllables. We


37
on the CV-tier and those on the segmental tier: one-to-many
and many-to-one. The first type of association
characterizes complex segments, and the second designates
geminates. However, it is by language-specific rules that
one or both of these association types are excluded. A one-
to-many association between the CV-tier and the segmental
tier is prohibited for almost all varieties of Arabic
(McCarthy 1979a, 1981b). It follows from this that complex
segments do not occur in Arabic (but see below).
A prohibition against the one-to-many association
between the CV-tier and segmental elements is observed by
loan words in Arabic. The few loan quinqueliteral nouns
observe this constraint. In verbs derived from these nouns,
the last consonant always stays unassociated throughout the
derivation and eventually does not appear on the surface.
For instance, the verb maynat 'to magnetize' is derived from
the corresponding noun maynatiis 'magnet'. The left-to-
right association of a root like mynts gives (30) (McCarthy
1981b:399):
(30) C C C C
mynts
p
The example in (30) represents the result of one-to-one,
left-to-right association. Because in this case there are
more melodies than melody-bearing units, s^ stays unattached


302
Jones, D. 1956. The hyphen as a phonetic sign: A
contribution to the theory of syllable division and
juncture. Zeitschrift fr Phonetik and Allgemeine
Sprachwissenschaft. Band 9, Heft 2, 99-107.
Kahn, Daniel. 1976. Syllable-based generalizations in
English phonology. Ph.D. dissertation. Cambridge:
MIT.
Kaye, Jonathan, and Jean Lowenstamm. 1982. On the notion
of concatenation in phonology. Paper presented at the
13th Annual Meeting of the North Eastern Linguistic
Society, Montreal.
Kenstowicz, Michael. 1970. On the notation of vowel length
in Lithuanian. Papers in Linguistics 3. 73-113.
Kenstowicz, Michael. 1980. Notes on Cairene Arabic
syncope. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 10. 39-53.
Kenstowicz, Michael. 1982. Gemination and spirantization
in Tigrinya. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 12.
103-122.
Kenstowicz, Michael, and Charles Kisseberth. 1977. Topics
in phonological theory. New York: Academic Press.
Kenstowicz, Michael, and Charles Kisseberth. 1979.
Generative phonology: Description and Theory. New
York: Academic Press.
Kenstowicz, Michael, and Charles Pyle. 1973. On the
phonological integrity of geminate clusters. In M.
Kenstowicz and C. Kisseberth (eds.), Issues in
linguistic theory, 27-43. The Hague: Mouton.
Kiparsky, Paul. 1968. How abstract is phonology?
Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club.
Kiparsky, Paul. 1979. Metrical structure assignment is
cyclic. Linguistic Inquiry 10. 421-441.
Kiparsky, Paul. 1980. Remarks on the metrical structure of
the syllable. In W. Dressier (ed.), Phonologica 1980.
Innsbruck.
Kiparsky, Paul. 1982a. Lexical morphology and phonology.
In I.S. Yang (ed.), Linguistics in the morning calm,
3-91. Seoul: Hanshin.


201
f.
sint
'cent'
g-
fils
'a Jordanian coin'
h.
Ians
'launch'
i.
bunt
'point (stock market)'
j-
zink
'zinc'
k.
banz
'anesthetic'
The only available example where epenthesis applies is mitir
via classical Arabic mitr 'metre' (cf. French [metr]). This
word contains the cluster tr which violates the sonority
hierarchy and thus triggers epenthesis.
In spite of this neat correlation between epenthesis
and the relative sonority of the consonants in the cluster,
exceptions also exist. These are exceptions in the sense
that epenthesis applies even though the sonority hierarchy
is not violated. Examples are given in (67).
a.
subuFi
'morning'
cf.
subReen
'two mornings'
b.
subu?
'one seventh'
cf.
subTu
'its one seventh
c.
ba?ad
'after'
cf.
baidu
'after it'
d.
rubui
'one fourth'
cf.
rubTu
'its one fourth'
e.
liTib
'playing'
cf.
li?bu
'his playing'


303
Kiparsky, Paul. 1982b. From cyclic phonology to lexical
phonology. In II. van der Hulst and N. Smith (eds.),
The structure of phonological representations, part I,
131-176. Dordrecht: Foris.
Kisseberth, Charles. 1970. Vowel elision in Tonkawa and
derivational constraints. In J. Sadock and A. Vanek
(eds.), Studies presented to Robert B. Lees by his
students. Champain: Linguistic Research.
Kurylowicz, Jerzy. 1948. Contribution la thorie de la
syllabe. Bulletin de la Socit Polonaise de
Linguistique 8. 80-114.
Lass, Roger. 1971. Boundaries as obstruents: Old English
voicing assimilation and universal strength
hierarchies. Journal of Linguistics 7. 15-30.
Leben, William. 1973. Suprasegmental phonology. Ph.D.
dissertation. Cambridge: MIT.
Leben, William. 1977. Length and syllable structure in
Hausa. Studies in African Linguistics, Supplement 7.
137-143.
Leben, William. 1980. A metrical analysis of length.
Linguistic Inquiry 11. 497-509.
Leffel, Katherine. 1985. Issues in syllable theory.
Unpublished paper. Gainesville: University of
Florida.
Lehiste, Use. 1970. Suprasegmentals. Cambridge: MIT
Press.
Levin, Juliette. 1985. A metrical theory of syllabicity.
Ph.D. dissertation. Cambridge: MIT.
Liberman, Mark. 1974. The intonational system of English.
Ph.D. dissertation. Cambridge: MIT.
Liberman, Mark, and Alan Prince. 1977. On stress and
linguistic rhythm. Linguistic Inquiry 8. 249-336.
Lightner, Theodore. 1972. Problems in the theory of
phonology, vol. 1. Edmonton: Linguistic Research Inc.
Lightner, Theodore. 1973. Remarks on universals in
phonology. In M. Gross, M. Halle, and M.-P.
Schtzenberger (eds.), The formal analysis of natural
languages. The Hague: Mouton.


43
morphology. Its relevance to the analysis of other than
tonal systems was examined in McCarthy (1979a, 1981b) where
it was presented as a distributional constraint on Semitic
roots. McCarthy argues more recently (1986) that the OCP
has an equally significant role throughout the phonological
derivation, as exhibited by processes of gemination and
antigemination in many languages including non-Semitic types
of languages. In what follows I present some of the
arguments offered by McCarthy (1979a, 1981b, 1986) in
support of the active role of the OCP in these areas.
The first piece of evidence for the role of the OCP in
governing lexical representations comes from the unique
explanation it offers for the absence in Arabic of geminate
roots with identical first and second radicals, e.g. *sasam.
This prohibition cannot be justified by phonetic reasons,
since identical (but heteromorphemic) consonants are
commonplace in the language, e.g. ta-takallam 'you
converse'. Nor does it follow from a restriction on
identical consonants separated by a vowel within the stem.
The absence of such forms is explained under the two assump
tions that Arabic roots are subject to the OCP and that all
autosegmental spreading in Arabic is rightward (McCarthy
1979a, 1981b). As concluded by McCarthy, the representa
tions in (34a) and (34b) are excluded by the OCP and right-
ward spreading respectively; operation of the two principles


30
release] was introduced. Phonologically, affricates count
as single segments but also have internal structure
comparable to that of sequences of segments. For instance,
in the German dialect of Zurich described in van Riemsdijk
and Smith (1973), affricates function as units underlyingly
but require separate reference to their continuant parts
later on.
In a theory with the units of timing represented on an
independent tier, the notion of complex segments is charac
terized in terms of one-to-many association between a single
element of the CV-tier and a sequence of two elements on the
segmental tier:
(25) a. C b. C c. C
(affricate) (prenasalized (short diphthong)
stop)
The monosegmental character of these segments is captured on
the CV-tier where they are represented as a single unit of
timing, while their bisegmental property is recorded on the
segmental level as two fully specified segments.
Support for representations in (25) can be drawn from
the dualistic behavior of Latin labiovelars discussed in
Steriade (1982). Steriade argues for the structures in
(26a) and (26b) as the representation for Latin labiovelars:


295
structures, such as that of the output of high vowel
deletion, that CVVC syllables are allowed.
The analysis presented in this study provides further
support for the generally observed and widely accepted
thesis that the consonants in Arabicas in other Semitic
languagesenjoy a special status. All the rules discussed
above share the property of incorporating stray consonants
into well-formed syllables rather than eliminating them.
This is borne out by the rule of vowel shortening which
reduces the rhyme of a CVV syllable in order to incorporate
a stray consonant into a CVC syllable. This property is
also exhibited by the different types of epenthesis.
Specially relevant is the insertion of a vowel with which
the final consonant in CVCC nouns can syllabify when these
nouns occur before a consonant-initial suffix. Theoreti
cally, extrasyllabic consonants in many languages can be
subject to deletion and syllabicity as well.
Throughout this study, CVVC and CVCC syllables have
emerged as the most prominent parameter in relation to which
syllabification in the different dialects of Arabic may
exhibit variation. The discussion in the preceding chapters
led to the conclusion that while CV, CW, and CVC syllables
are among the canonical patterns of almost all varieties of
Arabic, the same cannot be said about CVVC and CVCC
syllables. Classical Arabic categorically restricts these
syllable types to phrase-final position both underlyingly


64
The situation in MA and most of the dialects is,
however, different. CVVC^C^ syllables do not occur in final
position. Compare, for instance, zaara 'neighbor (f.)' and
zaar 'neighbor (m.)' to zaar.ra 'dragging (f.)' and zaarir
'dragging (m.)'. The expected form in place of zaarir is
v
*zaarr, which never occurs in that position. The gemination
of the final consonant is justified on the basis of the
feminine form zaarra. The replacement of CVVC^C^ syllables
in MA by the configuration CVVC^VC^ is only one way of
dealing with words that do have a CVVC^C^ in CA. (See
Chapter Four for more details.)
Loan words also conform to this constraint, but,
through different mechanisms. Compare, for instance,
English bank to Arabic bank. The reduction of the nucleus
results in changing the syllabic configuration from
nonoccuring CVVCC into CVCC which conforms to the limit on
the rhyme as mentioned above. However, nucleus reduction is
not the only way in which the syllable structure of loan
words is modified to fit that of the borrowing language.
Other words are dealt with in different ways. For example,
English march is borrowed as maaris with epenthesis
simplifying the final cluster.
The general observation is that in all such examples
either the nucleus or the coda branches, but not both. If
the nucleus branches, then CVVCC syllables are realized as
CVVCVC sequences; if the coda branches, then the result is


288
7
This 'hierarchy' of 'assimilation' follows also from
the fact that /a/ and /i/, like /?/ are [- round], while /u/
is [+ round]. This is in agreement with the observation
that optional 'assimilation' of _? is frequent with /i/ but
rare with /u/. I thank D. Gary Miller for drawing my
attention to the role of the feature [round] in this matter.
p
One way is to formulate the rule to apply to only
those glides that are linked to the second or third root
consonant on the root tier.


Finally, and most importantly, my debt is immeasurable
to the person who shared with me the ups and downs of
graduate lifemy brother and closest friend Anas. I am
grateful to Anas for his unconditional love, constant
encouragement, moral support, stimulating discussions, and
his readiness to help me at the expense of his own time and
rest. To Anas I would like to say, 'You are a super
brother'.
vxi


66
antepenultimate syllable regardless of whether it is heavy
or light, as in wagtahum 'their time' and sazara 'tree'.
As mentioned earlier, the distinction of 'light' vs.
'heavy' syllables is represented linearly in terms of 'weak'
vs. 'strong' clusters. But the 'strong' vs. 'weak' distinc
tion misses the generalization that what is involved is the
difference in the internal structure of the syllables. As
recently proposed by McCarthy (1979a, b) and Vergnaud and
Halle (1979), this difference in structure can be formally
represented in terms of the internal structure of the rhyme.
Given the view that long vowels are represented as under
lying geminates, the distinction is reduced to one of
branching vs. nonbranching rhymes:
(3) a.
C V
o
c. a
C VC
o
The structures in (3) provides a formal way of character
izing two well-known observations. First, the geometrical
structures in (3b) and (3c) capture the structural
equivalence of CQV and CQVC syllables, and thus provide a
justification for their similar behavior with respect to
stress as in MA. With this representation there is no need
for the use of disjunction to characterize them. Second,
these structures characterize the distinction between light
syllables, as in (3a), on the one hand, and heavy syllables,


49
2.4 Notes
This is an incomplete representation of McCarthy's
original example. For instance, it excludes the active and
passive forms of the imperfect and the participle. In
addition, the forms cited in the example involve a certain
amount of abstraction. For instance, the root ktb does not
occur in all the binyanim. Ktanbay (XV) is not an actual
form, but landay 'to be stout' is. The range of meaning
expressed by each binyan besides the original meaning of the
root is given below:
I
'stative'
II
'intensive, extensive, causative'
III
'reciprocal'
IV
'causative'
V
'reflexive'
VI
'reflexive of third binyan'
VII
'reflexive of first binyan'
VIII
'reflexive or middle voice of first binyan'
IX
'express colors'
X
'reflexive or middle voice of fourth binyan'
XI
'express defects'
XII
sporadic
XIII
sporadic
XIV
sporadic
XI
sporadic
2
Verbs of
this group that undergo the Flop Rule of the
eighth binyan
in MA are few in number. They are mostly
learned words,
e.q. ?i The colloquial
forms used elsewhere are ?an?adlu or ?at?adlu
(with no flop).
3
The first possibility, however, is more compatible
with the generally observed phenomenon of simplification in
the grammar of MA and the other dialects if compared to that
of Classical Arabic.
4
Certain versions of the theory allow another
representation of long vowels, whereby the vowel is
dominated by the sequence VC instead of W as in
V C
a
The evidence given by Clements and Keyser (1983) is language
specific. It relies on the observation that in certain


The forms in (3) exhibit the following patterns (McCarthy
1981b:386):
14
(4 ) a.
cvcvc
e.
CVCVVCVC
b.
CVCCVC
f .
ccvcvc
c.
cvvcvc
g*
CCVCCVC
d.
cvcvccvc
h.
ccvvcvc
The rule in (5) accounts for the canonical distribution of
consonants and vowels in the binyanim (McCarthy 1981b:387):
(5) a. [({C^})CV([+ seg.])CVC]
b. V /[CVC CVC]
Each pattern in (4) characterizes certain binyanim in (3).
For instance, the second binyan usually indicates the
meaning of the causative and is characterized by a prosodic
template of the form [CVCCVC], while the third binyan has
the meaning of the reciprocal and the template [CVCVVCVC],
and so on. The vowels carry the grammatical information
such as tense and voice. This role is exactly analogous to
that played by the tones in some tone languages, where it is
the tone sequences that carry the grammatical distinctions
in the verbal systems of those languages. The derivational
classes, however, are characterized by a prosodic template
consisting of the basic root consonants alone (as in I and
III), or, in addition to that, by an added consonant (a
prefixed t in binyanim V and VI and a prefixed n in VII), or


218
(92) a. fanagiin 'cups' fanaginha 'her cups'
b. duruus 'lessons' durushum 'their lessons'
Compare the following examples from MA:
(93) a. fanaaziin fanaaziinaha 'her cups
b. duruus duruusahum 'their lessons'
The examples in (93) show that instead of VS, which would be
the operative rule in such examples in other dialects, MA
inserts the underlined vowels in order to modify a super
heavy structure within the word.
In fact, VS in MA is a very restricted rule if compared
to epenthesis. As will be seen below, the rule is triggered
by a specific class of verbs occurring in a very restricted
environment. The following illustrate the environment where
VS is mostly found:
a.
sablaha
/saab-l-ha/
'he left for her'
b.
sillana
/siil-l-na/
'carry for
us! '
c.
gullaha
/guul-l-ha/
'Tell her,
her! '
say to
In (94) the vowels undergoing VS occur in what have tradi
tionally been known as 'hollow verbs'. Hollow verbs are so
called because of their lack of a medial consonant. The
hollow verb in each case is followed by the preposition 1,
and a pronominal object suffix. When the verb is followed


225
a.
salbahum
/saal-b-hum/
cf. *saalabahum
'he carried
with them'
b.
galli
/gaal-l-i/
cf. *gaalali
'he said
to me'
c.
rafilakum
/raafi-l-kum/
cf. *raafialakum
1 he went to
you (p.)'
d.
tarlu

/taar-l-u/
cf. *taaralu
'he flew to
him'
e.
sarlik
/saar-l-ik/
cf. *saaralik
'happened to
you (f.)'
The significance of (104) lies in the syllabic configuration
of the unacceptable form in each case. These forms display
the following syllabic configurations: CVVCVCVCVC as in
(104a) and (104c), CVVCVCV as in (104b) and (104d), and a
CVVCVCVC as in (104e). What is important is that none of
these configurations has a sequence of three light
syllables. Therefore, the claim that VS applies to avoid
such sequences cannot be rigorously motivated.
In fact, the examples in (104) present a problem for
Bakalla's rule in (101). (Some of theses examples present a
problem for our rule in (97) as well, but see below.) We
first consider the implications (of the examples in (104))
for rule (101). Rule (101) restricts the application of
MVSR to long vowels of hollow verbs when followed by the
dative element ^ CVCV. However, the examples in (104)
cannot be derived according to rule (101). In light of the
derivation in (102), the output of the Short Vowel-Ending
Deletion Rule (i.e. step (i) in (102)), which is the input


191
(51)
a.
b.
Rule
o o o
/\
A
/\
0 R
0
R
0
R
1 xx
1
1
1
A
C V V
C
c'
c
V
c
V c
1 V
1
1
1
|
1
1 1
m i
n
n
h
a
z
a m
(34)
a
a
CT
0
AN
1
A
/A
0 R
R
0
R
0 R
1 xx
1
1
1
1 A
C V V
C
V
C
c
V
C V c
1 v
I
1
1
1
1
1 1 1
m i
n
a
n
h
a
z a m
At this point, two possibilities arise. Syllabification
across the boundary may apply, in which case (43a) results.
In this case the final consonant of the first syllable is
resyllabified by the onset rule providing an onset for the
newly-created syllable. Then the coda rule applies to
adjoin the unsyllabified extra consonant as a coda to the
2
syllable. The following is the output of the onset and
coda rules combined:
(52) Onset and Coda
Rules
a
a
a a
/\
/\
A /\
0 R
0 R
ORO R
1 A
1 A
1 | 1 A
C V V
C V c
C V C V c
1 V
1 1 1
I 1 II 1
m i
nan
h a z a m
The other alternative
is for ?-
which case (43b) will be derived. However, it is the


248
At this point, optional gemination may apply; it can be
roughly formulated as follows:
(137)Dative Gemination (Optional)
a
* C C / [+ suffix]
[tdative] [tdative]
The application of (137) to (136c) (on the third cycle) will
give (138).
(138) katabtall ha
The intermediate representation in (138) contains an
unsyllabified consonant and triggers epenthesis in the usual
way. The result is katabtllaha. However, the outputs of
the gemination rule for the examples in (125) do not trigger
epenthesis; instead, the extra consonant syllabifies with
the prefixed vowel:
(139) /katab-t-l-u/ 'I wrote to him'
ka.tab.tal.u
Epenthesis and
syllabification
ka.tab.tall.u
Gemination
ka.tab.tal.lu
Syllabification
The analysis of dative gemination according to rule (137)
makes two things clear. First, it is compatible with the
two assumptions of continuous syllabification and the cyclic


291
universal CV rule which creates CV syllables out of CV
sequences. The first of the language-specific rules creates
branching rhymes (CVV or CVC syllables); the second results
in superheavy CVVC or CVCC syllables only in word-final
position. Syllabification has been shown to apply after
each phonological rule or the addition of new morphological
material. Resyllabification both within and across word-
boundaries is restricted to the transfer of an already
syllabified consonant to a following onsetless syllable.
Chapter Four discusses in detail the superheavy
syllables in Arabic. Several varieties of Arabic were cited
as they relate to different issues of this syllable type.
The chapter also introduced the two best-known approaches to
CVVC and CVCC syllables in the literature, the superheavy
syllable approach (McCarthy 1979a, b) and the degenerate
syllable approach (Aoun 1979, Selkirk 1981). Both
approaches can account for the facts of stress in Arabic,
especially with respect to the commonly observed phenomenon
of stressing a superheavy ultima in most varieties of
Arabic, including the classical language. This study agrees
with Selkirk (1981) that evidence to support either approach
should be sought in areas other than stress. Evidence in
favor of a superheavy analysis includes native speakers'
parsing of a non-final derived CVVCCV sequence as CVVC.CV
rather than CVV.CCV, and infixation at the boundary of CVVC
syllables. As for distribution, MA has been shown to


243
between the forms in (123) and those in (124) as follows.
Epenthesis creates a heavy penult in each of the examples in
(123). Heavy penults are always stressed in MA. A partial
representation of the foot structure of, for instance,
(123a) is given in (132):
(132) s
k a t a b t
s
A
a 1
w
I
h a
The foot represented in (132) contains the last two
syllables of the word. We can now claim that the dative
gemination and the subsequent creation of an extra syllable
as in (124a) can be interpreted as an attempt to maximize
the structure of the foot so that it will contain three
syllables instead of two:^^
(133)
k a
A
tabtallaha
The rest of the examples in (124) can be explained in the
same way.
However, the claim of maximizing the foot cannot be
maintained for the alternations in (125). The alternation
in each case involves a change from a three-syllable foot
into a two-syllable foot, as illustrated in (134):


136
examples gives outputs that can be syllabified in accordance
with the rules of syllabification of MA, i.e. CVC.CVC and
CVC.CV, respectively. That most of the cases where HVD
applies observe this constraint is clear from the following:
(46) a. ti-nkasir-u tin.kas.ru 'you (pi.) break'
b. ?a-?tabir-i > ?a? tb.ri 'you (f.) consider!'
c. yi-twlid-u *yit.wl.du 'they are born'
All the examples in the output of HVD in (46) conform to the
syllable structure of the language; therefore, HVD applies.
Contrast the examples in (47) where the high vowel of the
second syllable in each case meets the structural
description of (45) but does not delete:
(47) a.
?ak.tu.bu /
* ?aktbu
'I write it (m.)
b.
f
yik.si.ru -7
/
*yiksru
'they break'
c.
?ak.ri.mi -7
** *?akrmi
'you (f.) honor!
The output of HVD includes a stray consonant which cannot be
syllabified with either of the remaining syllables. Such a
syllabification will violate the maximum limits on possible
onsets and codas in the langauge; consequently, the rule is
blocked.
The rule is also blocked from applying to forms where a
geminate cluster is involved:
(48) a. ti-drris 'she teaches'
b. ti-drris-i cf. *ti.drr.si 'you (f) teach'


211
(83)
o
a
A N
C V c c
? a k A 1
The replacement of the dummy element with a vowel via
epenthesis produces the surface form ?akil. This rule too
is subject to the sonority hierarchy constraint discussed
above. Similarly, examples like arq and ?asr are analyzed
as follows:
(84) a. a 0 b. a a
s a r A g
? a s A r
Since epenthesis does not apply in such cases (the sonority
hierarchy is not violated (84a) or homophony would result
(84b)), an incorporation rule is needed to derive the
surface representation. However, rule (82) may not apply to
these examples since what is involved here is the incorpora
tion of degenerate codas rather than the onsets specified by
(82). Thus, a new rule of syllable incorporation is
required and can be formulated as follows:
(85) Syllable Incorporation II
a
0
A
] Utt
1
2
3
4
:> 1, 2 # 4, 0, f6


93
(30) Go a a
A /\ A A
ORO R O R OR
I i I A I A II
cvcvccvccv
II I I I I I I
katabtalha
The assumptions of continuous syllabification and
resyllabification are, therefore, crucial to the issues of
syllable structure discussed in the following chapters.
A final remark concerns resyllabification within and
across word boundaries. A distinction between
'syllabification1 and 'resyllabification' is necessary.
Syllabification will be used to describe the organization of
unsyllabified segments to well-formed syllables. In other
words, it deals with segments which have had no syllable
affiliation before, e.g. t and 3. in (28). On the other
hand, resyllabification describes the syllabic reorgani
zation of segments which are already syllabified, e.g. s in
(26a). With this in mind, it is possible to make the
generalization that resyllabification in MA is restricted to
the transfer of an already syllabified coda to a following
onsetless syllable. This generalization holds both within
and across word boundaries. Within words, it is borne out
by examples like (26a) where the onset rule resyllabifies s
with the following syllable. Resyllabification, however,
does not change the syllable affiliation of an already
syllabified onset (cf. 1 in (23b) and £ in (23d)). The same
observations are obtained across word boundaries.


CHAPTER THREE
SYLLABLE STRUCTURE AND RULES
OF SYLLABIFICATION
3.1 Introduction
Since antiquity, the syllable has been recognized as a
relevant unit in phonological descriptions. Evidence to
support the role of the syllable in phonological theory
usually comes from three areas. First, it can be argued
that the syllable provides the domain within which the
phonotactic constraints in a language can be best defined
(Pike 1947, Kurylwicz 1948, O'Connor and -.Trim 1953, Fudge
1969, Sampson 1970, Kahn 1976, Benhallam 1980, Selkirk 1982,
and many others). The majority of these studies demonstrate
that 'morpheme-structure conditions' and redundancy
conditions can be more adequately stated as constraints on
syllable structure.
Second, the syllable forms the proper domain for
certain phonological rules. In other words, it is only with
reference to the syllable that these rules can be properly
characterized. Studies of this kind are numerous and cover
a wide variety of languages. Among these are Ba shell's
analysis of Danish st?(d (1974); Hooper's argument for a
syllable-based analysis of nasal assimilation in
51


106
structure of the superheavy syllable and its relation to
stress. According to McCarthy's analysis, Arabic exhibits
the following canonical patterns: CV, CVV, CVC, CVVC, and
CVCC. Only the first three (light and heavy syllables) form
part of the basic repertory of syllables; they occur
anywhere in the word. Superheavy syllables, on the other
hand, are restricted either to phrase-final position, as in
Classical Arabic, or to word-final position, as in Cairene
Arabic and Damascene Arabic. He proposes that while light
and heavy syllables have the structures in (4) and (5),
respectively, CVVC and CVCC syllables have the structure in
(6) (McCarthy 1979a:ll):^
a
A
s w
(4) a
A
w s
(5) a
AX
w s
(6)
/A
s w
1 1
C A
/ (
1 1
: v {1}
a
/A
w s
/A
s w
C V
{v }
c
The structure in (b) is derived through the application of a
rule which Chomsky-adjoins a word-final consonant to a
preceding heavy syllable. McCarthy formalizes the rule as
in (7) (McCarthy 1979b:453):
(7) 1
/t\
c V [+seg.1 C *
=> 1#23 i.e. C V t+seg.]
1
2 3


88
reassigned after the application of each phonological rule
or the addition of new morphological material. We justify
these assumptions below.
Assignment of the syllabification rules to the underly
ing representations of simple strings like markaz 'center',
malaak 'angel', fihimt 'I understood', and kasar 'he broke'
will proceed as follows:
(21)
Underlying Sequence
a.
c.
(22)
a.
c.
C V C C V c
C V
C V V
i l II II
1 1
1 V
markaz
m a
1 a
C V C V C C
1 1 1 1 11
d.
C V
I I
C V C
1 1 1
1 1 I 1 II
f i h i m t
I
1 1 1
s a r
CV-Assignment Rule
o o
b.
0
a
A A
A
A
0 R 0 R
II II
0 R
I I
0 R
I I
II II
C V C C V C
1 1
C V
C V V
II 1 J II
1 1
J V
markaz
m a
1 a
o o
d.
0
o
a A,
0 R 0 R
till
A
A
0 R
I I
0 R
I I
till
C V C V C C
1 1 1 1 1 1
1 1
C V
1 1
1 1
C V c
1 1 1
1 1 1 1 1 1
f i h i m t
1 1
k a
1 1 1
s a r


290
and that of certain verbs in MA can be explained in terms of
the flop rule proposed for this specific binyan by McCarthy
(1979a, 1981b). Second, although most of the phonological
rules presented in this study apply to the linearized output
of morphology (after Tier Conflation), separate segmental
tiers are relevant to some early rules of Arabic, such as
metathesis which accounts for verbs with final geminates.
The assumption of independent autosegmental tiers has
contributed to the statement of rules which operate on one
tier without affecting those on adjacent tiers. Together
with the notion of spreading, the independence of tiers has
been crucial to the characterization of the phenomena of
compensatory lengthening (CL) in which a segment deletes,
leaving its slot empty on the CV-tier. Spreading of
adjacent segmental material to the empty slot results in CL.
Both roles of the OCP (McCarthy 1986) are relevant to the
analysis.
The third chapter states briefly the need for the
syllable in phonological representations. The reader is
reminded that (1) syllable constituents, such as onset and
rhyme, seem to play a role more important than the syllable
itself, and (2) not all versions of autosegmental phonology
advocate syllable constituency. On the basis of data from
MA it was concluded that a minimum distinction of
onset/rhyme is necessary for characterizing the syllable in
Arabic. The rules of syllabification in MA consist of a


247
j*
s w w
| | j Word-level structure
katabtallu and labeling
The result is katabtallu with gemination. Note that in
(135j) the stress shifted to the penult; thus, the foot
includes the last two syllables only. The main problem with
the analysis of gemination as a process triggered by the
presence of a stray foot is the question of how to explain
the failure of resyllabification to take place on the fourth
cycle (and consequently maintaining the branching foot on
the right). Recall that resyllabification to prevent
onsetless syllables is an observed principle of
syllabification of the language.
The fourth and final alternative does not explain why
dative gemination occurs either. It specifies gemination as
an idiosyncratic property of the dative. However, this
analysis describes more accurately the environment where it
occurs. As is clear from the above examples, the dative is
geminated at the syllable boundary before object pronouns.
In each of the above examples, _1 forms the coda of the
syllable as a result of epenthesis and syllabification:
(136) a.
/katab-t-l-ha/
b.
katab.ta.l.ha
Epenthesis
c.
ka.tab.tal.ha
Syllabification


I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Assistant Professor of
Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Marie Nelson
Associate Professor of English
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of
the Program in Linguistics in the College of Liberal Arts
and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was accepted as
partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
May 1987
Dean, Graduate School


7
other by association lines which indicate how they are to be
coarticulated. The autosegmental theory was originally
proposed to deal with tonal phenomena, which were
problematic to the standard theory (Goldsmith 1976, Williams
1976). It was then extended to deal with different kinds of
phenomena like complex segments, and vowel and consonant
harmony (Clements 1976). It is also possible to give
satisfying analyses of syllable structure and nonconcatena-
tive systems of morphology within autosegmental theory (see
below).
Metrical phonology constitutes the other major modifi
cation of the standard theory. It concerns the organization
of segments into larger units such as syllables and feet.
It was originally introduced as a theory of stress (Liberman
1974, Liberman and Prince 1977, Vergnaud and Halle 1979,
McCarthy, 1979a, Selkirk 1980, and Hayes 1980) but later
extended to cover other areas including syllable structure
(Kiparsky 1979) as well as consonant and vowel harmony.
The following is an outline of the basic assumptions
underlying the idea of separate tier representations. The
goal of this outline is to introduce the relevant aspects of
the general framework which will define the theoretical
background for the analysis presented in the following
chapters. No effort has been made to include in this
outline all aspects of the currently developing nonlinear
frameworks. The selective nature of this outline is obvious


