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Full Text





WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Minister, February 22, 1944.
The Military and Political Scene.

ANTHONY EDEN, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, February 23, 1944.
British Foreign Policy.

LORD WAVELL, Viceroy of India, February 17, 1944.
India Today and Tomorrow.

LORD CRANBORNE, Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs,
February 9, 1944.
The Aim of the Bombing Offensive.

SIR JOHN ANDERSON, Chancellor of the Exchequer, January 25, 1944.
RICHARD LAW, Minister of State, January 25, 1944.
Britain's Contribution to U.N.R.R.A.

LORD WOOLTON, Minister of Reconstruction, February 15, 1944.
Domestic Reconstruction.

LORD PORTAL, Minister of Works, February 8, 1944.
Building and Housing Plans.

LORD CRANBORNE, Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs,
January 26, 1944.
Empire Problems: 'Collaborative Machinery.

Vol. II, No. 3

March 1944


V. o
No 3

. . 1336 NEW YORK AVENUE, N.W. . .

Circle 6-5100
Executive 8525
Andover 1733
Sutter 6634

Prime Minister
House of Commons, February 22, 1944

This is no time for sorrow or rejoicing. This is a time for preparation, effort,
and resolve. The war is still going on. I have never taken the view that the end
of the war in Europe is at hand or that Hitler is about to collapse, and I have
certainly given no guarantee, or even held out any expectation, that the year 1944
would see the end of the European war. Nor have I given any guarantee the other
On the whole my information-and I have a good deal-goes to show that
Hitler and his police are still in full control and that the Nazi party and the gen-
erals have decided to hang together. The strength of the German Army is about
300 divisions, though many of these are substantially reduced in numbers. The
fighting quality of the troops is high. The German General Staff system, which we
failed to liquidate after the last war, represents an order comprising many thousands
of highly trained officers and a school of doctrine of long unbroken continuity. It
possesses great skill both in handling troops in action and in their rapid movement
from place to place. The recent fighting in Italy should leave no possible doubt on
these points.

The British Share
It is true that the results of our bombing have had a noteworthy effect on
German munitions production. In the people they have produced a dull apathy,
which also affects munitions production and all A.R.P. services. The splendid
victories of our Soviet Allies on the Eastern front are inflicting immense losses
upon the enemy. The fact that so many of the enemy's divisions have been drawn
into Italy and into Yugoslavia, while other large bodies of his troops are held in
France and the Low Countries by the fear of invasion, has been a help to these
Moreover, the Anglo-American bombing of Germany, absorbing as it does about
3,000,000 Germans, has drawn, together with other British and American activities,
four-fifths of the German fighter force to the British and American front-four-
fifths of the fighter force and, I believe, a majority probably even of the bombers
are against us and our American Allies. This also has been of assistance to the
Soviet Union, and I think these statements should be made in justice to the Western
Allies. They in no way detract from the glory of the Russian arms.
It must also be borne in mind, in surveying the general foundations of the
scene as we see it today, that as the German troops retreat westwards they will find
many opportunities of narrowing their front, and that if they choose to cut their
losses in the Balkans or in the Italian peninsula at any time, a considerable number
of divisions can be made available for the purpose of strengthening their central
reserve. It is far from my wish to make any boastful statements about the part
which this island is playing in the war. It has, however, been borne in on me that
the interests of the alliance as a whole may be prejudiced if its other members
are left in ignorance of the British share in the great events which are unfolding.
The Dominions also have the right to know that the Mother Country is playing
its part.

British Speeches of the Day

Naval Successes
I think it is therefore my duty to state a few facts which are not perhaps
generally realized. For instance, since January 1, 1943, up to the present time-
the middle of February-ships of the Royal Navy and aircraft of the Royal Air
Force-that is to say, the forces of the Mother Country only-have sunk more than
half the U-boats of which we have certain proof in the shape of living prisoners,
and they have also destroyed 40 per cent of the very large number of other U-boats,
of which either corpses or fragments provide definite evidence of destruction. Again
on the naval side, apart from enemy U-boats, we have sunk by British action alone
since January 1, 1943, 19 enemy warships and also a large number of E-boats,
escort vessels, minesweepers, and other auxiliaries. British action has been pre-
dominantly responsible for sinking during this period 316 merchant ships, aggre-
gating 835,000 tons.
In that same period 7,677 officers and men of the Royal Navy and about 4,200
merchant navy officers and men have lost their lives in British ships. This last,
however, does not at all represent the total war sacrifice to date of our merchant
seamen, because matters have improved very much lately. Since the beginning
of the war the proportion of merchant seamen hailing from these islands alone
who have been lost at sea on their vital duty has been about one-fifth of the average
number engaged in this service.
The total of personnel, officers and men of the Royal Navy lost since the war
started is just over 30 per cent of its pre-war strength, the figures being 41,000
killed out of 133,000, which was its total strength at the outbreak of war. Since
January 1, 1943, ships of the Royal Navy have bombarded the enemy's coasts on
716 occasions. In the same period we have lost in action or had disabled for more
than a year-serious disablement-95 ships of war.
Attacks on Germany
Turning to the air, the honor of bombing Berlin has fallen almost entirely
to us. Up to the present we have delivered the main attack upon Germany. Exclud-
ing Dominion and allied squadrons working with the Royal Air Force, the British
islanders have lost 38,300 pilots and air crews killed and 10,400 missing, and over
10,000 aircraft-that is, since the beginning of the war-and they have made nearly
900,000 sorties into the North European theater.
As for the Army, the British Army was little more than a police force in 1939,
yet they have fought in every part of the world-in Norway, France, Holland,
Belgium, Egypt, Eritrea, Abyssinia, Somaliland, Madagascar, Syria, North Africa,
Persia, Sicily, Italy, Greece, Crete, Burma, Malaya, and Hong Kong. I cannot in this
speech attempt to describe these many campaigns, so infinitely varied in their
characteristics, but history will record how much the contribution of our soldiers
has been beyond all proportion to the available manpower of these islands.
The Anglo-American air attack upon Germany must be regarded as our chief
offensive effort up to the present time. Till the middle of 1943 we had by far
the largest forces in action. As the result of the enormous transportation across
the Atlantic which have been made during 1943, the United States bomber force
in this island now begins to surpass our own and will soon be substantially greater
still, I rejoice to say. The efforts of the two forces fit well together, and, according
to all past standards, our effort is in itself prodigious.
Take the latest example. During the 48 hours beginning at 3 a.m. on February
20, four great raids were made upon Germany. The first was against Leipzig on the
night of 19-20 by the Royal Air Force, when nearly 1,000 machines were dispatched,
of which 79 were lost. On Sunday morning a tremendous American raid, nearly

The Military and Political Scene

1,000 strong, escorted by an even greater number of fighters, American and British,
but mostly American, set ouit for German towns, including Leipzig, in broad
daylight. The losses in this raid were greatly reduced by the fact that the enemy
fighters had been scattered beforehand by the British operations of the night before.
The fighters descend at bases other than their own and cannot be so readily handled
on a second rapidly ensuing occasion, and the full effect of the American precision
bombing was therefore realized.

Air Offensive to Increase
Following hard upon this, on the night of 20-21 another British raid was
delivered, this time on Stuttgart, in very great strength-600 or 700. The effect
of the preceding 24 hours' bombing relieved this third raid to a very large extent.
Finally, the American force went out on Monday, again in full scale, and drove
home in the most effective manner our joint air superiority over the enemy. Taking
them together, these four raids, in which over 9,000 tons of bombs were dropped
by the two allied and complementary air forces, constitute the most violent attacks
which have yet been made on Germany, and they also prove the value of saturation
in every aspect of the air war. That aspect will steadily increase as our forces
develop and as the American forces come into their full scope and scale.
The spring and summer will see a vast increase in the force of the attacks
directed upon all military targets in Germany and in German-occupied countries.
Long-range bombing from Italy will penetrate effectively the southern parts of
Germany. We look for very great restriction and dislocation of the entire German
munitions supply, no matter how far the factories have been withdrawn. In addi-
tion, the precision of the American daylight attacks produces exceptional results
upon particular points, not only in clear daylight, but now, thanks to the develop-
ment of navigational aids, through cloud.
The whole of this air offensive constitutes the foundation upon which our plans
for oversea invasion stand. Scales and degrees of attack will be reached far beyond
the dimensions of anything which has yet been employed or indeed imagined.
The idea that we should fetter or further restrict the use of this prime instrument
for shortening the war will not be accepted by the Governments of the Allies.
The proper course for German civilians and non-combatants is to quit the centers
of munition production and take refuge in the coihtryside. We intend to make
war production in its widest sense impossible in all German cities, towns, and
factory centers.

"Modest" Retaliation
Retaliation by the enemy has so far been modest, but we must expect it to in-
crease. Hitler has great need to exaggerate his counter-attacks in order to placate
his formerly deluded population, but besides these air attacks there is no doubt
that the Germans are preparing on the French shore new means of attack on this
country, either by pilotless aircraft or possibly rockets, or both, on a considerable
scale. We have long been watching this with the utmost vigilance. We are striking
at all evidences of these preparations on occasions when the weather is suitable for
such action, and to the maximum extent possible without detracting from the
strategic offensive against Germany. An elaborate scheme of bombing priorities,
upon which a large band of highly skilled American and British officers are con-
stantly at work in accordance with the directions given by the combined Chiefs
of Staff in Washington, has governed our action for some time past, and is con-
tinually kept up to date and in relation to our strategic needs and aims. I do not
believe that a better machinery could be devised.

British Speeches of the Day

It is always flexible enough to allow us to turn aside for some particularly
tempting objective, as, for instance, Sofia, the capital of caitiff Bulgaria. The
weather, of course, remains the final factor in the decision where our day or night
activities shall be employed. That leaves very great responsibility in the hands of the
officers who actually handle these great masses, enormous masses, of aircraft.
The use of our air power also affects the general war situation by the toll which
it takes of the enemy's fighter aircraft both by day and night, but especially by the
Americans by day, because they have very great actions with their formations of
Flying Fortresses with enemy fighter aircraft. Already we have seen the German
air program concentrated mainly on fighters, thus indicating how much they have
been thrown on to the defensive in the air.

Allied Production
Now this new German fighter strength is being remorselessly worn down both
in the air and in the factories, which are the objectives of the continuous attack.
Every opportunity is and will be sought by us to force the enemy to expend and
exhaust his fighter aircraft strength. Our production of aircraft-fighters and
bombers-judged by every possible test, already far exceeds the Germans'. The
Russian production is about equal to ours. The American production is double or
treble the German production.
When I speak of production I mean not only that of aircraft, not only that
of the machines, but of all that vast organization of training schools and ancillary
services which minister to air power, and without whose efficiency air power
could not manifest itself. What the experiences of Germany will be when her
fighter defense has been almost completely eliminated and aircraft can go all over
the country, by day or night, with nothing to fear, but the Flak-the anti-aircraft
-has yet to be seen.
The same is true of the air power of Japan. That also is now being over-
matched and worn down, and the production is incomparably small compared with
that of the great Powers whom Japan has assailed. Whereas on former occasions
when I have addressed the House and tried to give a general picture cf the war
in its scale and proportion, its structure and proportion, I have always set the .war
against the U-boat menace in the forefront, I deliberately, on this occasion, gave
the primacy to the great developments in air power which have been achieved and
are to be expected. This air power was the weapon which both the marauding
States selected as their main tool of conquest. This was the sphere in which they
were to triumph. This was the method by which the nations were to be subjugated
to their rule. I shall not moralize further than to say that there is a strange, stern
justice in the long swing of events.

Struggle for Rome
Our other great joint Anglo-American offensive is in Italy. Many people have
been disappointed with the progress there since the capture of Naples in October.
This has been due to the extremely bad weather which marks the winter in these
supposedly sunshine lands and which this year has been worse than usual. Secondly,
and far more, it is because the Germans bit by bit have been drawn down into
Italy and have decided to make extreme exertions for the retention of the city of
Rome. In October, they began to move a number of divisions southwards from
the valley of the Po and to construct a winter line south of Rome in order to
confront and delay the advance of the Fifth and Eighth Armies under General

The Military and Political Scene

We were, therefore, committed to a frontal advance in extremely mountainous
country which gave every advantage to the defense. All rivers flow at right angles
to our march, and the violent rains, this year above the normal, often turned these
rivers into raging torrents, sweeping away all military bridges which had been
thrown across them and sometimes leaving part of the assaulting force already
committed to the attack, on the far side and beyond the reach of immediate rein-
forcements or support.
In addition to the difficulties I have mentioned, there has been the need to
build up a very large supply of stores and vehicles of all kinds in Italy, and also
the strategic air force which is being developed for the attack on southern Germany
has made extremely large priority inroads upon our transportation, and especially
upon those forms of transportation which are most in demand. An immense
amount of work has, however, been done, and the results will become apparent
later on.

The Larger Army
Among the Allies we have, of course, much the larger army in Italy. The Ameri-
can Air Force in the Mediterranean, on the other hand, is larger than the British,
and the two together possess an enormous superiority, quantitative and also, we
believe, qualitative, over the enemy. We have, also, of course, the complete com-
mand of the seas where an American squadron is actively working with the British
Fleet. Such being the position, many people wondered why it was not possible
to make a large, amphibious turning movement either on the eastern or western
side of Italy to facilitate the forward advance of the army.
The need for this was, of course, obvious to all the commanders, British and
American, but the practicability of carrying it into effect depended upon this
effort being properly fitted in with the general allied program for the year. This
program comprises larger issues and forces than those with which we are con-
cerned in Italy. The difficulties which had hitherto obstructed action were, I am glad
to say, removed at the conferences which were held at Carthage at Christmas and
at Marrakesh in January. The conclusions were approved step by step by the
President of the United States and the combined Chiefs of Staff.
All that the Supreme War direction could do was done by the first week in
January. Preparations had already been begun in anticipation of the final sur-
mounting of difficulties and January 22 was fixed as the zero day by General
Alexander, on whom rests the responsibility for fighting the battle. It was cer-
tainly no light matter to launch this considerable army--40,000 or 50,000 men
in the first instance, with all the uncertainty of winter weather and all the unknow-
able strength of enemy fortifications-to launch it out upon the seas.
The operation itself was a model of combined work. The landing was virtually
unopposed. Subsequent events did not, however, take the course which had been
hoped or planned. In the upshot we got a great army ashore equipped with masses
of artillery, tanks, and very many thousands of vehicles, and our troops moving
inland came into contact with the enemy.