175
candidates for a degenerate syllable analysis. According to
the first condition, if the segments of the underlying
sequence cannot be analyzed into completely-filled syllables
of the types allowed in the language, they are necessarily
analyzed as belonging to syllables which are partially-
filled. We have noted in several places that CVVC syllables
cannot be properly syllabified underlyingly except in word-
final position. It follows that in other than this
position, CVVC syllables may not be analyzed into
completely-filled syllables and thus have to be analyzed
into partially-filled ones.
Therefore, the examples given in (5a), (5b), and (12a)
would be syllabified underlyingly as in (24a), (24b), and
(24c), respectively:
(24) a. ka.tab.tA.ha
b. muf.taa.BA.kum
c. ka.tab.tAl.kum
In (24a) and (24b) the last consonant of a potential CVCC or
CVVC syllable is analyzed as the onset of the degenerate
syllable. Under the assumption that (by a universal
principle) a lone consonant is given the rhyme analysis,
these examples are analyzed first as follows: ka.tab.At.ha
and muf.taa.Afi.kum, respectively. Then the onset switch
rule ensures that when preceded by a syllable, the final
coda consonant is reanalyzed as an onset to the degenerate


20
The Flop Rule, on the other hand, was provided mainly
to account for the eighth binyan, where the prefixed
morpheme switches places with the first consonant. No other
binyan seems to call for this rule, which might raise a
question as to its necessity. McCarthy states that rules of
this type are common in the tonal systems described by
Goldsmith (1976). In addition to the synchronic frequency
of such rules, data from Makkan Arabic, historically related
to the Classical, provide further evidence for McCarthy's
Flop Rule. The eighth binyan in Classical is the intransi
tive reflexive or 'ergative' of the first binyan (e.g., Eng.
the vase broke). The following are illustrative:
(13)
First
Binyan
Eighth
Binyan
a.
f araq
'divide'
ftaraq
'to become
divided'
b.
sa?al
'light,
set fire'
staal
'to break out
(fire)'
c.
kasab
'earn'
ktasab
'to earn a
living for
onself'
d.
madd
'extend'
mtadd
'to become
extended'
In verbs which have no form in the seventh binyan (the
passive), the reflexive meaning passes into the passive
(Wright 1971:42). These include verbs whose first radical
is one of the following consonants: ?, w, y, r, 1, or n.
Such verbs are exemplified in (14):


163
5.2.1 General Epenthesis
General epenthesis is less restricted than epenthesis
at margins. It was mentioned above that epenthesis is
triggered by stranded consonants resulting from morpheme
concatenation. This section deals with the most common
source of unsyllabified consonants, i.e potential superheavy
syllables caught in non-final positions. For a preliminary
illustration consider the examples in (4). Two morphemes,
the first of which ends in a CVCC or a CVVC syllable and the
second of which starts with a consonant, are concatenated:
(4) a. /katab-t-ha/ 'I wrote it (f.)'
b. /muftaafi-kum/ 'your (p. ) key'
Application of the syllabification rules to these forms
yields the structures in (5a) and (5b), respectively:
(5) a. a a a
AAA
ORO R OR
II I A ,11
cvcvcccv
I II II M I
katabtha
b. a a a
AAA
0
R
0
R
0
R
1
A
1
A
,1
A
c
V c
c
V V
c c
V c
1
1 1
1.
V
1 1
1 1
m
u f
t
a
ft k
u m


39
is also clear that simplification of complex segments in
these words does not follow from the constraint against
syllable-initial consonant clusters. If it did, these words
could have undergone epenthesis to give *tv£ek, *kitVsab,
especially since epenthesis is common in the pronunciation
of words with consonant clusters (but not complex segments),
cf. ?iskuul or sikuul 'school'. Also, simplification of
complex segments through epenthesis will not exhaust the
limit on root consonants in Arabic since the resulting forms
will have either three or four consonants. It is also
interesting to note that in cases where epenthesis applies
to a loan word with a cluster, the simplification of the
complex segment also takes place; for instance, march is
v 7
pronounced as maans, not *maaric. The evidence, then,
points to the reality of the structures in (31) and the
constraint against them even with respect to foreign words:
Epenthesis would obliterate the monosegmental structure of
the segment in the source language; a complex segment would,
on the other hand, violate constraints on the structure of
the segment in Arabic. The result is the substitution for
the complex segment of a single, nonbranching one.
The only case which seems to violate the prohibition
against the one-to-many association between the CV-tier and
segmental elements is the occurrence of /j/ in certain
varieties of Arabic. However, a consideration of the
synchronic as well as diachronic status of this particular


(26)
CVCC
a.
Yarb
'west1
b.
Yar.bi
/Yarb-i/
'western'
c.
Yar.ba.ha
/Yarb-ha/
'to its west
Here again, (26a) is possible since CVCC is in absolute
final position. In (26b) the final consonant serves as an
onset to the following onsetless syllable. However, the
triconsonantal cluster in (26c) is inadmissible. Consonant
clusters in medial position are permitted in the language
only if they can be analyzed into possible onsets and codas.
The cluster in (26c) violates this constraint: Syllabifica
tion of the extra consonant with the preceding syllable
violates constraints on possible codas, while its syllabifi
cation to the following syllable violates onset restrictions
in the language. In (26c), the unaffiliated j^b is
syllabified with the vowel inserted by a phonological rule
(section 5.2.1).
The occurrence of CVCC syllables in final position is
subject to an additional constraint. The final cluster in
such syllables has to obey the Sonority Hierarchy Principle
(henceforth SHP); otherwise, an epenthetic vowel is inserted
to break up the consonant cluster. Compare the forms in
(27a),where the consonant cluster conforms to the SHP, to
those in (27b), where epenthesis has applied:


179
However, in the absence of a major pause the
unsyllabified consonant b' in (27) needs to be analyzed as
part of a degenerate syllable in accordance with the
constraints on syllabification in the language, i.e., CVVC
syllables are prohibited in non-final position. Therefore,
saab-l-ha will be analyzed as (28):
(28) /saabAlAha/
This will give after epenthesis the wrong output:
(29) *saabalaha
It is possible to maintain the degenerate syllable
analysis and still derive the surface form by modifying the
environment of VS (section 5.3) so that it applies to long
vowels of hollow verbs which stand before one stray
consonant instead of two. In addition, we need to stipulate
that in cases where VS is supposed to apply, the final
consonant of a non-final CVVC syllable is not given a degen
erate analysis (contrary to the one in (24b)). According to
these assumptions, the derivation of sablaha proceeds as
follows. Only the second stray consonant is analyzed as
having an empty nucleus underlyingly, as in (27). Vowel
shortening is triggered by the presence of the unsyllabified
consonant b'. Clearly, this attempt to save the degenerate
syllable analysis in these cases will have to treat the
final consonant of a non-final CVVC syllable as involving a


251
since there is no way to create the preferred final rhythm;
such a configuration is odd in (141a) since the preferred
configuration is still possible. Also note that the dative
in each case forms the onset of the syllables and thus does
14
not trigger gemination.
Without taking the discussion any further, we note that
the rhythmic configuration of an utterance potentially plays
a significant role in the explanation of certain phenomena
that do not lend themselves easily to other explanations.
5.5 Conclusion
This chapter has attempted to analyze the major
phonological rules which are relevant in one way or another
to the structure of the superheavy syllables CVCC and CVVC.
The rules discussed are.Epenthesis and Vowel Shortening. It
was demonstrated that epenthesis applies in three different
positions, prepausal, postpausal, and elsewhere (general).
General and postpausal epenthesis are triggered by the
presence of unsyllabified consonants. Prepausal epenthesis
is triggered by tautosyllabic consonant clusters violating
the sonority hierarchy. Prepausal epenthesis is subject to
phonological as well as morphological constraints.
The attempt to apply the degenerate syllable approach
to these types of epenthesis has revealed various potential
problems for such an analysis. In one case, it fails to
derive the actual forms without the extra complications of


209
discussed above. Prepausal epenthesis is restricted to the
prepausal variant of a specific morphological pattern.
Other restrictions include the relative sonority of the
final consonants involved, and the constraint for keeping
two different morphological classes distinct. In addition,
the epenthetic vowel in prepausal position is dependent on
that of the first syllable.
5.2.3.3 An Alternative Analysis
In this section, we consider the degenerate syllable
analysis of prepausal epenthesis. As noted above, CVCC
syllables in MA behave in three different ways: a) where
the last two consonants observe the sonority hierarchy
epenthesis does not apply (e.g. katabt 'I wrote', yarb
'west'); b) where the sonority hierarchy is violated
epenthesis applies (e.g. ?akil 'food'); c) unless it results
in two morphological classes being confused (e.g. ?asr
'capture' cf. ?asar to capture'). According to the
degenerate approach, a form like /katabt-ha/ 'I wrote it
(f.)' would be syllabified as follows:
(80) a a a a
katabtA ha


24
iarsal
Base
form
? aslar
Game
forms
?asral
?alsar
?arlas
? alras
But none of the alternations involve the prefix _? typical
of the fourth binyan. The game, then, affects the
consonantal root only. The same is true of inflectional
morphemes on verbs and nouns. Thus, in a verb like dafa?na
'we pushed' or a noun like miftaafi 'key', all permutations
are possible except those which involve the personal suffix
-na in dafa?na, or the prefix mi in miftaaFi (p. 198):
(19) fida?na
?afadna
mif fiaat
mitf aaFi
*na?adfa *tiftmaaf
*fina?da *tiF>faam
/
In Hanunoo, as m Bedouin Arabic a language game
operates on the root tier only leaving unaffected the
prosodic template of a word (McCarthy 1982:199). But since
the roots in Hanuno, unlike Arabic, are composed of both
consonantal and vocalic melodies, the game may exchange the
first and last consonant-vowel sequences in the stem with
one another, as in (20):


153
4.5 Concluding Remarks
To conclude this chapter, we present the following
observations in favor of the analysis of CVVC and CVCC as
superheavy syllables rather than a sequence of heavy plus
light syllables.
The first observation concerns native speakers'
intuitions. When asked to parse words containing a
superheavy ultima into syllables, native speakers of MA
always treat a superheavy syllable as a unit. The following
examples illustrate the judgment of several speakers:
(72) a.
dars.
'lesson'
b.
kal.lamt.
'I talked to'
c.
ka.laam.
'speech'
The crucial evidence, however, is provided by native
speakers' parsing of non-final CVVC syllables which are
possible only in the output of HVD:
(73) a. kaatib 'writer (m.)'
b. kaatba 'writer (f.)'
When native speakers of MA were asked to parse (73b),
one response was invariably obtained:
(74) kaat.ba
In (74), t could have joined the following syllable to give
*kaa.tba, but the fact that it syllabifies with a preceding


282
c.
buyuut
'houses'
d.
duyuun
1 debts
e.
'uyuun
1 eyes'
f.
dawaraan
'going around'
g-
?amwaa3
'waves'
h.
?axwaf
'more fearing'
i.
?amwaat
'dead (pi.)'
Bakalla accounts for the change in (33) by a raising rule
which changes /a/ to [e] and [o] before /y/ and /w/,
respectively. The surface long vowel is the result of CL
(Bakalla 1979:261). Without trying to reformulate these
rules (which have a historical side to them) we concentrate
on the exceptions to such rules and the explanation they
receive in the autosegmental framework.
Exceptions to the monophthongization of /ay/ and /aw/
fall into two groups. The first group can be characterized
morphologically. The following are illustrative:
(35) a.
?awsa?
WS
'wider'
b.
?awza?
w5?
'sicker'
c.
?aybas
ybs
'harder'
d.
?aysar
ysr
'easier'
e.
?ayman
ymn
'lucky'


272
d. /ka?s/ > kaas 'glass'
cf. ku?uus 'glasses'
The claim that the examples in (21) have a CV?C rather than
a CVVC syllable structure in their underlying forms
satisfies the Alternation Condition as stated above. In
(21a), (21b), and (21d) an underlying /?/ is justified on
the basis of the plural forms of the same morphemes. In
(21c), the glottal stop surfaces in a closely related form,
the present participle baa?is.
With a slight modification, the rule in (19) can
account for the examples in (21). This rule is given in
(22) :
(22) CL (Revised)
R
V C (C)
[a] ? [tcons.]
R
VC (C)
k' I
[a] [tcons.]
Rule (22) does not apply to fu?uus, u?uun, baa?is, and
ku?uus since the glottal stops in these forms occupy the
onset position, and therefore do not meet the structural
description of the rule.
The small set of CVC? nouns in MA undergo the following
change:


187
examples (see below). The claim we would like to make is
that it is possible to predict whether SAB is preferred,
possible, or impossible from the structure of the final
syllable of the first word. (This syllable is underlined in
the data for the sake of clarity.) Thus, (41a) is the only
example in the data where SAB is preferred to ?a. insertion.
This situation follows from the rules of syllabification in
the langauge. The preceding syllable, .di., is an open
syllable in which the coda position is still empty. The
coda rule may apply to join the stray consonant 1 to the
preceding syllable. The result is a CVC, and there will be
no need for insertion.
The situation in (42) is different but is still pre
dictable from the syllable types allowed in the language.
It is different in that the bipositional maximum rhyme
typical of MA has been exhausted by the long vowel, so that
any application of the coda rule to adjoin the unsyllabified
consonant will, no doubt, create a CVVC syllable. Since
CVVC syllables may occur under very restricted circumstances
in other than word-final position (section 4.4.1), (42a) is
acceptable. In (42b), on the other hand, the two words are
pronounced separately which means that does not syllabify
with the preceding syllable:


53
abbreviatory devices to describe these processes.
Well-known are cases of C to indicate the syllable-edge
v 1 # }
and C i TT_ ) C to characterize the distinction between
o VC o
'weak' and 'strong' clusters. In addition to their being
arbitrary, there are other problems with such conventions.
The first device contains the elements C and #, which do not
form a natural class. Several attempts have been made to
naturalize the word-boundary by giving it specifications for
segmental features (Lass 1971, Lightner 1972). An alterna
tive way of dealing with these boundary markers was proposed
in Pyle (1972).
The second convention mentioned above was introduced to
characterize the distinction between 'weak' and 'strong'
clusters in English stress, which is actually a distinction
between light and heavy syllables, respectively. This is a
very common distinction utilized in the description of the
stress systems of many languages, yet it cannot be expressed
using a phonological feature. This particular convention is
found to be not only arbitrary, but also cannot be motivated
on independent grounds.
In light of the increasingly clear need for the
syllable in phonological organization, there have been
several proposals for incorporating the syllable into the
generative framework. These include the use of boundary
symbols (Hooper 1972) and bracketing (Anderson and Jones
1974). They all concern themselves, in one way or another,


198
baad 'some'. A very few adverbs also belong to this class:
/bad/ > baTad 'after', and /gabl/ > gabil 'before'.
The other context where CVCC syllables arise is
restricted to certain verbal forms. These include first and
second (masculine) singular (e.g. katabt 'I, you (m.)
wrote', and ?amart 'I, you (m.) ordered'). This class of
forms does not trigger epenthesis since the resulting
cluster inherently obeys the sonority hierarchy. Thus,
their syllabification is provided for by the rules given in
section 3.5.1.
Since only some CVCC forms undergo the epenthesis rule
(cf. (58)) and not others (cf. (59)), it is now necessary to
examine the types of CVCC syllables which trigger
epenthesis, especially with respect to the sonority of the
last two consonants. Before doing so, however, we note that
what is absent from the discussion below are CVCC forms
which involve glides as either member of the consonant
cluster. It was mentioned in section 3.2 that the syllabic
canons of MA show that glides are prohibited from the rhyme.
Nevertheless, there are cases where a glide can be assumed
as either member of the consonant cluster underlyingly.
These cases are analyzed in Chapter Six.
Epenthesis in this specific position is conditioned by
two factors. First, by definition, the pause is crucial to
the operation of the rule, as is clear from (58) and the
discussion following it. The other factor conditioning the


223
g. s:.fa.la.ha
Syllable Rescanning
Rule (SRSR)
h. ,a:falaha
Prominence Shift Rule
(PSR)
i. 'sa:flaha
Short Vowel-Ending
Deletion Rule (SVDR)
j. saflaha
Medial-Vowel Shortening
Rule (MVSR)
/ v
k. [ saflaha]
Surface form
Several aspects of the derivation in (102) are relevant
to VS. First, the absence of the short vowel of the verb
ending plays a crucial role in distinguishing forms like
those in (94), where VS applies, from those in (95), where
it does not: It is only after this vowel is elided that VS
V V V 7
applies (cf. sa:f-a^laha sa:fjz$laha * saflaha). A
consequence of this assumption is that MVSR is considered to
be a relatively late rule, since the vowel whose deletion
conditions MVSR is needed for phonological rules at earlier
stages in the derivation. In fact, Bakalla suggests (p.
421) that the rule in (101) can be alternatively written
without CVCV. This can be achieved by making the
environment FL refer exclusively to the dative items,
while FL + V refers to the objective items (cf. (95)),
in which VS does not apply. In this way it can be claimed
that if FL is separated from ^ by any segments, VS is
blocked. Thus, because of the (underlined) intervening
segments the long vowels in the following examples do not
undergo the rule of shortening: [Sa:f+a ^ ha],


I would like to thank Professor Abderrafi Benhallam
from the Faculte des Lettres, Rabat, Morocco, for reading
and discussing portions of this work with me during his 1986
visit to the University of Florida.
Special thanks go to Professor Haig Der-Houssikian for
his sincere advice and continual encouragement during my
stay at the University of Florida.
I am thankful to my colleagues at the University of
Florida, especially Shirley Cole, Maggie MacDonald, and
Nellie Sieller, and to my friend Fawn Painter, for making my
stay at the University of Florida pleasant.
I would also like to thank Mrs. Barbara Smerage for the
excellent job she did in typing this dissertation, despite
the difficulty of such a job.
My greatest debt is to my parents who have always
encouraged me to pursue my goals in spite of whatever
difficulties might arise. I am grateful to them for their
unfailing love, moral support, and above all their
willingness to put up with years of being away from home and
family in order to accompany me during my study in the
States. I cannot thank them enough.
My older brother Ali and his family offered constant
encouragement and moral support, and for that I am grateful.
Special thanks go to my nephew Waheed for his love and
thoughtfulness. His letters and telephone calls have always
been my day-brightners.
vi


96
First, rule (12) syllabifies the second member of the
geminate as the onset of the second syllable. Then, the
language-specific coda rule in (18) syllabifies the first
member of the geminate as the coda of the first syllable.
The intervocalic long consonant is associated to two C-slots
on the CV-tier, and consequently to two syllable nodes just
like any intervocalic nongeminate biconsonantal cluster.
Compare (34):
(34) a a
A A
0 R 0 R
I A I I
C V C C V
I I II I
b a s m a 'smile1
The difference in structure between (34) and (33) is made
possible by the unique representation of length in this
framework.
Finally, it has to be noted that long consonants are
not ambisyllabic in all languages. It seems that the
question of whether long consonants can occupy other than
intervocalic positions is a purely language-specific one.
Thus, languages with long consonants may allow one or all of
the representations in (35):
(35) a.
a a
/X A
C V C C V
I I V I
b.
a a
/>x A
C V C C C V
I I V I I


73
number of low-level rules particular to English. The rules
of parsing are candidates to be tested against the syllabi
fication systems of other languages. Drawing on an analysis
by Dresher of data from the Vespasian Psalter dialect of Old
English, Lowenstamm (1981) demonstrated that Kahn's approach
is open to objections on two grounds. First, the definition
of syllable-marginal clusters in terms of configurations
permissible at word margins is problematic. Second, some
undesirable consequences for the statement of syllable-based
rules follow from this assumption. In particular, the rule
of epenthesis in the Vespasian Psalter dialect of Old
English as well as the rule of sonorant syllabicity in both
modern English and Yiddish will have to be stated in
paradoxical terms: Syllable structure assignment presup
poses nuclei, but the rule that creates nuclei also pre
supposes syllable structure. For instance, the epenthesis
rule which simplifies a final consonant cluster in a word
like wetr 'water (nom.)' must be able to refer to a rep
resentation like (6) (Lowenstamm 1981:583), where tr can be
shown to be tautosyllabic in order to trigger epenthesis:
(6) wetr
a
According to Kahn's parsing rules, the final consonant in
(6) may not be associated to the syllable node since the
resulting cluster tr is not observed word-finally in


129
4.4 Deviations and Explanations
4.4.1 High Vowel Deletion: CWC Syllables in Non-final
Position
The first case of deviation from the underlying
syllable types concerns the occurrence of word-internal CWC
syllables. First, the form and application of HVD (in cases
that do not involve superheavy syllables) is considered.
Second, the interaction between syllable structure and
segmental phonological rules is made clear: High Vowel
Deletion applies only if its output can be syllabified by
the rules of syllabification in MA, except in one case
(where its application results in CWC syllables) which
needs to be stipulated separately.
Makkan Arabic, like many other varieties of Arabic,
possesses a rule of HVD. This rule has the effect of
deleting short high vowels from unstressed non-final open
syllables. The rule can be illustrated by comparing the two
perfective paradigms of the verbal stems katab 'lie wrote1
and kibir
' he
grew up':
(32)
a.
katab
'he wrote'
b.
katab-t
'I, you (m.)
c.
katab-at
'she wrote'
d.
katab-na
'we wrote'
e.
katab-u
'they wrote'


169
result, epenthesis is no longer applicable and the forms in
(13) are derived.
It is to be noted that there would be no need for the
left-right application if rules of syllabification apply
cyclically. This is because under this assumption
epenthesis applies first on the second cycle where one
consonant is left unsyllabified. The second consonant will
not be available for syllabification on this cycle.
Second cycle
Epenthesis and
syllabification
Third cycle
Syllabification
(coda rule)
Final cycle
The other issue implicit in the derivation is that of
the continuous application of syllabification rules. It is
clear from the derivation in (13) and the second and third
cycles in (15) that such an assumption is crucial to the
derivation of the actual forms regardless of the cyclic
application of rules of syllabification. In fact, in the
absence of continuous syllabification ill-formed examples
like those in (14) will be derived, since the second unsyl
labified consonant in each case will trigger epenthesis.
(15)
[[[[katab]t]1]ha]
A A ,
ka tab t
AAA
ka tab ta
AAA,
ka tab ta 1
A A A
ka tab tal
A A A A
ka tab tal ha


34
segmental rules, is also accounted for: On the segmental
tier, geminates are single consonants.
Further, the representation in (27) predicts the
failure of certain rules such as epenthesis to apply to
segments having these structures: Any application will
result in crossing association lines (Kenstowicz 1982,
Schein and Steriade 1986):
(28) C V V C
i m i
Finally, it follows from the above that the CV-tier
formally expresses the long recognized distinction between
light and heavy syllables. According to this distinction, a
light syllable ends in a short vowel, while a heavy syllable
in a long vowel, a diphthong, or a short vowel followed by a
consonant. Clearly the distinction concerns the nucleus and
the material following it, together called the 'rhyme'.
Given the function of the CV-tier in characterizing the
units of timing, we can now describe the distinction between
light and heavy syllables as that of 'nonbranching' vs.
'branching' rhymes. A light syllable contains a simple,
nonbranching rhyme expressed on the CV-tier in terms of
association to a single V unit. A heavy syllable, on the
contrary, has a complex branching rhyme, represented on the
CV-tier as a bipositional unit. The CV-tier also explains
why the rhyme of a heavy syllable can be one of the


45
structural distinction can thus be incorporated into the
rule itself making it inapplicable to heteromorphemic
identical consonants.
In addition to its role in the lexicon, the OCP has an
equally significant role throughout the derivation, as
emphasized by McCarthy (1986). Drawing evidence from a
variety of languages, Semitic and non-Semitic, McCarthy
argues that the OCP shows what he calls an 1 antigemination'
effect. That is, instead of fusing two identical elements
into a single unit, the OCP is enforced to prevent the
creation of such sequences.
The first rule he cites is a syncope rule from Afar, a
Lowland East Cushitic language. The rule syncopates an
unstressed vowel in a peninitial two-sided open syllable.
This is illustrated in the following examples he cites from
Bliese (1981):
(35) xamila xaml-i 'swampgrass (acc./
nom.-gen.)'
digib-t-e digb-e 'She/I married'
He cites the following examples where the rule regularly
fails to apply:
(36) midadi 'fruit'

xarar-e 'he burned'
danan-
'I/he was hurt'


229
in question. The output of the rule of syllabification for
(104b) and (104d) is given in (109a) and (109b),
respectively:
(109) a.
a
a
b.
a
0
A
A
A
A
0 R
0 R
0
R
0 R
1 A
I 1
1
A
1 1
C V V
C
C V
c
V V
C C V
1 v
1
1 1
1
V
1 1 1
g a
1
1 i
t
a
r 1 u
The structures
in (109a)
and
(109b) do
not
meet
structural description of VS since only one consonant is
left unsyllabified. In fact, the environment defined by the
structures in (109) is that of epenthesis. However, the
application of epenthesis will produce the following ill-
formed examples:
(110) a. *gaalali
b. *taaralu
Note that the syllabic configuration of the forms in (110)
has nothing to do with their unacceptability as outputs of
epenthesis. For instance, compare the following forms
which have the same syllabic configurations:
(111) a. daaraha 'he turned it (f.)'
b. baabana 'our door'
Given the assumption that syllable structure assignment
rules are cyclic and that VS precedes epenthesis, the


91
(25) a.
I /X
C V c c.
b.
a a a
AAA
O R O R 0 R
I I I I I A
C V C V C V c
m a s r
f i n i m a t
'Egypt'
'she understood'
Anticipating the discussion in Chapter Five, the structure
in (25a) triggers epenthesis, that in (25b) high vowel
deletion. The application of these rules yields the
structures in (26a) and (26b), respectively:
(26) a. o 0
A I
0 R R
I A I
C V C V c
I I I I
m a s u r
0 0
A A
OR OR
| I I A
C V C C V c
f i h m a t
Both structures are ill-formed: (26a) has a vowel-initial
syllable; (26b) includes an unsyllabified consonant.
Resyllabification is invoked. The stranded consonant in
(26b) syllabifies as a coda to the first syllable. In (26a)
the syllable structure is reorganized: The coda of the
first syllable resyllabifies as an onset to the newly-
created onsetless syllable. The output of resyllabification
is as follows:


58
Recently, Clements and Keyser (1983) have argued in favor of
the flat theory of the syllable. They argue that no further
structure is required between the syllable nodes and
syllabic slots.'*' Clements and Keyser maintain that the
category 'nucleus' plays a significant role in phonological
representation and that the 'onset' and 'coda' are
unnecessary. They propose that phonological representations
consist of the syllable tier, CV-tier, the nucleus tier, and
the segmental tier. The first three tiers are defined as
structural units, which represent the organization of speech
units at higher levels. The segmental tier, on the other
hand, consists of several phonetic tiers such as the nasal
tier, the laryngeal tier, the tonal tier, and others. It
has to be emphasized that the recognition of a nucleus
constituent does not affect their basic assumption that
syllables have flat structure since the proposal nucleus
category is considered to be a simultaneous representation
on a different tier:
(1) N nucleus-tier
C C V C C
CV tier
a
syllable-tier
The other nonlinear representation of the syllable
recognizes an internal hierarchical structure within
syllables. This view is adopted in most studies that deal


239
(12 6) a. /katab-t-b-u/ >- katbtabu ^
katabtabbu
'I wrote with it (m.) '
b. /faadee-t-b-i/
faadetabi ^
faadeetbbi
you (m.) sacrificed me'
c. /waddee-t-b-u/
waddeetabu ^
waddeetabbu 'you (m.) took with it
(m. )
One possibility is that a second optional application
of epenthesis is involved. That is, in cases where dative _1
is doubled the rule of epenthesis is assumed to apply twice.
Therefore, a representation like (127a) undergoes rule (7)
of section 5.2.1 twice to give the intermediate structure in
(127b):
(127) a. /katab-t-l-ha/
b. *katabtalaha
This mode of application for epenthesis entails two things.
First, it claims the rules of syllabification are not
activated after each application of a phonological rule
(contrary to our assumption in Chapter Three).
Consequently, 1_ is not syllabified as the coda of the first
epenthetic vowel and, therefore, triggers epenthesis as a
stray consonant. After the second application of
epenthesis, syllabification creates CV-sequences and the
structure in (127b) results. The second consequence is that
the rules of syllabification are not cyclic in nature. The


134
c. sarayaan 'effectiveness'
d. giraaya 'reading'
Other examples that justify an underlying glide are provided
by the instrumental nouns derived from verbs that lack a
third consonant:
a. gala
'he fried'
gali
'frying'
gallaaya
'frying vessel'
b. sawa
'he grilled'
sawi
'grilling, broiling
sawwaaya
'grill'
The other group of exceptions to HVD are short high
vowels in final positions that are underlying long:
(43) a. /?akal-tii/ ?akalti 'you (f.) ate'
b. /suf-tuu/ suftu 'you (pi.) saw'
The final vowels are derived by a general rule which
shortens long vowels in final position. The claim that
these vowels are underlyingly long can be justified by
comparing the following examples of the same vowels in non
final position:
(44) a. ?akaltiihum 'you (f.) ate them'
b. suftuuha 'you (pi.) saw her'


152
(71)
i
i
C V V C V C V
* C V V C C V
V I I
I V II
s a r x r
s a r r
The configuration in the output of HVD in (71) violates the
OCP in that it contains a sequence of two identical
consonants; therefore, HVD is blocked.
The question that remains to be answered is why the
examples in (68) did not undergo the metathesis rule early
in the derivation in the same way those in (59) did. The
answer to this question lies in the special properties of
early rules like metathesis. McCarthy (1986) argues
convincingly that one such property is the exceptionality of
certain lexical or morphological classes in the input to
these rules. For instance, one of the exceptions to the
general rule of metathesis in Arabic which turns CVC^VC^
into CVC.C. is the stative verb dabib 'abound in lizards'
i i
which does not undergo the rule (McCarthy 1986:247). Fol
lowing the same line of argument, we suggest that nouns and
adjectives of the CWC VC^ morphological class are commonly
subject to the early rule of metathesis (cf. (61)). Verbs
of this type, which are rare in the language anyway, are
regular exceptions to the rule. They do not undergo HVD
later in the derivation because of the OCP antigemination
effect that holds after Tier Conflation.


183
that which inserts 2z. are to be collapsed into one rule. He
formulates the rule as follows:
(35) Declusterizing Rule (Bakalla 1979:289)
szi ? a / # CC
He takes as evidence for his argument the fact that the
insertion of ?a. is motivated on the ground that it may occur
irrespective of the elements that might occur before the
items undergoing the rule (p. 291). He gives the following
examples to support his claim:
(36) a. fattu fitaram-at fattu ?afitaramat
'Fattu respected'
b. ma: fStaram * ma: ?af>taram
'He did not respect'
c. mi:n nhazam mi:n ?anhazam
'Who was defeated?'
The sequence ^?a is inserted when the preceding item ends in
a short vowel as in (36a), a long vowel as in (36b), or a
consonant as in (36c).
Bakalla also mentions that variations in the pronuncia
tion of these items are acceptable. For instance, it is
possible to pronounce (36a) and (36b) as in (37a) and (37b),
respectively:
(37) a. fattufitaramat
b. maaFi # tar am


13
Within each binyan, the verb has a number of inflections
which denote aspect, voice, finiteness, and mood. This is
illustrated in the partial derivational paradigm of the root
ktb 'to write' given in (3) (McCarthy 1981b:385):^
(3) Perfective Active Perfective Passive
I
katab
kutib
II
kattab
kuttib
III
kaatab
kuutib
IV
?aktab
?uktib
V
takattab
tukuttib
VI
takaatab
tukuutib
VII
nkatab
nkutib
VIII
ktatab
ktutib
IX
ktabab

X
staktab
stuktib
XI
ktaabab

XII
ktawtab

XIII
ktawwab

XIV
ktanbab

XV
ktanbay

All the forms in (3) share the stem consonants ktb, but
differ from one another with respect to the vowels and some
additional consonants. They also differ in their syllabic
skeletons, or prosodic templates in McCarthy's terminology.


146
(59) sakk /sakak/ 'he doubted'
mall /malal/ 'he became bored'
8abb /fiabab/ 'he loved'
These verbs are assumed to be derived from their underlying
forms in the right column through a rule of metathesis
(Brame 1970, McCarthy 1979a, 1981b, and 1986).^ This rule
seems to apply also in other systems. For instance, Bakalla
(1979) shows that a similar rule in MA, which he considers a
rule of gemination, is responsible for the derivation of
verbs whose last two consonants are identical (cf. 59). He
also notes that gemination by metathesis is found in
comparative stems, where some of these forms become
homophonous with their respective verbs (Bakalla 1979:108-
109)):
(60) a.
?ahamm
/?ahmam/
'more important;
it worried'
b.
?aiazz
/?aizaz/
'more beloved; he
loved'
c.
?asadd
/?asdad/
'stronger'
d.
?agall
/7aglal/
'less'
As McCarthy (1986) argues, there is considerable evidence
that this rule of metathesis (deletion in certain cases) is
a rule of allomorphy or a very early phonological rule.
The purpose of the above note is to show the relevance
of the metathesis rule to the derivation of the final


304
Lowenstamm, Jean. 1981. On the maximal cluster approach to
syllable structure. Linguistic Inquiry 12. 575-604.
Mascar, Juan. 1976. Catalan phonology and the
phonological cycle. Ph.D. dissertation. Cambridge:
MIT.
McCarthy, John. 1979a. Formal problems in Semitic
phonology and morphology. Ph.D. dissertation.
Cambridge: MIT.
McCarthy, John. 1979b. On stress and syllabification.
Linguistic Inquiry 10. 443-465.
McCarthy, John. 1980. A note on the accentuation of
Damascene Arabic. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences
10. 77-98.
McCarthy, John. 1981a. The representation of consonant
length in Hebrew. Linguistic Inquiry 12. 322-327.
McCarthy, John. 1981b. A prosodic theory of
nonconcatenative morphology. Linguistic Inquiry 12.
373-418.
McCarthy, John. 1981c. Stress, pretonic strengthening, and
syllabification in Tiberian Hebrew. In H. Borer and Y.
Aoun (eds.), Theoretical issues in the grammar of
Semitic languages. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics
3. 73-100.
McCarthy, John. 1982. Prosodic templates, morphemic
templates, and morphemic tiers. In H. van der Hulst
and N. Smith (eds.), The structure of phonological
representations, part I, 191-223. Dordrecht: Foris.
McCarthy, John. 1984. Prosodic organization in morphology.
In M. Aronoff and R. Oehrle (eds.), Language sound
structure: Studies in phonology presented to Morris
Halle by his teacher and students. Cambridge: MIT
Press.
McCarthy, John. 1985. Speech disguise and phonological
representation in Amharic. In H. van der Hulst and N.
Smith (eds.), Advances in nonlinear phonology, 305-312.
Dordrecht: Foris.
McCarthy, John. 1986. OCP effects: Gemination and
antigemination. Linguistic Inquiry 17. 207-263.
McCawley, James. 1968. The phonological component of a
grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton.


265
In (9) the glottal is in prepausal position. The general
observation is that the glottal deletes whenever it closes
the syllable, i.e. forms the coda of the syllable. Compare
the paradigm in (8) to its counterpart of the past tense
1 ate'
given in (10).
(10) a.
?akalt
'I ate'
b.
?akalna
'we ate'
c.
?akalt
' you
(m. )
ate'
d.
?akalti
1 you
(f. )
ate'
e.
?akaltu
' you
(pi.
) ate
f.
?akal
'he ate'
g-
?akalat
' she
ate'
h.
?akalu
' they
ate
1
The glottal stop in these examples as well as those in (6)
and (7) do not delete since they form the onset of the
syllable.
It is to be noted that the only other verb of the
[?acac] template that undergoes CL is ?xud 'take':
(11) a. /?a-?xud/ ?aaxud
b. /ta-?xud/ 1* taaxud
c. /ya-?xud/ * yaaxud
'I take1
1 she takes 1
'he takes'
The rest of the paradigm is identical to (8). Although ?kul
and ?xud are the only members of this class of verbs to
undergo CL, other systems (nouns and adjectives) and other


27
r qqiy 'thin' serve as an illustration. The structure of
these forms before Tier Conflation is given in (22a) and
(22b), respectively:
(22) a.
a i
If Spirantization were to apply to (22), it would produce
*siJ3J3eej3 and *r*YyY Also, the surface forms sibbeeft and
raqqix would appear to involve a violation of the
'inalterability' principle (Hayes 1986), since both involve
a rule applying only to the last member of the long-distance
geminates in (22). However, if we assume that Tier
Conflation occurs prior to the application of
Spirantization, then the rule will apply to the structure
in (23):
(23) a. sib eb b. raqiq
I I A A I I I A I I
cvccvvc cvccvc
In (23) only the last consonant will undergo Spirantization.
The rule does not apply to the geminate configuration, since
only the first C in that configuration is in postvocalic
position. The application of Spirantization would produce
the unacceptable *sigbeep and *raxqix. However,
Spirantization applies to a sequence of nongeminate
consonants, as in /higdil/ > hiydil 'be magnified'. The


284
(38) a.
dayyan
'lend'
b.
dawwar
'spin, turn around'
c.
mawwa j
'make wavy'
d.
xawwaf
'scare'
e.
mawwat
'kill, cause to die
The glide in each of the above examples occurs in the rhyme
of the first syllable (closes the first syllable) but does
not delete as predicted. Examples involving the glottal
stop behave similarly (cf. ra??as 'make president'). A
phonological explanation for the exceptionality resides in
the unique structure of the glides in these forms. Consider
the output of syllabification of a form like ra??as, for
instance:
(39) a o
/\ /\
0 R 0 R
j A A
C V C C V C
ii y i i
In (39) only the first member of the geminate meets the
structural description of our rule in (25): Only the first
part of 2. occurs in the rhyme position. Therefore, the
application of (25) to the structure in (39) will violate
the principle of 'inalterability' (Hayes 1986): It changes
the identity of one member of the geminate leaving the other
member unchanged. According to the 'inalterability'
principle, a rule like (25) may not apply to geminate


140
(51)
a.
b.
c.
d.
Nominis
makatib
makaatbi
mazid
majda
'offices'
cf. /makaatib-i/ 'my offices'
'proper name (m.)'
cf. /maajj^d-a/ 'proper name (f. ) '
(52) Active Participles
a. laaiib 'player (m.)'
b. laa?ba cf. /laaS\ib-a/ 'player (f.)'
The underlined vowels in (49b), (49c), (50b), (50d), (51b),
(51d) and (52b) occupy weak positions in metrical structure
and are not dominated by foot nodes. Therefore, rule (45)
applies to these vowels. Its application to (49c), for
instance, is illustrated in (53):
(53)
a oo
A A A
O R O R O R
I A I I I I
C V V C V C V
I V I l I I
r a s i 1 i
Rule 45
==>
a a
A A
OR OR
I A II
C V V C C V
I V I I !
r a s 1 i
The application of HVD to (49c) violates the structure
preserving principle on phonological rules: Its output
cannot be properly syllabified. The syllabification of this
stray consonant with the following syllable creates a
complex onset *raa.sli. The other alternative is for the
unsyllabified consonant to join the preceding syllable
forming a superheavy CVVC syllable in internal position. A


62
(2) a
C C V C C
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
t ]
[ ]
domain (a)
domain (b)
domain (c)
domain (d)
domain (e)
As mentioned by Steriade, the domain in (2d) can be defined
in an ad hoc manner as the part of the syllable that begins
with the vowel, and the one in (2e) as the elements
preceding the vowel. However, it is no accident that the
domains described in such terms coincide with the domains
usually referred to as 'Rhyme' and 'Onset', respectively.
It seems likely that the onset and rhyme constitute the
minimum hierarchical structure within the syllable. Under a
theory that recognizes this distinction, the phonotactic
constraints holding among the last two or three positions in
the syllable can now be given some significance.
Phonotactic constraints are more likely to hold between
positions forming one and the same constituent, in this
case, the rhyme. No such constraints exist between the
onset, on the one hand, and any of the other elements within
the rhyme, on the other.
The recognition of a rhyme constituent enables us to
formulate the constraints on the maximum number of segments
that may follow the onset as the maximum number of segments


124
galb
'heart'
wins
'crane'
?ams
'yesterday'
gabil
'before'
cf. gab.la.ha
'before her'
xisin
'coarse (m.)
cf. xis.na
'coarse (f.)
?isim
'name'
cf. ?is.mu
'his name'
Additional evidence for the restriction of CVVC and
CVCC to final position in MA is found in a rule which
shortens long vowels in non-final positions. Although this
rule is far more restricted in MA than in other dialects
(Egyptian, for instance), it can be taken as evidence of the
tendency to avoid CVVC syllables in non-final positions.
The environment where vowel shortening takes place is
restricted to verbs with a middle weak radical (i.e. hollow
verbs) followed by the dative suffix ^\L, and a pronominal
object suffix:"^
(28) a. raaR 'he went'
raafr-l-hum + rafilahum 'he went to them'
b. siib 'leave!'
siib-l-i
+ sibli
'leave for me!'


277
onto the CV position of the target segment. This can be
illustrated as follows (Hayes 1986:323):
(28) C C C C
I I V
mb m
Arguing along the same lines, Steriade (1982:46) shows that
total assimilation results in merged matrices. Under this
assumption, our rule in (25) can be regarded as an
assimilation rule and formulated as follows:
(29) ?-assimilation (An Autosegmental Version)
a son.
- cons.
- high
+ low
X
¡3 son.
- cons.
- high
+ low
The linked matrices in (29) re subject to 'The Shared
Features Convention' (Steriade 1982:48) which percolates up
all features with identical specifications to give (30).

a
- y -
a son.
+ son.
- son.
- cons.
- cons.
- cons.
- high
- high
- high
+ low
+ low
+ low
/\
/\
/\
X c
i. e.
V c
or
c c
Or, alternatively, the output of assimilation can be
formulated as a rule of gemination (compare Arabic Coronal


203
(67h) do not involve a pharyngeal. Therefore, the best way
to deal with the examples in (67) is to mark them for under
going epenthesis. This solution is supported by the fact
that the majority of cases where the sonority hierarchy is
not violated (65) and (68) do not undergo epenthesis.
5.2.3.2 Analysis and Exceptions
Ignoring the few exceptions listed in (67), the
generalization that can be captured with respect to the
examples in (63), (64), and (65) is that epenthesis is
restricted to consonant clusters that violate the sonority
hierarchy. This generalization can be captured in terms of
the following rule:
(69) Prepausal Epenthesis (a preliminary version)
o
# condition C2 ^ C-^
on sonority scale
C
2
Consider the application of rule (69) to one of the examples
given in (63), for instance, gutun 'cotton'. The output of
the rules of syllabification is as follows:
(70)
a
C V c c
g u t n


2
In addition to outlining the basic principles of auto-
segmental phonology assumed in the following chapters,
Chapter Two singles out two (out of many) cases in the
morphology and phonology of MA that provide evidence for
autosegmental representations. The difference in the
realization of the eighth binyan in MA from that in CA is
better explained morphologically; the rarity of complex
segments is borne out by loan words. Chapter Three
introduces the rules of syllabification in MA, while Chapter
Four establishes the basic syllable types in MA and confirms
those of CA (McCarthy 1979a). The superheavy syllable may
occur underlyingly but is strictly restricted to final
position; exceptions are explained. In the chapter on
phonological rules, it is demonstrated that several rules
modifying syllable structure are triggered by potential
superheavy syllables in non-final position resulting from
the addition of new morphological material. The final
chapter provides evidence for syllable integrity and the
relevance of the superheavy syllable to this matter.
Two theoretical issues will figure prominently through
out the analysis. The first concerns the presence of
unsyllabified (extrasyllabic, stray) consonants in the
output of basic syllabification. It will be demonstrated
that rules of epenthesis and vowel shortening crucially
refer to these consonants in their environments and
incorporate them into well-formed syllables.


188
(46)
a
A
0 R
I A
C V V
I V
m a #
o a
A A
ORO R
,1 I I A
C C V C V c
mini
n t a r a k
Since the consonant cluster in (46) is in syllable-initial
position, rule (34) provides a nucleus to the stray
consonant in (46) to give the structure in (47):
(47) a
/\
O R
I A
C V V
I V
m a
a a a
I A A
R 0 R 0 R
I ,1 I I A
V C C V C V c
I II I I I I
# a 6 t a r a k
The representation in (47) is not well formed since
onsetless syllables are not permitted in the language. The
rule which inserts ? can be formulated as follows:
(48) ?-Insertion
0
a
A
0 R
?/ # V
Rule (48) now applies to (47) to give the final result in
(49) :


115
be hard to substantiate by data from Makkan Arabic. More
over, Cairene requires the extra rule of incorporation for
cases where epenthesis fails to apply, i.e. in word-final
position (cf. (14)). The Incorporation Rule, Selkirk
suggests, is restricted in application to prepausal position
and creates a derived structure like that of McCarthy's in
(7). In addition, this rule of incorporation has to be
ordered before epenthesis in order to block the derivation
of forms like *katabit.
Finally, it is obvious that the degenerate analysis
offers no general principle to predict whether the unsyl
labified consonant should receive the rhyme or the onset
analysis. For that reason, Selkirk assumes that by a
universal principle (cf. Aoun 1979) the consonant is given
the rhyme analysis, as in (17). The analysis of (16) is to
minimize dummy symbols in underlying structure. In cases
where the degenerate consonant is analyzed as the onset of
the degenerate syllable, as in (14) and (15), Selkirk posits
the extra 'ad hoc and irreplaceable' rule of onset switch
(p. 223). This rule is supposed to apply to a structure
which has already been processed by the unmarked rhyme
analysis. It has the effect of modifying the shape of the
degenerate syllable by switching the consonant from the coda
position to the onset position. This rule also needs to be
ordered prior to epenthesis.


216
the degenerate syllable is needed. We call this rule coda
switch to match Selkirk's Onset Switch rule proposed for
Cairene Arabic (cf. sections 4.2.2 & 5.2.1), and formulate
it roughly as
(90) Coda Switch
a
A
i
Rule (90) has the effect of changing the structure in (89b)
to ?akAl which later undergoes epenthesis to give ?akil.
Note that (90) must apply before epenthesis; it must also be
. v 4
prevented from applying to examples like ?asr and sarg.
This option, then, requires the extra rule of Coda Switch
along with the limitations on its application.
We therefore conclude that in order to maintain the
degenerate analysis of final CVCC syllables in MA, two rules
of syllable incorporation are required to derive superheavy
syllables where epenthesis fails to apply. We have also
seen that any attempt to do away with one of the
incorporation rules will result in unnecessary and ad hoc
devices, some of which contradict certain basic assumptions
of the degenerate syllable approach.


232
undergo the rule. Two possible explanations can be offered
to account for these exceptions.
The first is to claim that the mid vowels, ee and oo,
are derived from a VC sequence, i.e. ay and aw, respec
tively. Therefore, these vowels will be dominated by the
sequence VC on the CV-tier. This differentiates them from
vowels dominated by a VV sequence as required by the rule.
Given this assumption, it can be claimed that the examples
in (115a) and (115b) do not meet the structural description
of the rule and are, therefore, exceptions to this rule.
They have the following structure:
(116) V C
V
e
The utilization of VC representations in characterizing long
vowels was illustrated in Clements and Keyser (1983). There
it was claimed that the different behavior of long vowels of
a certain noun class in Turkish with respect to some
phonological rules can be handled in terms of these
representations. However, the vowels under consideration
from MA are slightly different in that they can be
demonstrated to have been dominated by a VC sequence on the
CV-tier by virtue of the assumption that they are originally
diphthongs. (For the discussion of this claim, see Chapter
Six. )


81
A A
0
1
R
l
0
1
R
I
C V C V
1
c
1
V
1
C
1
V
INI
Rule (12)
1
I
|
|
Jill
k a s a
======>
k
a
s
a
The first language-specific rule of syllabification in
8
Arabic is the coda rule given in (14):
(14) Coda Rule (optional) (a preliminary form)
a a
i I
R R
I A
V C > V c
The Onset Rule in (13) and the Coda Rule in (14) together
account for the syllable structure assigned to words like
katab 'he wrote', and rasmu 'his painting', as represented
in (15a) and (15b), respectively:
a
o
a
a
A
A
A
A
0 R
0 R
0 R
0 R
1 1
1 1
1 1
1 A
C V C V C C V
C V c
C V
C V c
1 I | 1 |Rule (12)| |
| | |Rule
(14 ) | |
1 1 1
katab ===> k a
tab ==
=> k a
tab
0
a
a
a
A
A
A
A
0 R
0 R
0 R
0 R
l !
1 1
1 A
1 1
C V C C V C V
C C V
C V c
C V
Mil [Rule (12)| 1
rasmu ==> r a
| | ¡Rule
s m u
(14)| I 1
> ras
1 1
m u


78
hierarchy.
Consider
the following
examples
from Classical
Arabic:^
(11)
a. kasb
'earning 1
b. kabs
'pressing'
surb
1 drinking 1
sabr
'patience'
?ams
'yesterday'
?ism
'name'
qalb
1 heart'
fiabl
'rope'
The cluster involved in each example in the second column
violates the hierarchy in that the members of the cluster
are not arranged in such a way that the more sonorous among
the two occurs next to the syllable peak. However, these
examples are all nouns formed in accordance with a certain
morphological template.
In fact, the sonority hierarchy principle is observed
by many languages, but deviations may still be found. A
possible suggestion is to specify where deviations from the
hierarchy occur and to interpret this principle as an
indicator of relative syllable markedness rather than an
absolute universality.
Our objection to Cairns and Feinstein's markedness
theory of syllable structure falls along the same lines as
Steriade's objections to this model: Namely, the model is
too complicated compared to the results it was established
to achieve. For instance, the role of the markedness
evaluation can be simply stated as one that assigns a V.CV
structure to the sequence VCV. Such a simple procedure does


174
of the non-syllable-based analysis outlined above. For
instance, it captures the generalization that the triggering
environment of epenthesis is the presence of an unsyllabi
fied consonant. This consonant is always a part of a
potential superheavy syllable caught in non-final position.
Also, by recognizing syllable structurethe rhyme structure
in particulara syllable-based analysis of epenthesis
expresses the fact that in cases where the vowel is inserted
after the second consonant (cf. (16a)) the first consonant
of the cluster plays no role in conditioning epenthesis and
therefore should not be included in the environment.
5.2.1.2 An Alternative Analysis
An alternative way to account for the epenthetic vowels
in this section is to analyze the relevant forms with
degenerate syllables in underlying representation. The
degenerate syllable analysis (Selkirk 1981) has been
discussed in 4.2.2. The two conditions imposed by this
approach are (a) that all segments within the domain of
syllabification are analyzed in syllabic structure and (b)
that syllables in surface phonetic structure contain no
dummy elements (have no empty positions).
Recall that Selkirk (1981) does not treat CVVC
syllables in Cairene Arabic as involving degenerate
syllables. However, according to the first condition, the
final consonants of CVVC syllables in MA are potential


89
Two observations are in order. In the output of the CV-
Assignment Rule, r (22a), k (22b), mt (22c) and r (22d) are
not marked as unsyllabified consonants since the coda rule
has not applied yet. In (22a), r does not join the follow
ing syllable, since MA lacks an onset rule. All simple non
branching onsets are accounted for by the CV Rule. The
second observation is that the application of the universal
CV Rule before any language-specific rules guarantees that a
sequence of the form CVCVC (21d) be parsed as CV.CVC rather
than *CVC.VC. This is achieved without the need to impose a
specific direction on the application of syllable structure
assignment. In (22), the CV Rule parses the strings
creating as many CV sequences as possible. Then, the rest
of the syllabification rules continue as follows:
(23) Coda Rule
a a
A A
b' A
0
A
0 R 0 R
0 R
0 R
1 A 1 A
1 1
1 A
C V C C V c
C V
C V V
MINI
1 1
1 V
m a r k a z
m a
1 a
a 0
d. o
0
A A
A
A
ORO R
0 R
0 R
MIA
1 1
1 A
C V C V c c
1 1 1 1 1 1
C V
1 1
C V c
1 1 1
lilil
f i h i m t
1 1
k a
1 1 1
s a r


95
i The issue of overlapping constituents or improper
bracketing, however, is not likely to arise with
ambisyllabic consonants in Arabic for a number of reasons.
First, the CV-tier provides a level of representation where
the syllable affiliation of segments is independently
specified. Second, ambisyllabic consonants in Arabic are
always long (geminates). (For possible Arabic ambisyllabic
consonants which are not geminats, see Al-Mozainy (1981).)
In fact, the only way for long consonants in certain
varieties of Arabic to be realized phonetically is for such
consonants to be ambisyllabic. In addition, ambisyllabicity
is predictable given the syllabification rules (section
3.5.1) and the representation of long consonants in terms of
many-to-one association between the CV and segmental tiers
(2.2.2). A word like Tammi 'my paternal uncle' will have
the following initial representation:
(32) C V C C V
V I
m i
The syllabification rules will syllabify the structure in
(32) as follows:
(33)
a a
A A
0 R 0 R
I A I I
C V C C V
? a m i
IIV!


rule of adjunction is therefore needed to provide for the
syllabification of stray consonants in the output of HVD.
The rule can be formulated as in (54):
141
(54) Consonant Adjuction (output of HVD only)
C
+ C /
C V
Rule (54) applies to derived structures strictly. That is,
the rule never applies to non-derived structure. This
restriction is necessary to prevent derivations like
/xaal-ha/ f>- *xaalha (cf. xaalaha 'her maternal uncle').
It is crucial to note that the rule of HVD is the only
source of CVVC syllables in non-final position in the
languagea situation that justifies the special stipulation
for their derivation.
One final remark on the interaction between HVD and the
principle of structure-preserving is in order. As is clear
from the discussion above, CVCC syllables are not allowed in
the output of HVD, while CVVC syllables need separate
stipulation. There are, however, certain cases where HVD
applies to produce non-final CVCC syllables. I will show
that these apparent violations are different from the
regular case of violation exhibited by non-final CVVC
syllables. Bakalla (1979) observes that HVD may apply
optionally to forms in which the resulting clusters cannot


226
to MVSR for examples (104a), (104c), (104e), can be given as
in (105a), (105b), and (105c), respectively:
(105) a. /aal bahum/
b. /raaft ^ lakum/
c. /saar ^ lik/
None of these examples meets the structural description of
(101) in that the dative element consists of either a CVCVC
sequence (105a) and (105b) or a CVC syllable (105c) instead
of the CVCV sequence specified by the rule.
The examples in (104b) and (104d) present the same
problem for rule (101). The structural input to MVSR for
these examples is as given in (106a) and (106b),
respectively:
(106) a. /gaal ^ li/
b. /taar ^ lu/
Again, the structure in (106) does not satisfy the
structural description of (101): The dative element is a CV
syllable. Yet, these examples as well as the rest of (104)
do undergo MVSR, thus forming a set of exceptions to the
rule in (101). However, as far as the examples in (106a)
and (106b) are concerned, these can be characterized (as can
be concluded from Bakalla) as having dative elements of a
CVCV form at an earlier point in the derivation. This
hypothesis depends on the assumption that [li] and [bi] are


112
or, for that matter, for Selkirk (1981), the final consonant
is analyzed as a syllable on its own, though degenerate.
Yet, in both cases it is treated as the right-most structure
by means of which the preceding heavy syllable can be
located in the penultimate position in order for it to
receive stress by the regular rule of stressing heavy
penults.
The implications of stress for the structure of CWC
and CVCC syllables are therefore inconclusive, and consid
eration of other syllable-dependent processes becomes
necessary. An attempt along this line is found in Selkirk
(1981), who proposes a degenerate syllable analysis for CVCC
syllables in Cairene but maintains the superheavy syllable
analysis for CWC, as proposed originally by McCarthy
(1979a, b). According to Selkirk, the degenerate syllable
analysis draws its strength from the surface realization of
syllables which need to be analyzed as having an empty
nucleus: These syllables appear on the surface with
epenthetic vowels (i in the case of Cairene). The
theoretical assumption underlying this analysis is that it
allows positions within the basic syllable types of a
language to be empty of segments, but structurally present.
An empty position may be formally represented as containing
a dummy element, written 'A1. Syllables with empty nuclei
may have one of the following forms (Selkirk 1981:215):


157
g
The equivalent Makkan forms are the same with the one
exception that the inserted vowel is always a.
9
The syllable patterns of the underlying representation
as given in Bakalla (1979) include CV, CVV, and CVC. The
syllable types occurring in the surface representation
include in addition to these syllables the superheavy CVVC
and CVCC syllables.
"^The presence of the preposition is crucial to the
operation of the rule. Compare the example in (a) to that
in (b) :
a. guul.l.na gul.la.na 'tell us'
But
b. guu.l.ha guu.la.ha 'say it (f.)'
^Kenstowicz (1980:49) considers CVVC syllables (not
CVCC) as members of the basic inventory in Cairene Arabic.
12
D. Gary Miller suggested to me that the rule in (45)
can alternatively be formulated in terms of E as opposed to
E'. According to Selkirk (1980), feet can be of two types,
monosyllabic or trochaic feet (containing one or two syl
lables) and dactylic (containing a foot of the first type
plus a following syllable). Given that HVD only affects
vowels dominated by W-nodes which are dominated by E (that
is, those between S and W in a dactylic foot), the rule in
(45) can be restated as follows:
High Vowel Deletion (An alternative)
The S-node shows that the
deleting vowel is not
part of a degenerate
foot.
E
/\
S W
v > / _!
[thigh]
Therefore, the high vowel of the final syllable in kibru
does not delete since it is dominated by E', nor does that
of the first syllable in kibirt because it constitutes a
separate (degenerate) foot.
The formulation of HVD (a syllable rule) in terms of
foot structure follows under the assumption that rules are
formulated at the next higher level of the prosodic hier
archy (cf. Hammond (1984)). However, this assumption raises


CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
The central thesis of this study is the so-called
superheavy syllable (CVVC or CVCC) and its relation to
syllable structure in Arabic, particularly Classical Arabic
(CA) and Makkan Arabic (MA). The study defends two general
claims. First, most of the phonological rules which modify
syllable structure in Arabic are closely related to this
syllable type. Second, an autosegmental representation of
the syllable offers a clear characterization of facts of
syllabification and resyllabification in MA and will
consequently affect the form of phonological rules.
The framework assumed in this study is that of
generative phonology enriched with the autosegmental
representations introduced in recent work by McCarthy
(1979a), Halle and Vergnaud (1979), and Clements and Keyser
(1983). The bulk of the analysis will be carried out in
autosegmental terms. Several references, however, are made
to the metrical approach (Liberman and Price 1977, Halle and
Vergnaud 1979, McCarthy 1979a, Kiparsky 1979, and Hayes
1980). A metrical explanation is expected for certain
phenomena, given the relevance of higher prosodic structure
to the overall hierarchy of speech.
1


15
the reduplication of the second or third root consonants (as
in II and V, and IX and XI, respectively).
In order to account for this phenomenon of discontinu
ous morphemes, McCarthy suggests that consonantal and
vocalic patterns be regarded as autosegments on separate
tiers and governed by the same principles observed in the
case of tonal melodies (Section 2.3.1). The derivation is
straightforward in the case of the prosodic templates where
the number of consonantal slots on the skeleton tier equals
the number of melodies (consonants) on the consonantal tier:
association is one-to-one, from left to right. As a result,
binyanim I and III will have the representations in (6a) and
(6b), respectively (McCarthy 1981b:388):
(6) a. I
b. Ill
C V C V C
\ l /
k t b
C V V C V C
\ I
k t b
\1/ \j/
u y
The affixes in IV, V, VI, VII, and X are represented on
separate tiers since each belongs to a morpheme different
from the root. For instance, 7. in IV is the causative
morpheme. Association starts by linking the affix with the
first consonant of the template. However, the affix in the
eighth binyan occupies the second consonantal slot rather
than the first. McCarthy suggests a Flop Rule restricted to


280
6.6 Compensatory Lengthening, Exceptions, and the
Inalterability of Geminates
This section provides further support for our claim
that glides are minimized, if not banned, from the rhyme
constituent. The discussion involves the elimination of the
two other glides /y/ and /w/ from the rhyme, while the
weight of the syllable undergoes no change.
A salient difference that distinguishes Classical
Arabic from the modern dialects is the former's retention of
the two diphthongs /ay/ and /aw/. In most dialects, /ay/
and /aw/ underwent a process of monophthongization to become
/ee/ and /oo/, respectively. This change has been generally
considered to be a diachronic process on the basis of
correspondances like those in (32):
(32) Classical Colloquial (MA)
a. ramay-t ramee-t 'I threw'
/ramay-t/
b. madad-t maddee-t 'I stretched'
/madday-t/
It is hard to justify the glide in the underlying represen
tation of these verbs in the colloquials since it shows up
nowhere in the paradigm.
Consider the following correspondances from systems
other than the verb:


281
Classical
Colloquial
(MA)
a.
layla
leela
'night'
b.
?alayhim
? aleehum
'on them
c.
bayt
beet
'house'
d.
dayn
deen
'debt'
e.
f ayn
een
' eye'
f.
dawra
doora
'round'
g-
maw5a
moo£a
'wave'
h.
xawf
xoof
' fear'
i.
mawt
moot
'death'
As is clear from (33), monophthongization in the colloquials
happens either in a CVC syllable, as in (33a), (33b), (33f),
and (33g), or in a CVCC syllable, as in (33c), (33d), (33e),
(33h), and (33i). In either case, the glide occurs within
the rhyme constituent.
In his synchronic analysis of MA, Bakalla (1979)
derives [ee] and [oo] from underlying /ay/ and /aw/,
respectively. He does that for verbs like those in (32), as
well as nouns and adjectives (33). His claim for an
underlying glide for the examples in (33) can be justified
on the basis of occurrence in the dialect of closely related
forms that still exhibit [y] or [w] in their surface
representations:
(34) a. layaali 'nights'
b. Talayya 'on me'


42
positions on the CV-tier. Rules of epenthesis exemplify
this type. Languages may also have rules that refer
exclusively to elements on the segmental tier, without
reference to their position on the CV-tier. A classic
example would be rules of compensatory lengthening whereby a
segment deletes but with concomitant lengthening of another
segment. For instance, in Latin /s/ is voiced to /z/ and
later deleted before dental stops, causing compensatory
lengthening, e.g. */sisdo:/ > si:do; 'I sit', and /dis-
du:co:/ > di:du:co; 'I separate'. Compensatory lengthening
clearly violates the 'integrity constraint' on phonological
rules. It is a rule that deletes a segment but leaves its
temporal position, i.e. its slot on the CV-tier, intact. In
a theory where the segmental and subsyllabic material are
represented on one and the same level, it is hard to
represent the changes involved in a process like
compensatory lengthening.
2.3.3 The Obligatory Contour Principle
The last constraint relevant to autosegmental represen
tation is the Obligatory Contour Principle (henceforth OCP).
The OCP, originally proposed by Leben (1973) for tonal
phonology, prohibits sequences of identical elements if they
can be replaced by a single multiply associated element. In
addition to tonal phonology, it has been demonstrated that
the OCP is operative in other areas of phonology and


135
In (44) the high vowels are followed by the suffixes -hum
and -haf respectively, and thus do not shorten. Here again,
it can be assumed that HVD applies at a point where the
vowels are not yet short (before final vowel shortening).
In order to avoid the order between HVD and the other
two rules of glide deletion and final vowel shortening, HVD
has to be formulated so that it will exclude short high
12
vowels m final position:
(45) High Vowel Deletion
W
V JZ / X
[+high]
Conditions: W ^ foot
X f
The first condition excludes high vowels dominated by weak
foot nodes. The second excludes high vowels in final
position.
Turning to the issue of the interaction between HVD and
syllable structure, and the relevance of superheavy
syllables to both, we note that HVD, as formulated in (45),
is a general rule provided that its output can be syllabi
fied by the rules of syllabification in the language. The
examples of HVD introduced so far conform to this condition
(cf. (33c) and (33e)). The application of HVD to these


100
4
These constraints concern the sonority hierarchy of
the consonant cluster in word-final position. These
clusters will be discussed in detail in Chapter Five.
5
This is true of Classical as well as certain dialects
of Arabic. For instance, Makkan and Cairene Arabic observe
this constraint in word-internal syllable margins.
0
This is not true of the modern dialects, where some
seem to enforce the sonority principle even in nouns of this
morphological class. Thus, in MA, a rule of epenthesis
breaks up a final cluster that violates the sonority
hierarchy. But see Chapter Five for still other
morphological subsets that may override the principle.
7
D. Gary Miller has pointed out to me that if the
syllable is derived from an X-bar schema, specifically
V(owel)-bar, then V will be the head of the syllable, the
only obligatory constituent. This predicts the optionality
of the coda and that, in the unmarked case, the onset will
not be null. It also predicts the order of their applica
tion. (For more details, see Leffel (1985).) In this case,
the CV rule itself is a PG instance of the universal schema
of V-bar.
8
'Coda' is used as a cover term for the second position
in the rhyme regardless of whether it is part of the long
vowel or a consonant. Of course, languages may have rules
which require the recognition of a nucleus constituent
separate from the coda, but this situation is not conspicu
ously borne out in this study. The rules to be discussed
later can be equally adequately accounted for using the
branching vs. nonbranching contrast.
9
Languages with complex onsets have, in addition to the
CV rule, an onset rule which has one or more iteration(s)
per syllable and might be subject to some segmental well-
formedness constraints on its application (Steriade 1982).
^On the basis of data from Estonian (Prince 1980),
Steriade questions the commonly accepted assumption of
continuous syllabification.
^The same phenomenon has been described in different
terminology (Hockett (1955), Jones (1956), and Pike (1967)).
12
In CA and MA, geminates in other than intervocalic
positions are not realized phonetically as geminates. They
undergo a rule of degemination in final position. When they
arise in initial position as a result of assimilation, they
trigger epenthesis, e.g. ttamur > ?attamur 'the dates'.