"Terrific" Fighting
The German reactions to this descent have been remarkable. Hitler has appar-
ently resolved to defend Rome with the same obstinacy which he showed in Stalin-
grad, in Tunisia, and, recently, in the Dnieper Bend. No fewer than seven extra
German divisions were brought rapidly down from France, Northern Italy, and
Yugoslavia, and a determined attempt has been made to destroy the bridgehead and
drive us into the sea. Battles of prolonged and intense fierceness and fury have

British Speeches of the Day

been fought. At the same time the American and British Fifth Army to the south-
ward is pressing forward with all its strength. Another battle is raging there.
On both fronts there has been in the last week a most severe and continuous
engagement, very full accounts of which have been given every day in the Press
and in the official communiques. Up to the present moment the enemy has sus-
tained very heavy losses, but has not shaken the resistance of the bridgehead army.
The forces are well matched, though we are definitely the stronger in artillery and
armor, and, of course, when the weather is favorable, our air power plays an
immense part. General Alexander has probably seen more fighting against the
Germans than any living British commander and there is General Freyberg, who
is also in the fray. But General Alexander says that the bitterness and fierceness
of the fighting going on both at the bridgehead and at the Cassino front sur-
passes all his previous experience. He even used in one message to me the word
"terrific." On the southern front, the Cassino front, British, American, Dominion,
Indian, French, and Polish troops are fighting side by side in a noble comradeship.
Their leaders are confident of final success. I can say no more than what I have
said for I would not attempt to venture on a more confident prediction, but their
leaders are confident and the troops are in the highest spirit of offensive vigor.
Hitler's Decision
On broad grounds of strategy, Hitler's decision to send into the south of Italy
as many as 18 divisions, involving with their maintenance troops probably something
like half a million men-half a million Germans-and his decision there in Italy
to make a large secondary front is not unwelcome to the Allies. We must fight the
Germans somewhere unless we are to stand still and watch the Russians. This
wearing battle in Italy occupies troops which could not be occupied in other greater
operations and it is an effective prelude to them. We have sufficient forces at
our disposal in Africa to nourish the struggle as fast as they can be transported
across the Mediterranean. The weather is likely to improve as the spring ap-
proaches, and as the skies cear 'the Allied air power will reach its fullest mani-
This time last year, February 22 to a day, when I remember I was ill in bed,
I was deeply anxious about the situation in Tunisia, where we had just sustained
an unpleasant check at the Kasserine Pass, but I placed my confidence then in
General Alexander and in the British, American, and French troops who were
engaged in the battle. I placed my confidence then in that leader and those troops
and that is how I feel about it now.
In the discussions at Cairo and during my enforced stay amid the ruins of
Carthage I was able by correspondence to settle with the President and with the
War Cabinet here the remodelling of the commands for our joint operations in
the Mediterranean and elsewhere. The principle which should obviously be fol-
lowed between two allies working together as closely as we and the United States
is that the nationality of the commander should generally follow the majority of
the troops in any theater. In General Maitland Wilson and General Alexander we
have at once the supreme commander in the Mediterranean and the fighting head
of the Army in Italy. We and our American Ally have full confidence in these
officers under whom the United States General Devers and General Clark; the most
daring and gallant leader of the Fifth Army, are the corresponding American chiefs.
Armies for Europe
In Great Britain, on the other hand, where forces are being assembled for future
operations of the greatest magnitude, General Eisenhower, with whom we have
worked for so long, so happily, and so successfully, has been placed at the summit

The Military and Political Scene

of the war direction, with Air Chief Marshal Tedder as his deputy and with his
brilliant United States Chief of Staffs, the trusty General Bedell Smith-these are
the central figures of this command under whom many distinguished commanders,
British and American, are serving, including General Montgomery, and these officers
will, when the time comes, and in accordance with the arrangements which have
been made, lead our armies to the liberation of Europe.
As certain statements have been made in America-unofficial statements-about
the relative strengths of the armies to be employed from here, I think, it is neces-
sary to state that the British and American Armies at the outset of the struggle will
be approximately equal, but that if its duration is prolonged the continuous flow
of the American build-up at an enormous rate will naturally give them that supe-
riority of numbers which would be expected from the great numbers which they
dispose and which they desire above all things to bring into contact as speedily
as possible with the enemy. Hence it is right that the Supreme Command should
go to the commanders of the United States.
I would turn aside for one moment just to emphasize how perfect is the
cooperation between the commanders of the British and the American Armies.
Nothing like it has ever been seen before in allies. No doubt language is a great
help, but there is more in it than that. In all previous alliances the staffs have
worked with opposite numbers to each department and liaison officers, but in Africa
General Eisenhower built up a uniform staff in which every place was filled with
whgdver was thought to be the best man and they all ordered each other about
according to their rank without the slightest regard to what country they belonged.
The same unity and brotherhood is being instituted here throughout the forces which
are gathering in this country, and I cannot doubt that it will be found most
serviceable and unique also in all the history of alliances.

The Political Scene
I must now turn from actual military operations to the European political scene
which influences all military affairs so vehemently. In this present war of so many
nations against the Nazi tyranny there has at least been a common principle at work
throughout Europe, and among conquered peoples there is a unity of hatred and a
desire to revolt against the Germans such as has never been known against any
race before. The penalties of national defeat are frightful. After the blinding
flash of catastrophe, the stunning blow, the gaping wounds, there comes the onset
of the diseases of defeat. The central principle of the nation's life is broken and
all healthy normal control vanishes.
There are few societies that can withstand the conditions of subjugation. In-
domitable patriots take different paths, quislings and collaborationists of all kinds
abound, guerrilla leaders, each with their personal followers, quarrel and fight.
There are already in Greece and Yugoslavia factions engaged in civil war one with
another and animated by hatreds more fierce than those which should be reserved
for the common foe. Among all these varied forces, the German oppressor develops
his intrigues with cynical ruthlessness and merciless cruelty.
It is hard enough to understand the politics of one's own country; it is almost
impossible to understand those of foreign countries. The sanest and the safest
course for us to follow is to judge all parties and factions dispassionately by the
test of their readiness and ability to fight the Germans, and thus lighten the burden
of the Allied troops. It is no time for ideological prejudices for one side or the
other, and certainly we, his Majesty's Government, have not indulged ourselves in
this way at all. Thus in Italy we are working for the present through the Govern-
ment of the King and Badoglio, in Yugoslavia we give our aid to Marshal Tito,

British Speeches of the Day

in Greece, in spite of the fact that a British officer was murdered by the guerrilla
organization called Elas, we are doing our best to bring about a reconciliation or at
least a working agreement between the opposing forces.

Government of Italy
I will say a word if the House will permit me about each of these unhappy
countries; the principle which should govern us and which we are certainly follow-
ing. We signed the Italian armistice on the basis of unconditional surrender with
King Victor Emmanuel and Marshal Badoglio, who were, and up to the present
are, the legitimate Government of Italy. On their authority the Italian Navy not
without risk and loss surrendered to us, and practically all Italian troops and airmen
who were not dominated by the Germans also obeyed the orders they received from
the Crown. Since then these Italian forces have cooperated with us to the best of
their ability and nearly 100 Italian ships of war are discharging valuable services
in the Mediterranean and the Atlantic.
Italian troops have entered the front line in Italy, and although on one occasion
they suffered severe casualties they continue to fight alongside our men. Very much
larger numbers are engaged in indispensable services to the AlliedArmies behind the
front. Italian airmen are also fighting at our side. The battle in Italy, for reasons
which I have already explained, will be hard and long. I am not yet convinced
that any other Government can be formed at the present time in Italy which would
command the same obedience from the Italian armed forces. ,-
Should we succeed in the present battle and enter Rome, as I trust and believe
we shall, we shall be free to review the whole Italian political situation and we
shall do so with many advantages that we do not possess at the present time. But
it is from Rome that a more broadly based Italian Government can be formed.
Whether a Government thus formed will be so helpful to the Allies as the present
dispensation I cannot tell. It might, of course, be a Government which would try
to make its position good with the Italian people by resisting so much as it dared
the demands made on them in the interests of the Allied Armies.

A Prostrate Nation
I should be sorry, however, to see an unsettling change made at a time when
the battle is at its climax, swaying to and fro. When you have to hold a hot
coffee pot it is better not to break the handle off until you are sure that you will get
another convenient and serviceable handle or at any rate until there is a dish cloth
handy. The representatives of the various Italian parties who assembled a fortnight
ago at Bari are of course eager to become the Government of Italy. They will
certainly have no elective authority and certainly no constitutional authority until
the present King abdicates or he or his successor invites them to take office. It is
by no means certain that they would have any effective authority over the Italian
armed forces now fighting with us. Italy lies prostrate under its miseries and dis-
asters. Food is scarce, shipping to bring it is voraciously absorbed by our ever
expanding military operations. I think we have gained 12,000,000 tons this year,
yet the shortage continues because our great operations absorb every great ship as it
comes and the movement of food is difficult.
It would be a mistake to suppose that the kind of political conditions or affairs
exist in Italy as work so healthfully in unbeaten lands or countries which have not
been shattered by war or stifled by a long period of Fascist rule. We shall see
much more dearly how to proceed and have much more varied resources at our
disposal if and when we are in possession of the capital city. The policy therefore
which his Majesty's Government have agreed provisionally with the Government

The Military and Political Scene

of the United States is to win the battle for Rome and take a new view when we
are there.
On the other side of the Adriatic in the vast mountain regions of Yugoslavia,
Albania, and Greece, an area of perhaps 800 miles from north to south and 300 to
400 miles from east to west, the magnificent resistance to the German invaders
is in full and violent progress. With the surrender of Italy, with which I think
Great Britain had something to do, having fought the Italians since the summer
of 1940, 62 Italian divisions ceased to be a hostile fighting factor. Forty-three
were disbanded and enslaved, apparently without any of the safeguards which at-
tach to prisoners of war, by the Germans. Ten were disbanded by the guerrillas
in the Balkans, and nine, which were stationed in the south of Italy, or in Corsica
and Sardinia, came over to the Allies. Confronted with this situation, Hitler decided
to reinforce the Balkan peninsula heavily, and at the present time no fewer than
20 German divisions are engaged in the Balkans. That is to say, there are 25
German divisions in Italy, of which 18 are in the present battle south of Rome,
and another 20 are spread over the vast area of the Balkans. Well, they might be
worse employed.

Yugoslav Partisans
In Yugoslavia, in spite of the most ferocious and murderous cruelties and re-
prisals perpetrated by the Germans not only against hostages but against the village
populations, including women and children, the partisan forces have the upper
hand. The Germans hold the principal towns and try to keep the railways working.
They can march their columns of troops hither and thither about the country. They
own the ground they stand on but nothing else. All the rest belongs to the
valiant partisans. The German losses have been very heavy, and so far as actual
fighting is concerned, greatly exceed the losses of the partisans, but the killing of
hostages and civilians in cold blood adds to the German score, and adds to
our score against the Germans.
In Yugoslavia two main forces are engaged in the field. First, there are the
guerrilla bands under General Mihailovitch. These were the first to take the field,
and represent to a certain extent the forces of old Serbia.
For some time after the defeat of the Yugoslav Army, these forces maintained
a guerrilla. We were not able to send them any aid or supplies, except a few
droppings from aeroplanes. The Germans retaliated for any guerrilla activities
by shooting batches of 400 to 500 people together in Belgrade. General Mihailo-
vitch, I much regret to say, drifted gradually into the position where some of his
commanders made accommodation with the Italian and German troops, which
resulted in their being left alone in certain mountain areas and in return doing
very little or nothing against the enemy.

Marshal Tito
However, a new and far more formidable champion appeared on the scene.
In the autumn of 1941 Marshal Tito's partisans began a wild and furious war for
existence against the Germans. They wrested weapons from the Germans' hands;
they grew in numbers rapidly; no reprisals, however bloody, whether upon hostages
or the villages, deterred them. For them, it was death or freedom. Soon they began
to inflict heavy injury upon the Germans and became masters of wide regions.
Led with great skill, organized on the guerrilla principle, they were at once elusive
and deadly. They were here, there, and everywhere. Large-scale offensives have
been launched against them by the Germans, but in every case the partisans, even
when surrounded, have escaped, after inflicting great losses and toll upon the enemy.
The partisan movement soon outstripped in numbers the forces of General

British Speeches of the Day

Mihailovitch. Not only Croats and Slovenes, but large numbers of Serbians joined
with Marshal Tito, and he has at this moment more than a quarter of a million men
with him and large quantities of arms taken from the enemy or from the Italians.
And these men are organized, without losing their guerrilla qualities, into a con-
siderable number of divisions and corps. The whole movement has taken shape
and form without losing, as I say, the guerrilla quality without which it could not
possibly succeed. These forces are, at this moment, holding in check no fewer than
14 out of 20 German divisions in the Balkan peninsula. Around and within these
heroic forces, a national and unifying movement has developed. The Communist
element had the honour of being the beginners, but as the movement increased in
strength and numbers, a modifying and unifying process has taken place, and
national conceptions have supervened. In Marshal Tito, the partisans have found
an outstanding leader, glorious in the fight for freedom.

Colonel Deakin's Mission
Unhappily, perhaps inevitably, these new forces came into collision with those
under General Mihailovitch, and their activities upset his commanders' accommoda-
tion with the enemy. He endeavored to repress them, and many tragic fights took
place and bitter feuds sprang up between men of the same race and country, whose
misfortunes were due only to the common foe. At the present time the followers
of Marshal Tito outnumber manifold those of General Mihailovitch, who acts in the
name of the royal Yugoslav Government. Of course the partisans of Marshal Tito
are the only people who are doing any effective fighting against the Germans now.
For a long time past I have taken a particular interest in Marshal Tito's move-
ment, and have tried, and am trying, by every available means to bring him help.
A young friend of mine, an Oxford don, Captain Deakin, now Lieutenant-Colonel
Deakin, D.S.O., entered Yugoslavia by parachute nearly a year ago, and was for
eight months at Marshal Tito's headquarters. On one occasion both were wounded
by the same bomb and they became friends. Certainly, it is a bond between people,
but a bond which, I trust, we shall not have to institute in our own personal rela-
tionships. From Colonel Deakin's report we derived a lively picture of the whole
struggle and its personalities.
Last autumn we sent a larger mission, under Brigadier Maclean, the hon. and
gallant member for Lancaster. Having joined the Foreign Secretary and myself
at Cairo to report, he has now re-entered Yugoslavia by parachute. I can assure
the House that every effort in our power will be made to aid and sustain Marshal
Tito and his gallant band. The Marshal sent me a message during my illness, and
I have since been in constant and agreeable correspondence with him. We intend to
back him with all the strength we can draw, having regard to our other main

Position of King Peter
What then, is the position of King Peter and the royal Yugoslav Government
in Cairo? King Peter, as a boy of 17, escaped from the dutches of the Regent, and
with the new royal Yugoslav Government found shelter in this country. We
cannot dissociate ourselves in any way from him. He has undoubtedly suffered in
the eyes of the partisans by the association of his Government with General Mihailo-
vitch and his subordinate commanders. Here, in these islands, we are attached to
the monarchical principle, and we have experienced the many blessings of con-
stitutional monarchy-but we have no intention of obtruding our ideas upon the
people of any country, Greeks, Yugoslavs, Italians, all will be perfectly free to
settle what form their government shall take so far as we are concerned, when the
will of the people can be obtained under conditions of comparative tranqu llity.

The Military and Political Scene

In the meantime the position is a somewhat complicated one, and I hope to have
the confidence of the House in working with my right hon. friend the Foreign
Secretary to unravel it, as far as possible, in concert with our Russian and United
States Allies, who both, I am glad to say, are now sending missions to Marshal
Tito. Our feelings here, and everywhere else, I should like the House to see, follow
the principle of keeping good faith with those who have kept good faith with us,
and striving without prejudice or regard for political affections, to aid those who
strike for freedom against the Nazi rule, and thus inflict the greatest injury upon
the enemy.

Plight of Greece
I have now given the House the fullest account in my power of this difficult, and
in some ways delicate, situation in Yugoslavia, and I do not desire to add to it in
any way at the present time. I have to pick my words with care because the situa-
tion is complicated. The saddest case of all of what I may call the diseases of
defeat is Greece. Every one can recall the sentiments of admiration which the
heroic defense of Greece, first against the Italians and then against the German
invader, aroused throughout the civilized world. It is, indeed, painful to see the
confusion and the internecine strife which has broken out in Greece; attended as it
is by so many instances of treachery and violence, all of which has been to the
advantage of the German invader, who watched with contemptuous complacency
Greeks killing Greeks with ammunition sent to them to kill Germans.
There is also present the idea that powerful elements among the guerrillas are
thinking much less of driving out the foreign enemy than of seizing the title deeds
of their country and establishing themselves as the dominant party, irrespective of
the views of the masses of the nation after the war is over. Here the situation, like
that in Yugoslavia, is also much obscure and changing. But it can be said beyond
all doubt that the great mass of the Greek people wait with fortitude and longing
the hour of their liberation from the cruel servitude and bondage into which they
have been thrown, and so far as we are concerned they shall not wait in vain.
A very full account was given to the House in December by my right hon. friend
the Foreign Secretary of the meeting of the heads of Governments in Cairo and
Teheran, and also of the meetings of the Foreign Secretaries which he had previously
attended in Moscow. Things move so fast nowadays that this already seems ancient
history, and I have little to add to what he said or to what has since been published.
It was a great advantage and pleasure to me to meet for the first time Generalis-
simo Chiang Kai-shek and his wife. The Generalissimo is a world figure and the
main hope and champion of China. Madame Chiang Kai-shek is also a most re-
markable and fascinating personality. Her perfect command of English and com-
plete comprehension of the world struggle as a whole enabled her to be the best
of all interpreters in matters in which she herself played a notable part.