116
4.3 Superheavy Syllables Reconsidered
This section is concerned with the examination of some
of the claims made by the two approaches in light of further
data from other varieties of Arabic, particularly MA. The
section will highlight several issues. The constraints on
the distribution of CVVC and CVCC syllables will be
reassessed in order to decide whether these syllables can be
considered on a par with other basic and freely occurring
CV, CVV, and CVC syllables. I will first show that Abu-
Salim's claim that CVVC and CVCC are not subject to distri
butional constraints is not borne out by data from MA. In
MA, these are strictly restricted to final position in
underlying structure. This in itself is significant, since
most of Abu-Salim's objections to the superheavy approach
depend crucially on the assumption that these syllables may
occur in non-final position. His questioning of the
necessity of rule (7) to syllabification in Arabic must be
considered accordingly.
4.3.1 Distributional Constraints
The McCarthy/Halle-Vergnaud analysis of CVVC and CVCC
(cf. section 4.2.1) invited a number of modifications based
on further data from other dialects of Arabic. The degen
erate syllable analysis proposed by Aoun (1979) and Selkirk
(1981) (cf. section 4.2.2) is one instance. Drawing on data
from Palestinian Arabic, Abu-Salim (1982) presents several


90
At this point, (23a) and (23d) are properly syllabified.
Syllable assignment, however, continues with (23b) and
(23c):
(24)
Incorporation Rule
a a
A /\
ORO R
I I I X\
C V C V V c
I I I V I
mal a k
o a
A /\
ORO R
I I I AX
C V C V c c
II I I I I
f i h i m t
The examples in (21) are simple cases whose underlying
syllable structure is identical to the phonetic structure.
Therefore, their proper syllabification is provided for by
the first scan of the syllabification rules.
Turning to the.issue of syllable structure reassign
ment, we note that continuous syllabification represents the
prevalent view in theories of syllabification. (See
Steriade (1982 ) for a counterexample to this viewXA In
what follows, we argue that continuous syllabification is
needed in the grammar of Arabic so as to account for the
lack of one-to-one correspondence, in some cases, between
underlying and surface syllable structure. In addition to
the examples in (21), cases which are left improperly
syllabified at the end of initial syllabification or become
as such in the course of the derivation also exist.
Consider the output of underlying syllabification in (25a)
and (25b):


261
that they may be assigned different functional roles by
being represented on separate tiers. Therefore, while the
melody tier consists of the segmental matrices, the CV-tier
is responsible for characterizing the timing units. The
independence of autosegmental tiers is crucial to the
mechanism of CL. In section 2.2.2 it was demonstrated that
the evidence for such independence comes from tone languages
where a vowel may delete leaving its tone to be realized on
other segments. Conversely, a rule may delete part of the
tonal tier, thus depriving some segments of their tones. If
tones and segments are indeed independent, as suggested by
tone languages, then rules should be able to refer to one
tier without affecting the other. An example of rules of
this type in tonal languages is given in 2.2.2.
Compensatory Lengthening is the analogue of such rules in
nontonal systems.
Another relevant notion is autosegmental spreading,
which involves the association of unassociated elements. If
a deletion rule results in an unassociated element on either
tier (segmental or CV tier), this element will link with the
appropriate unlinked element on the other tier; if there is
none, it links with the closest element provided that no
association lines are crossed. Spreading is either
specified by rule (when unpredictable), or provided by the
association conventions. In the autosegmental framework, CL
is characterized as a deletion with concomitant


268
certain cases of glottal stops following i.. The following
alternations obtain in present day MA:
(17) a.
yi?mur
a, yiimur
1 he orders 1
b.
ni?mur
^ niimur
'we order'
c.
ti?mur
% tiimur
'she/you (m.)
order'
In very few cases, the
rule also applies
to
glottal stops
following u:
(18)
/5uzu?/
uzu(u)
'part'
cf. 2uz?een
'two parts'
Second, except
for (8),
(11), and (12),
the
rule is still
optional (cf.
(13) and
(17 ) ). These two
observations will
be relevant to the discussion of this phenomenon as an
assimilation process.
First, consider the autosegmental version of (14),
3
given in (19):
(19) CL in MA (An Autosegmental Version)
R R
V C
V
c
s
1 1
u
[a] ? -
V
[a]
4
Rule (19) says that a glottal stop following /a/ deletes
when it closes the syllable, and that reassociation of the


210
Epenthesis will now apply to replace the empty nucleus in
(80) with a vowel. As for katabt, it will have final
degenerate rhyme:
(81)
A /\ s
C V C V c c\
The surface representation of (81) is then derived via a
rule of syllable incorporation. The rule is formulated by
Selkirk as in (82).
(82) Syllable Incorporation I (Selkirk 1981:221)
a a
A A
7 C A
[ ] Utt
1 2 3 4 > 1, 2 # 3, ¡zf,
Utt = Utterance (the highest prosodic category)
The purpose of (82) is to join the onset of a final
degenerate syllable to the preceding syllable creating a
superheavy structure as in katabt. The rule is originally
proposed for Cairene Arabic but can be extended to MA as
well.
Now consider examples like ?akil 'food', which
according to the degenerate analysis must have the following
syllabification:


189
(49)
o
A
O R
I A
C V V
V
m
o o o
A A A
O R ORO R
I A I II A
cvccvcvc
I I I I I I I I
?afttarak
Although this analysis requires an extra step in the deriva
tion, it will prove to be necessary when the rest of the
data is considered.
The examples in (43) and (45) are different in that
syllabification across boundary is not possible. The
preceding syllable in each case is of the superheavy type,
CWC in (43) and CVCC in (45). Therefore, application of
the coda rule is completely ruled out since the result would
be an extra superheavy syllable (CVVCC in (43) and CVCCC in
(45), both of which do not occur in MA). (For the realiza
tion of potential CVVCC in MA see section 4.4.2.) So far,
we have seen that acceptability is judged in accordance with
the syllable structure in the output of SAB. The only place
where the output of SAB is preferred to that of 7a insertion
is in (41a), where the coda rule has not applied yet, so
that the result will be a CVC syllable which is still within
the limits of the coda in MA. Other than that, the more
complex the rhyme in the output of SAB is (cf. (42a)), the
more it is likely that 7a. insertion will be given a chance
to apply (cf. (42b)). However, when the output of SAB
exceeds a possible rhyme, CVCC, or CWC (possible but


61
discussed above also hold here. Two additional restrictions
can be stated with respect to the fourth position. The
glides are excluded from this position in both types of
syllables, i.e. CVVC and CVCC, except in certain cases which
will be discussed in Chapters Five and Six. The other
restriction is specific to CVCC and concerns the last two
positions: The more sonorous member of the biconsonantal
cluster usually occupies position three; exceptions occur
where the cluster forms a geminate or in the case of a
certain morphological class.
So far, all the constraints mentioned above concern the
last two members of the syllable, the nucleus and the coda;
none of the constraints involves the onset. The claim is
that the relevance of certain parts of the syllable but not
others should be expressed in terms of a specific syllable
internal constituent structure.
In a flat theory the domains within which these
constraints hold cannot be designated without making use of
some ad hoc mode of description. The argument put forth by
Steriade (1982:73) can be summarized as follows: The fact
that in one and the same language rules can refer only to
the domains represented in (2d) and (2e) and not the others
constitutes an argument for the syllable internal
constituents they represent (the rhyme and the onset):


(6) a. ?akil
/?akl/
/?amar-na/
'food'
264
b. iamarna
'we ordered'
It is also true of glottals in a medial position as in (7).
(7) a. yi?akkil /yi-?akkil/ 'he makes eat'
b. li?ummi /li-?ummi/ 'for my mother'
This is not always true; glottals can be deleted in
medial and final positions. However, this specific environ
ment can be characterized in different terms. Consider the
following paradigm of ?kul 'eat';
(8)
a.
/?a-?kul/
?aakul
'I eat'
b.
/na-?kul/

naakul
'we eat'
c.
/ta-?kul/
V
taakul
'you (m.)
eat'
d.
ta ?kul-i/
taakli
'you (f.)
eat'
e.
/ta-?kul-u/
taaklu
'you (pi.
) eat'
f.
/ya-?kul/
yaakul
'he eats'
g-
/ta-?kul/
taakul
'she eats
1
h.
/ya ?kul u/
yaaklu
'they eat
1
Deletion
of
the glottal stop
in
(8) is
exceptionless.
As
the examples show, ]_ deletes in preconsonantal position,
which immediately suggests a syllable-conditioned process.
The other environment where _? deletes confirms the relevance
of the syllable to deletion;
'X/
(9)
/la?/
laa
'No! '


132
b.
W S
k i b i r n a
But, the weak nodes in (36) are, in fact, nodes of weak
feet. In other words, each constitutes a foot on its own,
though weak. Those in (35), on the other hand, are weak
sisters of dominant nodes within the same foot. Conse
quently, HVD can be restated as follows: High short vowels
delete if dominated by weak nodes, except when weak nodes
are foot nodes.
High Vowel Deletion has still to be modified in order
to account for the fact that short high vowels in final
position do not delete. These exceptions are divided into
two groups. The first includes vowels that can be shown to
be in non-final position at an earlier point in the
derivation:
(37) a.
daari
1 knowing (m.)'
b.
Taari
'naked (m.)'
c.
saari
'effective (m.)'
. d.
gaari
'learned, educated (m.)'
underlying
representations of
the examples in (37) are
given in (38).


143
Therefore, on the basis of this distinction, violations
resulting from the optional application of the rule (e.g.
(55)) can be characterized as being occasional and sporadic
rather than regular and systematic (cf. (49), (50), (51),
(52)).
The second observation is that the optional application
of HVD is subject to the further restriction of the sonority
principle. That is, the rule applies in (55) since the
resulting clusters do not violate the sonority hierarchy.
Note that the syllable divisions in the output of HVD in
(55) are not clear:^
(57) a. /yistafSgir-u/
[yistaFigiru]
yis.taftg.ru or yis.tafi.gru
b. /tigarbiT-u/
[tigarbiu]
%
ti.garb.Tu or ti.gar.biu
c. /tinul-u/
[tinsulu]
tins.lu
or tin.slu
The syllabification of the stranded consonant in the output
of HVD with either syllable does not violate the sonority
hierarchy. It joins the preceding syllable in the first set
but syllabifies with the following syllable in the second.
This optional application of HVD is not possible in
instances where the resulting cluster violate the sonority
principle:


158
a problem for our formulation of epenthesis and VS (also
syllable-structure affecting rules) at the syllable level.
There are two possibilities: (a) our formulation is wrong,
or (b) Hammond's constraint is too strong.
13
For some speakers, optional HVD applies only if the
stray consonant does not violate the sonority hierarchy by
joining the preceding syllable. Therefore, for these
speakers, the alternation in (57) does not hold; instead,
the stray consonant always joins the preceding syllable to
form a CVCC structure.
14
In my own idiolect, only (57a) occurs occasionally in
fast unmonitored speech. Examples (57b) and (57c), however,
are very rare, almost nonoccurring.
15 v
Verbs like /sakak/ 'doubt' are assumed to be derived
from a root /sk/ by spreading of the final root consonant
(McCarthy 1979a, 1981b, 1986). (See section 2.3.3.)
^Brame's phonological rule of metathesis has been
challenged in Webb (1976). Webb's objections concern rule
ordering paradoxes, abstractness (violation of the
alternation condition), and the historical change of these
verbs in the dialects. Her proposal assumes an abstract
stage of representation where the root consonants are
represented together, with the appropriate lexical vowels
which are part of the basic meaning of that root present in
the same entry but not intercalated in the consonants. Where
vowels occur within these lexical consonants is determined
by rules of lexical stem formation. The following comments
are relevant to her analysis. First, the paradox in rule
ordering--the basis of one of her objections--is not
unresolvable. Second, she explains the difference between
dialectical fiabb-at 'she loved' and frabbee-t 'I loved' in
terms of epenthesis. Therefore, the vowel ee is inserted in
fiabbeet to break up the triconsonantal cluster. However,
the epenthetic vowel is i or a in most dialects. Besides
languages which insert long vowels are vary rare, if they
exist at all. (See McCarthy 1986.) I thank Alice Faber for
bringing Webb's argument to my attention.
17
This representation is adopted from McCarthy (1986).
18
In fact, 'infixation' is not 'native' to Arabic. The
native speaker who provided these forms said if he were to
insert, it would be at that point.


150
morphological pattern. Unlike the examples in (66), these
verbs have identical final consonants:
(68) a.
yisaarir
'he fights always'
b.
?a6aa£i2
'I argue'
c.
saarir
'confide (m.) a secret!'
d.
niTaadid
'we support'
Before consonant-initial suffixes,
HVD predictably fails to
apply in these
verbs; the high
vowels occur in closed
syllables and
therefore do not
meet
the structural
description of
the rule:
(69) a.
/yi-saarir-ha/
V
yi.saa.rir.ha
'he fights with her
always'
b.
/?a-Fiaa2i2-ha/

?a.6aa.2i&.ha
'I argue with her'
c.
/saarir-hum/
+
saa.rir.hum
'confide (m.) to them!'
d.
/ni-Taadidkum/

ni.Taa.did.kum
'we support you (pi.)'
These verbs are expected to undergo HVD before vowel-initial
suffixes (similar to those in (66)) since the structural
description of HVD will be met by such forms. But this is
not the case, as is clear from the following:


19
By virtue of representing w on a separate tier, reassocia
tion can now be effected from the root second consonant t,
or from the infix w without violating the constraints on
association. The first association will give binyan XII,
ktawtab; the second will result in binyan XIII, ktawwab.
The final representations are given in (12) (McCarthy
1981b:394):
(12) a. XII b. XIII
U
I
w
C C V C C V C
w
K
C C V C C V c
k t b^
u
To recapitulate, the representation of material
belonging to different morphemes on separate tiers provides
an account of the highly elaborate morphology of the verb in
Arabic, where only a few statements are needed. Besides the
general principle of left-to-right association of consonants
and the set of prosodic templates and affixal morphemes,
only two rules are called for: the Erasure Rule and the
Flop Rule. The Erasure Rule is involved in the derivation
of several binyanim (the second, fifth, and thirteenth).
Its role might be seen as one of maximizing the expansion of
the template. (Compare the gemination of the last consonant
in the case of binyanim IX and XI and XIV.)


184
He attributes the examples in (37) to the optionality of the
Declusterizing Rule. In (37) the rule does not apply;
instead, syllabification across boundary does.
Bakalla further observes that in the case of (36c) the
alternative pronunciation is as in (38):
(38) mirnanhazam
He offers two explanations for (38). First, it could be the
case that (38) comes from the following representation where
?a has already been inserted:
(39) mi:n anhazam
The form in (38) is then derived by deleting 2. when it
occurs after consonants. The second explanation is that
underlying (38) is a representation like (40).
(40) mi:n nhazam
A vowel is then inserted to break up the tri-consonantal
cluster. According to Bakalla, the vowel in such a case is
inserted by a rule separate from the one that inserts the
sequence la (i.e. the Declusterizing rule). Therefore, the
formulation of the Declusterizing rule as the insertion of
the sequence la entails that 1_ is inserted along with the
vowel, but that it is deleted in cases where the preceding
word ends in a consonant. Under the other view, which
states that ?a. ^as not applied to (38), it is necessary to


207
a.
?asar
'to
capture'
b.
f asal
' to
separate'
c.
Fiazam
' to
be serious
d.
salan
'to
ship'
Epenthesis then results in the confusion of two morpholog
ical classes (the verb and verbal nouns) and is therefore
blocked.
It must be noted that very few examples of nouns with
corresponding CV^CV^C verbs undergo epenthesis. But the
epenthetic vowel in these cases is different from that of
the first syllable. In other words, harmony is not observed
in such cases, probably to avoid homophony. Consider the
following:
(78) CVCC
nouns
surface
forms
gloss
respective
verbs
/sabr/
sabur
'patience'
sabar
/gabr/
gabur
'grave'
gabar
/nadr/
nadur
'sacrifice'
nadar

/?akl/
?akil
'food'
?akal
/?a3r/
?a2ur
'recompense'
?azar
However, examples like
(78) are
limited in number
. The
majority of cases where homophony would occur are exceptions
to epenthesis and might contain clusters that violate the
sonority hierarchy as in (77). This is an example of a case


80
section we consider how segments are organized into
syllables displaying such hierarchical constituency. The
main claim is that syllable structure organization consists
of a set of syllable-building rules, both universal and
language-specific. In this respect, my indebtedness to
Steriade's work will be evident, but certain modifications
are called for. It will be demonstrated that this view of
the rules of syllabification has the advantage of allowing a
unified description for syllable structure organization in a
number of varieties of Arabic.
I first assume that the phonological string is parsed
by a universal CV rule that takes precedence over any
7
language-specific rules(s). This rule is given in (12):
(12) CV-Assignment Rule (Universal):
a
A
O R
I
c V ===> C V
The application of Rule (12) to strings of segments like
hiba 'donation1 and kasa 'to clothe' gives the structures in
(13a) and (13b), respectively:
a a
A A
O R 0 R
Mil
cvcv cvcv
| | I I Rule (12) I I | |
hiba => hiba
(13) a.


CHAPTER FOUR
SUPERHEAVY SYLLABLES AND SYLLABLE STRUCTURE
4.1 Preliminary Remarks
The 'superheavy syllable' is a term traditionally used
to distinguish CVVC and CVCC syllables from their heavy
counterparts, CVV and CVC, respectively. Studies which deal
with syllable types in Semitic in general and Arabic in
particular generally concentrate on the role of the super
heavy syllable in accentuation. CVVC and CVCC syllables
behave virtually identically with respect to stress. While
reference to stress is inevitable, the main purpose of this
chapter is to focus on other aspects of this syllable type.
Of special interest will be the distribution of superheavy
syllables in different dialects of Arabic as well as the
consequences of this distribution on syllable structure and
syllable structure-dependent rules. Several basic issues
related to the structure of this syllable type are also
discussed.
The remainder of this chapter is organized as follows:
Section 2 reviews some of the Arabic stress phenomena which
are relevant to the superheavy syllable; it also introduces
the two best known approaches in the literature for
analyzing this type of syllablethe superheavy syllable
101


121
kind exhibited in (23). The rule adjoins a phrase final
consonant to a preceding CVV or CVC syllable. McCarthy
further suggests that by altering the environment of (7) so
that it applies to consonants in word-final position, one
can also account for superheavy syllables in Cairene and
Damscene Arabic. However, as demonstrated in section 4.3.1,
Abu-Salim (1982) argues that CVVC and CVCC are basic, freely
occurring syllables and therefore their syllabification
cannot be handled by rule (7).
Consider now the distribution of CVVC and CVCC
syllables in MA and its implications for rule (7) along with
Abu Salim's objection to it.
In MA, only CV, CVV, and CVC syllables may occur any-
where in the
phonological string.
This is illustrated by
the following
examples:
(24) a.
suu.rat.ha
'her picture'
b.
ka.ta.bat
'she wrote'
c.
raa.sa.loo
'they corresponded with
him'
d.
rufi.naa.la.ha
'we went to her'
The other occurring syllable patterns are CVVC and CVCC.
Extra superheavy CVVCC syllables do not occur in the
language. The occurrence of CVVC and CVCC is, however,
restricted to word-final position, as the examples in (25
9
show:


65
CVCC through nucleus reduction. The significance of the
nucleus/coda distinction in the realization of CVVCC in the
language seems to require the recognition of these
constituents within the rhyme. However, this is not
necessarily the case, since the upper limit on the number of
segments within the rhyme can be stated as a restriction on
the rhyme node. Thus, if the upper limit is three positions
or segments, then CVVC is the result of rhyme branching,
while a CVCC is the result of coda branching. The branching
of both would violate the upper limit constraint.
In the above discussion, reference to the rhyme node
was shown to be crucial to the statement of certain
constraints holding within the syllable. The other reason
for recognizing the onset/rhyme division within syllables is
the frequently observed relationship between rhyme structure
and certain phonological rules, such as stress. The first
relevant observation is that onsets and certain syllable-
final segments are not relevant to the operation of stress
rules (exceptions occur (cf. Davis 1982)) but these are rare
cases. The general observation is that stress is attracted
to heavy syllables only; light syllables are usually skipped
by stress. For instance, in Makkan Arabic, heavy
penultimates are always stressed, as in raddetu 'I returned
it', and qaalatlu 'she said to him'. However, if the
penultimate syllable is light, stress falls on the


244
b.
s
/X
s w
A I
katabtallu
A foot-based explanation for dative gemination can still be
maintained even in light of examples like (134). However,
this requires us to adopt another view of the foot.
McCarthy (1979a, b, 1980) proposes an alternative charac
terization of the DA foot structure. According to this
proposal, the foot contains the first mora of the stressed
syllable plus at most two following morae. Therefore, the
change in (134) can be characterized as an attempt to comply
with the three morae per foot constraint. The problem with
maintaining a foot-based explanation for dative gemination
in MA is that it requires two assumptions concerning the
maximum limit on the structure of the foot in order to
account for dative gemination when it occurs with different
pronouns.
A third possibility relies on the assumption that foot
assignment is cyclic (cf. Kiparsky 1979). This assumption
is in accord with the formulation of the rule as being
12
morphologically conditioned (see below). According to
this analysis, katabtallu will have an internal structure of
the form [[[[katab]t]1]u]. In addition, I follow McCarthy
(1979a) in assuming that while foot assignment is cyclic,
assignment of word-level structure awaits the end of the
(134) a.
katabtalu


languages, vowel-final words behave like consonant-final
words. We will return to this issue in Chapters Five and
Six.
50
5
This convention excludes pitch-accent systems for
which association starts by linking the starred segment (*)
with the starred tone. In this case the melody may be
introduced by a phonological rule.
0
School has not yet made it as a loan word in Arabic.
The pronunciation cited for the example is that of a student
learning English and, thus, applying the syllable structure
constraints of MA to the target language.
7
Epenthesis in this particular example serves to
simplify the complex coda of march, i.e. rc.


194
5.2.3 Prepausal Epenthesis
Epenthesis prepausally is discussed separately for
reasons that will soon become clear. Its general role, like
that of epenthesis elsewhere, can be described as minimizing
superheavy syllables. Specifically, it reduces the
occurrence of CVCC syllables in prepausal positions by
turning a CVCC into a CVCVC syllabic configuration. There
are, however, other basic differences between epenthesis
prepausally and epenthesis elsewhere. These will be
discussed below.
Epenthesis in this particular environment is restricted
in application to a small class of forms (mostly nouns) with
CVCC syllable structure. The rule is further restricted to
the prepausal forms of this class. In fact, the pause is
crucial to the application of the rule of epenthesis, as
illustrated in the following examples:
(57) a. Fiibir ?azrag 'blue ink'
b. fiibralgalam 'pen ink'
In (57a) epenthesis applies and the final consonant cluster
is broken in the prepausal form Fiibir. In other than
prepausal position, as it is the case in (57b), the final
consonant syllabifies with the following syllable and the
cluster is dissolved without epenthesis.
It is easy to see that the vowel in the second syllable
of the CV.CVC variant of this class (cf. (57a)) is epenthetic


298
BasbjzSll, Hans. 1974. The phonological syllable with
special reference to Danish. Annual Report, Institute
of Phonetics, University of Copenhagen 8. 39-128.
Benhallam, Aberrafi. 1979. Geminates: A new approach. In
R. Cooley, M. Barnes, and J. Dunn (eds.), Proceedings,
The Mid-America Linguistics Conference, 212-221.
Norman: The University of Oklahoma.
Benhallam, Abderrafi. 1980. Syllable structure and rule
types in Arabic. Ph.D. dissertation. Gainesville:
University of Florida.
Benhallam, Abderrafi. 1986. Vers une description metrique
de la syllabe en Arabe Marocain. To appear in Actes du
Premier Colloque Maroco-Neerlandais.
Bliese, L. 1981. A generative grammar of Afar. Arlington,
Texas: Summer Institute of Linguistics.
Brame, Michael. 1970. Arabic phonology: Implications for
phonological theory and historical Semitic. Ph.D.
dissertation. Cambridge: MIT.
Brame, Michael. 1971. Stress in Arabic and generative
phonology. Foundations of Language 7. 556-591.
Brame, Michael. 1974. The cycle in phonology: Stress in
Palestinian, Maltese, and Spanish. Linguistic Inquiry
5. 39-60.
Broselow, Ellen. 1976. The phonology of Egyptian Arabic.
Ph.D. dissertation. Amherst: University of
Massachusetts.
Broselow, Ellen. 1979. Cairene Arabic syllable structure.
Linguistic Analysis 5. 345-382.
Broselow, Ellen. 1980. Syllable structure in two Arabic
dialects. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 10. 13-
24.
Cairns, Charles, and Mark Feinstein. 1982. Markedness and
the theory of syllable structure. Linguistic Inquiry
13. 193-226.
Chantraine, Pierre. 1958-1963. Grammaire homrique. 2
vols. Paris: Klincksieck.
Cheng, R. 1966. Mandarin phonological structure. Journal
of Linguistics 2. 135-159.


215
that it is necessary to order incorporation/epenthesis
before the assignment of prosodic structure. This in turn
weakens the argument that under the degenerate syllable
analysis such an ordering is not necessary. Thus, any
attempt to account for final degenerate syllables where
epenthesis does not apply and where only one incorporation
rule is involved (85) must face one of two consequences:
either (i) impose an order where epenthesis/incorporation
precedes stress, or (ii) reassign stress. Neither move,
however, is without cost.
Consider next the other possibility of eliminating one
of the incorporation rules, rule (85) this time. This
amounts to the analysis of all final consonants as degener
ate onsets. In such a case, only rule (82) as originally
proposed by Selkirk will be utilized in deriving cases where
epenthesis fails to apply. Consider the representation of
the final consonants in ?asr and ?akil according to this
hypothesis (as onsets of degenerate syllables):
(89) a.
b
a a
a a
? a k 1 A
The derivation in (89a) is straightforward. Rule (82)
incorporates final r to the preceding syllable to give ?asr
'capture'. For (89b), on the other hand, a rule that
switches 1. from the onset position to make it the coda of


46
In (36) the vowel which fails to undergo syncope is in each
case located between two identical consonants. McCarthy
argues that the blocking of the rule is not a langauge-
specific constraint against geminates, since both tautomor-
phemic and heteromorphemic geminates occur freely in the
language. Rather he attributes the failure of syncope to
apply to the antigemination effect of the OCP. The expected
output of syncope contains a sequence of identical
tautomorphemic consonants that violates the OCP. McCarthy
illustrates the prohibited derivation in (37) (p. 221):
(37) e e
I I
[ [ C V C V c ] v ] -V* [ [ C V C C ] V ]
walal wall
The OCP also interacts with yet another principle that
has been shown to be required by nonconcatenative systems
for the application of some phonological rules. The
principle of Tier Conflation (cf. section 2.2.1) achieves
the linearized representation required by certain rules.
The interaction of these two principles shows that the OCP
is also enforced after Tier Conflation. McCarthy gives
Tiberian Hebrew schwa deletion as an example. In Tiberian
Hebrew, schwa deletes in a two-sided open syllable but fails
to apply between identical consonants as in the following
examples (McCarthy 1986:234).:


258
processes like metathesis and copying where two or more
segments are simultaneously undergoing change. The third
type includes a small set of conventions introduced to
handle processes which cannot be formalized by either the
standard notations or the transformational format, such as
the stress reduction principle suggested by Chomsky and
Halle (1968).
Compensatory Lengthening, in its most common form,
involves a simultaneous change in two segments: the
deletion of a consonant and the lengthening of a neighboring
sound, usually a vowel. By its very nature CL cannot be
handled by the standard notations, since two segments are
simultaneously affected; or, more accurately, the notations
provided by the standard theory fail to capture the changes
effected by CL as a phonological process. A possible
solution within a linear framework would require us to
formulate each deletion rule to effect the lengthening. As
Ingria (1980) indicates, this will violate metatheoretical
conditions on phonological rules and increase the complexity
of the grammar. This is particularly true of languages like
Greek where a number of deletion rules result in CL.
A transformational rule of CL expresses a problem of a
different kind. A rule like this will have the following
form:


253
comes from the rule of VS. Besides its relevance to super
heavy syllables in other than final position, VS can be best
stated in terms of the presence of unsyllabified consonants.
5.6 Notes
^CVVC syllables occurring in the same environment
undergo vowel shortening. See section 5.3.
2
The order m which the CV and the coda rules apply is
not crucial in this specific example. However, for
consistency, we assume that the CV rule applies first.
3
The stress rules of MA are the following:
a. Stress a superheavy ultima, e.g katbt 'I wrote',
filkitab 'in the book',
b. otherwise, a heavy penultimate, e.g katbtu 'you
(pi.) wrote', makaatib 'offices',
c. otherwise, the antepenultimate, e.g ktabat 'she
wrote', kttabu 'they made write', katabu 'they
corresponded'.
4
Probably by requiring the incorporation rule to apply
before the coda switch rule necessary under this solution.
5
For the lack of a better term, I use 'Vowel Shorten
ing' to describe the process under consideration. Recall,
however, that 'length' in a nonlinear approach is treated as
a suprasegmental property rather than a segmental feature
which the terms 'vowel shortening' might imply.
C
FaTal 'to do' is an abstraction used by the
Traditional Arab Grammarians to describe the different forms
in which a verb may occur (see note 1 of Chapter Two).
Therefore, F..L. stand for the first, second, and third
consonants of a root, respectively. According to Bakalla
(1979:420) CVCV' represents the dative item. Bakalla
also suggests (p. 421) that CVCV can be deleted from the
environment of the rule in which case F-L^ stands only for
the dative items but not the objective ones as these could
be represented as F-L+V^ where F-L is always separated from
^ by some intervening segments. However, as the derivation
in (86) shows, such a distinction is made possible only by
the assumption that verbs have short vowel endings in their