Relations With Russia
Most of our time in Cairo, before we visited Teheran, was taken up in discussing
the strategy and policy to be pursued against Japan, and the best means of pressing
forward the war in the Indian and Pacific theaters with the utmost energy, and of
course the fitting of these plans into the requirements of the Atlantic and Mediter-
ranean theaters. At Teheran the long desired triple meeting between President
Roosevelt, Marshal Stalin, and myself was at length achieved. The personal con-
tacts which we established were, and will, I am convinced, prove to be, helpful to
the common cause. There would be very few differences between the three great
Powers if their chief representatives could meet once a month. At such meetings,
both formal and informal, all difficulties can be brought out freely and frankly, and

British Speeches of the Day

the most delicate matters can be approached without the risk of jars or misunder-
standings, such as too often arise when written communications are the only channel.
But geography imposes its baffling obstacles, and though I trust it may be possible
to hold further meetings as the war proceeds, I have no definite suggestions to make
to the House at the moment.
The question is asked, I have heard, "Have the good relations established at
Moscow and Teheran proved durable, or have they faded during the weeks that
have passed?" "Does the Pravda statement," for instance, it is asked, "or do the
articles which have appeared,in various organs of the Soviet Government, imply
a cooling off in Anglo-Russian or American-Russian friendship and a rebirth of
suspicion of the Western Allies on the part of Russia?"
I feel fully entitled to reassure the House on that all-important point. None of
the ground made good at Moscow and Teheran has been lost. The three great
Allies are absolutely united in their action against the common foe. They are
equally resolved to pursue the war, at whatever cost, to a victorious conclusion, and
they believe that a wide field of friendly cooperation lies before them after the
destruction of Hitlerite Germany. It is upon such a prolonged, intimate, and honor-
able association that the future of the world depends.

Future of Poland
I took occasion to raise personally with Marshal Stalin the question of the future
of Poland. I pointed out that it was in fulfillment of our guarantee to Poland that
Great Britain declared war upon Nazi Germany, that we had never weakened in
our resolve, even during the period when we were all alone, and that the fate
of the Polish nation holds a prime place in the thoughts and policy of his Majesty's
Government and of the British Parliament. It was with great pleasure that I heard
from Marshal Stalin that he, too, was resolved upon the creation and maintenance
of a strong, integral, independent Poland as one of the leading Powers in Europe.
He has several times repeated these declarations in public, and I am convinced
that they represent the settled policy of the Soviet Union.
Here I may remind the House that we ourselves have never in the past guar-
anteed, on behalf of his Majesty's Government, any particular frontier line to
Poland. We did not approve of the Polish occupation of Vilna in 1920. The
British view in 1919 stands expressed in the so-called Curzon Line, which attempted
to deal, at any rate partially, with the problem. I have always held the opinion that
all questions of territorial settlement and readjustment should stand over until the
end of the war, and that the victorious Powers should then arrive at formal and
final agreement governing the articulation of Europe as a whole.
That is still the wish of his Majesty's Government. However, the advance of
the Russian armies into Polish regions in which the Polish underground army is
active makes it indispensable that some kind of friendly working agreement should
be arrived at to govern the wartime conditions and enable all anti-Hitlerite forces
to work together with the greatest advantage against the common foe. During the
last few weeks the Foreign Secretary and I together have labored with the Polish
Government in London with the object of establishing a working arrangement upon
which the fighting forces can act, and upon which, I trust, an increasing structure of
good will and comradeship may be built between Russia and Poland.

Russia's Western Frontiers
I have an intense sympathy with the Poles-that heroic race whose national
spirit centuries of misfortune cannot quench, but I also have sympathy with the
Russian standpoint. Twice in our lifetime Russia has been violently assaulted by

The Military and Political Scene

Germany. Many millions of Russians have been slain and vast tracts of Russian
soil devastated as a result of repeated German aggression. Russia has the right to
reassurance against future attacks from the West, and we are going all the way
with her to see that she gets it, not only by the might of her arms but by the
approval and assent of the United Nations.
The liberation of Poland may presently be achieved by the Russian armies,
after these armies have suffered millions of casualties in breaking the German
military machine. I cannot feel that the Russian demand for reassurance about her
western frontiers goes beyond the limits of what is reasonable or just. Marshal
Stalin and I also spoke and agreed upon the need for Poland to obtain compensation
at the expense of Germany, both in the north and in the west.
Here I may point out that the term "unconditional surrender" does not mean
that the German people will be enslaved or destroyed. It means, however, that
the Allies will not be bound to them at the moment of surrender by any pact or
obligation. There will be, for instance, no question of the Atlantic Charter-applying
to Germany as a matter of right and barring territorial transferences or adjustments
in enemy countries. No such arguments will be admitted by us as were used by
Germany after the last war, saying that they surrendered in consequence of President
Wilson's 14 Points. Unconditional surrender means that the victors have a free
hand. It does not mean that they are entitled to behave in a barbarous manner,
nor that they wish to blot out Germany from among the nations of Europe. If
we are bdund, we are bound by our own consciences to civilization. We are not
to be bound to the Germans as the result of a bargain struck. That is the meaning
of "unconditional surrender." It may be that I shall have a further statement to
make to Parliament about Poland later on. For the present, what I have said, how-
ever, incomplete, is all that his Majesty's Government are able to say upon the
subject, and I hope that we shall not be pressed further in the debate, because
matters are still under discussion.

"A Time for Deeds"
I thank the House very much for giving me their attention and so much con-
sideration. There are many dangers and difficulties in making speeches at this
moment. First, it is a time for deeds and not words; secondly, I must find the
narrow line between reproof and complacency at home and encouragement of the
enemy abroad. One has to confront the country with the grave times through which
we are still passing without depressing the soldiers who will have to fight and win
the battles of 1944.
Moreover, this should be remembered. There was a time when we were all
alone in this war and when we could speak for ourselves; but now that we are in
the closest relation on either side with our great Allies, every work spoken has to be
considered in relation to them. We have lived through periods of mortal danger,
and I cannot say that the dangers are mortal now. They are, none the less, very
serious, and we need all the support and good will that have attended us at
the time when everyone felt that national existence was at stake.
There is, I gather, in some quarters, the feeling that the way to win the war is
to knock the Government about, keep them up to the collar, and harry them from
every side, and I find that hard to bear with Christian patience. Looking far abroad,
it is also election year in the United States, and that is the time when naturally a
lot of rough things have to be said about Great Britain, and when popularity is to
be gained in that vast community in demonstrating Americanism in its highest
form. We are ourselves well accustomed to the processes of elections, and I think
we should not allow ourselves to be unduly concerned with anything that may be

British Speeches of the Day

said or written there in the course of a great constitutional process which is taking

Unity at Home
All this, however, accords none too well-this atmosphere and mood at home-
with the responsibilities and burdens which weigh upon his Majesty's Ministers
and which are very real and heavy. We are in the advent of the greatest joint
operation between two Allies that has ever been planned in history. There is a
desire in this country in many quarters to raise the old controversies between the
different parties. There is also a mood in the Anglo-American alliance to awaken
slumbering prejudices and let them have their run.
Yet Liberals, Labour men, and Tories are at this moment fighting and dying
together at the front, and working together in a thousand ways at home; and
Britons and Americans are linked together in the noblest comradeship of war
under the fire and flail of the enemy. My hope is that the generous instincts of
unity will not depart from us in these times of tremendous exertion and grievous
sacrifices, and that we shall not fall apart abroad or at home so as to become the
prey of little folk, who exist in every country, and who follow alongside the
juggernaut car of the god of war to see what fun or notoriety they can extract from
the proceedings.
There is one thing that we agreed at Teheran above all others, to which we
are all bound in solemn compact, and that is to fall upon and smite the Hun by
land, sea, and air with all the strength that is in us during the coming spring and
summer. It is to this task that we must vow ourselves every day anew. It is to this
ordeal that we must address our minds with all the moral fortitude we possess. The
task is heavy, the toil is long, and the trial will be severe. Let us all try our best
to do our duty. Victory may not be so far away, and will certainly not be denied
us in the end. [The Times]

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
House of Commons, February 23, 1944
This Debate has ranged wide. . I think, if it is convenient to the House,
that I will spend the first part of my time in answering a number of detailed
questions that have been put on various points of policy. If I hop about from
point to point with the abruptness but without the agility of the kangaroo I hope
the House will make allowances. Then I would like, in the concluding part of the
time at my disposal, to venture on that field, so instructively examined in the last
two days, of the general foundations and principles of our foreign policy, and try
to answer some of the questions put on that subject. I feel a little nervous about
that with so many historians about, but I will do the best a layman can. ...

There Is no Distinction Between Our Enemies
Earlier today a speech was made . by my hon. and gallant Friend the
Member for North Salford (Major Morris), who is just back from an active
part himself in the war in Burma. He spoke of the troops there, and said
e brought a message from them as to whether we could assure them that they

British Foreign Policy

were not a forgotten Army. I think this House can give that assurance. I think
the House can say that they understand only too well what are the exceptional
demands that have to be made upon our troops in that theater of war.
I think if any of us had a choice we would say that of all the ordeals to which
military forces can be put warfare such as our troops are now engaged in on the
Burma frontier is perhaps the toughest job of all. We do think of them ..
There is no distinction in the mind of His Majesty's Government between our
enemies. We are determined to continue the struggle against Germany and Japan
until both are utterly defeated. That should need no emphasis, because what
hope of durable peace could there be if either one of them was free to start again
his attacks of vengeance and tyranny upon neighboring States?
We understand only too well how long drawn out has been the agony of
China, cut off as she is to so large an extent from contact with the outside world.
But we pledged ourselves, in the words deliberately used at the Cairo Conference,
"to persevere in the series of prolonged operations necessary to procure the
unconditional surrender of Japan." May I say that when we think of China we
think also of our Ally the Netherlands, and the many millions of loyal subjects
of the Netherlands Empire in those Far Eastern lands. I have often thought that,
broadly speaking, the story of the administration of those territories by the
Netherlands before the war was one of the proudest examples of what can be done
in that way.

The French Committee of National Liberation
Now I come to my first kangaroo hop nearer home. One or two hon. Gentle-
men referred to France. The reason why my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister
did not deal with that yesterday was simply that we decided on a certain division of
labor: he could not cover the whole field, and he asked me to make some reference
today to the French situation. I think I have an encouraging report to give to the
House in this respect. The French Committee of National Liberation set up in
North Africa is steadily broadening its scope and adding to its authority. General
de Gaulle is the outstanding figure, but he is surrounded now by a Committee
of authority and supported by an Assembly which has also acquired a collective
sense, and which, I observe, has already inaugurated debates even more heated
than those which we have at any time in this Chamber. The functions which
the National Committee are now exercising are very great. They administer the
whole of the former French overseas empire save only Indo-China, and they are
financially independent. They have powerful squadrons at work in the closest
co-operation with us. Afloat, they have one of the most powerful battleships in
the world, the Richelieu which is at this moment working with the Allied Fleets.
The French Army in North Africa is already formidable, and is to play a notable
part in our future operations. Even now the French Auxiliary Corps, which has
been fighting so valiantly and so powerfully against the Germans, has won
There is great comfort in all this. I think it bodes well for the future. The
military contribution of the French people, and of the Committee which presides
over the French people, increases, and before this conflict is at an end their
military contribution-and I use the word "military" in the widest sense-to the
Allied cause will be great. There is no doubt that the French people-every report
that we get shows it-are waiting eagerly for the hour of liberation; so I think
no statement in this House about France could be complete without saying, in one
sentence, that our thoughts are with the French patriots who are today harassing
the Nazi oppressor by all the means at their disposal. There is a movement there
which is steadily growing. We are doing, in conjunction with the French Com-

British Speeches of the Day

mittee, all that we can to support it. One word about the future in connection with
France. When Europe has regained her freedom, France has a notable part to
play. We shall all need her. Do not let anyone think that there can be a vacuum
there, or a weakness there, which will not be felt throughout the whole structure;
so we shall do what lies in our power to help her, now and always. When France
has regained her freedom we shall work with her as loyal friends and partners
in an enduring friendship.

I turn to another country, Spain. . .We have never asked for anything
from Spain but strict and honorable neutrality. In the dark days of the war-the
very dark days of the war-when we were alone, the attitude of the Spanish
Government, in not giving our enemies passage through Spain, was extremely
helpful to us. It was especially so at the time of the North African liberation.
But as time has passed, we thought it right to draw the attention of Spaniards to
certain practices by which they were helping the Germans. In view of the way the
war has turned against Germany, in view of the falling out of Italy, we considered
in full agreement with our American Allies, that Spain could not any longer plead
alarm at German concentrations on the Spanish frontier as a reason for endeavoring
to placate Germany by lapses from neutrality. Therefore, as Spain was now in a
safe and strong position to preserve the integrity of her soil from any form of
invasion or undue pressure by Germany, we considered it time to ask her to take
a stricter view of her obligations.
This we have done. We have made, in conjunction with the United States,
a series of requests to her. We hope that Spain will consent to our requests. There
is no intrusion on Spanish sovereignty in making these requests. We are certainly
under no obligation to part with our limited oil supplies unless we choose to do so.
The attempt that German propaganda is making to suggest that this is an affront
to Spanish honor or dignity, is, of course, entirely beside the mark. Far from
having ill-will towards Spain, our desire is to see her prosperous and peaceful,
and the words that the Prime Minister used at the Mansion House, eighteen
months ago, in that connection, still stand. Conversations are now proceeding
in Madrid, and I will report further to the House as soon as I am in a position
to do so.
The German espionage system is one of the points which has been raised,
and that is active at Tangier. . I think I should be wiser not to list now all
the points that are raised in the negotiations.
Reference was made to wolfram supplies from Portugal to Germany. It is
true that conversations are proceeding now with the Portuguese Government on
this subject, and we have left them in no doubt of the importance we attach to this
question. We feel that we are justified in asking a country which is our ally to
take urgent steps in connection with traffic in a metal which is vital for war
Freedom to Choose Governments
I turn to one or two of the wider considerations raised in this Debate. To my
hon. and gallant Friend the Member for the Wirrall (Captain Graham), I must
say that I am not sure I can travel all the way with him in the principle, which
he seemed to announce, of legitimacy. I thought-and here I am getting into
historical trouble again-that it was more thar 200 years since a foreign monarch
tried to tell us that that was the principle which we should accept, and we said,
"No." My impression is that we have always in our history taken the view that
we would not fight a war to impose a certain form of Government on another

British Foreign Policy 17

country. Therefore, I am not in entire agreement with my hon. and gallant Friend
when he asks me to adopt the principle of legitimacy. Our position is rather that
the peoples of Europe should be free to choose, and when we have come into a
war in history it has always been, surely, because one man, or one state under
the leadership of one man, has sought to impose this particular system upon the
whole of Europe. It is the story of the Napoleonic wars, the story of the German
wars and it is the reason why we are at war now.
I submit to the House that that position is accepted as being our position, as
being the position of our Allies, including, let me say, the exiled Governments
here, because each single one of them, I think, has made a declaration that, when
they get back to their countries, they are at once going to subject themselves to
the will of their people. All may be aware that, however closely representative
an exiled government may have been, it must have lost some contact with its
people. ...
Three Principles of British Policy
I want to explain what our principles are, and say that I laid them down with
the assent of my colleagues in the Cabinet. People sometimes say "Does this
represent only you?" This represents the view of the Cabinet. There are three
rules. First, to give all the practical help in our power to those elements in all
countries which are actively resisting the enemy. Can anybody take exception to
that? Rule 2, is to make clear that, as far as we can exert any authority it shall
be used to ensure that these countries shall be free to choose their own govern-
ment when they are liberated. What is the exception to that? Rule 3 is to work
in the closest possible accord with our Allies. Those are the principles that we
seek to apply, but it always happens, if I may be allowed to say it, in the conduct
of foreign affairs that people are apt to say, each critic from his own point of view,
that you are not applying a principle accurately at all. I tried to show clearly that
we are applying these principles with the greatest impartiality, and I can tell the
House that I am not really much interested in the politics of Marshal Tito at this
moment, or the particular hue or color of them. In a war, the activities of our
armies, and the fighting in the field-are all one. You cannot separate them even
if you would. The hon. and gallant Member for Wirral was inclined to question
the numbers of the forces behind Marshal Tito. Well, I may say the more there
are the more Germans they will slay. I do believe that the principles I have laid
down are the only ones you can follow, and that, if you depart from them,
manifold troubles will arise.
Let me say one word about Poland, and it will only be one word, because the
House will understand that the Prime Minister's words which he used yesterday
were very carefully chosen, and that we are still in negotiations, the outcome of
which all of us have very much at heart, and I may only too easily say something
which might make our task harder than it is. The right hon. Gentleman the
Prime Minister said:
"Marshal Stalin and I also spoke and agreed on the need for Poland to
obtain compensation at the expense of Germany both in the North and in
the West."
The hon. Member for North Lambeth said that he did not take exception to
that because of the action which he conjured up of a possible large transference
of German territory to Poland and so on. I am not going into that at this time,
and quite obviously, whatever is done or is agreed, if agreement is reached and
when it is reached, it will come before the House, but I do want to put this con-

British Speeches of the Day

sideration before the House. The hon. Gentleman was speaking as though the
position in that part of Europe could bear some parallel to the position at the
outbreak of the war. It bears hardly any. An enormous and horrible transformation
has taken place, for instance, over the whole of what was formerly Western Poland.
Germany has removed populations wholesale from vast tracts of territory, millions
of people, and in many cases they are now dead. The position is, as the Prime
Minister said yesterday, and, I ought to add, said with the knowledge and approval
of his colleagues, that he and Stalin spoke and agreed upon the need for Poland to
obtain compensation at the expense of Germany in the North and West. That
represents the position of His Majesty's Government.

Atlantic Charter
[Mr. Stokes: Does that then mean that His Majesty's Government have aban-
doned the principles of the Atlantic Charter?]
Mr. Eden: The hon. Member is always just a little quicker than I am. I was
just coming to the Atlantic Charter myself. . What I am about to say does not
mean that we wish to try to claim some strained or unilateral interpretation for the
Atlantic Charter. All the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister intended to
convey, as indeed he nearly said, was that Germany would not, as a matter of right,
be able to claim to benefit from the Atlantic Charter in such a way as to preclude
the victorious Powers from making territorial adjustments at her expense. There
are certain parts of the Atlantic Charter which refer in set terms to victor and
vanquished alike. Article 4 does so. But we cannot admit that Germany can
claim, as a matter of right on her part, whatever our obligation, that any part
of the Charter applies to her....

Britain's Foreign Policy
May I refer to one other matter in that connection? I ought now to say a word
about foreign policy in general and to try and meet the criticisms which have come
-I admit it frankly-from many parts of the House, pointing out that such a
country has got a foreign policy and asking "Where are you?" I will try to explain
where I am. First of all, I must say that I find it hard to conceive a clearer
definition, or explanation, shall we say, of our position to-day in these very uncertain
times than that given by the Prime Minister yesterday. I make no secret of the
objective which we have set ourselves, and do set ourselves, in foreign policy.
May I reiterate or re-explain this matter, as I see it, and see whether I can carry
the assent of the House with me? I say, first, that the maintenance of peace, after
this conflict is over, depends upon a dose and intimate understanding between the
nations of the British Commonwealth, the United States of America and the Soviet
Union. If we can achieve this understanding, then all our problems, however diffi-
cult, can be resolved, and if we cannot achieve it, I say to this House, there is, in
my judgment, no hope of a lasting peace. This seems to me to be fundamental.
When I say that, I must not be taken as meaning, and I hope the House will not
take me as meaning, that on that account we should, any one of us, any one of the
three, have any justification for ignoring the rights of smaller nations. Each people
has a claim to its own rights. But it does mean, that, unless we three can reach a
common understanding and accept common principles for the guidance of our
foreign policy, unless we can do that, all Powers, great and small alike, are going to
My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Captain
Grey), in the course of a very remarkable speech said . that many people in
Europe were looking to us to see whether we would be good Europeans; and that
they feared that after this business was over we would draw back again. I agree

British Foreign Policy

. . that there is support for the fear, to a much greater extent perhaps than we
understand, that we may go back into some form of semi-isolation. It is good that
it should go out from this House that there is no body of opinion in this country,
no body of opinion in this House, that does not clearly understand that we have to
play the full part we can in Europe commensurate with our strength.

European Advisory Commission
May I say a word about the object of our work at Moscow and Tehera ? What
we sought to do there was just to get this understanding and this foundation
for common policies between us, and, as a result of those meetings-I do not for
a moment pretend that a great part even of our difficulties were resolved-if you
compare the position now between the three great Powers with the position before
that meeting took place our policies are more closely related than they were at
that time. One of the results of that Conference, the House may remember, was
the setting up of the European Advisory Commission in London. That Commission
is working now, not, I am thankful to say, with publicity, because this is the sort
of work which is better not done in the full glare of publicity. But they are at
work on the problems which are going to confront us the moment the military
might of Germany is broken and that work is making good progress. There the
representatives of the British Commonwealth, our own country, the United States
and of Russia are meeting very frequently to do their work.
I am not trying to underrate the magnitude of the work we have to do. There
are many difficulties in reaching even a broad basis of understanding and still more
difficulties when you come to interpret that basis in the province of parallel
foreign policies. With thousands of miles separating the great nations, geography
imposes some very stern limitations, but there are, I believe, certain influences
which help us in our task. All three of these great Powers-and China too-are
fundamentally interested in the preservation of lasting peace when this conflict is
over. My right hon. Friend the Member for Devonport (Mr. Hore-Belisha) . .
spoke of the expansionist policy of the United States. I am not worried about that.
I did not think that my right hon. Friend was worried. I am pleased when I
see the United States-and it is perhaps rather impudent for a representative of this
Government to say-interested in world affairs, because that is a partnership which,
even if we argue or disagree about it, is infinitely . preferable to the United
States not taking such part. And equally so with regard to the other great Powers,
I do not believe it would be to the lasting advantage of the peace of Europe that
Russia, after the conflict, were to say, "I retire into my fastnesses. I go back into
isolation. I am not going to play my part in the reconstruction." So we have these
things in' common.

We Have Not Agreed to Spheres of Influence
There is one assurance that I would like to give before I sit down, because I
think that it is perhaps the most important matter that has been raised in the
Debate. I think as I listen, particularly to many hon. Friends on this side of the
House-I do not think that I am wrong-that they have a suspicion, or an im-
pression, that in some way or other, either at Teheran or at Moscow, we com-
mitted ourselves to limit or exclude our interest in certain parts of Europe. I can
assure the House that there is no foundation or truth in this at all, absolutely none.
We have not agreed to any spheres of influence. We have not been asked tq agree
to any spheres of influence. We have accepted no barriers. We have not been
asked to accept any barriers. We are absolutely free to interest ourselves in the
affairs of Europe and the nations of Europe and no spheres of influence have been
agreed to by anybody. There is the account which my right hon. Friend gave

British Speeches of the Day

yesterday of Yugoslavia. I am not discussing whether our action has been right or
wrong, but one thing is quite clear, we were there first. That was because of
physical reasons; but because we got there first there was no question of anybody
suggesting to us or inferring that we were wrong in taking any action. We were
there first, and that does not prevent us from discussing with other Powers the
problems there and elsewhere. There is the problem of Greece and of aiding the
guerrillas. We have had the help of both the American and the Soviet Governments
in trying to reach agreement.

Difficulties and Disappointments to Come
A final word and I have done. Europe in these last four years has suffered
deeply and our task is going to be infinitely harder than it was after the last war.
I do not think that we should disguise that fact from ourselves at-all. My right hon.
Friend made a plea for unity with foreign Powers. If I may interpret that, it was
not that we should cease to debate them or criticize them, but that we should all
have a sense of the responsibility of this country and of the events which are taking
place around us, and that, as far as we could, we should shape our arguments to
create unity in the events of the world rather than otherwise. Now you may say,
what are we trying to do? We shall try to use our influence and our authority to
bring about friendship between Allies where friendship is indispensable to the
further continuance of peace. We shall do our utmost to use our influence so that
Europe may regain its corporate life and so that individual nations in Europe may
regain their individual life. That is the policy upon which His Majesty's Govern-
ment are engaged. I can only promise plenty of difficulties, plenty of disappoint-
ments, much.deception in the times that lie ahead. I do not, in my experience, re-
member a period when foreign policy was perhaps so difficult to conduct as it is just
now. I can only say that we shall use all our strength to pursue the object which I
have laid before the House and I trust that we may not fail.
(House of Commons Debates]

Viceroy of India
Joint Meeting of the Legislative Assembly and Council of
State of India, February 17, 1944

It has been the practice of Viceroys to address the Legislature at the first
opportunity after taking office. Hitherto it has happened that the earliest opportunity
has been about six months after the Viceroy's arrival. For myself, as you know,
the first opportunity occurred within so short a time that I felt obliged to postpone
the occasion. I have now spent some four very busy months in my post and am
prepared to offer you such views and guidance as I can at this momentous stage
of India's history. You need not regard them as final views. I always look forward
to making fresh contacts, and gaining fresh knowledge. But they indicate certain
principles on which action for the progress of India must, I consider, be based.
The last address to you by the Viceroy was at the end of the longest term of
office in the history of the appointment. It was not only the longest term, but the
most exciting. Lord Linlithgow's patience, strength and administrative skill were
shown to the full in those difficult years. The war inevitably interrupted or ham-
pered much of the work which was nearest to his heart, to further the material
prosperity and constitutional progress of India. As time goes by the greatness of

India Today and Tomorrow

the service which he rendered to India in those critical years will become even
more apparent.
Though not entirely a stranger to this Legislature, I have till lately served India
as a soldier. As a soldier in the positions which I have held during this war I know
better, perhaps, than anyone what the United Nations owe to India for our
success in the struggle against Nazism and Fascism, and the barbarous ambitions
of Japan. I shall do my best to see that the debt is acknowledged and paid, not
only with tributes of words, but with practical aid. I shall also try to pay my
personal debt to the Indian soldier for his gallant and enduring service by doing
my best to further the welfare of the Indian peoples, of whom the Indian soldier
is a fitting representative. Though the soldier stands in the limelight, it is not only
to the soldier that the United Nations owe gratitude; the Indian worker, also, and
many others in India have made a very great and vital contribution to the war effort.
My first task here is to assist the South East Asia Command to drive the enemy
from the gates of India. There can be no peace or prosperity for India or anyone
else until Japanese ambitions are utterly destroyed.

"You May Be Proud of Your Contribution"
I need say little to you on the general course of the war. You have seen for
yourselves how the United Nations took and withstood the dangerous shocks of
three years of war-a war for which their enemies had planned and prepared while
they had planned for peace and how they rallied from those shocks in irresistible
strength. You have seen how the spirit of the British people flashed like a sword
from its sheath at the challenge of the disasters in France; how they faced a
triumphant Germany for one year almost alone and unequipped, but undaunted;
how they won the Battle of Britain against the mighty German Air Force, and the
Battle of the Atlantic against Germany's many U-boats, and-with the aid of the
Dominions and India, and the United States-the Battle of the Mediterranean and
Africa against the combined strength of the German and Italian sea, land and air
forces. You have seen how Russia met the mightiest, most formidably equipped,
most mobile, most highly trained, most arrogantly confident, force of fighting men
ever launched by land; and has hurled them back in defeat and ruin, as she did
another would-be world conqueror 130 years ago. As one who has seen much of
the Russian soldier, both in peace and war, I have watched with special interest
the prowess of the army and the people, whom I have always liked and admired.
You have seen, too, how the United States of America recovered from the treacher-
ous surprises of Pearl Harbor and Manila, and how powerful a fighting machine
she has organized to carry her counteroffensive to Japan. You have seen China
indomitable for over six years, though almost unarmed. You are joined with four
of the toughest nations of the world in spirit and action. The end is certain and
you may be proud of your contribution to it.
When the end will come it is difficult yet to say. Germany is reeling under a
series of shocks, physical and moral, which may well put her out of the ring at an
early date, though we must not count on it. We shall then be able to intensify the
war against Japan. You realize the physical difficulties of the reconquest of Burma
and of other territory seized by the Japs early in the war. It will be accomplished,
but it needs careful training and preparation.
Food Problems
India, as one of the principal bases of the war against Japan must be stable
and organized. To maintain stability we must solve our economic problems. Food,
which is the most important of them, was so fully debated in both Houses at the
last session of the Legislature that I need say little here about it. It is an All-India

British Speeches of the Day

problem which my Government is trying to organize on an All-India basis. The
key points in our plan are strict supervision of dealers under the Food Grains
Control Order, avoidance of competitive buying in the procurement of Government
requirements, statutory price control, control over movements and rationing in the
larger towns. We rely for success on the administrative energy of the Provincial
Governments-and on parallel action in the Indian States-and I am glad to say
that during the past four months we have made progress. We are not out of the
wood yet, but, backed by substantial imports, I believe we can improve our food
position greatly in 1944. Our aim is not to favor the townsman at the expense of
the cultivator but to see that staple food grains are available to all at prices at once
fair to the cultivator and within the means of the poorer members of our population.
The Grow More Food campaign has already produced valuable additions to our
supplies and will, I am sure, produce more. There is likely to be a world shortage
for some years after the war during the period of recovery and India must be
prepared to stand by herself as far as possible. A bold agricultural policy will be
The situation in Bengal is special and has caused my Government grave anxiety.
But' there, too, conditions have improved and I trust will continue to improve. We
must run no risk of last year's disaster being repeated.
The food problem is closely linked with the inflationary threat which we are
determined to avert. The Finance Member will deal fully with this in introducing
the Budget and I do not intend to speak now of the remedies he will propose. I
need only say there has been a distinct improvement in the rate of savings and
that we have made some progress in increasing the supply and bringing down the
price, of consumers' goods manufactured in India, as well as of those imported
from abroad. The new Department of Industries and Civil Supplies has formidable
tasks ahead of it, but it has made a good start with standard cloth, i.e., release of
woolen goods to the general public and control of prices of imported drugs.
The transportation system has been subjected to great strains which it has
supported creditably, thanks to the fine work of our railwaymen, to whose steadiness
and regularity we owe a great deal. I know that conditions of travel are not
easy for the general public; I am afraid that is inevitable.
A good harvest, the presence of easier and better paid work than in the coal-
fields, difficulties about the supply of food and the epidemic of malaria combined
to draw labor away from the mines and make their return slow. Labor conditions
are beginning to return to. normal, but there is much to be done to improve the
raising and distribution of coal and conditions in the coalfields. My Government
has appointed a Coal Commissioner to study all the factors bearing on production
and movement and to see that the policy of the departments concerned is effectively
carried out. We shall, I hope, effect considerable improvement, though it may
take time.