FOUR SUPERHEAVY SYLLABLES AND SYLLABLE STRUCTURE.. 101
4.1 Preliminary Remarks 101
4.2 Major Approaches to CVVC and CVCC
Syllables 103
4.2.1 The Superheavy Syllable Analysis.... 105
4.2.2 The Degenerate Syllable Analysis.... 109
4.3 Superheavy Syllables Reconsidered... 116
4.3.1 Distributional Constraints 116
4.3.2 CVVC and CVCC Syllables in CA
and MA 119
4.4 Deviations and Explanations 12 9
4.4.1 High Vowel Deletion: CVVC Syllables
in Non-final Position 129
4.4.2 CVVC.C., Syllable Structure and the
OCP.^.^ 144
4.5 Concluding Remarks 153
4.6 Notes 155
FIVE PHONOLOGICAL RULES AND SYLLABLE STRUCTURE. 159
5.1 Introduction 159
5.2 Epenthesis 160
5.2.1 General Epenthesis 163
5.2.1.1 A Linear Analysis of Epenthesis 170
5.2.1.2 An Alternative Analysis 174
5.2.2 Postpausal Epenthesis 180
5.2.2.1 The Relevance of Syllable Structure. 185
5.2.2.2 An Alternative Analysis 192
5.2.3 Prepausal Epenthesis 194
5.2.3.1 Context and Conditioning 197
5.2.3.2 Analysis and Exceptions 2 03
5.2.3.3 An Alternative Analysis 209
5.3 Vowel Shortening 217
5.4 Epenthesis and Dative Gemination.... 237
5.5 Conclusion 251
5.6 Notes 253
SIX COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING, ASSIMILATION,
AND SYLLABLE STRUCTURE 256
6.1 Introduction 256
6.2 Compensatory Lengthening in
Generative Linear Phonology 257
6.3 Compensatory Lengthening in
Nonlinear Phonology 260
6.4 Glottal Stops and Syllable Structure. 262
6.4.1 CV? Syllables 262
6.4.2 CV?C and CVC? Syllables 270
6.5 Compensatory Lengthening or
Assimilation 275
IX


26
(21) a. yinzal
3rd m. sg
tinzili
2nd f. sg
tinz + lu
2nd c. pi.
b. yikallam
3rd m. sg
tikillimi
2nd f. sg
tik+ll+mu
2nd c. pi
The rule is triggered only by the subject agreement suffixes
underlined in the data. The relevance of this example is
that none of the vowels of the imperfect personal prefixes
(ti- of the 2nd person plural in the last example of (21a)
and (21b)) is affected by the rule. Given the assumption of
separate segmental tier representations, this suggests that
the rule applies at a point where tier conflation has not
yet occurred; thus, the prefixes are still on their separate
tiers.
Nevertheless, evidence also exists for rules that
require a linearized representation of the more familiar
type. For instance, Steriade (1986:138) argues that Semitic
Spirantization is such a rule. She discusses two versions
of this rule. Spirantization in Biblical Hebrew (Leben
1980, McCarthy 1981a) applies to all postvocalic stops; in
Tigrinya (Schein 1981, Kenstowicz 1982) it applies to
postvocalic velars and uvulars only. Separate tier
segmental representation can be justified for both languages
on morphological grounds similar to those in Arabic. The
derivation of Hebrew sibbeeB 'to turn' and that of Tigrinya


161
be properly syllabified by the rules of syllabification
alone (without epenthesis) only if they can be analyzed in
terms of possible onsets and codas. Consider the examples
in (1):
(1) a. ka.tab.tu < /katab-t-u/ 'I wrote it (m.)'
b. ra.sam.bu < /rasam-b-u/ 'He drew with it
(m. ) '
In (1) all consonants can be accommodated into the already
existing number of syllables. First, Rule (12) of Chapter
Three parses the strings in (la) and (lb) to give CV
sequences as in (2a) and (2b), respectively:
(2) a.
b.
o
A
o
A
0
A
0 R
I I
0 R
1 I
0 R
I I
1 1
C V
1 1
C V c
1 1
C V
kata b t u

a
a
A
A
A
0 R
i I
0 R
I I
0 R
I I
1 1
C V
1 1
1 1
C V C
1 1 1
1 1
C V
1 1
r a
11 1
s a m
1 1
b u
Now, the coda rule in (18) of Chapter Three becomes
applicable and associates the unsyllabified consonants
giving the completely syllabified forms (3a) and (3b),
respectively:


278
Cluster Assimilation (Steriade 1982:47).). With respect to
our example, assimilation of the glottal stop to a preceding
a gives the identical feature matrices in (31); gemination
gives the final output:
(31)
+ son.
- cons.
- high
+ low
V
+
+
*
son.
+ son.
+ son.
cons.
- cons.
- cons.
high
- high
- high
low
+ low
+ low
1
C
V
' C
The Makkan example of the glottal stop seems to be neutral
with respect to these options just like the Moroccan example
of voice assimilation in coronal clusters (Guerssel 1978)
discussed in Steriade (1982). (For the use of the Shared
Features Convention in formulating the rules of partial
assimilation, however, see Steriade (1982).) The important
thing is that both CL and assimilation do not involve a
change in the syllable weighta fact that differentiates
them from rules of deletion proper. Assimilation and CL
also create true geminates in their output, as will be seen
in section 6.6.
The following observations, however, are quite
compatible with the assimilation analysis of the Makkan
data. First, it provides an appropriate explanation for the
distribution of this rule with respect to different vowels.
We have seen that most cases where this process is
obligatory involve the vowel /a/. Recall that, except for


227
underlyingly /laya/ and /baya/, respectively (Bakalla
1979:409, note 1). Let us consider the derivation of cases
that involve the dative item [li], as in [?axtarli] 'he
chose for me', and compare it to derivations where the
dative element consists of the sequence CVCV both underly
ingly and on the surface, for instance [laha]. Bakalla
gives the following examples (p. 425-26):
(107) /xtayir+a / laya/
/xtayir+a / laha
8
a.
?axtayiralaya
?axtayiralaha
DCR
b.
?ax.ta.yi.ra.la.ya
?ax.ta.yi.ra.la.ha
SSR
c.
?axta'yiralaya
?axta'yiralaha
PPR
d.
?axta'yaralaya
?axta'yaralaha
VEQR
e.
?axta'ayralaya
?axta'ayralaha
CVCMR
f.
? axt'aayralaya
?axt'aayralaha
VsMR2
g*
?axt'a:yralaya
? axt'a:yralaha
VCR
h.
?axt'a:ralaya
?axt'a:ralaha
YDR
i.
?ax.t'a:.ra.la.ya
?ax.t'a:.ra.la.ha
SRSR
j-
?ax'ta:ralaya
?ax'ta:ralaha
PSR
k.
?ax'ta:rlaya
?ax'ta:rlaha
SVDR
1.
?ax' tarlaya
?ax'tarlaha
MVSR
m.
?ax'tarlayi

Harmony
n.
?ax'tarlaiy

CVMR
o.
?ax'tarliy

VSER
P-
?ax/tarli

FSVER
q-
?ax'tarli
?ax'tarlaha
S forms


130
a.
kibir
'he grew up'
b.
kibir-t
'I, you (m.) grew
c.
kibr-at
1 she grew up'
d.
kibir-na
'we grew up'
e.
kibr-u
'they grew up'
The underlying verbal stems for the examples in (32) and
(33) can be taken to be katab and kibir, respectively. This
is justified by the occurrence of a CVCVC invariable verbal
stem throughout the paradigm in (32). The examples in (33),
however, display two different verbal stems, kibir before
consonant-initial suffixes, and kibr before vowel-initial
suffixes. Thus, the underlying structures of (33c) and
(33e) are /kibir-at/ and /kibir-u/, respectively. Initial
syllabification gives the following respective intermediate
structures.
(34) a. a a a
AAA
0 R O R O R
I I I I I A
C V C V C V c
I I I I I I I
k i b i r a t
b. a o o
AAA
O R O R O R
I I I I I I
C V C V C V
¡¡INI
k x b i r u


254
underlying representations. These endings are deleted to
create the environment for MVSR.
7
It must be noted that Bakalla assumes a vowel ending
for verbs underlyingly regardless of the rules these verbs
will undergo later on in the derivation. For instance,
while such vowels stay in front of the objective items,
their deletion is important to the rule of vowel shortening
(see note 6).
0
For comparison, we follow Bakalla in assuming these
underlying representations for the verbs. This assumption,
however, does not extend to the rest of our examples. Some
of the abbreviations were given in (86). The rest stand for
the following rules (Bakalla 1979:667-669):
DCR Declusterizing Rule
VEQR Vowel Equation Rule
CV-MR CV-Metathesis Rule
VSER Vowel Sequence Elimination Rule
FSVER Final Semivowel Elision Rule
9
In Classical Arabic the preposition and the suffix
constitute an independent element which has a stress of its
own. Compare CA katb-tu # lha to its MA counterpart in
(124a). Bakalla (1979) shows that in MA the dative elements
and objective elements are in complementary distribution in
relation to a given verb item. For instance, in
/araR:laha/ 'they explained to her', laha is a part of the
'item', while in /sara(i:ha laha/, lha is an 'item'on its
own.
Bakalla (1979) accounts for the gemination of the
dative element by a rule of Consonant Reduplication (p. 430)
and for the other alternative (the examples in (123)) by a
rule of Consonant-Dereduplication (p. 433). He adds that
the latter rule is restricted in application to forms that
had already undergone the former rule.
1'*'As D. Gary Miller pointed out to me, such a change
runs counter to what is known about language change which
makes (optimal) binary feet out of ternary. Thus, an
expected 'normal1 change/rule of grammar would be one in the
reverse direction, as illustrated below.
s
w w
s w
katabtallaha
katabtalha


114
(14)
Underlying
Degenerate
Syllabification
Surface
katab
ka.tab.t
katbt
'I/you (m. sg.)
wrote'
(15)
katab-t-l-u
ka.tab.t-.lu
katabtilu
'I/you wrote to
him'
(16)
katab-t-l-ha
ka.tab.t-1.ha
katabtilha
'I/you wrote to
her'
(17)
ktib
-k.tib
(?)iktib
'write!'
With the exception of the example in (14), each empty
nucleus, represented by -, surfaces with the epenthetic
vowel i. The conception of epenthesis as a process which
completes an already existing prosodic structure rather than
creating such a structure has a significant consequence for
the order of epenthesis with respect to stress (Selkirk
1981:217). In cases where stress falls on the epenthetic
vowel, as in (15), (16), and (17), it is no longer necessary
to assume an order where epenthesis precedes stress assign
ment. Epenthesis is formulated simply as a substitution
operation whereby the dummy symbol is replaced by the
inserted vowel.
Selkirk asserts that this analysis has the further
advantage of treating epenthesis anywhere in the word as
resulting from the same process. This claim, however, will


70
3.3.3 Cairns and Feinstein (1982)
This approach is basically a theory of syllable marked
ness. Focus is on the internal structure and markedness
relations of consonant clusters in syllabic onsets. The
pivotal aspect of this view of syllabification is that
'various nodes of hierarchical syllable structure are
assigned markedness values according to universal interpre
tive conventions, depending on the kinds of node expansions
that are chosen from a set of universal rules of syllabic
'phrase structure" (p. 193). In addition, the role of the
sonority hierarchy is fulfilled by the formal characteri
zation of the universal component of syllabification;
language-specific well-formed syllables are defined in terms
of an explicit algorithm, and nodes in hierarchical syllable
structure are crucially labeled. Under this approach,
syllabic parsing proceeds as follows. First, the language-
specific syllable template parses a string into a 'candidate
set' of all possible syllabification. Then each syllable is
assigned a markedness index by a universal convention of
markedness evaluation, and a composite markedness value is
computed for all possible syllables (in the candidate set).
The syllabification which has the lowest composite
markedness value is then chosen. The second mechanism is a
language-specific disambiguation clause which states that,
for certain structures, candidate parsings which select them
must be preferred, other things being equal.


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to express my gratitude to Professor D.
Gary Miller, chair of my doctoral committee, for his helpful
comments, constructive criticism, and many hours of
discussion, especially during the final stages of this
dissertation. His constant, challenging comments made me
think twice before making claims or drawing conclusions.-
I am thankful to Professor Jean Casagrande, member of
my committee, for his advice, helpful comments, and constant
encouragement.
I am indebted to Professor Alice Faber, member of my
committee, for her helpful comments and for enriching my
general understanding of the Semitic background of some of
the issues discussed in this study.
I am grateful to Professor Timothy Vance, member of my
committee, for his helpful comments and kind assistance. I
would also like to acknowledge Professor Vance's prompt
response and continued support even after his move to the
University of Hawaii. I deeply appreciate his participation
in the oral defense of my dissertation.
I am grateful to Professor Marie Nelson, member of my
committee, for her reading and commenting on this study.
v


250
and (125). Consider (124a) and (125a), repeated here as
(141)and (142), respectively:
(141) a. katabtlha ^
b. katabtllaha
(142)
a. katbtalu ^
b. katabtllu
The form in (141b) is preferred to that in (141a). In fact,
(141a) sounds odd to some speakers who always get (141b).
One would expect an identical judgment with respect to
(142). However, (142a) without gemination is as acceptable
as (142b), if not preferred by certain speakers. It is
interesting to note that both (141b) and (142a) terminate in
the same rhythmic structure, i.e. a heavy syllable followed
by two light ones. Recall that the same structure is
obtained in the output of vowel shortening and epenthesis
(section 5.3).
(143)a. /saab-l-ha/
sblaha
'He left for her'
CVCCVCV
b. /saab-l-i/
sbli
'He left for me'
CVCCV
The example in (143a) consists of a heavy syllable followed
by two light ones. A configuration of a heavy syllable
followed by a single light one is acceptable as in (142b)


230
difference between (110) and (111) can be explained. The
examples in (110a) and (111a) are syllabified as in (112a)
and (112b), respectively:
(112) a. [[daar]ha] b. [[[gaal]l]i]
a
A
r
a
A ,
g a a 1
First cycle
o o
A A
d a a r ha
a
/\ '
g a a 1 1
Second cycle
On the second cycle, the structural description of VS is met
by (112b) only, since [i] will not be available for
syllabification until the third cycle. Vowel shortening
applies to the structure in (112b), giving, after resyllabi
fication, the following:
(113) a
b.
A r
gall
VS and
syllabi
fication
a a a o a
A A A A. a
daaraha galli
Third
Cycle
Epenthesis
Under the cyclic application of the syllabification rules,
rule (101) accounts for all the examples so far.
One set of verbs still constitutes an exception to rule
(97). This group includes verbs whose last two root
consonants are identical, e.g. Tadd 'count1. It also
contains verbs whose third root consonant is e.g.


119
(21)
o
o
/A. A
C V C C C V
m i s k 1 e
The claim that CVVC and CVCC are basic syllable types in
Arabic in the sense that they occur freely and therefore
have to be provided for by the basic rules of syllabifica
tion will be tested against data from MA in order to
determine whether the same claim can be also made there and
perhaps for 'Arabic' in general, as Abu-Salim implies (p.
33), although he may have meant Palestinian Arabic in
particular.
4.3.2 CWC and CVCC Syllables in CA and MA
The distribution of CVCC and CVVC syllables in MA and
CA is similar, except that MA tends to put fewer constraints
on the occurrence of CVVC syllables in derived structures.
Consider first CA. One ascertains from the traditional
grammarians that the basic syllable inventory of CA
comprises three types: CV, CVV, and CVC. The same
assumption is maintained in the more recent treatments of
the syllable within a nonlinear framework (McCarthy 1979a,
Halle and Vergnaud 1980). These syllable forms may occur
anywhere in the word, as the following examples show:
(22) a. ri.saa.la.tun 'a letter'
b. 3aa*?uu
they came'


23
For these reasons, I suggest that the dissimilation rule is
restricted in application to roots with initial n, 1, r, y,
w, and occasionally m. As for the forms in (15) and (17)
where n ^ t, the situation is different. My claim is that
the n-forms and the t-forms belong to two different
binyanim, namely, the seventh and the eighth, respectively.
In other words, the t-forms in both (15) and (17) represent
the eighth binyan of these verbs minus McCarthy's Flop Rule.
Without claiming any direction for the development of this
rule (whether the rule has been partially lost or partially
incorporated into the verbal system of MA), I hypothesize
that the difference between the eighth binyan in classical
Arabic and that of certain verbs in Makkan Arabic can be
3
defined in terms of this rule.
In addition to its role in the analysis of verb
morphology in Arabic, the notion of separate tiers of
representation is further supported by certain
morphophonemic processes that operate on elements of a
single tier without affecting elements on adjacent tiers
(McCarthy 1982, 1985). McCarthy (1982) cites a language
game in Bedouin Hijazi Arabic discussed in Al-Mozainy (1981)
which freely transposes elements on the consonantal tier
only. Elements on other tiers and the canonical pattern of
the form are not affected. Thus, a verb like ?arsal 'sent'
may have one of the permutations in (18) (p. 197) (McCarthy
1982:197):


108
t
(8) a. katabha
word
foot
projection
b. ktabit
word
foot
projection
c. katbt
word
foot
projection
s w
A |
katabha
s w w
k a t a b i t
w s
A
s w
A I
k a t a b t
As is clear from the illustration in (8), a superheavy
syllable is treated as a branching foot, with a structure
identical to that of bisyllabic foot (compare (8c) and (8a))
as a result of the projection of the heavy rhyme as well as
the extra consonant in the superheavy syllable. Since the
branching or the bisyllabic foot is rightmost in the word,
it will be labelled strong and receives the stress. A final


173
attempt to formalize (19) as a mirror image rule is
unattainable since the two environments are not identical.
The second alternative is to have a different rule of
epenthesis restricted in application to consonants in
postpausal position.
Prepausal epenthesis presents a further problem for
(19) even with the assumption of cyclic application. As
section 5.2.3 shows, this type of epenthesis is restricted
to a specific class of nouns (occasionally verbs,
adjectives, or adverbs) which have the structure CVCC.
Ignoring the segmental and morphological conditioning of
this type of epenthesis, the effect of the rule of
epenthesis can be schematized as follows:
(23) CVCC# C Vi C Vi C
According to (23), kizb >- kizib 'lying', kusr >- kusur
'break' and sahr >- sahar 'month' The structure of the
input in (23) consists of one cycle only and is, therefore,
subject to the application of the first expansion of (19).
The vowel is therefore inserted after the two consonants,
giving the wrong output *CVCCV. The most plausible solution
is to have a separate rule of prepausal epenthesis.
Recall that the analysis of epenthesis as a syllable-
dependent process also requires the cyclic application in
certain examples. However, it avoids some of the drawbacks


260
phonological processes.'*' Another view of CL is offered by
DeChene and Anderson (1979) who postulate an intermediate
step where the coda consonant is weakened to a glide,
subsequently followed by the monophthongization of the
resulting diphthong. The first problem for this view is
presented by cases of CL that are not reanalyzable in terms
of the two stages that they propose. The second problem
concerns the naturalness of the proposed two-stage model,
specifically with respect to the mechanism of postvocalic
glide-formation (Poser 1986). The third problem involves
the existence of types of Cl other than what they analyze,
for instance, where the operative change is not the
deletion, but the shortening of a segment (Clements 1986).
6.3 Compensatory Lengthening in Nonlinear Phonology
A new approach to CL is made possible with the arrival
of autosegmental phonology (Goldsmith 1976) and subsequent
work. Several assumptions of this theory contribute to a
better characterization of this process. First, under auto
segmental phonology, rules and representations are no longer
subject to the integrity or bijectivity constraints (Chapter
Two). This assumption facilitates the representation of
complex segments where a single segment corresponds to two
different specifications for .one and the same feature. This
aspect of the theory was discussed in detail in section
2.2.2. Second, autosegments are given special status in


252
other rules. Such complications have considerable conse
quences for the application of certain rules (cf. section
5.2.1). In another case, the degenerate syllable approach
predicts the wrong prosodic structure for certain forms
unless a specific order of stress and epenthesis is assumed,
contrary to one of the basic tenets of the degenerate syl
lable analysis. The other way out of this is to have an
extra rule of final-syllable incorporation (cf. section
5.2.3.2) .
The suggestion that all cases of epenthesis can be
treated as one and the same phenomenon finds no support in
the analysis. While general and postpausal epenthesis apply
regardless of the segmental composition of the unsyllabified
consonants or their morphological impact, prepausal epenthe
sis is severely constrained by these factors. In addition,
the application of prepausal epenthesis is contingent on the
tautosyllabicity of the two consonants violating the sonority
hierarchy. Prepausal epenthesis is also different in that
the inserted vowel varies, while the vowel inserted by the
other two is always an a. The last difference concerns the
analysis of the stray consonant as an onset or a coda. In
post- and prepausal epenthesis, the stray consonant takes the
coda analysis; elsewhere it must be analyzed as the onset to
the degenerate syllable unless the rule of onset switch is
adopted.
Further support for the analysis of epenthesis as a
rule sensitive to the presence of unsyllabified consonants


204
Rule (69) applies to the structure in (70) since it includes
a consonant cluster which violates the sonority hierarchy.
Application of the rule gives (71).
(71) a a
/\ I
C V C V C
I I I
g u t V n
The structure in (71) is ill-formed; it violates the
constraint in the language against vowel-initial syllables.
Thus, resyllabification applies to provide an onset to the
newly-created syllable:
(72) a a
A /X
C V C V c
I I I
g u t V n
Note that resyllabification in MA within the word as well as
across boundary is restricted to the transfer of an already
syllabified coda to an onsetless syllable (cf. section
3.5.2). Compare this to examples (5a) and (6a) where
resyllabification does not apply to change the syllabic
affiliation of the already syllabified onset of the last
syllable. This follows from the status of the onset as an
obligatory constituent of the syllable in the language.
The examples introduced above show that the epenthetic
vowel is almost always identical to the vowel of the
preceding syllable. This process of copying needs to be


74
English. Similarly, the rule of modern English which
accounts for derived syllabic sonorants, e.g., 1 in simpl
involves a paradox: Syllable structure assignment, as given
by Kahn's Rule (lib), requires nuclei, but the rule which
brings the nucleus 1 into being also presupposes syllable
structure.
The facts of syllabification in Arabic contradict part
of the maximum cluster approach: While the structure of the
initial margin of the syllable can be defined in terms of
what is admissible in word-initial position, syllable-final
clusters may not be described in terms of word-final
clusters.
In this language, consonant clusters are generally
allowed at word margins only, more precisely in word-final
4
position under very restricted circumstances. Word-
internal syllable margins are, however, restricted to one
consonant only."
In the case of initial clusters, the condition in (Ila)
is not violated. Words and syllables invariably begin with
a single consonant, as in (7).
(7) a. ma.fa 'with'
b. mad.ra.sa 'school'
c. ?al.ki.taab /1-kitaab/ 'the book'
All of the examples in (7) start with a single consonant,
and so do all syllables regardless of their position in the


(3) a.
ka.tabt
'I, you (m.s.) wrote'
1 a book1
104
b. ki.taab
The examples showed that a heavy syllable attracts the
stress in penultimate position (1), but it fails to do so in
final position (2), unless it is followed by a consonant
2
(3). What role does this consonant play in securing the
stress for a heavy syllable in a position (i.e. final) where
it would otherwise be unable to receive it? And what rep
resentation might such a consonant have, given other facts
of syllable structure? The answers to these questions will
contribute to our understanding of the structure of CVVC and
CVCC syllables.
At this point it is necessary to mention the only
exception to the generalization that heavy ultimas are
unstressed, namely, that open heavy ultimas always receive
stress in the colloquials: naa.dii 'his club', ku.lu 'eat
(pi.) it (m.)', ?a.lee 'on him'. On the surface, the
existence of these examples seems to destroy the parallel
behavior of CVV and CVC syllables, i.e., both are stressed
as penults, but unstressed as ultimas, as in (l)-(3).
However, with very few exceptions, all heavy stressed
ultimas can be shown to be the surface reflex of a third
person masculine singular objective or genitive suffix on a
noun, verb, or preposition.^ Thus, underlying naadii,
kulu, and Talee are naadiih, kuluh, and Yaleeh, respec
tively. In fact, as pointed out in McCarthy (1979b), forms


69
ordering: Preceding consonants are associated before
following ones. Second, the set of possible syllable-
initial (-final) clusters in English is established on the
2
basis of possible word-initial (-final) clusters. While
the first aspect of Kahn's theory enjoys considerable
support as a universal principle, the second is corroborated
3
only by some languages.
3.3.2 Lowenstamm (1981)
A definition of the Universal Syllable is given in the
following statements:
(5) In a string of segments, a syllable is a maximal
substring such that
a. (i) No segment is lower on the hierarchy
than both its immediate neighbors
(ii) No two segments of equal ranking on the
hierarchy are adjacent
b. The onset is maximal within the limits of (a)
Syllables are thus defined without reference to language-
specific rules. Maximization of onset is stated as a well-
formedness condition on syllabification. While Lowenstamm's
approach characterizes the syllable in many languages, cases
from many others may be cited as exceptions to the sonority
hierarchy on which this approach relies.


217
5
5.3 Vowel Shortening
The general purpose of vowel shortening can be
described as minimizing CVVC syllables when they would occur
in medial position.
As mentioned in section 4.3.2, VS is more restricted in
MA than in many other varieties of Arabic where the rule
seems to be operating more freely. For instance, compare
following
forms from
Palestinian Arabic
(Abu-Salim
: 114) to
their MA counterparts:
(91)
PA
MA
a.
bab
bab
'door1
b.
babi
babi
'my door'
c.
babeen
baaben
'two doors'
d.
makatib
makatib
'offices'
e.
/
makatibkum
/
makaatibkum
'your offices
The relevant forms are those in (91c) and (91e). While long
vowels immediately dominated by weak nodes in metrical
structure in PA are shortened, those occurring in the same
environment in MA are not affected.
It is also the case that in Cairene Arabic shortening
of long vowels seems to be a more wide-spread phenomenon
than in MA. A general rule discussed by Broselow (1976)
shortens long vowels when followed by a consonant cluster
within the word as shown by the following examples (p. 17):


196
dialects, possesses a general rule which deletes high short
vowels in unstressed open syllables, e.g. /Siribat/ > sirbat
'she drank' (cf. sirib 'he drank'). (For details, see
section 4.4.1.) According to this claim, the forms in (58b)
will be derived from the following intermediate representa
tions, respectively: *Fiusunaha, *?itiru, *?isimeen, and
*suyuli, where the deleted vowel is located in an unstressed
open syllable.
The claim that CVCC is CV.CVC underlyingly, however,
cannot be maintained in light of further data. First,
certain forms which belong to the CVCC class of forms fail
to appear with a CV.CVC syllable configuration in prepausal
position:
a.
bint
*binit
'girl'
b.
ka?k
*ka'T ik
'buns'
c.
bard
*barid
'cold'
d.
sams
*samis
' sun'
Second, further evidence for the epenthesis rule comes from
a different class of nouns which do in fact have the under
lying syllabic configuration CV.CVC. These nouns never drop
the vowel of the second syllable even when they occur in the
same environment as those in (58b). Consider the following:
(60) a. gamar 'moon'
b. gamareen 'two moons'


28
application of Spirantization to the sequence c[d does not
involve a violation of the 'inalterability' mentioned above:
Consonants other than geminates have the structure
illustrated in (24) (after Tier Conflation):
(24) higdil
C V C C V C
Therefore, Tier Conflation creates the linearized
representation required by later phonological rules. Tier
Conflation was proposed by Younes (1983) and elaborated by
McCarthy (1986). It has the function of discarding
morphological information at some point in the derivation.
In fact, McCarthy (1986) makes the claim that Tier
Conflation is to be identified with Bracket Erasure
(Kiparsky 1982a, Mohanan 1982, Halle and Mohanan 1985).
Bracket Erasure, as suggested in these studies, removes
morphological boundaries as they become inaccessible to
subsequent phonological rules. Tier Conflation generalizes
Bracket Erasure to nonconcatenative systems. McCarthy takes
no position as to where exactly Tier Conflation takes place;
rather, he concentrates on how it functions in different
analyses. In section 4.4.2 we will consider the implica
tions of Tier Conflation and the OCP antigemination effect
for high vowel deletion in MA.


137
/
c. mudarris 'a male
teacher1
d. mudrrisa cf. *mu.darr.sa 'a female
teacher'
Recall that a geminate occupies two slots on the CV-tier
where syllable weight is defined. Therefore, the second
member of the geminate cluster will remain unsyllabified in
the output of HVD just like the second member of any bicon-
sonantal cluster (cf. (47)).
The failure of HVD to apply to examples like those in
(47) and (48) can be explained by reference to the conspira
torial function of phonological rules. High Vowel Deletion
leaves a stranded consonant in its output which eventually
will have to be syllabified. However, in certain cases like
(47) and (48), resyllabification of the stranded consonant
will either result in complex onsets or branching codas (CVCC
syllables) in non-final position, neither of which is pro
vided for by the rules of syllabification of the language.
High Vowel Deletion is consequently blocked as part of a
conspiracy to generate outputs that conform to the underlying
syllable patterns of MA where an alternative syllabification
is not available. The rule of HVD applies to (46) since the
stranded consonant in its output can be accommodated into the
already existing number of syllables.
The idea of phonological conspiracies, as commonly used
in the literature, describes the cumulative effect of
phonological rules, e.g. achieving certain 'preferred'


193
first mention that Selkirk's (1981) analysis of Cairene
Arabic epenthesis in this particular environment can be
adopted for MA; the facts of this particular aspect of the
two dialects are quite similar. Recall that, according to
Selkirk, all cases of epenthesis can be analyzed by the
following schema:
(54) ...AC
In (54) the consonant is analyzed as the coda to the
degenerate syllable. A degenerate syllable in initial
position is thus straightforward, as shown by the following
example from Selkirk (p. 217):
(55) Aktub
Similarly, /miin nhazam/ can be analyzed underlyingly as in
(56).
(56) miin # Anhazam
The surface form in (43a) results after the empty position
is replaced by the vowel and the final consonant of the
preceding word is resyllabified as an onset to the new
syllable. The form in (43b), on the other hand, is derived
via substitution and _? insertion. Thus, a degenerate
analysis seems to be compatible with this specific set of
data (but see sections 5.2.1 and 5.2.3).


308
Trubetzkoy, N. 1969. Principles of phonology (Translation
of Trubetzkoy, 1939). Berkeley: University of
California Press.
Vennemann, Theo. 1972. On the theory of syllabic
phonology. Linguistische Berichte 18. 1-18.
Vergnaud, Jean-Roger. 1977. Formal properties of
phonological rules. In R. Butts and J. Hintikka
(eds.), Basic problems in methodology and linguistics,
299-318. Amsterdam: Reidel.
Vergnaud, Jean-Roger, and Morris Halle. 1979. Metrical
structure in phonology (a fragment of a draft).
Unpublished paper. Cambridge: MIT.
Webb, Charlotte. 1976. Metathesis in Arabic. Texas
Linguistic Forum 1. 110-130.
Welden, Elizabeth. 1977. Prosodic aspects of Cairo Arabic
phonology. Ph.D. dissertation. Austin: University of
Texas.
Williams, E. 1976. Underlying tone in Margi and Igbo.
Linguistic Inquiry 7. 463-484.
Wright, W. 1971. A grammar of the Arabic language.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Younes, R. 1983. The representation of geminate
consonants. Unpublished paper. Austin: University of
Texas.