Preparation for the Future
Unless and until some other form of Government can be established with general
consent the present Government of India-mainly an Indian Government-will
continue to carry out to the best of its ability-and I am satisfied it is very good
ability-two primary purposes of any Government: the maintenance of law and
order, the duties of internal administration and the preparation for the work
ahead at the end of the war. The winning of this war is our first task, but it must
not exclude preparation for the future.
We are approaching the end of the greatest of all wars. On the whole, in
view of the scale of the dangers and disasters to the world as a whole India has

India Today and Tomorrow

come through it with' less hurt than any other nation in the front line. And the
war has, in many directions enhanced her opportunities and prospects. It has
hastened her industrial development, it will increase food production, and it has
strengthened her financial position. That it has not brought, as in certain other
countries, increased unity of spirit and purpose is an unhappy circumstance which
we all deplore. There is, however, nothing more unprofitable than to indulge in
recriminations about the past. We must look forward and not back.

India's Economic Assets
The postwar world will be for India a world of great opportunities and
great dangers, wherein she has an outstanding role to play. It is our present
business to prepare her materially and morally for these testing years. Let us count
our blessings. First, India's great undeveloped resources in agriculture and industry.
Her soil is not yet cultivated to its full fruitfulness. With improvement in methods,
in irrigation and fertilization, we can increase our food supply greatly, both in
quality and quantity. We can much improve the breed of cattle. There is wide
scope for development in India's main industry, agriculture.
There are also great commercial possibilities in India. There are mineral
resources still undeveloped; there is abundant labor, a portion whereof has now
attained a considerable degree of technical skill. India has many experienced and
able men of business. Her financial position at the end of this war should be a
good one. There are almost unlimited markets, internal and external, for her
Such are her main economic assets., She has, however, also many economic
difficulties and disabilities. The pressure of an increasing population, the small
percentage of educated persons, the low standard of health services, the poor con-
ditions wherein the greater part of both the agricultural and laboring populations
live, the flagrant contrast between wealth and poverty, the inadequacy of communi-
cations all make the immensity of the problem which confronts India in raising her
standard of living. Our task is to use, rightly and to the best advantage, her great
economic assets; not to increase the wealth of a few, but to raise the many from
poverty to a decent standard of comfort. A hard task indeed, but a noble task
which calls from all for the spirit of co-operation, the spirit of hope and the spirit
of sacrifice.
The present Government means to prepare the way for India's postwar develop-
ment with all the earnestness of spirit and with all the resources, official and non-
official, which it can enlist.
We have to consider first of all the "Winding Up" process that follows all
wars-demobilization and resettlement of soldiers; the termination of wartime
contracts with industry, and the orderly return of industrial labor to peacetime
tasks; the dispersal of property and stocks of goods acquired for war purposes.

Plans for India's Economic Development
Our great aim must be to plan for economic and social development so as
to raise our standards of living and general welfare. We must lift the poor man
of India from poverty to security, from ill-health to vigor, from ignorance to
understanding, and our rate of progress must no longer be at the bullock-cart
standard, but at least at the pace of the handy and serviceable jeep.
As you know the development of India is being dealt with by a committee of
my Executive Council, which is assisted by a number of other committees with a
strong non-official element. I am considering means to strengthen our planning
organization and to accelerate our progress. Much useful preliminary work has

British Speeches of the Day

been done and we have now reached the stage whereat, for certain subjects at
least, as for example the demobilization and resettlement of soldiers, definite plan-
ning can begin in some detail. Over the greater part of the field our actual conduct
after the war will depend to some extent, often to a great extent, on international
factors-such as tariff policy and international currency-whereof we can at present
know little. But we need not wait on these; on big questions of policy we have
to make certain broad assumptions and we are now deciding what our assumptions'
should be. Concurrently we are appointing individual development officers-not
committees-to draw up outline plans for subjects such as electrification, industries,
road development, irrigation and agriculture. We are also arranging to give op-
portunities for bodies of Indians connected with industry, the health services and
other branches of development to visit the United Kingdom and, if required, the
United States of America, to study for the benefit of India the latest developments in
their line of work. For the main social services we already have the Educational
Adviser's memorandum and shall later have a report of the Bhore Committee on
Medicine and Public Health. I believe that during 1944 our plans will take shape;
they must cover the whole of India and other Provinces and the States will, I am
sure, co-operate with the Center in producing the best and most comprehensive
possible statement of our needs. I and my Government are in earnest in doing all
we can to further India's progress after the war.
We welcome constructive suggestions; and my Government are examining with
interest the plan recently propounded by seven prominent business men. The views
of the authors of this plan on the objects to be achieved are in principle the same
as those of my Government-we must work for a substantial increase in the
standards of living and social welfare. We may, on examination, differ on the
methods to be employed, their relative importance to the plan as a whole, the
part to be played by the State and by private enterprise, and the financial prac-
ticability of development on the scale contemplated within the time suggested by
the authors; but our aim is similar and we welcome any sincere contribution to the
problem that sets people thinking, and makes them realize both the possibilities
and the pitfalls ahead of us.
As I said at Calcutta, it may in the initial stages be necessary for the Govern.
ment of India and the Provincial Governments to devote a larger proportion of
the resources available for economic development to agricultural and industrial
development so as to increase the wealth of the country. But you may rest well
assured that the vital matters of health and education will not be allowed to stand
still, and that the recommendations of the Educational Adviser and the Bhore
Committee will receive most earnest consideration.

India's Political Future
So much for India's economic future. It should be possible, if all goes well,
to make good progress, and to lay plans well ahead. It is more difficult at present
to plan India's political future in any detail. I can state to you what I know is
the point of view of practically the whole of the British people and of His
Majesty's present Government, and, I am confident, of any future Government
of the United Kingdom. It is their genuine desire to see India a prosperous country,
a united country, enjoying complete and unqualified self-government as a willing
partner of the British Commonwealth. That last desire is not prompted by any
sense of Imperialism, or wish for domination, but by the real belief that in such
an association India can best find security and help in the testing years ahead, and
that peace in the East can so be best assured.
I am absolutely convinced, not only that the above represents the genuine desire
of the British people, but that they wish to see an early realization of it. It is

India Today and Tomorrow

qualified only at present by the absolute determination to let nothing stand in
the way of the earliest possible defeat of Germany and Japan; and by the resolve
to see that in the solution of the constitutional problem full account is taken of
the interests of those who have loyally supported us in this war, and at all other
times-the soldiers who have served the common cause, people who have worked
with us, the rulers and populations of States to whom we are pledged, and minorities
who have trusted us to see that they get a fair deal. We are bound in justice, and
in honor, in the interests of progress, to hand over India to an Indian rule which
can maintain the peace and order and progress which we have endeavored to estab-
lish. I believe that we should take some risk to further this, but until the two main
Indian Parties, at least, can come to terms, I do not see any immediate hope of

The Cripps Offer Repeated
The Cripps offer was a bold and generous offer, and gave India a great oppor-
tunity to progress towards the solution of her problems. Be well assured that it
was not made in any panic. I can say that with certainty, because I was Com-
mander-in-Chief at the time, and in that position I know there was no panic in
the Councils of those in authority, either in India or in the United Kingdom. We
are not a people who panic easily in the face of danger. The offer was made in the
hope that when the war had come so close to India, and threatened its national life,
that it might arouse, as in other countries, a spirit of unity and co-operation that
would have overridden political differences in the hour of danger. That hope
was not fulfilled. There is no profit in recriminations about the reasons for the
reaction to the Cripps offer. But since that offer has been stated more than once
by His Majesty's Government to be still open, it may be as well to restate it here.
Nearly two years have passed since the Cripps draft declaration was made public,
but it stands forth today as a solemn pledge of His Majesty's Government that
India shall have full control of her own destiny among the nations of the Com-
monwealth and the world. It declared in unmistakable terms that India should
have the same status as the Dominions or the United Kingdom itself, under a
Constitution of her own devising. It also embodied a constructive suggestion by
His Majesty's Government to aid India in the attainment of that status. The pro-
posals made provision for the setting up of a Constitution-making body, repre-
sentative both of British India and the Indian States, and His Majesty's Government
undertook to accept and implement the Constitution framed by this body, subject
to two conditions. First, the Declaration recognized the right of any province
not to accede to the Indian Union. Such provinces could either retain their present
constitutional position; or, if they so desired, His Majesty's Government would
agree with them upon a new Constitution giving them the same status as the new
Indian Union itself. Second, the Declaration made provision for the signing of a
treaty between His Majesty's Government and the Constitution-making body to
provide for matters arising out of the transfer of power, including the protection
of racial and religious minorities. It was made clear beyond all doubt that this
treaty would not impose any restrictions upon the power of the Indian Union to
decide its future relationship with the other States of the British Commonwealth
of Nations.
The Cripps offer was an offer to India of full self-government, of the right to
frame her own Constitution, and even the right, if she so desired, to sever her
partnership with the British Commonwealth. Because of the military situation-
which still obtains-it was provided that, pending the framing of a future Consti-
tution, the direction of defense should remain the responsibility of His Majesty's
Government, but it was contemplated that the Indian leaders should be associated
not only with the Government of their country-under the existing Constitution,

British Speeches of the Day

necessarily, till a new Constitution was framed and accepted-but with the councils
of the Commonwealth and the United Nations.
The offer of co-operation in the Government on this basis by the leaders of
Indian opinion is still open to those who have a genuine desire to further the
prosecution of the war and the welfare of India. But the demand for the release
of those leaders who are in detention is utterly barren until there is some sign on
their part of willingness to co-operate. It needs no consultation with any one or
anything but his own conscience for any one of those under detention to decide
whether he will withdraw from the "Quit India" resolution and the policy which
had such tragic consequences, and will co-operate in the great tasks ahead.

Political Unity and Geographic Unity
Not least of those tasks is a preliminary examination of the Constitutional prob-
lems of India by an authoritative body of Indians. We should be ready to give this
body every assistance which it might desire in carrying out its task. For the present
the country's Government must continue to be a joint British and Indian affair-
with the ultimate responsibility still remaining with the British Parliament, though
it is exercised through a predominantly Indian Executive-until it can be transferred
to the fresh Constitution. But framing that future Constitution is essentially and
properly an Indian responsibility. Until they can agree on its form, the transfer
of power cannot be made. We offered a suggestion in the Cripps proposals which
may or may not have been suitable. If Indians can devise a method which will
produce agreement more readily, so much the better. If I may offer a personal
opinion born of some experience, the smaller the body which discusses a difficult
and controversial problem, the more likely it is that a profitable solution will
emerge. On the main problem of Indian unity, the differences between Hindu and
Muslim, I can only say this-you cannot alter geography. From a point of view
of Defense, of relations with the outside world and of many internal and external
economic problems, India is a natural unit. What arrangements you decide to
make for the two great communities and certain other important minorities, as
well as the Indian States, to live within that unit and make the best use of its
wealth and opportunities is for Indians to decide. That two communities and even
two nations can make arrangements to live together in spite of differing cultures
or religions, history provides many examples. Solutions of the problem have
varied. England and Scotland after centuries of strife arrived at absolute union;
in Canada, British and French elements reached federal agreement which operates
satisfactorily; French, Italian and German elements in Switzerland agreed on a dif-
ferent form of federation. In all the above there were religious as well as racial
differences. In the United States many elements, racial and religious, have fused
into one great nation with a federal structure after the bitter experience of a
disastrous civil war. In Ireland conflicting elements have so far failed to unite
and Ireland has a sort of Pakistan, though the analogy of course is only relative.
The Soviet Union in Russia seems to have devised a new modification of its already
flexible system, which will also no doubt repay careful study. These examples are
before India for her constitutionalists to study. It is for her to say which will most
nearly fulfill her own needs. But no man can alter geography.
I have spoken to you frankly and bluntly as I have been taught to speak as a
soldier. Let me restate the main principles which guide me in my heavy task and
responsibility. Our primary object, overriding all others, must be not merely to
make certain of winning the war-the United Nations have already done that by
endurance through adversities, by sacrifice of comforts, by unity of spirit and by
unremitting hard work-but to win it as speedily as possible and with the least
drain on future prosperity. That is the great administrative task. The second task

India Today and Tomorrow

is to prepare for the future, and politically we cannot settle the future of this
country without the full co-operation of the British and Indian peoples, and the
co-operation within India of Hindus, Muslims and other minority groups and of
the Indian States.
I am conscious of the co-operation of many elements in this country-eminent
and patriotic Indians of my Executive Council and of Provincial Governments;
the Fighting Forces of India-the largest forces ever raised in history by voluntary
enlistment; leaders and workers of industry who have made such a contribution to
the war; Rulers of the Indian States. All these place India first in their thoughts and
aims, but they have a practical view of the necessity for co-operation to realize
progress. There is an important element which stands aloof. I recognize how
much ability and high-mindedness it contains; but I deplore its present policy and
methods as barren and unpractical. I should like to have the co-operation of this
element in solving the present and future problems of India. If its leaders feel
that they cannot consent to take part in the present Government of India, they may
still be able to assist in considering the future problems. But I see no reason to
release those responsible for the declaration of August 8, 1942, until I am con-
vinced that their policy of non-co-operation and even of obstruction has been with-
drawn, not in sackcloth and ashes-that helps no one-but in recognition of their
mistaken and unprofitable policy.

Fine Administrative Services
During the last three months I have visited seven out of eleven of the main
provinces of British India and two Indian States. I am setting out tomorrow to
visit two more provinces. I have seen something of rural life as well as of towns.
I wonder whether in considering India's economic and political problems we always
remember how much of India is countryside and how little urban, how many live
in villages, and how few, comparatively, in towns. I am impressed everywhere
by the work which is being done for the betterment of India both by officials and
non-officials. India has a very small official administration for its size, but it has
very fine Services; the way in which they have stood up to the additional strain of
work thrown on them by the war has been admirable. There are also very large
numbers of non-official bodies and persons who are doing great work for India.
There is much good will and wisdom in India if we can harness it to the common
I have no desire to make insidious comparisons, but I do feel it worth while
to point out that a coalition government by Indians for Indians is not an impossible
ideal. It is being carried out at the Centre without friction; it has been carried on
for nearly seven years with conspicuous success in the Punjab. Thanks to the
leadership of men of good sense, good will and good courage the affairs of that
province have prospered with a minimum of communal friction; they have admin-
istered their province in the interests of the province, but also with regard to the
interests of India and the war effort of the United Nations to which the Punjab
has made so striking a contribution. I will make bold enough to say that had all
the provinces worked the 1935 Act in the same spirit and with the same efficiency
India would now be very cose to complete self-government.

"We Have Come a Long Way Together"
We have come a long way together up a steep and difficult mountain at the
summit of which lies complete Indian self-government. We are almost within
sight of the top, but as with most mountain climbs that are worth doing, the final
cliffs are the steepest and most baffling of all. At such a time it is doubly necessary
to test each handhold and foothold and to cut adequate steps in the slippery ice

British Speeches of the Day

so that the whole party roped together may not fall back in ruin. It is not the
moment that prudent mountaineers choose to unrope, to dismiss their guides and,
after a violent dispute, to take separate routes towards different peaks. We must
go on together. We cannot halt too long at the heights which we have reached
and we cannot with honor or safety turn back. We may have to pause to reconnoiter
or cut steps but we must endeavor to go on climbing even though the rate may
seem slow to impatient watchers or to the climbers themselves.
Finally, we must keep in mind the splendor of the view that lies before us
when the summit is reached-the prospect of India at peace within herself, a partner
in our great Commonwealth of Nations, mother of great people, the shield for
peace in the East, busy and prosperous yet with leisure to develop the thought and
poetry and art which are the real salt of life and of which India has already con-
tributed much to the world. It is not an immediate vision, but I do not think it
unattainable if we work together with patience, good sense and good will.
I believe firmly in the future of India. I am a sincere friend of India and should
like to help her to political advance, but my military training has made me quite
certain that no objective is ever gained without the fullest measure of co-operation
from all concerned.
[Official Release)

Secretary of State for the Dominions
House of Lords, February 9, 1944

My Lords, the right reverend Prelate, the Bishop of Chichester, in his very
eloquent, moving, and sincere speech this afternoon, raised the question of our
bombing policy towards enemy countries. If he asked for some assurance from
His Majesty's Government that the purpose of these intensive attacks upon German
cities is to hamper and, if possible, to bring to a standstill enemy war production,
and not merely to sprinkle bombs broadcast with the object of damaging ancient
monuments and spreading terror among the civilian population, I am very ready
to give him that assurance. Indeed I am very happy to have the opportunity of
doing so. As your Lordships know, the Royal Air Force has never indulged in
pure terror raids, in what used to be know as Baedeker raids of the kind which
the Luftwaffe indulged in at one time on this country. Nor, as indeed the right
reverend Prelate himself recognized, did we start raids on enemy cities. The city
of Rotterdam and the city of Warsaw were destroyed by the Germans before a
single British bomb ever fell upon German soil. In passing, if I may take the
opportunity, I should like to say a word about what was said by my noble friend
Lord FitzAlan of Derwent. I would assure him that it is certainly not the intention
of His Majesty's Government to drop bombs within the precincts of the Vatican
City nor, if it can be avoided, on the city of Rome.
At the same time, although it is clearly right that the right reverend Prelate,
the Bishop of Chichester, should clear his conscience on this matter, about which
he feels so very deeply, although all of us have very considerable sympathy with
much that he has said to your Lordships today, and although I entirely agree with
what was said by my right reverend friend Lord Lang of Lambeth that it would
be very wrong for us to gloat over the destruction of German towns which has
been forced upon us by the necessities of the military situation-in this respect I
would entirely agree with the right reverend Prelate-at the same time I think

The Aim of the Bombing Offensive 29

it is also right that he and we should face hard facts frankly. If the right reverend
Prelate will allow me to say so, I do not think he was facing these facts, quite,
this afternoon. The hard, inescapable fact is that war is a horrible thing, and that
it cannot be carried on without suffering, often caused to those who are not im-
mediately responsible for causing the conflict. In the situation with which we are
faced today we cannot expect to find means of conducting hostilities which do not
involve suffering. We cannot do any such thing. What we have to do, to the best
of our ability, is to weigh against each other how much suffering is going to be
caused or saved by any action which we may feel obliged to take.

The Purpose of Air Offensive
My Lords, the right reverend Prelate himself has been within recent months
prominent in bringing before your Lordships other aspects of the present conflict.
He has pointed out again and again-though it is not an aspect he dealt with
very much today-the cruelties which are being inflicted by the Axis Powers upon
Jews and upon the peoples of the occupied countries. He has told-and we know
it to be entirely true-how they are being persecuted, how they are being tortured,
how they are being starved, and he has asked what His Majesty's Government can
do to alleviate their miseries. He has always received a reply from the Govern-
ment spokesman-I have had to give it to him several times myself-that the only
cure for these miseries is to bring the war to a victorious end and liberate the
occupied countries from their present servitude. That is the only honest answer,
as I am quite sure the right reverend Prelate himself would agree. The purpose
of the present air offensive is to achieve just that happy result at the earliest pos-
sible moment. It has been carefully planned with precisely that aim.
The targets which have been attacked are the administrative centers, the great
industrial towns, the ports and the centers of communication. These targets have
been chosen with the definite object of making it more difficult for Germany and
her Allies to carry on war. That is why the Royal Air Force attacked Essen, why
it attacked Mannheim, Cologne, Hamburg, Magdeburg, Berlin and many other
towns. Your Lordships will remember that we have never concentrated upon
sleepy country towns and villages. That would not only have been unnecessarily
brutal; it would have been utterly futile from our point of view. But I would
emphasize this to the right reverend Prelate: the great centers of administration,
of production and of communication are themselves military targets in a total war.
You cannot escape that fact.

Take Berlin, which was mentioned by the right reverend Prelate himself this
afternoon. It is not only the administrative center of Germany, it is not only the
heart and soul of the Nazi system, where are situated Government Departments and
the headquarters of Himmler's network of Secret Police; it is also the most impor-
tant center of German war production and it is the largest railway and air trans-
port center in Europe today. It contains the Siemens works, which make electrical
equipment, it contains the Rheinmetal Borsig, which make guns, the Daimler
Benz, which make tanks, the A.E.G., which make electrical cables and submarine
motors, the Lorenz works, which make wireless equipment, the Henschel works,
which are devoted to aircraft assembly, and the Argus works, which made aero
engines. These are only some of the works which are within the boundaries of
the city of Berlin. They are all war targets of the very first importance. In addi-
tion, there are numbers of smaller enterprises scattered broadcast throughout the
city. Every garage is transformed into a factory for the production of war material.

British Speeches of the Day

Magdeburg and Essen
If you look at another city, Magdeburg, which has also been the subject of
air attack, it is one of the foremost cities in central Germany, it is an important
center both of industry and of river and rail traffic, it contains many large engi-
neering and armaments firms, the Braunkohle Synthetic Oil Plant, the Krupp Tank
Assembly Works, the Lignose Chemical Works which produces more than half
the total output of T.N.T., and the Polte Armament Works. I could give similar
details of every one of the cities that the Royal Air Force has attacked in their
recent campaign.
I would like to give one or two more instances, because I think it is important
that your Lordships and the country should realize the purpose for which our raids
are organized. Take Essen, which, as we all know, is the center of the Krupp
Armament Works. I thought it might be valuable to your Lordships to know what
the results of our bombing of that city have been, and I have taken pains to
obtain a very brief account. This is what it says:
"As a result of our attacks virtually no part of the Krupp Armament Works,
which covers an area of two square miles, escaped damage, and most of the
important shops were destroyed completely. The severity of the damage was
such that virtually no reconstruction has been undertaken, and this concern,
probably the largest individual producers of armaments in Germany and also
an important center of locomotive manufacture, has been virtually put out of
action. The earlier raids brought the work to a standstill from which subse-
quent ones never permitted it to recover, and some indication of the effect upon
the German military position can be gauged from the fact that the production
of heavy guns by the whole of the Krupp organization was reported, in the
month of June, to have been reduced by 75 per cent compared with the pro-
duction in January."
Cities in the Front Line
One last example. It is calculated that the intensive attacks which were made
against Hamburg last summer cost Germany, in the next three months, no less
than 400,000,000 man-hours-an immense reduction of her capacity to manufacture
materials of war. This could have been achieved in no other way than the method
that was adopted. Now it may well be, and I personally do not blink the fact,
that these great German war industries can only be paralyzed by bringing the whole
life of the cities in which they are situated to a standstill, making it quite im-
possible for the workmen to carry on their work. That is a fact we may have to
face and I do face it. It is, I suggest, a full justification for the present bombing
campaign. I am sure that your Lordships would not refuse to accept the idea
of shelling cities and towns in the front line. Nobody likes it, but it has to be
done for the purpose of winning wars. The German cities which I have mentioned
are in the front line and they must be bombarded. In addition-and this is another
point which I would like the right reverend Prelate to consider-by the very fact
of our attack, and the possibility of further attacks, we are holding at the present
time a vast proportion of German fighter planes on the Western Front. Up to
80 per cent are held there and they are 80 per cent of the best German machines.
That, of course, greatly facilitates the efforts of our heroic Russian Allies to liberate
their own country from the Nazi yoke.

"The Only Way to End This Horror"
Therefore, when considering what I fully agree is a most difficult question, I do
ask the right reverend Prelate and other noble Lords not only to think of the Ger-
mans who are suffering from these raids, but to think also of the Russians and the

Britain's Contribution to U.N.R.R.A.

Poles and the Czechs, the Dutch, the Belgians, the Norwegians, the Yugoslavs,
the Greeks, the French and the Danes who are at present enduring intolerable
anguish at the hands of the Armies of the Axis. Every day, appalling stories flow
in from the occupied countries of men, women and children who are being starved,
subjected to fiendish tortures, mental and physical, at the hands of the German
Secret Police, who are being slaughtered in droves. We must remember that. We
must also remember our own soldiers and airmen who at present are engaged in
mortal combat in Italy, and those others who are soon to engage in yet greater
attacks in other parts of Europe. We must remember our men who are languishing
at present in intolerable conditions in Japanese prison camps, and the soldiers and
sailors of our Allies. Their lives are our responsibility.
I sometimes wondered as I listened to the right reverend Prelate-I appreciate
his sincerity-whether he really wants to help these people, because if he does want
to get them out of their misery he must accept the implications of that policy.
The only way to end this horror is to beat our enemies rapidly and completely
and restore enduring peace. That is the only way. From that aim we must not
avert our eyes, however kind our hearts, however deep our sentiments. While,
therefore, I deeply respect the high motives which have inspired theright reverend
Prelate, and while I am glad to give the general assurance contained in the earlier
part of my speech, I cannot hold out hope that we shall abate our bombing policy.
On the contrary, we shall continue it against proper and suitable targets with
increasing power and more crushing effects until final victory is achieved. So alone,
in my view, shall we be able to fulfill our obligations to our own people, to our
Allies, and to the world.
[House of Lords Debates)

Chancellor of The Exchequer
House of Commons, January 25, 1944

When I addressed the Committee on 4th November and asked for a further
Vote of Credit for 1,250,000,000, making 4,250,000,000 in all to that date, I
said the new Vote would probably carry us on to about the middle of February.
That forecast still appears likely to prove fairly accurate, and, accordingly, I have
now to ask the Committee to vote a further sum to meet our requirements for the
remainder of the financial year. In accordance with the procedure which has been
adopted, with the assent of the Committee, in previous war years, I may point out,
I am, at the same time, asking for a separate Vote of 1,000,000,000 on account
of the provision which will be necessary in the new financial year which begins
on 1st April. At this stage, it is, as the Committee well understand, extremely
difficult to estimate precisely what our expenditure is likely to amount to in the
remaining period of the year. During recent weeks, our total war expenditure
has averaged a daily rate of a little over 13,250,000, of which about 11,000,000
per day is on fighting and supply services and 2,250,000 a, day on miscellaneous
war services. These figures are, in fact, almost the same as those which I gave to
the Committee on the occasion of the last Vote of Credit in November. Experience,
however, has led us to expect some slight increase in the flow of expenditure in
the closing period of the financial year.
A further point arises on this last Vote of Credit for the year. For technical
reasons, with which I need not trouble the Committee, the actual expenditure
chargeable to the accounts of a particular year does not necessarily agree exactly

British Speeches of the Day

with the amount of cash issued from the Exchequer during the course of the year.
Cash may be issued in any year which, for the time being, merely augments the
large working balances which many Departments must keep in present circum-
stances, and expenditure out of that balance may have to be covered by a Vote of
the subsequent year. For that reason, I must allow some margin in this final
Supplementary Estimate. It is, in fact, quite probable that the final Exchequer
account may show cash drawings on current accounts approximating very closely
to the figures of 4,900,000,000 included by my predecessor in his Budget state-
ment last April, but allowing the margin for the reason which I have mentioned
and for unforeseen contingencies, I should like to have Votes for 5,000,000,000
for the whole year. The total for the present Supplementary Estimate has, there-
fore, beer fixed at 750,000,000.

"For Relief and Rehabilitation"
The Committee will no doubt have noticed that, on this occasion, the estimates
before them show a small but important and significant addition to the rather long
description of the purpose for which these periodical Votes of Credit are required.
In technical language, the ambit of the Vote is being enlarged by the insertion in
line 9 of the. Supplementary Vote of the words:
"For the relief and rehabilitation in areas brought under the control of any
of the United Nations."
This change marks a new phase of the war-a phase which, while quite distinct
in character from the military activities it must necessarily precede, is, neverthe-
less, dependent upon and bound up with these military activities, and is an essen-
tial part of the great and complex task which confronts this country and our Allies
of liberating and restoring the conquered and oppressed countries of the world
and of destroying the forces of aggression. The Committee would, no doubt, like
me to give some account of recent developments in regard to this important work
to be undertaken in the wake of the liberating armies.

The Setting Up of U.N.R.RA.
As the Committee may recall, an agreement was signed in the White House
at Washington by representatives of the United Nations on 9th November last,
setting up the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, under a
constitution which has been published as Command Paper 6491. On the next
day, the Council of U.N.R.R.A, which I may, perhaps, conveniently term this new
administration, met for the first time at Atlantic City. The Council completed its
session on 1st December, having, in the short space of some three weeks, passed
a formidable number of Resolutions outlining the policies and methods of admin-
istration to be followed by U.N.R.R.A. and the means of financing its operation.
The Resolutions of the Council have been published as Command Paper 6497. I
think the Committee will be impressed by the comprehensive character of the work
done at this first Council of U.N.R.R.A., and I would draw particular attention
to the speed with which it worked and the evidence which it thus gave of an urgent
desire to get on with this task. The achievement of this Council was, I think, made
possible by the long preliminary work which has been done mainly, ot course,
in Washington and London, starting with the meeting of the Allied Governments
at St. James's Palace in September, 1941. It was clear, however, at Atlantic City,
that preparatory work on the subject of relief is engaging the attention of other
Governments as well as those of the United States and the United Kingdom, and
the Council at Atlantic City was not less remarkable for the demonstration it gave
of co-operation in a common purpose between all the United Nations. There
were, naturally, some conflicting views and some conflicting interests, but there

Britain's Contribution to U.N.R.R.A:

was a common desire to design a United Nations machine of the kind that would
best perform the work that had to be done.

International Civil Servants
In an early session, the Council elected Mr. Herbert H. Lehman to be Director-
General of U.N.R.R.A. On behalf of His Majesty's Governmerit, I should like
to-take this opportunity of expressing our pleasure that Mr. Lehman's services are
available for this work and of assuring him of our closest co-operation in carry-
ing this out. The Committee will have noticed with interest that my hon. Friend
the Junior Member for Oxford University (Sir A. Salter) has accepted Mr. Leh-
man's invitation to act as his senior deputy in the headquarters of the Administra-
tion in Washington. The hon. Member brings great qualities and much revelant
experience to the task. His Majesty's Government have also been pleased to make
available the services of an able and well-tried officer, Sir Frederick Leith Ross,
who is to have a post as Director-General for Europe. The United Kingdom
representative on the Council at Atlantic City was the right hon. and gallant
Gentleman the present Minister of Food (Mr. Llewellin). The happy results of
the Council's work were largely due to the part he played, assisted by Sir Frederick
Leith Ross, who was his deputy, and the representatives of the London Depart-
ments and the Missions in Washington. I would like to mention also the work
of the Inter-Allied Committee on Post-War Reconstruction which played a very
great part in collaboration with the Dominions and the United States in preparing
the ground, both for the Council's meeting at Atlantic City and the subsequent
work of relief itself.
All these officers I mentioned will be international, and will be answerable to
the Council of U.N.R.R.A.-an international body. I shall make only the briefest
reference to the Atlantic City resolutions, and the work of U.N.R.R.A. My right
hon. Friend the Minister of State will be ready later in the Debate, to deal with
the subject in greater detail. I would only say that U.N.R.R.A. must take its place
in the whole complex of Anglo-American and United Nations supply machinery
which has been developed in the course of the war. In particular, the Atlantic City
resolutions fully recognize the need that U.N.R.R.A. should avoid overlapping
with the work of the Combined boards and with the machinery for consultation
between the nations associated with those boards. Some such machinery must,
certainly, be kept in existence, if we are to avoid a scramble for supplies and an
inflation of prices, which common sense and experience alike condemn.