249
application of the rules of syllabification. Second, it
excludes cases where gemination does not occur:
(140) a. [[[[katab]tii]1]ha]
[katabtiilaha] 'you (f.) wrote to her'
b. [[[[katab]tuu]1]i]
[katabtuuli] 'you (pi.) wrote to me'
The syllabification of dative 1 with the preceding syllable
in either case will violate constraints on the coda
structure in medial position, *katabtiil-ha and
*katabtuul-i. Instead, 1 syllabifies as an onset either to
the epenthetic vowel (140a) or to that of the following
suffix (140b). Therefore, JL does not meet the structural
description of (137) which correctly predicts the
impossibility of gemination in this environment.
As is clear from the above discussion, each possible
explanation of why dative gemination occurs in this specific
environment encounters several problems. Rule (137) charac
terizes the environment of dative gemination only but says
nothing with respect to the motivation for this unique
phenomenon.
A possible explanation can be sought along the lines of
the rhythmic structure of the language. This claim can be
justified by the observation that a certain degree of
preference is involved in the alternation exhibited in (124)


126
that different dialects may or may not have superheavy
syllables as a basic syllable type, MA provides an
additional example of a dialect where CVVC and CVCC
syllables are restricted to either phrase-final or word-
final position, as observed by McCarthy for Cairene and
Damascene Arabic.
Abu-Salim's objection to rule (7) and the structure in
its output is strongly dependent on the argument that in
Palestinian Arabic CVVC and CVCC may occur in word-medial
position, giving rise to the structure (29) in non-final
position:
(29) a
C V C C C V
f s t ? i
The syllable template of Palestinian Arabic has been
expanded to provide for the derivation of these syllables
(Abu-Salim 1982:37), and thus to avoid the structure in
(29). However, such a move is completely unnecessary in CA,
MA, or Egyptian Arabic.^ Since these syllables are
restricted to final position in these dialects, there would
be little justification for loading the template or, for
that matter, the rules of syllabification with structures
that occur only at margins. In these dialects, a structure
like (29) would arise only at the end of a phonological


60
at most three segments. The first two positions are
reserved for the onset and nucleus, both of which are
obligatory. The third position is occupied by an optional
coda. There are no coocurrence restrictions between the
onset and what follows. Any consonant in the phoneme
inventory of MA may occur alone as the onset, including the
glides w, and _?: ?amiir 'prince', ?as.wad 'black', and
yaa.bis 'hard'. Onsets consist invariably of one consonant.
Thus, the first syllables in *#ktubu, *#lbalad, *#stalam are
all ill-formed syllables, even though the overall length of
the first syllable is not excessive. The second position is
always occupied by the nucleus or the sonority peak, always
a vowel in Arabic but not necessarily so in other languages.
In the case of CVV, the second and the third positions are
exhaustively occupied by the nucleus. In the case of CVC
syllables, on the other hand, the third position is occupied
by a single consonant. The glides, however, are banned from
this particular position. The only exception is when the
glide happens to form the first member of a geminate
cluster.
More restrictions exist when we move to consider
syllables that occur in word-final position. The maximal
syllable in this position consists of four segments. These
are, in fact, the same basic CVV, or CVC, plus an extra
consonant giving the syllable types CVVC, or CVCC, respec
tively. The same restrictions on positions two and three


234
The actually occurring forms, where VS has not applied, are
given in (120):
(120) a.
jiriitlaha
' I
ran to her'
b.
nisiitlaha
' I
forgot for her
c.
diriitbaha
' I
knew it'
Verbs like the ones in (120) also belong to the group of
verbs whose third root consonant is y or w, i.e. 'lame
verbs'. However, instead of the long mid vowels (cf.
baneet), the forms in (120) have long high vowels. In order
to account for these forms, the following condition has to
be added to (117) so that it reads:
(121) Vowel Shortening (Prefinal Form)
o
I ,
V / -- c c
Condition: Except when [+ high] is part
of a lame verb.
Rule (121) now applies to high and low long vowels before
two unsyllabified consonants except when the high vowel
happens to be part of this specific group of verbs (cf.
(120)).
However, it is also possible to claim that like other
lame verbs, the vowels in (120) also come from a VC sequence
A
V V
V
[a high]


296
and on the surface. In MA, however, CVVC and CVCC syllables
are confined to word-final position in the output of
morphology, but CVVC may occur word-internally on the
surface. Palestinian Arabic goes a step farther in allowing
superheavy syllables to occur freely anywhere in the word
(Abu-Salim 1982). While this conclusion is significant from
a historical point of view, it also points out a direction
for future research in Arabic dialectology and syllabic
phonology.
Finally, certain phenomena in this study have made
crucial reference to structures that fall beyond the
syllable. For instance, high vowel deletion (HVD) requires
a metrical analysis, while dative gemination appears to
exhibit the relevance of the rhythmic structure of speech.
Therefore, another viable area for future research falls
beyond the domain of syllable structure to include other
prosodic domains and the overall rhythm of speech.


97
c.
o
d.
o
/C\
# C C V
V I
C V c c #
I I V
In CA and MA, long consonants are realized only intervocali-
cally, in which case they are necessarily ambisyllabic, as
12
in (35a).
The same is true of long consonants in Hausa
(Leben 1977) and in Latin and Ancient Greek, both of which
permit long consonants only word internally. Languages
reported to allow long consonants which are not
ambisyllabic include Sierra Miwok (Kenstowicz and Pyle 1973)
and Berber (Guerssel 1977).
3.5.4 The Sonority Hierarchy
A well-known observation is that in many languages
segments within syllables tend to be organized in such a way
so that the more sonorous the segment the closer it is to
the syllable nucleus. Observations of this sort can be
found as early as Sievers (1893), Jespersen (1904) and
Saussure (1915). More recent discussions of this principle
with reference to specific languages (Hooper 1976, Kiparsky
1979, 1980, Broselow 1979, 1980, among others) define
sonority according to the following hierarchy:
(36) The Sonority Hierarchy
vowels-glides-liquids-nasaIs-obstruents


I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
D. iSary Miller, Chaii
Assooj^ce Professor of
Linguistics and Classics
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
in Casagrande
?fcofessor of Linguistics and
Romance Languages
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Alice Faber
Assistant Professor of
Linguistics


145
syllabified according to the rules of syllabification in the
language. This section can be considered as a follow-up to
the preceding one as it is concerned with cases where the
failure of HVD to apply may not be explained on the basis of
syllable structure in the output of the rule. It will be
demonstrated that these exceptions can be justified by
reference to the unique structure of the consonant cluster
in final position.
Recall that CVVC syllables are allowed in the output of
HVD. They are derived by the rule of consonant adjunction
in (54), which joins the stranded consonant in the output of
HVD to a preceding CVV syllable. The combination of HVD
followed by Consonant Adjunction applies to a wide variety
of morphological classes, such as verbs (49), adjectives
(50), nominis (51), and active participles (52). The
discussion in section 4.4.1 concentrates on the application
of HVD to the ordinary triliteral verbs (e.g. katab) and
their derivatives; only a few examples involve verbs whose
last two root consonants are identical (cf. marr 'he
passed'). Before discussing the relation of HVD to these
forms, we consider the relevance of other rules.
In addition to verbs, this group of forms include
adjectives, nouns, and participles (active). The following
15
examples illustrate verbs of this type:


122
(25)
CVVC
a.
xaal
'maternal uncle'
b.
xaa.li
/xaal-i/
'my maternal uncle'
c.
xaa.la.na
/xaal-na/
'our maternal uncle
The examples in (25) demonstrate that in other than final
position CVVC is not a possible syllable. For instance, in
(25b) the final consonant syllabifies as an onset to the
following suffixed vowel, resulting in a CVV.CV syllabic
configuration. In (25c), on the other hand, the syllabifi
cation of the last consonant with the following syllable
will result in a branching onset, *xaa.lna, which is not
accounted for by the rules of syllabification in the
language. The other possible syllabification is for the
consonant to be part of the preceding syllable, i.e. to
count as a superheavy syllable. However, this possibility
is ruled out since the result is ill-formed *xaal.na, with a
superheavy syllable in non-final position. In order to
avoid the violation of the constraints on possible onsets or
codas, a vowel is inserted and the extra consonant is
syllabified as its onset.
The same restrictions hold on the distribution of CVCC
syllables. Consider the following examples:


151
(70) a. /yi-saarir-u/
cf. yisaariru
b. /?a-Fiaaziz-u/
cf. ?aRaa2izu
c. /saarir-i/
cf. saariri
-A-
*yi.saar.ru
'he fights with him
always'
* ?a. Fiaaz zu
'I argue with him'
*saar.ri
'confide (f. ) !'
/ni-iaadid-u/
cf. niTaadidu
-A
*ni.?aad.du
'we support him'
First, syllable structure constraints cannot be blamed for
the failure of HVD to apply in (70) since the output of the
rule is in all examples well-syllabified. It was estab
lished in several places that CVVC syllables may occur in
other than final position in derived structures, and the
output of HVD is a derived structure. Second, we cannot
claim that a prohibition against geminates blocks the rule
since the language is known for geminates. In fact, without
the antigemination condition on deletion rules noticed first
by McCarthy (1986), the examples in (70) remain puzzling
(cf. Bakalla's observation above). However, the assumption
that HVD is a relatively late phonological rule entails its
application after Tier Conflation. Therefore, the
application of HVD to the output of Tier Conflation in
17
(70c), for instance, will yield the following structure:


6.6 Compensatory Lengthening, Exceptions,
and the Inalterability of Geminates.. 280
6.7 Conclusion 286
6.8 Notes 287
SEVEN CONCLUSION 289
REFERENCES..... 297
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 3 09
x


98
The hierarchy in (36) implies that segments in both
initial and final clusters tend to be organized according to
increasing sonority from the outside of the syllable toward
the syllable peak. Therefore, the leftmost segment in the
onset and the rightmost segment in the coda will be the
least sonorous in the syllable. Moreover, within the class
of 'obstruents', fricatives are more sonorous than stops,
and within each category, the voiced consonants are more
sonorous than their voiceless counterparts (Hooper 1976).
The Sonority Sequencing Generalization provides another
way of stating the above observations (Selkirk 1984b:116):
(37) In any syllable, there is a segment
constituting a sonority peak that is
preceded and/or followed by a sequence
of segments with progressively
decreasing sonority values.
In addition, Selkirk proposes to relativize the sonority
scale against which principles like (37) can be evaluated.
Entries (segments) in the sonority scale are assigned
integer values, and constraints are stated in terms of
distance on the sonority scale. For instance, the entries
r, 1, m/n, (b, d, £), (£, t, k) are assigned the following
indices: 7, 6, 5, 1, and .5, respectively (Selkirk
1984b:112). Thus, for a language like Latin which requires
that all and only stop-liquid clusters be onsets, the
minimum sonority distance of 4.5 is required to account for


299
Chomsky, Noam, and Morris Halle. 1968. The sound pattern
of English. New York: Harper and Row.
Chomsky, Noam, Morris Halle, and F. Lukoff. 1956. On
accent and juncture in English. In M. Halle (ed.), For
Roman Jakobson, 68-80. The Hague: Mouton.
Clements, George. 1976. Vowel harmony in nonlinear
generative phonology: An autosegmental model.
Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club.
Clements, George. 1979. Review article of Elimelech, a
tonal grammar of Etskato. Journal of African Languages
and Linguistics 1. 95-108.
Clements, George. 1982. Compensatory lengthening: An
independent mechanism of phonological change.
Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club.
Clements, George. 1986. Compensatory lengthening and
consonant gemination in LuGanda. In L. Wetzels and E.
Sezer (eds.), Studies in compensatory lengthening, 37-
78. Dordrecht: Foris.
Clements, George, and Kevin Ford. 1979. Kikuyu tone shift
and its synchronic consequences. Linguistic Inquiry
10. 179-210.
Clements, George, and Samuel Keyser. 1983. CV phonology:
A generative theory of the syllable. Cambridge: MIT
Press.
Davis, S. 1982. On the internal organization of syllable
constituents. Coyote Working Papers in Linguistics 3.
3-22.
De chene, Brent, and Stephen Anderson. 1979. Compensatory
lengthening. Language 55. 505-535.
Ewen, Colin. 1980. Aspects of phonological structure.
Ph.D. thesis. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh.
Fudge, Eric. 1969. Syllables. Journal of Linguistics 5.
253-286.
Goldsmith, John. 1976. Autosegmental phonology. Ph.D.
dissertation. Cambridge: MIT.
Goldsmith, John. 1979. The aims of autosegmental
phonology. In D. Dinnsen (ed.), Current approaches to
phonological theory, 202-222. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press.


82
The Coda Rule as stated in (14) accounts for CVC but not
CWthe other heavy syllable type in the langauge (cf.
section 3.2). However, it is a well established observation
that CVC and CW syllables behave uniformly with respect to
receiving stress in certain positions (Chapter Four) as well
as triggering certain phonological rules in certain
environmentsfacts which suggest that they form a natural
class. The claim is that this property should be reflected
in the rule responsible for their creation. However, this
depends to a great extent on the representation assumed for
long vowels on the CV-tier. A note on the representation of
long vowels in autosegmental phonology is in order.
The representation of length in terms of a many-to-one
association between the CV-tier and the segmental tier is
commonly maintained by autosegmentalists. Yet, the repre
sentation of the units of the skeleton tier and, in turn,
the characterization of long vowels in terms of these units
is still debated. The skeletal tier as originally proposed
by McCarthy (1979a) consists of C and V elements represent
ing the features [cons.] and [syll.], respectively. In
subsequent work, however, C and V slots have been
interpreted as encoding only [- syll.] and [+ syll.],
respectively. The most familiar representation of a long
vowel is in terms of association to two V-slots on the
skeletal tier. But we have already seen that this


185
treat the epenthetic vowels in (39) and (38) as arising from
two different sources: ?a-insertion (the Declusterizing
rule) and another rule that inserts an anaptyctic vowel in
certain environments.
5.2.2.1 The Relevance of Syllable Structure
In this section I will demonstrate that assuming the
syllable structure of MA as given in Chapter Three and the
rule of epenthesis in (34), the variation exhibited by (36),
(37), (38), and (39) can be shown to follow from this
structure. First, we ought to observe that the examples in
(37) and (38) involve cases of syllabification across
boundaries (henceforth SAB), i.e. phrasal phonology.
Second, in the case of SAB, the syllabification rules
operative within words also apply across boundaries, i.e. on
the phrase level. Observe first the relevant examples from
Bakalla (1979:289-291):
(41)
/ha:di 1-bint/
'this girl
a. ha:.dil.bint
b. ha:.di # ?al.bint
(42)
/ma: fitarak/
'he did not move
a. ma:Fi.ta.rak
b. ma: # 7aFi.ta.rak


Copyright 1987
by
Mahasen Hasan Abu-Mansour


79
not justify the highly complex mechanism of the markedness
evaluation. Moreover, little attention is given in this
model to the cooccurrence restrictions that usually hold
within the rhyme. This is not a genuine criticism since
similar conventions can be devised to account for the rhyme
structure of the syllable, but it is very likely that these
conventions will involve the same kind of elaborate
procedures.
The main point of Steriade's approach is the distinc
tion she draws between the universal and language-specific
aspects of syllabification. The universal part of syllabi
fication is that all syllables consist of a rhyme and a
preceding onset if a consonant is found in that position,
and that stray consonants must be adjoined as sisters to
already adjoined C-slots. Differences among languages arise
as a result of the presence or absence of other syllabifica
tion rules, in particular an onset rule which creates
complex onsets, and a coda rule that creates branding
rhymes. Languages might also vary with respect to the
number of applications of the onset and coda rules as well
as the constraints imposed on their application.
3.5 Rules of Syllabification in Arabic
3.5.1 Syllable Parsing Rules
It has been demonstrated in section 3.2 that syllable
constituency is a crucial aspect of the syllable. In this


77
incorporate the conditions defining these clusters into the
rules of syllabification. Or, for languages other than
English, the removal of the conditions in (Ila) and (lib)
will allow the consonants of the cluster to be tautosyl-
labic. Epenthesis would then modify consonant clusters that
violate the sonority hierarchy (cf. Section 5.2.3).
Lowenshamm's approach is a rearticulation of the
sonority hierarchy principle recognized long ago (Sievers
1893, Jespersen 1904, and Saussure 1915, among others).
Many languages seem to obey this principle according to
which segments within a syllable tend to occur in an order
of increasing sonority from the outside of the syllable
toward the syllable peak, which is by definition the most
sonorous segment.
These hierarchies, however, are not assumed to be
absolute. Violations of the sonority hierarchy may occur as
a result of languages having their own (language-specific)
constraints defined on their syllable structures. However,
most of these violations can be shown to be morphologically
motivated, as illustrated below.
The situation where the sonority hierarchy would be
violated is hard to come by in most varieties of Arabic
since consonant clusters are not usually allowed at syllable
margins. Yet, it is still possible for certain morphologi
cally determined derivations to deviate from the sonority


273
a.
/say?/ -
* sayy
1 thing1
cf. ?a£yaa?
'things'
b.
/nay?/ -
nayy
' raw1
c.
/tay?/ -
tayy
1 one of the
Arabian tribes'
d.
/gay?/ -
* gayy
'vomiting'
The glottal stop in (23) is replaced by an identical copy of
the preceding segment in the same way that in (21) it is
replaced by a copy of the preceding vowel. That ]_ does not
delete in this particular position can be tested by
considering the following inflected forms of (23a) and
(23b):
(24) a.
b.
sayyeen
nayya
'two things 1
'raw (f. ) '
If the process exemplified by the examples in (23) is to be
analyzed as CL, the rule in (22) can be reformulated as in
(25) in order to account for this particular change:
(25) CL (final form)


267
The rule as stated in (14) restricts the change of _? into
length to environments where the preceding vowel is an a.
For cases where _? follows a of the present tense personal
suffixes but does not undergo (14), Bakalla assumes a vowel
conversion rule. Consider the examples in (15):
(15) a.
/ya-?mur/
yi?mur
'he orders'
b.
/na-?mur/ y
ni?mur
'we order'
c.
/ta-?mur/ y
ti?mur
'she/you (m.)
order'
The change illustrated in (15) is achieved by the following
rule:
(16) Vowel Conversion (Bakalla 1979:69)
y
a i / { t } +
n
Rule (16) changes the short vowel a of the prefixes to i
after the consonants y, t, and n. When a follows it is
not affected by the rule. Bakalla suggests that rule (14)
does not apply to the output of (16). Thus, the examples in
(15) fail to undergo (14) as a result of their undergoing
(16). Bakalla himself states that this explanation is
circular. Two observations are relevant here. First,
synchronic evidence points to the gradual generalization of
rule (14) (Abu-Mansour 1985). The rule may also apply to


241
posited. However, this tendency is contradicted by the
existence of examples like (129) (Ingram 1971:292).
a.
bgaratu ^
bagartu
' his
cow'
b.
rgabatu 'v*
ragabtu
' his
neck'
c.
hlalatu ^
halaltu
' his
halala
Third, and most important, an optional application of
epenthesis cannot be assumed for the examples in (125) where
3. in each case will syllabify with the vowel-initial suffix.
Therefore, an optional case of epenthesis does not tell us
much about dative gemination in such forms.
The second set of observations related to the phenome
non of dative gemination makes use of the notion of the
metrical foot. The following discussion, however, does not
derive from an extensive study of the foot in MA; rather, it
depends on Vergnaud and Halle's (1979) and McCarthy's (1980)
studies of the metrical foot in Damascene Arabic. My use of
the assumptions provided by these studies is justified by
the fact that, except for certain irregularities in the
accentuation of the third person feminine singular
perfective verbs followed by vowel-initial pronominal object
suffixes (described in detail by McCarthy for Damascene
Arabic), the basic facts of accentuation in MA are almost
identical to those of DA. I therefore make the assumption
that descriptions of the structure of and constraints on the
foot in Damascene Arabic can be extended to the foot in MA.


103
4.2 Major Approaches to CVVC and CVCC Syllables
Reference to the superheavy syllable in Arabic is often
found in connection with accentuation. This is due to the
unique role that CVVC and CVCC syllables play in the
assignment of stress in Arabic. To cite a few examples of
studies where the analysis of the superheavy syllable
interacts with that of stress, consider Mitchell (1960),
Abdo (1969), Janssens (1972), Bakalla (1979), Aoun (1979),
and McCarthy (1979a, b). Only a few of these consider the
structure of this syllable type and the relation it bears to
the rest of the syllable inventory of Arabic.
Certain facts of accentuation are relevant to the
discussion of the structure of superheavy syllables. These
involve stressing heavy syllables in different positions in
the word. The general observation is that rules of stress
assignment treat a heavy syllable, CW or CVC, in two
different ways depending on whether it occurs in ultimate or
penultimate position. Consider the following examples from
Cairene Arabic (Selkirk 1981:209-210):
(1) a. ka.tb.na 'we wrote'
b. ka.ta.buu.ha
they wrote it (f.)'
(2) a. k.ta.bit
b. k. ta.bu(u)
'she wrote'
'they wrote'


A NONLINEAR ANALYSIS OF ARABIC SYLLABIC PHONOLOGY,
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO MAKKAN
By
MAHASEN HASAN ABU-MANSOUR
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1987


307
Saussure, Ferdinand de. 1915. Cours de linguistique
genrale. Paris: Lausanne.
Schein, Barry. 1981. Spirantization in Tigrinya. In H.
Borer and Y. Aoun (eds.), Theoretical issues in the
grammar of Semitic languages. MIT Working Papers in
Linguistics 3. 32-42.
Schein, Barry, and Donca Steriade. 1986. On geminates.
Linguistic Inquiry 17. 691-744.
Selkirk, Elisabeth. 1980. The role of prosodic categories
in English word stress. Linguistic Inquiry 11. 563-
605.
Selkirk, Elisabeth. 1981. Epenthesis and degenerate
syllables in Cairene Arabic. In H. Borer and Y. Aoun
(eds.), Theoretical issues in the grammar of Semitic
languages. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 3. 209-
232.
Selkirk, Elisabeth. 1982. The syllable. In H. van der
Hulst and N. Smith (eds.), The structure of
phonological representations, part II, 337-383.
Dordrecht: Foris.
Selkirk, Elisabeth. 1984a. Phonology and syntax: The
relation between sound and structure. Cambridge: MIT
Press.
Selkirk, Elisabeth. 1984b. On the major class features and
syllable theory. In M. Aronoff and R. Oehrle (eds.),
Language sound structure: Studies in phonology
presented to Morris Halle by his teacher and students.
Cambridge: MIT Press.
Sievers, Eduard. 1893. Grundzge der phonetik. Leipzig:
Breitkopf und Hartel.
Steriade, Donca. 1982. Greek prosodies and the nature of
syllabification. Ph.D. dissertation. Cambridge: MIT.
Steriade, Donca. 1986. Yokuts and the vowel plane.
Linguistic Inquiry 17. 129-146.
Stetson, R. 1951. Motor phonetics, a study of speech
movements in action. Amsterdam: North-Holland.
Thrinsson, H. 1978. On the phonology of Icelandic
preaspiration. Nordic Journal of Linguistics 1. 3-54.


86
non-final position, remain extrasyllabic (unsyllabified) and
must be incorporated into well-formed syllables by phono
logical rules, such as epenthesis (Chapter Five).
To recapitulate, rules of syllabification in MA are of
two types: universal and language-specific. The universal
aspect includes Rule (12) and the requirement stated in
Steriade (1982:82) for Greek that other core syllable rules
must adjoin stray Cs as the immediate sisters of the already
syllabified skeletal slots. The language-specific rules
include (a) the Coda Rule in (18), (b) its restriction to
one iteration per syllable, (c) the Incorporation Rule in
(19), and (d) the restriction of its application to word-
final position.
In evaluating the system of syllabification outlined
above, we might repeat Steriade's argument. The system
makes a clear distinction between the aspects of syllabifi
cation which may belong to Universal Grammar (if they are
indeed part of core grammar at all) and those specific to
Arabic. Under a template-based analysis, on the other hand,
this distinction is not immediately realized. The fact that
onsets are restricted to one consonant need not be stated
twice, once in the template and once in the language-
specific disambiguation rules. It is stated only oncein
9
the fact that Arabic lacks an onset rule.
A further advantage is that this view of syllabifica
tion makes it possible to talk of a set of syllabification


270
expressed in a rule that treats segments and syllables as a
sequence of entities on one and the same level.
Therefore, while both (14) and (19) recognize the
syllable-dependency of this process, they differ with
respect to their description of the facts involved. As we
have seen, (19), but not (14), brings out the important
characteristics of CL as a process maintaining the
structural integrity of the syllable.
6.4.2 CV?C and CVC? Syllables
The loss of the glottal stop in the rhyme position is
also observed in a class of monosyllabic nouns. The class
includes nouns in which either consonant in the cluster
is a glottal stop. The observed changes in this case are
CV?C >- CV^V^C and CVC? CVC^C^. In general, this class
of nouns is limited in number. Within the class CV?C nouns
outnumber CVC?. What contributes to the rarity of this
class of nouns is the fact that, in certain cases, the
assumption of an underlying glottal is not strongly
motivated. This brings us to the question of abstractness
of the underlying representation, as it relates to the forms
discussed here. The general concern in generative phonology
with this problem has resulted in imposing several
constraints on what might or might not be a valid underlying
representation. One such constraint is the so-called
'Alternation Condition' (Kiparsky 1968, 1982b). As stated


105
with a stressed final long vowel are in stylistically-
conditioned variation with forms with final h. Their
surface forms are accounted for by a rule originally
proposed by Brame (1971) which deletes suffixal h in final
position. Therefore, stressed heavy open ultimas in the
colloquials are, in fact, superheavy ultimas at some point
in the derivation and are consequently stressed like any
other superheavy ultima.
Thus, apart from this apparent exception, CVV and CVC
syllables behave alike with respect to stress. They are
stressed in penultimate position but unstressed as ultimas
unless followed by a consonant, in which case they become
superheavy and receive stress.
To the best of my knowledge, two major approaches have
been proposed as possible ways of representing CVVC and CVCC
syllables in a nonlinear framework: namely, the superheavy
syllable analysis proposed by McCarthy (1979a, b) and the
degenerate syllable analysis suggested by Aoun (1979) and
Selkirk (1981).4
In what follows, I summarize the main claims of these
proposals and then consider them in light of further data
from other varieties of Arabic, specifically, MA.
4.2.1 The Superheavy Syllable Analysis
In his account of stress in Classical and Cairene
Arabic McCarthy (1979a, b) offers an analysis of the


242
Vergnaud and Halle (1979) propose that the foot in
Damascene Arabic dominates no more than three syllables, is
left-branching, and is assigned at the right end of the
word. That is, the foot includes all syllable rhymes from
the stress to the right end of the word. Thus, words like
katabti 'you (f.) wrote' and madrase 'school' will have the
following partial foot structure:
(130) a. 2b. 2
katabti
madrase
These are then mapped into a right-branching word-level
tree, and the final structure is labeled in accordance with
the principle that, given two sister nodes, n^ and is
strong if and only if it branches. This gives the metrical
structures in (131):
(131) a
CD
b.
0)
A I
m a d r a
s e
A further assumption is that all feet are maximal, i.e.
mapped onto as much of a word as possible, consistent with
the principles of foot construction. Assuming that the foot
in MA is subject to the same constraint of maximally
including three syllables, we can describe the difference


144
(58) a. tiTrifi *ti?r.fi
*ti?.rfi
b. tislimi *tisl.mi
*tis.lmi
1 you (f.) know'
you (f) become
a muslim'
The third and most important observation is that the optional
deletion of high vowels is contingent on style and speed.
That is, optional deletion (e.g. (55)) is more likely to take
place in fast unmonitored speech. In addition, a consider
able degree of variation seems to exist among speakers with
respect to the application or non-application of this
14
optional case of HVD. On the basis of these observations,
I suggest that the apparent violation of the constraint
against CVCC syllables in the output of HVD is sporadic and
subject to extralinguistic factors. Therefore, a violation
like this does not need to be stated separately.
In sum, HVD in MA is subject to the constraint that it
applies only if its output can be properly syllabified.
Regular deviations in its output (CVVC in non-final position)
are stated separately. Sporadic and optional deviations ,
(CVCC in non-final position) are shown to be a fast speech
phenomenon which is not subject to this constraint.
4.4.2 CVVC^C^, Syllable Structure and the OCP
It has been shown in the preceding section that HVD
does not apply if the resulting structure cannot be


maintained for the syllabification of CVC as well as CVV.
Consider, for instance, the derivation of naamu 'they
84
slept'. According to the above assumption, the long vowel
of the first syllable is dominated on the CV-tier by a VC
sequence:
(17)
A
0 R
I I
C V C C V CVC
I V I I Rule <12M V
n a m u ===> n a
0
A
0
A
a
A
0 R
0 R
0 R
1 1
1 A
1 1
C V
CVC
c v
1 I Rule
(14)| V
1 1
m u
-> n a
m u
However, in the absence of phonological rules that
would justify a VC-representation for long vowels, we opt to
reformulate our coda rule. The new form of the coda rule is
given in (18):
(18) Coda Rule (optional) (Final form)
a a
I I
R R
I K
V X > V X
In (18), X covers vowels, glides, and consonants.
So far the core syllables of the language, CV, CVC,
and CVV, are accounted for by rules (12) and (18). Section
3.2, however, shows CVVC and CVCC as possible syllable types
that occur at word margins. The application of (12) and
(18) leaves the final consonants unsyllabified. In order to


220
(extrasyllabic) consonants. This rule can be formulated
tentatively as follows:
(97) Vowel Shortening (Tentative)
a
I
R
I ,
* V / c c
The application of (97) followed by syllabification to the
structure in (96) gives (98).
(98) a a
A A
OR OR
I A ,1 I
C V C C C V
MM
s a b 1 h a
The reduction of the vowel enables the first stray consonant
to syllabify with the first syllable. The structure in (98)
still contains an unsyllabified consonant which can neither
join the preceding syllable (since it will create a super
heavy syllable in medial position) nor the following
syllable (because of the constraint against branching
onsets). Epenthesis is now applicable to the structure in
(98).
In view of the fact that epenthesis is more general
than VS in that it is triggered by a single unsyllabified
consonant, VS has to apply before epenthesis. This order of
a
I
R
A
V V


181
and X, respectively, -t- is infixed either alone as in
binyan VIII or with some other consonant as in XII. In each
case, the result is an initial consonant cluster. The forms
in (31) represent the output of morphology and the input to
phonology:
(31) a.
/nkatab/
(binyan VII)
'reflexive of
third binyan'
b.
/staktab/
(binyan X)
'reflexive of
fourth binyan'
c.
/ktatab/
(binyan VIII)
'reflexive of
first binyan'
d.
/ktawtab/
(binyan XII)
Concatenation of morphemes may also result in the creation
of clusters outside of the verb system. The most frequent
cases involve the definite article 1- when prefixed to words
that begin with consonants, as in (32).
a.
1-kitaab
' the
book
b.
1-sams
' the
sun'
c.
l-?isim
' the
name
The sequences of segments in (31) and (32) cannot be
analyzed into one of the possible syllable types in the
language. Onsets in MA are restricted to one consonant per
syllable. Syllabification will therefore leave the left
most consonant in each case unsyllabified, as illustrated by
the syllabification of (31a):


301
Hayes, Bruce. 1979. Extrametricality. in K. Safir (ed.),
Papers on syllable structure, metrical structure and
harmony processes. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics
1. 77-87.
Hayes, Bruce. 1980. A metrical theory of stress rules.
Ph.D. dissertation. Cambridge: MIT.
Hayes, Bruce. 1986. Inalterability in CV phonology.
Language 62. 321-352.
Hjemslev, L. 1939. The syllable as a structural unit.
Proceedings of the International Congress of Phonetic
Sciences 3. 266-272.
Hoard, James. 1971. Aspiration, tenseness, and
syllabification in English. Language 47. 133-140.
Hockett, Charles. 1955. A manual of phonology.
International Journal of American Linguistics 21(4),
Part 1.
Hooper, Joan. 1972. The syllable in phonological theory.
Language 48. 525-540.
Hooper, Joan. 1976. Introduction to natural generative
phonology. New York: Academic Press.
Hulst, Harry van der, and Norval Smith. 1982. An overview
of autosegmental and metrical phonology. In H. van der
Hulst and N. Smith (eds.), The structure of
phonological representations, part I, 2-45. Dordrecht:
Foris.
Hulst, Harry van der, and Norval Smith. 1985. The
framework of nonlinear generative phonology. In H. van
der Hulst and N. Smith (eds.), Advances in nonlinear
phonology, 3-55. Dordrecht: Foris.
Ingham, Bruce. 1971. Some characteristics of Meccan
speech. Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies 34.
273-297.
Ingria, Robert. 1980. Compensatory lengthening as a
metrical phenomenon. Linguistic Inquiry 11. 465-495.
Janssens, Gerald. 1972. Stress in Arabic and word
structure in the modern Arabic dialects. Orientalia
Gandensia 5. Louvain: Peeters.
Jespersen, Otto. 1904. Lehrbuch der phonetik.
Leipzig/Berlin: B. G. Teubner.