Contributions to Establishment of U.N.R.R.A.
The particular task of U.N.R.R.A., in association with other agencies, will fall
under two heads: First, it will have to see to the provision of essential imports
and services required for those territories which cannot, for the time being, whether
through lack of finance or lack of shipping, provide for themselves: Second, it
will have to see that the common interests of all nations, in the re-establishment
of all distressed areas, is not defeated by allotting supplies to territories in the
fortunate possession of resources in finance and shipping to an extent incom-
patible with the maintenance of a reasonable standard elsewhere. As Chancellor
of the Exchequer, I am primarily concerned with the first of these functions. At
Atlantic City the United States Delegation, whose head, Mr. Dean Acheson, was
elected chairman of the first Council and whose very great personal success in that
capacity ensured the success of the whole session, put forward the proposal em-
bodied in what is called the Financial Plan in the Council's resolutions. This plan
provides that the basis of the contribution to the work in hand should be that each
of the United and Associated Nations whose whole territory has not been overrun,
should contribute, in all, a sum equal to one per cent of one year's national income.

British Speeches of the Day

There is necessarily a qualification to this proposal. Just as in Income Tax, a higher
rate is charged on the higher levels of income, so, in this field, the poorer countries
may be unable, without disproportionate sacrifice, to contribute at the same rate
as the richer countries. Regard should be had, of course, not only to comparative
wealth, but to the burden already shouldered by contributing governments. Accord-
ingly, the Council will recommend to all member governments, whose whole
territories have not been overrun, a contribution of one per cent of their national
income, recognizing that there are cases in which this recommendation may conflict
with particular demands arising from the continuance of the war or may be ex-
cessively burdensome because of special circumstances and where, therefore, some
departure from the contribution recommended may be appropriate. The other side
of the problem is the determination of the territories which are to benefit by the
contribution .
On this the Financial Plan recommended at Altantic City wisely refrained
from laying down particular rules and leaves the decision to a small committee,
which will settle the size of the funds available as the work proceeds. We should
naturally expect that, as time goes on, the territories in need of assistance will be
starting up their own economic life and their exports and will, gradually, be able
to reduce their dependence on outside help.
The Financial Plan does, however, make certain broad statements. It lays
down that the policy of U.N.R.R.A. shall be that an applicant government shall
not be required to assume the burden of an enduring foreign exchange debt for
the procurement of relief, rehabilitation, supplies and services; and, in the deter-
mination of whether a territory is in a position to pay, its foreign exchange assets
and its sources of foreign exchange shall be taken into account and due consideration
shall be given to its need of foreign exchange for other purposes. The object of
U.N.R.R.A. has been defined as, "to help the countries to help themselves." Those
who cannot pay for what they need will be helped until they can. The countries
which are in a position to pay will, of course, be expected to do so and, in par-
ticular, payments for supplies that may be made available to ex-enemy territories
must constitute a claim of high priority on the territories in question. I come now
to the contribution which the United Kingdom is to make to this work. . .

Britain's Contribution
In the last Budget White Paper our national income for the calendar year, 1942,
was estimated at 7,384,000,000. On the best estimate that we can make at this
time, there has been some increase in the national income and for the year ended
30th June, 1943, the one per cent figure may be put at a round 76,000,000 to
77,000,000. His Majesy's Government proposed that we should take the round
figure of 80,000,000 as the contribution of this country for this purpose of relief
and rehabilitation.
Under the Atlantic City resolutions, our share of the administrative expendi-
ture on U.N.R.R.A. will be taken out of our general contributions. There will,
of course, be an administrative budget by means of which the establishment and
other administrative charges will be scrutinized and controlled. There will also.
be an allocation of the approved administrative budget among the member coun-
tries. By this arrangement, those countries whose home territories have been overrun
and who will, therefore, not be making a general contribution . will still have
a basis for a contribution to the administrative expenses. But those countries which
are making a general contribution are not required to pay their share of adminis-
trative expenses, separately or in addition to their general contribution. This
arrangement has the convenience of avoiding asking the legislatures for two sepa-
rate appropriations for the same general purpose. The Council of U.N.R.R.A. at

Britain's Contribution to U.N.R.R.A.

Atlantic City approved an administrative budget of 10,000,000 dollars for the
thirteen months to the end of the calendar year, 1944. Having regard to the scope
of the work in prospect, I think this figure is moderate and reasonable. The details
of the relationship between U.N.R.R.A. and the military authorities during the
first period of liberation are not yet dear. This period, must, to some extent, be
one of improvised arrangements and nothing must be allowed to interfere with
the main object, which is the advance of our arms. We recognize that during this
period relief to the civil population will have to be administered at first by the
civil affairs staff of the Commander in the field. We realize, therefore, that the
burden of a measure of relief may fall on us which, in practice, may turn out to
be in addition to our 80,000,000.
The question may be raised, whether the contributions recommended at Atlantic
City will amount to a total sufficient for the job. No definite answer can, of course,
be given to that question. There are uncertainties about what will be the state
of the territories concerned when hostilities cease, and there are uncertainties about
the availability of supplies and shipping to meet their needs at a level which we
would wish to see them attain. All that can be said is that the contributions pro-
posed should see us a very long way towards the completion of the task. U.N.R.R.A.
is not the only organization which we hope to see the United Nations establish.
Its scope, as I have outlined it, is large and difficult indeed but it leaves a great
deal still to be worked out. It does not, for example, cover the wider field of
reconstruction, and it could hardly set out to be a body to deal with the future
economic life of Europe or the Far East. But it has a task to perform which, if
left undone, would make impossible the further work which the nations together
have still to tackle, and I hope the Committee will support His Majesty's Govern-
ment in the contribution which they propose to make, and the co-operation which
they have offered, to U.N.R.R.A.
The Committee will understand that, from the nature of the case, it is at present
impossible to estimate in advance how much we shall have to contribute in any
given period. Further, the provision of the goods and services which we are under
obligation to supply to U.N.R.R.A will, in most cases, be inextricably bound up
with the provision of similar supplies for war purposes. For these reasons, the
Vote of Credit provides the natural and convenient and, in fact, the only prac-
ticable source for the provision of the necessary funds. I shall be ready to inform
Parliament, from time to time, of the current total of our contributions.
[House of Commons Debates]

Minister of State
House of Commons, January 25, 1944

This has been an extremely interesting and an extremely encouraging Debate.
. . We have had a number of extraordinarily interesting, thoughtful and con-
structive speeches from Members of the Committee. My hon. Friend the Member
for East Willesden said he thought it was important that a message should go out
from the British House of Commons to the effect that we did recognize our
responsibilities for the recovery of Europe, and that we did believe in the principles

British Speeches of the Day

of international co-operation. I am quite sure that such a message has, in fact,
gone out from the Committee today. ..
My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for North Bristol said he thought
the proceedings of the Atlantic City Conference were a decisive example for the
future. I entirely agree. I think that, if the approach of the United Nations to
the problems of peace is to be the same as to the approach that was made at Atlantic
City-an approach which combined realism with determination, benevolence with-
out any trace of patronage, and self-respect without any trace of excessive national-
ism-then there is hope for us all. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for
Wakefield pointed out that we have a special responsibility for this whole relief
problem because it was here in London that the whole thing was started two or
three years ago, and he warned us that we must not evade that responsibility. I
think there is no chance that we shall try to evade it, and the proceedings at
Atlantic City bear that out too. It may not be altogether inappropriate if I echo
here something that my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer said.
From everything that I have heard about Atlantic City the United Kingdom dele-
gation, under the able leadership of the Minister of Food, had a very great part
to play and played it nobly. Here again, if we can look forward in the postwar
world to that kind of leadership from this country, a leadership sane, balanced,
knowledgeable, and without any trace of dictation-and the proceedings at Atlantic
City seem to indicate that we can-there is very much hope for us all .

Inter-Allied Committee's Work in London
I think if I recapitulate some of the previous history of U.N.R.R.A., it will
help the Committee both to understand the difficulties with which U.N.R.R.A.
is faced and the manner in which it is hoped it will be able to meet them; and I
hope it may throw some light upon some of the points that are troubling some
of my hon. Friends. As the right hon. Gentleman pointed out, the story of relief
does not begin with the Atlantic City Conference. It does not even begin with
the signature of the U.N.R.R.A. agreement at the White House. It began
nearly three years ago with the meeting of the Allied Governments at St. James's
Palace. As the result of those meetings, there was set up the Inter-Allied Com-
mittee of Postwar Requirements, of which the Inter-Allied Bureau, under the
direction of Sir Frederick Leith Ross, was, as it were, the secretariat. The Inter-
Allied Committee had no executive functions. Even then, nearly three years ago,
it was recognized that some executive machinery would sooner or later be required,
but the function of the Inter-Allied Committee was not to execute policy but rather
to gather information without which it would have been impossible to formulate
any policy at all. Accordingly the Inter-Allied Committee prepared a series of
estimates for the needs of liberated Europe, and those estimates have in a sense
been the foundation of U.N.R.R.A.; and, if it had not been for the activities of
the Inter-Allied Committee and the Bureau, the task of U.N.R.R.A. would have
been ever more formidable than in fact it is today.
The estimates prepared by the Inter-Allied Committee were necessarily incom-
plete and imperfect, but they provided the basis upon which relief work has been
founded ever since. I said that these estimates were incomplete and imperfect for
this reason. The Inter-Allied Committee was not concerned with the question of
supply but purely with questions of relief. It did not have to consider whether
supplies were available, but only on the assumption that they were available, what
measure of supply would be necessary to meet the ascertained need. In this sense
the estimates of the Inter-Allied Committee must be regarded to some extent as
theoretical. Neverthless, subject to this qualification, which I admit in the circum-
stances in which we find ourselves is a considerable qualification, I do not think it

Britain's Contribution to U.N.R.R.A.

would be possible to overestimate the value of the work that has been done by the
Inter-Allied Committee, work without which it would have been impossible for
U.N.R.R.A. to proceed at all. Not only that. The proceedings of the Inter-Allied
Committee to those who followed them were an outstanding example of United
Nations co-operation. It was quite remarkable how the representatives of our
various people were prepared to set aside their particular interests for the sake of
promoting the common interest. U.N.R.R.A. has indeed a high example to follow
in the proceedings of the Inter-Allied Committee but, if the Atlantic City Con-
ference is any guide, that example will be followed to the fullest possible extent.

Comparative Abundance in 1941
I have said that this story began with the meeting at St. James's Palace in 1941.
Conditions in 1944 are very different from what they were then, and it is those
differences which largely condition the work of U.N.R.R.A. In 1941 we were
living, as we supposed, in a time of abundance and of surpluses. The problem in
those days was simply how to distribute that abundance and dispose of those
surpluses. It is very different today. It is no longer a problem of distributing
abundance and disposing of surpluses. It is no longer a case of cutting up the
cake and handing it round on a silver platter. It is a case of scraping the pot and
making do. It is no longer a question of distributing from our abundance to each
according to his need, but of spreading the butter as widely as we can, and dis-
tributing our slender resources with as little unfairness as possible. Today, as
compared with 1941, we are in a period of acute scarcity. There is a world shortage
of food, a world shortage of many kinds of raw materials, above all there is a
world shortage of labor and shipping. And these shortages obviously have a
very great effect upon the operations of U.N.R.R.A.

The Task Greater But Resources Less
Another great change has taken place since 1941. Then it was not a world war
that we were engaged in. There was no Far Eastern war. The United States was
not among our Allies. In those days we were proceeding on the assumption that,
at a given moment of time, the war would come to an end, Europe would be liber-
ated and we should be free to proceed at once, and without any other pre-occupa-
tion, to the task of reconstruction and relief. In fact, as we know, things have
turned out otherwise. In all human probability the war with Japan will continue
after the war with Germany is over, and, even so far as the war in Europe is con-
cerned, it is possible that the war with Germany itself will still be continuing after
parts of Europe have been liberated. In other words, the prosecution of the war
and the affording of relief have to proceed simultaneously. The claims of war and
the claims of peace will be marching along side by side, and to some extent in
competition. More than that, in 1941 we were thinking only in terms of the relief
of Europe. Now we have to think of the relief of Asia as well. The task is both
vaster and much more complicated than we thought it was in 1941. At the same
time, the resources which we have for discharging that task are nothing like so great.
It is against this background of a gigantic task, with strictly limited resources
for meeting it, that we have to consider the functions of U.N.R.R.A. and the
whole problem of relief. The Committee will have seen from the White Paper
that the Council meeting at Atlantic City has taken full account of these difficulties
-the difficulties that arise from the fact that the war will still be continuing after
the period of relief has begun, and the difficulties that arise from shortages of
supply. In the first place, it was laid down at Atlantic City that the prosecution
of the war must have absolute paramountcy over everything else, that everything
must be subordinated to the prosecution of the war. From that proposition, from

British Speeches of the Day

which I imagine there will be little dissent, certain consequences flow, notably this,
that the operations of U.N.R.R.A. have to be co-ordinated with and to some extent
subordinated to the supplying agencies which are responsible for allocating the
supplies and shipping which are needed for the prosecution of the war. Any other
arrangement would obviously, I think, lead to chaos, a chaos which would affect
the course of military operations, would prolong the war and would make infinitely
more difficult the already difficult task of U.N.R.R.A That does not mean, how-
ever, that the policy of U.N.R.R.A. is to be dictated to it by the supply agencies.
It does mean that the demands of U.N.R.R.A. for purely relief purposes have to
be fitted into the wider demands of the war. It means that the needs of our Armed
Forces must be fully met. It means that the contribution of civilian populations
to the war effort must not be limited, and that a fair distribution of available sup-
plies to civilian populations must take into account their contributions, actual or
potential, to the war effort.
Scope of U.N.R.R.A.'s Work
Several of my hon. Friends, including my right hon. Friend the Member for
Wakefield, raised the question of the relationship between relief and rehabilitation
on the one hand, and reconstruction on the other. My right hon. Friend said that,
however much you tried to make a dividing line, you could not really divide re-
habilitation from reconstruction. . It is quite true that it is impossible on a
matter of this kind to draw any hard and fast line. I think that there is a work-
able line drawn in the White Paper. U.N.R.R.A. is concerned with the short-
term problems of relief, suffering and want arising directly out of the war. So
far as rehabilitation, that is to say the supply of spare parts, machinery and so
on, is needed for that purpose, then U.N.R.R.A. will assist in rehabilitation; but
it is laid down dearly in Resolution 12, paragraph 9, that U.N.R.R.A. is not itself
an organ of world reconstruction. I think that that is as it should be. I: would
dearly be impracticable for this piece of United Nations machinery, which has
already this formidable task before it, to take on in addition the task of world
economic conference. ..
It is true that what is done here will affect the long-term picture, and it is,
therefore, all the more essential that the dosest contact should be maintained
between U.N.R.R.A. and other organizations which may be set up by the United
Nations. Provision is made for that contact in the Resolutions themselves. The
White Paper lays it down that the administration has to maintain contact with the
supply agencies. It also lays down that it should maintain contact with other
inter-governmental agencies, and it specifies the International Labour Office and
the Interim Food Commission which resulted from Hot Springs, or the permanent
Food Office which we hope will result from the interim deliberations of the Food
Commission. This question of collaboration has been thoroughly well taken care
of by the Council. ....
As well as the principle that the operations of U.N.R.R.A. must be subordi-
nated to the war effort these Resolutions have enunciated another important prin-
ciple. That is, although it is not defined in these words, that in a time of great short-
age it is undesirable as well as unfair that there should be an unlimited scramble for
goods and services in short supply. It is clearly unfair that where you have two
nations, both of which have been equally despoiled by the enemy and both of which
have equally resisted him, one nation should have a preferential advantage over the
other which is based upon nothing but considerations of finance. It is clearly
undesirable for quite other reasons. If when the war is drawing to its closing stages
we in the United Nations admit the principle of the auction room, that the longest
purse must be the final arbiter in these matters, and if we allow an unlimited
scramble for the limited supplies, not only will we build up postwar boom which

Britain's Contribution to U.N.R.R.A.

will be a record in all postwar booms, but we will create a slump by the side of
which the depression of the Thirties will appear like a smiling sunlit valley. We
should, if we took that course, be underwriting unemployment queues and bread-
lines in this country, the United States, France, Belgium, the Netherlands and in
each of the United Nations.