72
since stray skeleton slots are adjoined as immediate sisters
of the neighboring skeleton slots and not to the syllable or
any of its constituents. Therefore, a stray C adjoined to
the right of a CV syllable creates a branching rhyme,
C VC
while a stray C adjoined to the left of a CV syllable will
create a branching onset,
C C V
In both cases the vowel occupies a terminal node of the
right branch.
3.4 Testing the Syllable Parsing Theories
In this section I will discuss some of the issues con
tingent on the extension of each of these approaches beyond
the languages for which they were originally proposed. The
issue here is not whether these proposals can be of a
universal validity (some do not claim to be). Rather, the
main point is to consider some of the results that might be
achieved from applying each approach to some other
languages, as well as the problems that might arise in the
course of doing so.
The previous section identifies two aspects to Kahn's
system of syllabification: the rules of syllabic parsing,
which divide the string into possible syllables, and a


57
and Contreras (1962), Fudge (1969), and Newman (1972), among
others. The syllable structure of Arabic is not an
exception in this respect (McCarthy 1979a).
It is necessary to note that any evidence for syllable
constituency will argue not only against the linear repre
sentation of the syllable but also against any theory that
does not assume an internal structure for syllables,
including some proposals made within the nonlinear
framework. For this reason, it is instructive to note that
not all versions of the nonlinear representation of the
syllable assume syllable constituency. Two viewpoints can
be distinguished in this respect, namely, the 'flat' vs.
'hierarchic' theory of syllable structure.
The flat theory is discussed mainly in Kahn (1976),
which introduces the first nonlinear treatment of syllable
structure. Apart from the association of segments that
constitute one syllable to the syllable node located on a
separate tier, Kahn does not discuss the issue of syllable
internal constituent structure. In this respect, Kahn's
proposal is quite similar to those of McCawley (1968),
Vennemann (1972), and Hooper (1976). However, Kahn's
approach differs from the boundary approach in two major
respects. First, it recognizes the syllable as a linguistic
unit separate from the strictly segmental information.
Second, unlike the boundary approach, it allows for the
representation of 'ambisyllabic' segments (Section 3.5.3).


CHAPTER TWO
AN OVERVIEW OF AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY
2.1 Introduction
In Classical generative phonology (Chomsky and Halle
1968), a phonological representation consists of a linear
sequence of segments, where segments are defined as
unordered sets of distinctive features. A linear represen
tation implies two restrictions, known as the 'Bijectivity
Constraint' and the 'Integrity Constraint' (Poser 1982:122),
on the relation between feature matrices and segmental
positions. The bijectivity constraint insures that to every
segment there corresponds exactly one specification for each
feature and, conversely, that every feature specification
corresponds to exactly one segment. According to this
constraint, the partial deletion of a segment or the
insertion of an incomplete feature bundle is prohibited.
Rules that would give rise to segments violating the
constraint of 'one specification for every feature' are
disallowed by the integrity constraint. These constraints
also disallow representations where single feature
representations are shared by two or more segments, or where
a single segment is associated with two feature
specifications.
4


102
analysis (cf. McCarthy 1979a, b) and the degenerate syllable
analysis (Aoun 1979, Selkirk 1981). Section 3 is concerned
with the distribution of CVVC and CVCC syllables in several
varieties of Arabic. In this section I first consider some
of the objections raised against the superheavy analysis on
the basis of the distribution of these syllable types in
Palestinian Arabic (cf. Abu-Salim 1982). I then proceed to
discuss the distributional constraints on this syllable type
in CA and MA. On the basis of this discussion, a conclusion
will be reached with respect to the rule which creates
superheavy syllables as part of the syllabification rules in
Arabic. I will also show that certain observations can be
taken as evidence to support a superheavy analysis of CVVC
and CVCC syllables. Section 4 is a detailed study of the
cases where the constraint against non-final CVVC syllables
is suppressed through phonological derivation. One such
case is the rule of High Vowel Deletion (henceforth HVD)
which creates CVVC in derived structures. Syllabic config
urations of the form CVVC.C.V also result in non-final CVVC
i i
syllables in which the final consonant is, in fact, the
first member of a geminate. An explanation for the failure
of HVD to apply to certain forms with CVVC^VC^ syllabic
configuration when followed by vowel-initial suffixes will
be sought along the lines of the OCP antigemination effect
proposed recently by McCarthy (1986).


75
word. Therefore, (lia) of Kahn's rules makes the correct
prediction in the case of syllable- and word-initial
clusters in Arabic.
However, the condition in (lib) is not borne out by
final clusters. Consider the following examples of some
possible consonant clusters in world-final position. These
forms are restricted in occurrence to prepausal position:
(8) a.
kalb
' dog'
b.
bur]
'tower
c.
]ins
'race'
According to (lib) the final clusters in (8) are
be permissible at word-internal syllable margins
This is not the case, however, as illustrated by
in (9):
(9) a,
b.
c.
*kalbha
cf. sababha
*burjna
cf. sababna
*]inshum
cf. sababhum
'her dog'
'her reason'
'our tower'
'our reason'
'their race'
'their reason'
expected to
as well,
the forms
The only way to achieve well-formedness for the forms in (9)
is to break up the cluster at the syllable margin in each
case:


186
(43)
/mi:n nhazam/
'who was defeated?'
a.
mi :.nan.ha.zam
b.
mi:n # ?an.ha.zam
these,
we
might add the following:
(44)
/min 1- walad/
'from the boy'
a.
mi.nal.wa.lad
b.
min # ?al.wa.lad
(45)
/ruFit stami?/
'I went to listen'
a.
ruFi. tas. ta.mi?
b.
ruFit # ?as. ta.mi?
The issues we are concerned with include the different
degrees of acceptability of certain forms to native
speakers, the role of syllable structure in this issue, and
the question of whether it is still necessary to insert ?JL
as a sequence rather than by a two-step operation.
We first consider the correlation between native
speakers' judgments and the constraints of syllable
structure in the language. The relevant observation is that
the (a) forms and the (b) forms are both acceptable;
however, a certain degree of preference is involved. For
instance, Bakalla states that (41b) sounds odd, though not
totally unacceptable. The same judgment was reached for
(41b) when this example was tested more recently. Other
judgments were also reached concerning the rest of the


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41
operate on one without affecting the other. The phenomenon
of contour tones, where vowels delete leaving their tones to
be realized on adjacent vowels is, nevertheless, a clear
indication that the two levels of representation are quite
independent. The independence of tiers of representation is
basic to the autosegmental approach, where each tier might
undergo rules that exclusively refer to elements on that
specific tier. In Etsaka (Clements 1979:100), as in many
tone languages, a vowel deletes and its tone appears on
another vowel. The expression 'each noun', for instance,
requires the reduplication of that noun:
(32) a.
owa
1 house'
b.
/ V \
owowa
1 each house
The underlying form of (32b) is given in (33):
(33)
o w a
o w a
The surface form is derived by deleting the first occurrence
of the vowel a. The deletion rule, however, leaves the tone
of the deleted vowel to be later realized on the following
vowel as a contour tone. The example also shows the
stability of the tonal tier.
The notions of independence and stability of auto
segmental tiers extend to the CV-tier. Languages possess
rules that refer to the segmental elements along with their


176
syllable. This rule has to apply prior to epenthesis (i.e.
nucleus filling), giving the structures in (24a) and (24b).
The place of the epenthetic vowel in (24c) follows,
according to Selkirk, from the more general motivation of
minimizing empty positions in the underlying structure.
Thus, the position of the dummy vowel serves to accommodate
both consonants into one syllable. Recall that under our
analysis this result is obtained through the cyclic
application of the rules of syllabification.
The surface forms, by Selkirk's approach, are derived
through the (re)formulation of epenthesis as a substitution
rule. In each case, the dummy element is replaced by a
vowel[a] in the case of Makkan Arabic. Thus, except for
the extra rule of onset switch, the degenerate syllable
approach is able to account for these cases of epenthesis.
A rough comparison of our view of epenthesis as a rule
triggered by unsyllabified consonants and that of the
degenerate syllable analysis reveals that both account for
the data presented so far. Beyond that, our analysis allows
segments to go unsyllabified in underlying representation,
provided that they are all incorporated into well-formed
syllables on the surface. The second requirement under our
analysis is that in certain cases of epenthesis the rules of
syllabification apply cyclically; or, alternatively,
epenthesis has to apply from left to right. The degenerate
syllable analysis, on the other hand, allows empty nuclei in


236
vowels (cf. (115) and (120)) as sequences of VC and thus
exceptional with respect to VS is the idea that the long
vowels of hollow verbs do not involve a glide at any point
of the derivation. This opinion is defended in Broselow
(1976). However, more common is the assumption that hollow
verbs too have one of the glides in place of the medial root
consonant at one point of the derivation (Brame 1970 and
Bakalla 1979, among others). Note that this assumption will
make it impossible to use VC representation to distinguish
the vowels of doubled and lame verbs from those of hollow
verbs. All these vowels now qualify for such a representa
tion including those of hollow verbs. It will not, however,
require major changes in rule (97), as shown below.
The immediate impact of restricting (97) to hollow
verbs is that the rule is now morphologically conditioned.
Morphologically conditioned rules are not unexpected,
especially in a language with rich morphology like Arabic.
The rule in (97) can be reformulated using the p-notation
proposed by McCarthy (1979a). The use of the p-notation
serves to distinguish the vowels of hollow verbs from those
of others:


293
in initial position. Prepausal epenthesis breaks up
tautosyllabic consonants violating the sonority hierarchy.
The last rule is further restricted by certain morphological
constraints. The claim that all types of epenthesis can be
expressed by one and the same rule (possible under the
degenerate syllable analysis and its associated principles)
is rejected for two reasons. First, the unsyllabified
consonant in postpausal epenthesis always takes the coda
analysis, while in general epenthesis it may also serve as
an onset to the inserted vowel, in which case the onset
switch rule becomes necessary for maintaining a unitary view
of epenthesis. Second, prepausal epenthesis may not be
collapsed with the other two types because of the difference
in the triggering environment, as well as the extra
segmental and morphological constraints on prepausal
epenthesis. This difference is taken as evidence for a
superheavy structure at one point of the derivation. The
three types of epenthesis are also considered under the
degenerate syllable approach. Such an analysis is
compatible with postpausal epenthesis but requires the extra
device of the onset switch in word-internal (general)
epenthesis. For prepausal epenthesis, a degenerate syllable
analysis requires a specific order between epenthesis/
syllable incorporation and stresssomething claimed to be
unnecessary under this approach. The rule of vowel
shortening provides further evidence for the role of


219
by the objective suffix only, the rule fails to apply as in
the following examples:
(95) a.
saabaha
cf.
/saab-ha/
*sabha
'he left her'
b.
Siilana
cf.
/siil-na/
*silna
'carry us!'
c.
guulaha
cf.
/guul-ha/
*gulha
'say it (f.)!
The examples in (95) involve the same verbs as those in
(94), but the operative rule here is epenthesis rather than
VS. Epenthesis, as formulated in section 5.2, is triggered
by the presence of an unsyllabified consonant in the course
I
of the derivation. In the case of (95a), for instance, b
stays extrasyllabic until epenthesis applies giving saabaha.
Now consider the structure of (94a) where VS applies. The
output of the rules of syllabification is given in (96).
(96)
a
A
0 R
A
a
A
C V v c'c'c V
V
s a
b 1 h a
The structure in (96), which triggers VS, contains two
unsyllabified consonants. Ignoring the morphological class
of these consonants for the moment, we can tentatively
formulate VS as a rule that turns a branching rhyme into a
simple nonbranching one before two unsyllabified


213
syllable types in the language are analyzed into partially-
filled syllables of those types, i.e. containing dummy
nuclei. In other words, these nuclei are structurally
present and counted in the rhyme projection regardless of
whether the vowel is present or not. Given this, the
derivation of the actual form katabt requires an order where
incorporation/epenthesis precedes the assignment of prosodic
structure. Otherwise, the wrong output will be derived, as
illustrated below.
Consider first the order where incorporation/epenthesis
precedes stress, and which produces the actual output
katbt. A degenerate analysis of katbt gives /ka-ta-bAt/.
Epenthesis does not apply; instead the syllable
incorporation rule in (85) applies, giving katabt with a
final superheavy syllable. Prosodic structure assignment
gives
(87)
W S\
A\
s w w
katabt
In (87) both the penultimate rhyme as well as the final
consonant are projected giving the desired stress pattern
(cf. section 4.2.1).


(14)
First
Binyan
Seventh/
Eighth
Binyanim
21
a. lasiq
b. nasar
c. radai
'adhere' ltasaq
'help' ntasar
'prevent' rtada?
'to be /get
stuck; hang
on to'
'to become vic
torious; to
side with
someone'
'to be pre
vented; to
refrain'
It is this group of verbs which is relevant here, i.e. verbs
where the reflexive and passive are not quite
distinguishable. In Makkan, the seventh and 'eighth'
binyanim of certain verbs seem to occur in free variation.
Consider (15) :2
(15)
Seventh
Binyan
Eighth
Binyan
a.
nkatab
'V,
tkatab
'to be written, to
become registered'
b.
nkawa
V
tkawa
'to be burned
(ironed), to get
burned'
c.
nkasa
V
tkasa
'to be dressed, to
get clothed'
d.
nfiabas
V
t Fiabas
'to be detained, to
be held back'
e.
nTadal
'Y,
tTadal
'to become straight'
Bakalla (1979)
suggests
that
the forms
in the second column
are derived from their respective forms of the seventh


25
(20)
Base
Game
a.
rignuk
nugrik
1 tame
b. ?usah
sa ?uh
one
c.
katagbu?
kabugta ?
However, in (20c), the heteromorphemic element ka is not
tampered with and the game form is kabugta?.
The significance of the Hanuno game is two-fold.
First, it provides further evidence for the separation of
root and nonroot material on distinct tiers (cf. (20c)).
Second, it demonstrates that while the dichotomy of root
consonantal and vowel melodies is crucial to Arabic
morphology, it is not exhibited as such in Hanuno.
Up to this point we have seen that the representation
of vowels and consonants on separate tiers enjoys
considerable support from Semitic-like morphological
systems. In section 2.3.3, we will see that the separation
of segmental tiers is required for the purposes of morpheme
structure conditions (the Obligatory Contour Principle).
Separate segmental tiers are also needed for at least some
early phonological rules. As an example of phonological
rules applying before tier conflation, McCarthy (1986:233)
cites a rule of Umlaut in Harga Oasis Arabic. The rule
applies to both copies of a spread stem vowel raising a to i
or i_ before i or u, respectively. The rule applies to stem
vowels only:


221
application seems necessary in order to block examples like
the following:
(99) /saab-l-ha/
saabalha
*saabalha
Under the reverse order, epenthesis will still have a chance
to apply only after VS has already applied. Application of
VS gives, after resyllabification, the structure in (100):
(100) a a
A A
OR OR
I A ,1 I
C V C C C V
I I I I I I
s a b 1 h a
The structural description of epenthesis is now met by the
structure in (100). Epenthesis thus applies to give the
final output sablaha.
Bakalla (1979:420) formalizes VS, which he calls Medial
Vowel Shortening Rule (MVSR) as follows:
(101) V
+ long
a high
a back
Rule (101) has the effect of changing the long vowels of
hollow verbs (i.e. in the environment FL) into short ones
> [-long] / FL CVCV6
Epenthesis
VS (nonapplicable)


255
12
I am grateful to D. Gary Miller for suggesting to me
the analysis of dative gemination as a process triggered by
the presence of a stray foot. This does not necessarily
mean that he agrees with it or with the accompanying
assumptions that I make throughout the analysis.
13
If feet are maximally ternary, it is necessary to
assume that the foot in (135h) has three syllables (instead
of morae).
14
It is interesting to note that Greek shifted a number
of accents to the third mora from the end, so that the
'contonation1 (to use Sidney Allen's term) is always ternary
(word structure providing) (Miller 1976 and personal
communication). It has also been suggested that Greek may
have had a similar predilection for (quantitative) dactylic
cadences ( W1-'#), cf. Chantraine (1958:105).


148
(62)
a.
misimm
cf.
*saamim
1 poisonous (m.)'
b.
misimma
V
saamma
'poisonous (f.)'
(63)
a.
mihimm
cf.
*haamim
'important (m.)1
b.
mihimma
haamma
'important (f.)1
(64)
a.
abb
o
Hi

*saabib
'young man'
b.
sabba
saabba
'young woman'
(65)
a.
mudirr
cf.
*daarir
1 harmful (m.)'
b.
mudirra

daarra
'harmful (f.)'
(62a),
(63a)
i, and (65a),
the CVVC.VC.
X 1
pattern is replaced
by a different morphological pattern. In (64a), the rhyme
is reduced in order to give a CVC^C^ pattern. The above
examples show that the derivation of the feminine forms of
the active participle from their masculine counterparts via
HVD may not be motivated for some cases, since the masculine
CWC^VC^ form of those cases is not an actual occurring form
in the language.
With respect to verbs, Bakalla makes the interesting
observation that instances of gemination (cf. (59), (60) and
(61)) have no parallel in the verb stems, but he gives no
examples or discussion of why HVD does not apply there. We
refer to this observation later.
First, consider triliteral verbs with the morphological
template CVVCiC (where the last two consonants are differ
ent). These verbs behave regularly like the forms in (49b)


190
restricted in distribution), SAB has to be preceded by a
rule of insertion, viz. (34).
This brings us to the issue of ?_a insertion and its
relation to the epenthetic vowel in cases where SAB is not
allowed due to the restrictions on possible codas (cf.
(43a), (44a), and (45a)). As mentioned above, Bakalla
treats initial declusterizing as consisting of one step, the
insertion of the sequence ]_a by rule (35). This accounts
for (41b), (42b), and (43b). It would also account for our
examples in (44b) and (45b). What is relevant to the point
under discussion is the alternation exhibited by examples
(43), (44), and (45). As for (43a), Bakalla assumes that
the epenthetic vowel is, in fact, an anaptyctic vowel which
breaks up the undesirable triconsonantal clusters (p. 291)
and is therefore inserted by a separate rule. Under our
analysis, both vowels, i.e. a in the sequence ]a^ (cf. (43b))
and the 'anaptyctic vowel' (cf. (43a)), are inserted by one
and the same rule. Insertion is defined in terms of
syllable structure. The insertion of is, indeed, in
complementary distribution with SAB in these cases. This
can be illustrated by the derivation of (43a) and (43b).
Both have the underlying representation in (50):
(50) /miin # nhazam/
The output of initial syllabification to (50) is given in
(51a); (51b) is the output of insertion:


168
A A A A A
0 R ORO
R 0
R 0
R
IAIII
A 1
A 1
A
C V C C V c
V V c
V c c
V c
1 1 J 1 1 1
V 1
1 1 1
1 1
? a s t a r
e t
a 1 h
u m
a a
G
a
A A
A-
A
0 R 0 R
0 R
0 R
1 A 1 A
1 A
1 1
C V C C V V
C V c
C V
1 1 V v
1 1 1
1 1
? a d e
tal
h a
In fact, rule (7) in its present form can potentially apply
in two different places in each case. However, such an
application will give ill-formed outputs. Consider (14),
where epenthesis applies twice in each case as shown by the
underlined vowels:
(14) a. *katabtalakum
b. *?a§tareetalahum
c. *Taddeetalaha
In order to yield the forms in (13), it is necessary to
restrict the operation of (7) so that it applies
directionally from left to right. In fact, the derivation
in (13) conflates three steps. The application of
epenthesis triggers syllabification. First, a CV sequence
is created; then, the second stranded consonant is
syllabified as a coda to the newly-created syllable. As a


99
voiceless stop-nasal and voiced stop-liquid onsets. (For
details, see Steriade (1982).)
Steriade (1982) proposes that relative sonority should
not be defined in terms of a single scale with absolute
values. Instead, she suggests that the sonority scales of
different languages differ with respect to the presence or
absence of specific features. The minimum sonority
difference is determined by the number of intervals on the
sonority scale. (For illustration, see Steriade (1982).)
Our reference to the sonority hierarchy as a principle
governing consonants within syllables will be rather limited
for the simple reason that consonant clusters in MA are
minimal. First, clusters in Arabic are maximally
biconsonantal. Second, those that trigger epenthesis on the
basis of their sonority occur in final position only
(section 5.2.3).
3.6 Notes
Unlike Clements and Keyser's approach, Kahn's lacks a
CV-tier. Thus, segments are associated directly to syllable
nodes.
2
A similar view is held by Kurylowicz (1948):
Consonant clusters are permitted in onset and coda only if
they are allowed in word-initial (- final) position,
respectively.
3
For a possible counterexample to the principle of
onset maximization see Arnason's treatment of syllabi
fication in Icelandic (1980). He argues that the statement
of the length of stressed vowels in modern Icelandic can be
simplified under the assumption of final-maximalistic
stressed syllables (pp. 30, 153-155). I thank Tim Vance for
bringing this reference to my attention.


300
Guerssel, Mohamed. 1977. Constraints on phonological
rules. Linguistic Analysis 3. 267-305.
Guerssel, Mohamed. 1978. A condition on assimilation
rules. Linguistic Analysis 4. 225-254.
Hala, B. 1961. La syllabe, sa nature, son origine et ses
transformations. Orbis 10. 69-143.
Halle, Morris. 1980. Formal vs. functional considerations
in phonology. In B. Brogyanyi (ed.), Studies in
diachronic, synchronic, and typological linguistics,
325-341. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Halle, Morris, and Karuvannur Mohanan. 1985. Segmental
phonology of Modern English. Linguistic Inquiry 16.
57-116.
Halle, Morris, and Jean-Roger Vergnaud. 1980. Three
dimensional phonology. Journal of Linguistic Research
1. 83-105.
Halle, Morris, and Jean-Roger Vergnaud. 1982. On the
framework of autosegmental phonology. In H. van der
Hudst and N. Smith (eds.), The structure of
phonological representations, Part I, 65-82.
Dordrecht: Foris.
Hammond, Michael. 1984. Constraining metrical theory: A
modular theory of rhythm and destressing. Ph.D.
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Haraguchi, Shosuke. 1977. The tone pattern of Japanese:
An autosegmental theory of tonology. Tokyo:
Kaitakusha.
Harris, James. 1969. Spanish phonology. Cambridge: MIT
Press.
Harris, James. 1983. Syllable structure and stress in
Spanish: A nonlinear analysis. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Harris, James. 1985. Spanish diphthongisation and stress:
A paradox resolved. In C. Ewen and J. Anderson (eds.),
Phonology yearbook 2, 31-46. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Haugen, Einar. 1956. The syllable in linguistic
descriptions. For Roman Jakobson, 213-221. The Hague:
Mouton.


262
reassociation to the position left vacant on the CV-tier,
viz. car * [kaa]:
(2 ) C V C CVC CVC
III II IV
k a r k a k a
6.4 Glottal Stops and Syllable Structure
6.4.1 CV? Syllables
Glottal stops in MA fall into two categorieslexical
and epenthetic. Lexical or root glottal stops may be part
of a lexical root, and may appear as first, second, or third
radical. Root glottals, like other root consonants, are not
usually deleted in speech, except in one environment (see
below). Illustrative examples of root glottals appear in
(3).
(3)
Root
Example
?ml
?amal
' hope
S?1
sa?al
'to ask'
wd?
wuduu(?)
'ablution
The non-root glottals are restricted to word-initial
position and do not form part of lexical roots. They are
created by a rule that inserts 2Z. to disallow vowel-initial
syllables (section 5.2.2). The following are examples of
non-root glottal stops:


29
2.2.2 The CV-Tier
The segmental tier and syllabic organization are
mediated by an intervening tier which consists of the
abstract elements C and V. The role of the CV-tier in the
description of the nonconcatenative morphology needed for
certain languages has already been introduced. The other
area where the CV-tier plays a significant role is syllabic
phonology or CV phonology. The basic assumption of CV
phonology is that the property of syllabicity is separated
from the strictly segmental material and represented on an
autosegmental tier. Elements on the CV-tier are linked to
those on the 'melodic' (segmental) tier via association
lines in standard autosegmental fashion. The other signifi
cant role of the CV-tier is that of characterizing the
elementary units of timing at the subsyllabic level. As in
autosegmental phonology, one-to-many and many-to-one
associations are allowed by the theory. By virtue of this
provision for the two possible types of association, the
dualistic behavior of geminates and complex segments can now
be represented adequately.
Recall that the standard definition of the segment
implies a constant state in the specifications of features.
This is violated, nevertheless, by the existence of
affricates and other complex segments. For instance,
affricates start as'[-continuant], and end as [tcontinuant].
In order to deal with this problem, the feature [delayed


128
In (31) the geminate cluster is allowed to be dominated by
the nodes of two completely independent syllables. In fact,
representations like (31) are argued to be the most accurate
representation of geminates in several languages (cf.
Chapter Three). The representation in (31) shows that
geminates can be dominated by other than sister nodes on the
syllable tier. This in itself weakens the objection to the
representation in (30), especially since the two syllable
nodes there stand for superordinate and subordinate
structures within one and the same syllable.
In this section, we have shown that superheavy
syllables in MA are still restricted in occurrence to final
position. Conclusions to that effect were reached on the
basis of the distribution of such syllables in several
dialects, especially MA. As a result, there would be little
justification for expanding the syllable template or the
rules of syllabification to provide for the derivation of
these syllables. Instead, rule (7), or a modified version
of it, will still be needed as a rule of syllabification in
languages with superheavy syllables restricted to final
position.


36
(29) Well-formedness condition
a. Every unit on one level must be associated
with at least one unit on every other level
b. Association lines may not cross
The first clause of (29) is both too weak and too strong.
It is too weak because there are different possible
associations that can satisfy (29a). In order to deal with
this indeterminacy, Haragauchi (1977) and Clements and Ford
(1979) propose several conventions to make the well-
formedness convention more specific. One of these
conventions is that mapping links elements on different
5
tiers on the basis of one-to-one from left to right.
On the other hand, (29a) is too strong to allow
unassociated or dissociated elements, but the theory can be
interpreted as predicting the occurrence of such elements.
As a result, (29a) has been weakened in recent work
(Goldsmith 1979, Clements and Ford 1979, McCarthy 1979a, and
Halle and Vergnaud 1982). The crux of these proposals is
that elements are allowed to remain unassociated after the
left-to-right rule has applied, or to become dissociated,
and that (re)association should not be a matter of
convention. If these elements remain unassociated, they
will receive no phonetic realization on the surface.
In Section 2.2.2, we have seen that in addition to one-
to-one association, the theory of multi-tiered representa
tion allows two other types of association between elements



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8
from the exclusion of certain issues such as the treatment
of vowel harmony within the theory, and from the fact that
only occasional references are made to metrical structure.
Certain issues, however, will be the subject of further
discussion as they come up in the analysis.
2.2 Tiers of Representation
The basic insight of autosegmental phonology is that a
phonological representation is composed not of a single
linear sequences of entities, but of several simultaneous
sequences of entities or tiers. Each tier constitutes an
independent string of elements. For instance, the segmental
tier consists of a sequence of segments, the CV-tier of C
and V elements and so on.
In a nonlinear model sounds are organized into several
hierarchical units. First, segments are organized into
syllables by the universal and language-specific rules of
syllabification. Syllables and segments are mediated by a
CV-tier. The syllable has a constituent structure of its
own represented by an obligatory element, the 'Rhyme' (R),
and an optional 'Onset' (0). The Rhyme itself might be
further divided into two constituents, the obligatory
'Nucleus' (N) and an optional 'Coda' (C). Second,
syllables will be organized into higher metrical units,
i.e. metrical feet, according to some universal and
language-specific conventions. Third, metrical feet as well


133
(38) a.
b.
c.
d.
/daariy/
Aaariy/
/saariy/
/gaariy/
The rule that derives the examples in (37) from their
respective underlying representations in (38) can be
formulated as in (39).
(39) Glide Deletion
y * jzS / i #
The failure of HVD to apply to the final vowels of (37) can
be handled by ordering HVD before rule (39) (but see below).
For justification of an underlying glide, compare the
examples in (40) which are the feminine forms of the adjec
tives in (37). (The forms on the left result from HVD.)
a.
daarya
cf.
/daariya/
'knowing (f.)'
b.
Taarya
cf.
/Taariya/
'naked (f.)'
c.
saarya
cf.
/saariya/
'effective (f.)'
d.
gaarya
cf.
/gaariya/
'educated (f.)'
The following related examples provide further evidence for
an underlying glide:
(41) a. daryaan 'knowing (m.)1
b. Turyaan 'naked (m.)'


this binyan and its peculiar pattern. He formulates the
rule as follows (McCarthy 1981b:390):
16
(7) Eighth Binyan Flop
C C
C C
t
J
[refl.]
The rule changes the association of the affix t to the
second consonantal slot. It will not apply to the affix of
the fifth and sixth binyanim since in both cases the two
consonants are not adjacent as the rule requires.
Association, then, proceeds as usual. Since the infix t of
the eighth binyan is represented on a different tier, it
will not interfere with the rest of the association process.
The gemination of the last consonant in IX and XI is
accounted for by the principle of 'spreading'. The result
of initial association is given in (8) (McCarthy 1981b:391):
(8) a
IX
b
XI
C C V C V C
C C V V C V C
k t b
Representations like the ones in (8a) and (8b) are not well-
formed. Spreading of the last melodic element to the


233
A possible objection to the argument above is that the
same distinction can be achieved alternatively by imposing
certain segmental constraints on the rule. In other words,
the rule can be formulated so as to affect certain long
vowels only. Such a rule might have the following form:
(117) Vowel Shortening (An Alternative)
o
/\
V V
V
a
V /
[a high]
C'
C'
The rule now excludes the mid vowels, ee and oo. While rule
(117) accounts for the failure of mid vowels to undergo the
rule, other cases have to be explained, in particular, cases
where high vowels are also involved. Consider the following
examples:
(118) a.
5irii-t
I
ran'
b.
nisii-t
' I
forgot'
c.
dirii-t
' I
knew'
Rule (117) predicts that these examples will undergo the
rule too: The vowel in each case is [+high]. This is not
the case, however, as borne out by the following:
(119) a.
/jirii-t-l-ha/
*5iritlaha
b.
/nisii-t-l-ha/
*nisitlaha
c.
/dirii-t-b-ha/
h*
*diritbaha


55
representation, they all have one thing in common. Apart
from the delimitation of segments belonging to the same
syllable by syllable boundaries or juncture elements, no
further structure is assigned to the syllable. However,
there are certain phonological generalizations which can be
C
captured only with reference to the internal structure of
the syllable. First, as mentioned briefly in Section 3.1,
such a structure figures prominently in the statement of
certain phonological rules (cf. the distinction between
'strong' and 'weak' cluster^). Second, in the absence of
such constituency the phonotactic constraints within the
syllable will have to be stated in some ad hoc manner.
In fact, earlier proposals viewed the syllable as
having a constituent structure of the same type as is to be
found in morphosyntactic domains (Pike and Pike 1947, Fudge
1969 ). For instance, Pike (1967) argues for the onset,
peak, and coda as being the major constituents of the
syllable since it is among these positions that phonotactic
constraints hold. Similarly, Kuryiowicz (1948) argues for a
constituent that groups the peak and coda together. The
basis for this grouping is that cooccurrence restrictions
are more likely to hold between the peak and coda than
between either peak or coda and the onset. Other arguments
offered for the relevance of syllable internal structure
involve certain phonological processes. For example, Pike
and Pike (1947) argue for a nucleus unit on the basis that


237
(122) Vowel Shortening (Final Form)
a
V / c' c'
Rule (122) affects hollow verbs only, thus excluding the
examples in (115). It is obvious that rule (122) is similar
to rule (101) in that both are restricted to a specific
class of verbs. The phonological conditioning, however, is
different: Only rule (122) is able to account for the
examples in (105) and (106) through the assumption that
syllable assignment rules are cyclic.
9
5.4 Epenthesis and Dative Gemination
It was demonstrated in section 5.2.1 that two unsyl
labified consonants are analyzed as the onset and coda of an
epenthetic vowel introduced to provide a nucleus with which
such stray consonants can syllabify. Some of the examples
are repeated in (123):
(123) a. katab-t-l-ha katabtalha
'I wrote to her'
b. ?astaree-t-l-ha ?astareetalha
a
V V
V
v
[hollow verbs]
'I bought for her'


212
Therefore, the degenerate analysis of final superheavy
syllables in MA requires two rules of syllable incorpora
tion. One can avoid rule (82) by assuming that in MA the
consonant of a final degenerate syllable always receives the
coda analysis and can thus be derived by the incorporation
rule in (85). According to this assumption, examples like
katabt have an underlying representation as in (86) rather
than (81).
C V C V C C
k a t a b A t
This claim cannot, however, be maintained for two reasons.
First, *katabit never occurs in the language as the form for
the first person singular (cf. katabat 'she wrote').
Second, this particular analysis of the final consonant as a
coda to the degenerate syllable makes the wrong prediction
with respect to the prosodic structure of certain items,
unless stress is ordered after epenthesis and syllable
incorporation rules, as illustrated below. Recall that one
of the arguments in favor of a degenerate analysis (cf.
section 4.2.2) is that in cases where the inserted vowel
receives the main word stress, there is no need to order
stress after epenthesis. This is because the main claim in
this approach is that underlyingly all segments which cannot
be analyzed into completely-filled syllables of the basic


199
application of epenthesis concerns the sonority of the final
two consonants. Consider the following examples where
epenthesis applies:
a.
gutun
'cotton'
o
Hi

gutnaha 'her cotton'
b.
sukur
'thanks'
o
Hi

sukran 'thank you'
c.
?izin
'permission'
o
Hi

?iznu 'his permission
d.
saRam
'fat'
o
Hi

saRma 'piece of fat'
e.
f i?il
'action'
cf.
fiileen 'two actions'
f.
sif ir
1 zero'
o
Hi

sifreen 'two zeros'
g-
sahar
'month'
cf.
sahri 'monthly'
The second member of the consonant cluster in each of the
above examples is more sonorous than the first, thus violat
ing the sonority hierarchy of segments within the syllable
(cf. section 3.5.4). Therefore, a vowel, usually identical
to that of the first syllable, is inserted. This vowel
provides a nucleus with which the second consonant
syllabifies. Now consider the examples in (64), where each
involves the same consonants as its respective counterpart
in (63). The only difference is that the members of the
cluster in each case occur in the reverse order:
a.
bunt
'point (stock
b.
sirk
'atheism'
c.
kanz
'treasure'
d.
rumR
'lance'
e.
dil?
'rib'


269
empty slot results in the lengthening of the preceding
vowel. Application of (19) to (8f) will proceed as follows:
(20) a. /ya-?kul/ 'he eats'
a a
A A,
O R O R
I A I A
C V C C V c
I I I I I I
y a ? k u 1
b. Rule (19)
a a
A A
O R 0 R
I A I A
C V C C V c
I 1/ I I I
y a 0 k u 1 [yaakul]
The crucial point of the derivation in (20) is
that it shows CL as a process operating exclusively on the
segmental tier. (Compare vowel shortening where both the
segment and its slot on the CV-tier are deleted.) It also
shows that CL involves resynchronizing the relations within
the syllable. It demonstrates that the quantitative
integrity (weight) -of the syllable is not influenced by the
application of CL: A heavy rhyme remains heavy. This
follows automatically from the independence and stability of
the CV-tier where notions such as 'syllable weight' and
'syllable position' are defined. These facts cannot be


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS V
ABSTRACT xi
CHAPTERS
ONE INTRODUCTION 1
TWO AN OVERVIEW OF AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY 4
2.1 Introduction 4
2.2 Tiers of Representation 8
2.2.1 The Segmental Tier 9
2.2.2 The CV-Tier 29
2.3 Constraints and Other Principles.... 35
2.3.1 Association Lines 35
2.3.2 The Independence of Autosegmental
Tiers 4 0
2.3.3 The Obligatory Contour Principle.... 42
2.4 Notes 49
THREE SYLLABLE STRUCTURE AND RULES OF
SYLLABIFICATION 51
3.1 Introduction 51
3.2 Syllable Constituency 54
3.3 Major Approaches to Syllable
Structure 67
3.3.1 Kahn (1976) 67
3.3.2 Lowenstamm (19 81) 6 9
3.3.3 Cairns and Feinstein (1982) 70
3.3.4 Steriade (1982) 71
3.4 Testing the Syllable Parsing
Theories 72
3.5 Rules of Syllabification in Arabic.. 79
3.5.1 Syllable Parsing Rules 7 9
3.5.2 Syllable Structure Assignment and
Resyllabification 87
3.5.3 Ambisyllabicity 94
3.5.4 The Sonority Hierarchy 97
3.6 Notes 99
viii


94
(31) a. daxalat # albeet >-da.xa. la. tal.beet
'she entered the house'
b. daxalna # beet >-da.xal.na # beet
'we entered a house'
In (31a) a word-final consonant resyllabifies with the
vowel-initial syllable of the following word. In (31b),
however, an onset does not resyllabify with the open
syllable of the preceding word.
3.5.3 Ambisyllabicity
An ambisyllabic consonant is one that is affiliated to
both a preceding and a following syllable simultaneously.^
The existence of ambisyllabicity in itself would provide an
argument against the boundary approach to the syllable. As
mentioned by Selkirk (1982), a syllable boundary cannot
occur before and after a segment in a phonological string at
the same time, a situation required for the representation
of ambisyllabic segments. In fact, one of the main
arguments for an autosegmental representation of the
syllable is that it allows an adequate representation of
ambisyllabic segments in languages where they occur (Kahn
1976).
Selkirk (1982) argues that 'ambisyllabicity' in the
sense that a terminal element immediately dominated by two
separate nodes gives rise to overlapping constituents.


222
when followed by the sequence / CVCV. As stated by Bakalla,
the inclusion of / CVCV sequence is crucial since it blocks
the rule from applying to the forms in (95) where only a CV
sequence (the pronoun suffix) is located in the environment.
It is important to note that Bakalla treats the preposition
and the pronoun following it as a unit he calls the 'dative
element'. This is the element represented in the rule by
the sequence / CVCV. Thus, contrary to our treatment, the
vowel following the preposition _1 is considered part of the
underlying structure of the preposition -la-; verbs are also
assumed to have vowel endings in their underlying forms.
Now consider the effect of these assumptions on the
derivation of forms involving VS as well as the place of VS
in the derivation. The derivation of saflaha 'he saw for
her' serves as an example and proceeds as follows (Bakalla
1979:414):
(102)
/sawaf + a / laha/
Underlying form
a.
sa.wa.fa.la.ha
Syllable Scanning Rule
(SSR)
b.
sawafalaha
Prominence Placement
Rule (PPR)
c.
sawfalaha
CVC-Metathesis Rule
(CVC MR)
d.
sawfalaha
Metathesis of Vowels
(Vs MR2)
e.
s:wfalaha
Vowel Contraction Rule
(VCR)
f.
s:falaha
Semivowel Deletion Rule
(YDR)


It was soon realized that 1subsegmental' and
'suprasegmental' phenomena, both of which violate the
constraints implied by linear representations, do occur in
many languages. Complex segments display properties which
are incompatible with the bijectivity constraint. In
English, for instance, the affricates /c/ and /j/ behave as
single segments and, yet, cannot be identified with a single
specification for the feature [continuant]. The phenomenon
of tone stability characteristic of many tone languages
whereby a vowel is deleted while its tone is realized on an
adjacent vowel is a violation, since it involves the
association of a single segmental unit with more than one
tonal unit.
In addition to the linear strings of segments, a
phonological representation in the traditional sense
includes different types of boundaries whose nature and
location are dependent on the morphological and syntactic
structure. The purpose of including these boundaries in a
phonological representation was to divide the segmental
string into substrings needed for the application of certain
phonological rules. No further grouping of segments into
hierarchical units, such as syllables, is provided for by
the theory. Nevertheless, the need for the syllable in
phonological representations became evident. The need in
the Sound Pattern of English, 1968 (henceforth SPE), to
recognize a distinction between 'weak' and 'strong' clusters


306
Poser, William. 1986. Japanese evidence bearing on the
compensatory lengthening controversy. In L. Wetzels
and E. Sezer (eds.), Studies in compensatory
lengthening, 167-186. Dordrecht: Foris.
Prince, Alan. 1980. A metrical theory of Estonian
quantity. Linguistic Inquiry 11. 511-562.
Pulgram, Ernst. 1970. Syllable, word, nexus, cursus. The
Hague: Mouton.
Pyle, Charles. 1970. West Greenlandic Eskimo and the
representation of vowel length. Papers in Linguistics
3. 115-146.
Pyle, Charles. 1972. On eliminating BMs. In P. Peranteau,
J. Levi, and G. Phares (eds.), Papers from the Eighth
Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society,
516-532. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.
Pyle, Charles. 1974. Why a conspiracy? In A. Bruck, R.
Fox, and M. LeGaly (eds.), Papers from the parasession
on natural phonology, 275-284. Chicago: University of
Chicago.
Riemsdijk, H. C. van, and Norval Smith. 1973. Zur
instabilitat komplexer phonologischer segmente. In A.
P. ten Cate, and P. Jordens (eds.), Linguistische
Perspektiven (Referate des VII Linguistischen
Kolloquiums Nijmegen, 26-30 September 1972,
Linguistische Arbeiten 5). Niemeyer 1973.
Rosetti., A. 1962. La syllabe phonologique. Proceedings
of the International Congress of Phonetic Sciences 4.
490-499.
Safir, Ken. 1979. Metrical structure in Capanahua. In K.
Safir (ed.), Papers on syllable structure, metrical
structure and harmony processes. MIT Working Papers in
Linguistics 1. 95-114.
Sampson, Geoffrey. 1970. On the need for a phonological
base. Language 46. 586-626.
Sampson, Geoffrey. 1973. Duration in Hebrew consonants.
Linguistic Inquiry 4. 101-104.
Saporta, S., and H. Contreras. 1962. A phonological
grammar of Spanish. Seattle: University of Washington
Press.


CHAPTER SIX
COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING, ASSIMILATION,
AND SYLLABLE STRUCTURE
6.1 Introduction
Chapter Four discussed the distributional restrictions
on CVVC and CVCC syllables in MA. These syllables may occur
in non-final position only in the output of certain
phonological rules, such as High Vowel Deletion. Chapter
Five discussed in detail the synchronic phonological rules
triggered by the appearance of these syllables in other than
word-final position. The present chapter examines a claim
made in section 3.2 that glides are banned from the rhyme
constituent in MA. It investigates the rule of Compensatory
Lengthening (henceforth CL) as it relates to CVVC and CVCC
syllables in Arabic. It also considers the possibility of
analyzing CL in MA as an assimilation process.
The rules discussed in this chapter are different from
the rest of the rules discussed in Chapter Five in two
respects. First, the rule of CL does not play an active
part in the synchronic grammar of MA. That is, only a small
portion of the grammar is affected by it. Specifically, CL
only affects glides (?, y, w) within the rhyme; other
consonants do not participate in these changes. Second,
256


125
c. suuf 'see!'
suuf-l-na suflana 'see for us!'
The examples above suggest that the distribution of
superheavy syllables in MA is still strictly restricted to
final position. The rules of epenthesis and vowel
shortening can be motivated on the basis of their role in
modifying CVVC or CVCC syllables whenever they would arise
in non-final positions. The epenthesis rule puts even more
restrictions on CVCC syllables in the only environment where
they may occur. These rules will be discussed in detail in
Chapter Five.
The occurrence of superheavy syllables, particularly
CVCC, seems to be more restricted in MA than in CA. For
instance, in CA any consonant clusters in a CVCC syllable
may occur before a pause regardless of the sonority of the
cluster (cf. (23c) and section 3.4)).
Egyptian Arabic conforms to the same distributional
constraints on CVVC and CVCC syllables: They may occur only
in word-final position (Broselow 1976, 1980, Welden 1977,
McCarthy 1979a, b, and Kenstowicz 1980).
Thus, there seems to be little support for Abu-Salim's
idea of treating the superheavy syllables as basic in Arabic
on the sole basis of distribution in one dialect. Simi
larly, we cannot generalize the restriction of superheavy
syllables to final position (which holds for most dialects)
to all varieties of Arabic. While the fundamental point is


35
following: a sequence of two short vowels (VV), a diphthong
(VG), or a short vowel followed by a consonant (VC). From
the point of view of the CV-tier, these sequences are
equivalent, regardless of the segmental content of the
matrices to which they are linked on the segmental tier.
In fact, there have been several proposals to replace the
C and V-slots with X slots (cf. Kaye and Lowenstamm 1982,
Harris 1985, Levin 1985, Schein and Steriade 1986). Thus,
the rhyme of a light syllable is represented on the 'X-tier'
by one X-slot, that of a heavy syllable by two slotshence
the equivalence of VV, VG, and VC. Either way of represent
ing the slots on this tier captures the distinction of heavy
vs. light as well as the structural equivalence of heavy
syllables regardless of the segmental values of the members
constituting their rhymes.
2.3 Constraints and Other Principles
2.3.1 Association Lines
Elements on different tiers are linked by association
lines, which indicate how these will eventually be
coarticulated. The association conventions are identical to
those operating in tonal systems. Goldsmith (1976) proposes

the following overriding constraints on association:


208
where morphological considerations override phonological
constraints.
It is necessary to modify rule (74) so that it will
exclude examples such as those in (76) from undergoing
epenthesis. In fact, this can be done by the addition of a
third condition to the rule:
(79) Prepausal Epenthesis (final version)
a
4 V / c1 c2 #
Condition 1: C2 > on sonority scale
Condition 2: epenthetic vowel = vowel of
first syllable
Condition 3: respective verbal form ^
CV. CV. C
i i
Since violation of the sonority hierarchy is consistently
noted in the majority of cases where epenthesis would result
in homophony (cf. (76)), the insertion of a vowel different
from that of the first syllable in order to conform to the
sonority hierarchy (cf. (78)) has to be treated as an
exception. Therefore, the epenthetic vowel for the examples
in (78), which are very few in number, has to be specified
separately.
To recapitulate, epenthesis in prepausal position is
subject to restrictions that do not apply to the general
epenthesis, or for that matter, to the postpausal epenthesis


228
As is clear from the derivation in (107), the input to MVSR
for (104b) and (104d) is not as in (106a) and (106b) but
rather as in (108a) and (108b), respectively:
(108) a. gaal ^ laya
b. taar ^ lahu
In this way [li] and [lu] are not exceptions to rule (101)
since both have a CVCV sequence when MVSR becomes
applicable. However, what is immediately obvious about
(107) is that all the rules affecting the dative element
laya have to be ordered after all the rules applying to the
verb stem for no apparent reason except that of maintaining
the CVCV configuration in laya in order for MVSR to apply.
This ordering seems to disturb the uniformity displayed by
the rest of the dative elements in that the others do not
require the rules in (107m)-(107p). If the rules are
assumed to apply to the dative elements of the first person
singular and the third person masculine singular earlier in
the derivation, these elements would be exceptional for rule
(101) as explained above. Therefore, the examples in (104)
present a problem for rule (101) whether directly as in
(104a), (104c), and (104e) or indirectly as in (104b) and
(104d).
It was mentioned before that some of the examples in
(104) present a similar problem for our rule in (97). In
particular, (104b) and (104d) cannot be derived by the rule


257
whereas the other rules are amply motivated synchronically,
the rule which involves the monophthongization of /ay/ and
/aw/ in MA and most other dialects has sometimes been
regarded as (historical) residues belonging to the marked
periphery. Nevertheless, an underlying glide satisfies most
versions of the Alternation Condition and, even if
explanatory adequacy resides in the historical domain, a
nonlinear analysis of monophthongization characterizes the
details of the change more adequately than a segmental
analysis.
This chapter focuses on the analysis of CL in MA and
related phenomena. Whether CL is analyzed as 'compensatory
lengthening' in the literal sense or as assimilation has no
bearing on its property of maintaining the structural
integrity (weight) of the rhyme. Moreover, an autosegmental
analysis highlights this property more conspicuously than
does its segmental counterpart.
6.2 Compensatory Lengthening in Generative
Linear Phonology
The sound pattern of English recognizes three types of
phonological processes which obey the bijectivity and
integrity constraints (Poser 1982, Chapter Two) and provides
formal notations for their statement. Rules of substitution
describe processes such as insertion, deletion, assimila
tion, and dissimilation, where only one segment is affected.
The transformational format (type 2) is used to formalize


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
A NONLINEAR ANALYSIS OF ARABIC SYLLABIC PHONOLOGY,
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO MAKKAN
By
Mahasen Hasan Abu-Mansour
May 1987
Chair: D. Gary Miller
Major Department: Linguistics
This dissertation deals with syllable structure and
superheavy syllables in Arabic, particularly Makkan Arabic
(MA). Classical Arabic is discussed whenever relevant. The
analysis of the syllable is nonlinear, that is, based on
recent advancements in autosegmental and metrical phonology.
The hierarchical view of the syllable with the minimal
onset/rhyme distinction is shown to be necessary. It is
argued that syllabification in MA consists of a universal
rule pairing CV sequences into CV syllables, plus a set of
language-specific rules that create branching rhymes and
superheavy CVVC and CVCC structures in word-final position.
The two best-known approaches to CVVC and CVCC syllables
are considered. On the basis of distribution and other
related phenomena, it is concluded that the facts of MA are
compatible with the superheavy syllable analysis of these
xi


31
(26) a. C b. C
k u g u
In Latin, the labiovelars behave like single consonants in
that, unlike all other consonant clusters, they fail to
close a preceding syllable. On the other hand, they count
as a sequence of two consonants: They can occur only in
prevocalic position, in which case the second melodic unit
in the complex segment syllabifies with the following vowel.
This restriction follows from the fact that Latin word-
internal syllables obey the Sonority Sequencing
Generalization (pp. 18, 92). Under this generalization, any
sequence stop-w-consonant cannot be exhaustively
syllabified. Further evidence for the bisegmental character
of these labiovelars follows from their fate in preconsonan-
tal position. A labiovelar occurring before consonants may
lose its labial component, as in coctus 'cooked' underlying
C
kolcu-tos. The second option is for the labial glide to
syllabify as a vowel, as in lingula 'little tongue' under-
C
lying lingu-la. Steriade proposes two rules to account for
these two outcomes (deletion or syllabicity). The first
rule deletes the association between the labial component
and the segmental slot; the second inserts a V slot and
associates it with the segment u. It is hard to perceive
how a theory which fails to recognize the constituent parts
of these segments would handle the data without further
complications in these rules.


177
1
underlying representations and imposes the condition that
the surface representation may contain no empty positions.
This last condition is similar to ours that unsyllabified
consonants are allowed only in non-output representations.
The degenerate syllable analysis requires the additional
device of onset switch and ordering it prior to epenthesis.
Thus, on the mechanical level alone, the choice of either
analysis cannot be rigorously justified. It should be
mentioned, however, that the idea of the cycle in phonology
is provided by the theory (Chomsky, Halle, and Lukoff 1956,
Brame 1974, Harris 1969, 1983, Mascar 1976, Kiparsky 1979,
Halle 1980, and Mohanan 1982, among others). On the other
hand, the assumption of empty nuclei has to be considered in
light of the universal observation that the only obligatory
element of the syllable is the nucleus.
In addition, there is a case of epenthesis in MA where
the degenerate syllable analysis is not straightforward.
This case involves the interaction between epenthesis and
vowel shortening, discussed in detail in section 5.3.
There, it is argued that an underlying sequence of the form
/saab-l-ha/ will surface as [sablaha], with VS applying to
the long vowel of hollow verbs, followed by epenthesis. Now
consider the analysis of such examples in terms of
degenerate syllables. A sequence like saablha cannot be
analyzed into fully specified syllables, as is clear from
the fo1lowing:


22
binyan in the first column via a dissimilation rule. The
rule changes a prefixed n to t before roots starting with
nasals, liquids, glides, and true consonants. Indeed, this
rule is justified in the case of roots with initial n, _1, r,
X' H:
(16) a.
nnasar
tnasar
'to be helped'
b.
nlasa?
tlasa?
'to be stung,
burned'
c.
nrafaz
>- trafaz
'to be kicked'
d.
nyassar
tyassar
'to become easy'
e.
nwassaf
>- twassa?
'to become wide'
It should be added that *nnasar, *nlasa?, *nrafaz, *nyassar,
and *nwassai are all impossible. However, this is not true
in the case of the forms in (15) where both forms are
equally acceptable. Moreover, in (15) the prefix n- is
already dissimilar to k, f¡_, and To this is added the
fact that some of the verbs with first root consonant m tend
to behave more like the examples in (15) in that the n-forms
and t-forms are equally acceptable:
a.
nmadd
tmadd
1 to be/become
extended'
b.
nmala
<\j
tmal(1)a
'to be filled, to
become full'
c.
nmazaj
'X,
tmazaj
'to be/become mixed
d.
nmanai
'V,
tmana?
'to be prevented,
to refrain'


305
Miller, D. Gary. 1969. The Pali two-mora conspiracy:
Historical origin. Unpublished paper. Urbana-
Champaign: University of Illinois.
Miller, D. Gary. 1976. The transformation of a natural
accent system: The case of the Ancient Greek
enclitics. Glotta 54. 11-24.
Mitchell, T. 1960. Prominence and syllabification in
Arabic. Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies 23.
369-389.
Mitchell, T. 1962. Colloquial Arabic. London: The
English Universities Press, Ltd.
Mohanan, Karuvannur. 1982. Lexical phonology. Ph.D.
dissertation. Cambridge: MIT.
Mohanan, Karuvannur. 1985. Syllable structure and lexical
strata in English. In C. Ewen and J. Anderson (eds.),
Phonology yearbook 2, 139-155. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Newman, Paul. 1972. Syllable weight as a phonological
variable. Studies in African Linguistics 3. 301-323.
O'Connor, J., and J. Trim. 1953. Vowel, consonant, and
syllableA phonological definition. Word 9. 103-122.
Petesky, David. 1979. Menomini quantity. In K. Safir
(ed.), Papers on syllable structure, metrical
structure, and harmony processes. MIT Working Papers
in Linguistics 1. 115-139.
Pike, Kenneth. 1947. Grammatical prerequisites to phonemic
analysis. Word 3. 155-172.
Pike, Kenneth. 1967. Language in relation to a unified
theory of the structure of human behavior. The Hague:
Mouton.
Pike, Kenneth, and Eunice Pike. 1947. Immediate
constituents of Mazateco syllables. International
Journal of American Linguistics 13. 78-91.
Poser, William. 1982. Phonological representations and
action-at-a-distance. In H. van der Hulst and N. Smith
(eds.), The structure of phonological representations,
part II, 121-158. Dordrecht: Foris.


32
The other problem which the representation of
(sub)syllabic information on a different tier seems to solve
is that of 'geminates' or 'long' segments. The special
behavior of these segments with respect to phonological
rules has been a well-known problem for the standard theory:
They behave sometimes like a single consonant and sometimes
like two consonants. The SPE framework allows two ways of
representing these segments: They can either be marked as
[+long], in which case they behave like a single segment, or
they can be represented as a sequence of two identical
segments when they count as two. However, several studies
have shown that neither representation can account for the
unique behavior of geminates (cf. Kenstowicz 1970, Pyle
1970, Sampson 1973, and Barkai 1974). Proposals for
modification are numerous in the literature, but most of
them are concerned with the phonological rules which apply
to geminates. Some of these proposals are constraints on
such rules, for instance, the 'Integrity Hypothesis'
(Kenstowicz and Pyle 1973), or its revision in Benhallam
(1979), and the 'Adjacency-Identity Constraint' (Guerssel
1977). Others try to specify what kind of rules would apply
to geminates, both underlying and derived (Benhallam 1980).
There are two general properties shared by these studies and
others done about the same time. First, they all maintain
the linearity hypothesis of representations, and, second,


162
(3) a. o a a
AAA
ORO R OR
I I I A I I
C V C V C C V
I I I I M
k a t a b t u
b. a a a
A /\ A
ORO R OR
I I I A I I
C V C V C C V
II I I I I
r a s a m b u
However, it is more common when morphemes are
concatenated to have stranded consonants which cannot be
analyzed by the rules of syllabification. Such 'stray
consonants' need to be incorporated into well-formed
syllables.
We will consider three cases where such a situation
would arise: in postpausal position, prepausal position,
and elsewhere in the phonological string. In each case,
data from MA will be considered in terms of the syllabifica
tion rules given in section 3.5.1. We will first consider
each of the above-mentioned cases of epenthesis as a rule
triggered by the presence of unsyllabified consonants and
then proceed to consider a possible degenerate syllable
analysis of each case. We will also discuss the complica
tions involved in the latter type of analysis.


245
word-level cycle. I also adopt his principle of restructur
ing which says that the foot structure inherited from
previous cycles is subject to one modification, that is, the
erasing of any foot with a branching tail (p. 66) (though
optionally for this particular case in MA). This principle
applies once at the beginning of each cycle after resyl
labification. Derivation of katabtllu will proceed as
follows:
(135) [[[[katab]t]l]u]
a. k a t a b
b. k a t a b t
s
c.
d.
e.
f.
w
k a t
k a t
k a t
k a t
N
s w w
a b t
a b t 1
a b t a 1
/\ /\
s w s w
II II
a b t a 1
First cycle
Second cycle
Foot
Third cycle
Epenthesis
Foot
At this point, there are two options with respect to the
structure in (135f). In one case, the application of the
restructuring principle erases the foot on the right. The
rest of the derivation proceeds as follows:


Vowel shortening (restricted to a certain morphological class
in MA) is also triggered by unsyllabified consonants.
An explanation for the phenomenon of 'dative gemination'
is attempted in terms of foot structure, syllable structure,
and the rhythmic cadences of the language.
Compensatory lengthening and assimilation are examined
both for the formal problems of their proper formulation in
the nonlinear framework and for their domain of application.
The problem of whether glides in rhyme position in MA are
eliminated by compensatory lengthening or assimilation is
discussed in the context of the MA-specific problem that
glides in certain phonological and morphological environments
are not affected.
Xlll


156
biile 'pele', baale 'ballet', gaatoo 'cake', saase
'chassis', and £ine 'pound'. 1
4
I am aware of the analysis of the last consonant m
CVVC and CVCC syllables as extrametrical (Hayes 1979, 1980).
5
In metrical theory stress is treated as a relational
property rather than as a feature defined on segments. It
is represented in terms of a binary branching constituent
structure where sister nodes are labelled 'S' 'strong' and
'W' 'weak'. The strong/weak relation captures the relative
strength of syllables dominated by each pair of nodes.
Accordingly, the stress patterns of words like labor,
caprice, Pamela have the stress patterns represented in a,
b, and c, respectively (Liberman and Prince 1977):
a. b.
S W
J I
labor
W
caprice
Pamela
Binary trees have only one terminal element which is
dominated only by nodes labelled S. In addition to stress,
metrical theory allows for a representation of syllable
structure. For more details on this point see Kiparsky
(1979), van der Hulst and Smith (1982, 1985).
6
The notion of 'projection', as originally proposed by
Jean-Roger Vergnaud, refers to the construction of subrep
resentations out of a phonological representation by
deleting systematically certain specified items. Phonologi
cal rules which operate exclusively on strings of vowels,
for instance, can be said to operate on a subrepresentation
in which all consonants are deleted or, alternatively, on
the [+ syllabic] projection. Thus, assuming a particular
projection, it is possible for segments separated by
intervening entities to become adjacent. The notion of
'projection' raises questions about variables in a large
class of phonological rules. For more details on the theory
of projections, see Vergnaud (1977), Vergnaud and Halle
(1979), and McCarthy (1979a).
7 -
Aoun later concludes that the consonant should take
the rhyme analysis since it is the rhyme rather than the
onset which forms the essential element (constituent) of the
syllable.


292
strictly restrict superheavy syllables to word-final
position in underlying representation and in the output of
morphology. Consequently, it is concluded that the rule
responsible for their syllabification needs to be restricted
to final position. The restriction against non-final
superheavy syllables is suppressed through phonological
derivation where CVVC syllables may occur freely, mainly in
the output of HVD. Since HVD does not apply to derive word-
internal CVCC, CVVC syllables in the output of the rule have
to be stated separately. Exceptions to HVD unaccounted for
by deviation from syllable structure have been explained in
terms of the OCP antigemination effects.
The main argument of Chapter Five is that rules
affecting syllable structure are triggered by the presence
of potential non-final superheavy syllables of which the
final consonant is left unsyllabified by the rules of
syllabification. Two rules of epenthesis and a rule of
vowel shortening were formalized in terms of the presence of
unsyllabified consonants in the phonological string. This
view of epenthesis is shown to be superior to an alternative
analysis which makes no reference to the syllable status of
consonants. Cyclic application of syllabification rules is
required for certain cases. Three types of epenthesis are
distinguished. General epenthesis applies in word-internal
position after the first unsyllabified consonant. Post-
pausal epenthesis is triggered by an extrasyllabic consonant


59
with syllable structure (Vergnaud and Halle 1979, 1980,
McCarthy 1979a, 1980, Kiparsky 1979, Prince 1980, Selkirk
1980, Steriade 1982, Harris 1983, and many others).
Although differences might exist as to the number of con
stituents recognized or the internal organization of certain
constituents, there seems to be a general agreement on the
division of the syllable into two major constituents: the
'Onset' and the 'Rhyme'. For an example of variation in the
number of constituents recognized, see Halle and Vergnaud
(1980) where a third constituent, the 'Appendix', is argued
for on the basis of data from Arabic, German, and Malayalam.
Variation in the internal organization of the rhyme con
stituent also exists. For instance, Selkirk (1984a),
Pesetsky (1979), Safir (1979), Hayes (1980), Mohanan (1985),
and Benhallam (1986) recognize the further division of the
rhyme into the nucleus and coda.
An examination of the syllable structure in MA reveals
evidence that supports syllable constituency. It will be
noticed that while the discussion is directly pertinent to
the syllable in MA, most observations also hold for the
syllable in CA. Of course, certain differences exist as
well and will have considerable implications for the data we
are discussing.
We first consider the area of phonotactic constraints.
The following general observations characterize the syllable
in MA. In other than word-final position, syllables contain


92
(27) a.
o o b. a a
A A A A
OROR OROR
1 1 1 A 1 A 1 A
cvcvc cvccvc
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Mill 1 1 M M
masur fihmat
Additional evidence for continuous syllabification
comes from cases where such assumption is needed to block
the application of certain phonological rules:
(28)
a a a
A A A
OROR OR
1 1 1 A ,,11
cvcvccccv
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
1 1 M 1 1 1 1 I
katabtlha
The structure in (28) includes two unsyllabified consonants
and, therefore, triggers general epenthe