"Global Picture of Relief"
The Council, at Atlantic City, however, decided otherwise. It decided against
that course. It was laid down by the Council that one of the principal functions of
the Director-General of U.N.R.R.A. should be to hold the balance between those
countries which have adequate resources and those which are lacking in resources.
In, I think, the third part of the first Resolution on general policy, in the White
Paper, the Director-General is instructed to supply himself with an over-all picture
of relief as a whole from all the liberated territories, whether they have resources
or whether they have not. He is instructed to acquaint himself with the global pic-
ture of relief. It is his right, indeed it is his duty, if he sees any disparity of treat-
ment between one country and another, to make his representations to the supplying
agencies. And it is the duty of the supplying agencies to heed his representations.
I have given the Committee two of the main principles which must govern
the operations of U.N.R.R.A.: the paramountcy of the war and the need for
holding the balance between countries with resources and those without; but there
is a third principle which emerges quite clearly from this White Paper. It is, I think,
a vital principle. The Committee will have noticed that in more than one Resolution
some allusion is made to the Director-General or the administration taking such
and such action "if so invited" or "if so requested" by the military commander or
by the local government. That means in effect that U.N.R.R.A. is not conceived
of as a dictatorship, not even a benevolent dictatorship. U.N.R.R.A. is not even
conceived of as a kindly governess or universal aunt, bustling about, whether she is
wanted or not, and handing out a smack to a rebellious child or a sweet or candy
to a satisfactory child. That is not the picture at all. U.N.R.R.A. goes only where
U.N.R.R.A. is wanted. If a country requires the assistance of U.N.R.R.A., that
assistance will be given to the fullest extent possible, but if a country prefers to
apply its own power and to get on without U.N.R.R.A.'s assistance, it is free to
do that.
As the Chancellor of the Exchequer said earlier today one of the principal func-
tions of U.N.R.R.A. is to help the nations to help themselves. Such a conception as
that, the idea that a nation should be free and encouraged to work out its own des-
tiny, is entirely contrary to the framework of the architecture of the "new order"; it
is fundamental to the conception of the United Nations. If a nation wishes to do
without the assistance of U.N.R.R.A., that nation is perfectly free to do so, but
that does not mean that if a nation does without the assistance of U.N.R.R.A. it is
at liberty to go out into the markets of the world and buy, regardless of what
arrangements are being made by U.N.R.R.A.

Those are, as it seems to me, the main principles which are behind the United
Nations Relief administration. How are those principles to be made effective, and
what is the machinery to make them effective? First of all, there is the Central
Council and there is the Central Committee. Those are the policy-forming bodies.
I think it was my hon. Friend the Member for Islington North (Dr. Haden Guest)
who said that the Council or the Committee of U.N.R.R.A. would have a power
far greater than that of any existing national government. I think he exaggerated
the power of the Committee and of the Council, because, from what I have just

British Speeches of the Day

said about principles on which U.N.R.R.A. will operate and the principle which
allows any nation to contract out of compulsory benevolence, it is dear that the
Council and the Committee cannot exercise their power in any tyrannical way.
However, the seat of policy is the Council and the Central Committee, and that
policy is executed by the Director-General and his administrative staff. The Council,
the Director-General and the Committee are being advised by a number of technical
committees of which the membership, it is hoped, will be very highly qualified. I
think my hon. Friend the Member for Winchester (Mr. Palmer) said that even if
we did not insist upon U.N.R.R.A. going out for quantity we ought to concentrate
at any rate upon quality. We ought to see that the personnel it was using was
highly qualified. I think my hon. Friend will find all the technical committee
personnel just as highly qualified as the United Nations can lay their hands
upon. ...
I think that principle would apply also to the technical committees as well as
to the sending of personnel abroad. In addition to the technical committees I am
speaking of, the central organization includes a Committee on Supplies, of which
the function would be to keep an eye on supply questions and the relationship of
U.N.R.R.A. with the supplying agencies, as well as to adjudicate upon the question
of payment-what country can pay and what country cannot pay. Then there is
a Finance Committee, which has to advise the Director-General and the Council
upon budgetary matters. So much for the Central administration.
It is obvious that for work of this world-wide scope, everything cannot be cen-
tralized in one part of the globe. Accordingly, there are to be two regional com-
mittees, one in the Far East and one for Europe, the European Regional Com-
mittee to be situated in London. As we have heard today, Sir Frederick Leith Ross
is to be one of the Directors General of that local administration. In the same
way, the Far Eastern Committee will have a Far Eastern administration which will,
of course, be subordinated to the Director-General in Washington . The sending
of personnel abroad . is an extremely complicated question. It is really im-
possible to define, with any real exactitude, what numbers of personnel U.N.R.R.A.
will want to send abroad. The limiting factors are these: It is laid down in the
White Paper, and in the resolutions, that it is only at the request of a member
government and under the direction of the Director-General that foreign voluntary
workers will be called in at all. It may well be that in a number of countries,
particularly in Western Europe, there will be no very great demand for voluntary
workers from this country. Governments and peoples will naturally prefer to
do this work themselves, if they can.
Personnel for Overseas Work
In other parts of Europe the demand may be greater but it is impossible to
estimate what it will be. At the moment the Council of British Societies for Relief
Abroad is making up teams to be held in reserve against any demand from
U.N.R.R.A. These teams will, I hope, be highly qualified and I think if one just
runs over some of the names of the kind of teams that will be wanted it will be
seen that the qualifications necessary are very high, and that there will be no great
demand for well meaning amateurs. For example there is a water purification unit,
a bacteriological unit, a static disinfector unit and so on and so on. It is not going
to be, as I am sure the Committee realize, a sort of Continental holiday for young
people from Mayfair. What we shall want are extremely skilled and highly qualified
people to go out and assist in the relief work of Europe....
Relief Now and in 1918
We have made tremendous advances in this war as compared with the last
in our preparations for the future. This question of relief is a case in point. In

Britain's Contribution to U.N.R.R.A.

the last war . it was not until the very last moment--the machinery was not
indeed until after the war-that the machinery was set up. We waited until the
problem was right upon us and then we set up the machinery. This time we are
setting up the machinery well in advance of the need for it, and I can assure
the Committee that His Majesty's Government are quite as convinced as any hon.
Member of the Committee of the urgency of this matter. Another difference be-
tween this war and the last ... is that this time all the countries concerned have a
say in the operation of the relief organization. It is not a question this time,
as it was last time, of certain unhappy peoples in Europe being paupers on the
dole. This time everybody is a member of U.N.R.R.A. and everybody has to pull
his weight.

No Question of Loans
Then there is the question of finance. It is not only a difference in scale, though
the difference in scale is tremendous. I think the total expenditure in relief after
the last war, I take the League of Nations figures, was something like 1,000 million
dollars. The figure now is something like 2,000 million dollars. That of course is
understandable because the problem today is infinitely greater than in 1918, but the
real difference in the financial point is that in the last war finance of relief was
very largely through loans. Theoretically, these loans had to be repaid. In fact
very few of them were repaid and they lingered on as a kind of soreness, a kind of
poison, in international relationships for many years. This time there is no question
of loans. Those countries that can pay will pay, and those countries that cannot
pay will have a gift from countries more fortunate than themselves.
Finally, there is this difference between conditions now and conditions twenty-
five years ago. This time . the machinery for the production of relief supplies
is co-ordinated, geared in with, the machinery for the production of war supplies
and supplies for other peace purposes. That will mean that the relief administration
will get a fair crack of the whip. It will mean that it will not be, as it was last
time when, in the main, relief goods were those goods which nobody else wanted.
Relief production and war production and peace production will on this occasion
march along together, and each one will get its fair share. I would like in con-
clusion just to refer back to what my right hon. Friend the Member for Wakefield
(Mr. Greenwood) said in his speech earlier in the Debate. We have a moral
obligation to make U.N.R.R.A. a success. We are committed to the success in this
first step of United Nations machinery. I can assure the Committee that there will
be no lack of effort on the part of His Majesty's Government to see that this and
other ventures in international co-operation are successful in the fullest possible
[At the conclusion of the debate the following resolution was passed:
"That a supplementary sum, not exceeding 750,000,000, be granted to His
Majesty towards defraying the expenses which may be incurred during the year
ending on the 31st day of March, 1944, for general Navy, Army and Air
Services and Supplies in so far as specific provision is not made therefore by
Parliament; for securing the public safety, the Defence of the Realm, the main.
tenance of public order and the efficient prosecution of the war, for maintaining
supplies and services essential to the life of the community, for relief and
rehabilitation in areas brought under control of any of the United Nations and
generally for all expenses, beyond those provided for in the ordinary Grants of
Parliament, arising out of the existence of a state of war."]
[House of Commons Debates]

British Speeches of the Day

Minister of Reconstruction
House of Lords, February 15, 1944

My Lords, I welcome the discussion which we have had today for many reasons.
In the first place I welcome it because it is a discussion of what is, next to housing,
the most important of the problems which are going to face us under the general
heading of reconstruction.... I do not propose to reply to the whole of the debate;
if I were to follow the noble Lord, Lord Latham, I might be in some danger of
committing indiscretions. He is at liberty to say just what he likes on the subject
of international relationships; I am a little more circumscribed, but perhaps I can
give him some assurance if I say one or two things. He need have no fear that we
are not thoroughly well informed on the subject of international currency problems
and the importance of securing the position of this country. Moreover, it is be-
cause conversations on these matters are taking place at the present time that I do
not propose to say any more on that subject, although when those conversations
are concluded it will obviously be the duty of one of us to inform your Lordships
of the results of them ....
There is one thing about which both the learned economists outside and Lord
Latham in this House can be quite sure, and that is that, as a considered judgment
based on some practical experience both as a banker and as a man engaged in
commerce, I have come to the conclusion that an expansionist policy is the right
and proper policy for this country to pursue .... I can assure your Lordships, per-
haps very briefly this afternoon, of just a few points, and I hope that that will
satisfy you, as to the lines along which our thoughts are going. And our thoughts
will, I hope, subsequently be turned into action. But this is not the time for action.

The First Period of Reconstruction
In the first place we are realizing to the full the importance of creating plans
now to deal with the economic factors that will arise when hostilities cease. There
will be three periods of a very widely different nature. The first period, because it
is the nearest, is the one that in point of fact is giving me personally for the
moment the most concern, and that is the period immediately after the war, a
period when men's hopes indeed will be high, but when we shall find ourselves
having to move-industrially move, no, I will alter the word "industrially" and say
occupationally move, because they may remain with the same firm-something like
ten million people; not immediately, but over a period of time; and probably five
million people in a comparatively small amount of time. We have these people
who have been making guns, and will proceed to make articles of ordinary com-
merce. That means, of course, a great deal of alteration of machinery and it is only
those of your Lordships who are knowledgable on the subject of engineering who
know what interval of time takes place between the moment when someone decides
that he is going to have a new machine and the time when, all the jigs and the
tools having been made, you finally can get into mass production.
It was for that reason that I ventured some time ago in your Lordships' House
to urge the engineering industry in particular, in so far as they had spare time,
and spare minds, to be looking to this period and to make their arrangements, in
order that we might more quickly move to the period in which we could find
employment. Your Lordships realize already the very considerable number of
factories that we have dosed down altogether as productive factories, and are
aware of the various concentration schemes; many of these factories are now being
used as storehouses. You realize the dependence we shall have upon raw materials,

Domestic Reconstruction

of which immediately after the war we shall certainly be short in very many
directions. One of my greatest worries now is as to whether we shall have
sufficient timber to meet all the demands for houses. Well, you can multiply that
right through the whole range of raw materials, and you will then realize the
difficulties we shall have at that period.

Demand Will Exceed Supply
I merely mention these things because I want to make it quite dear that we are
not going to have surplus capacity in that period immediately after the war, and it
is one in regard to which we shall require all the advice that we can get if we are
to handle it to the satisfaction of the public, and particularly of the men who
will be returning from the Forces. It will be a period of great difficulty and a
period of considerable uncertainty. Moreover, it is going to be a period in which
public demand will most certainly exceed supply, and detailed plans must be and
are being worked out in consultation between industry and Government in regard
to the availability of labor and raw materials. During this period I think it is the
general sense of the country that it will be necessary for us to keep control of
some sort-I do not want to specify the precise control, but some control-over raw
materials which are in short supply. And in view of the line along which the
discussion has gone today I want to say this too. I think it will be necessary for us
to make some stipulation that will ensure that we export goods at least to those
countries from which we shall require food supplies. Your Lordships will not mis-
understand me and think that I am advocating a policy of economic bi-lateralism by
suggesting that we should export to the countries Trom which we buy. I personally
believe that it will be on a multilateral policy that we shall probably restore our
commercial and economic position overseas.
Control Over Raw Materials
There is another thing I think I ought to say, and that is that during this period
not only will it be necessary for us to have some control over raw materials. I
think we might as well face up to it that we shall have to have some form of con-
trol-whether it is Government control or some other disciplinary control--over
consumption, because I can see no possibility in this transitional period immediately
after the war of our having anywhere near sufficient ordinary goods of domestic
use to meet the demands. People have long since grown, or some of us have, rather
shiny and rather threadbare, and having for a considerable period of time-because
somebody has used our coupons or for some other excellent reason-gone without
things, we shall have the strongest possible temptation to want to buy them. If
we want to do that, and money is to be left free to do its natural job, then prices
will go up and up and up, and we shall be faced with a great deal of distress and
disaster. I have dealt with this transitional period. Your Lordships may have
thought I have been a little depressing. I hope you will not think that. I merely
emphasize the fact that my colleagues and I are very conscious of the difficulties
of the period and are using such capacities as we have in the hope that we may
solve them. At any rate, I trust your Lordships will agree that we are thinking
along the right lines.
A Second Period: Employment
Now I should like to take a longer view. It may be dreaming; it may be that
our hopes are ambitious; but I believe that we can deal with the long-term problem
of employment in this country. When I talk of employment, I agree entirely ..
that we are talking about useful and profitable employment. It is no use talking
of "finding work" for people, as if there were any particular pleasure or virtue in
working unless you are working to produce something or to do something useful.

British Speeches of the Day

At any rate we are determined to do all we can to find work that will be socially
beneficent work. Immediately after this transition period I do not think there will
be any difficulty in finding employment for people. The danger is otherwise. For
some time, possibly for some years-during which if we do -not make our plans
beforehand we-may become negligent-we shall have a very big home market to
satisfy. It will be very easy indeed to get a boonr in trade in this country.
We shall aim in our plans, not at getting a boom, but at getting regularity.
Alternative booms and slumps are of no use to anybody except the speculator, and I
understand that even he, on the whole, loses money on them. We must avoid
letting the pentup demand produce a rapid rise in price which would absorb the
whole of . war savings and absorb them at the expense of these people who
have put their money into Government at current values. It would be very wrong
indeed if we let prices rise so high that when these people get their money back
they were not able to get something approaching the values at which they put
the money in. We are all very conscious of that. It is dearly in our minds, and it is
a vast sum of money which is concerned. I wish Lord Mottistone had been here,
because I should have liked to say to him how greatly indebted the Government are
to him and to those 60,000 voluntary workers who are working with him in collect-
ing and organizing this War Savings movement. Small savings from the Post
Office Savings Bank and Savings Certificates amount at the present moment to
2,500,000,000. That is a very creditable sum, and it is a very valuable sum for us
to have in reserve for the time when we shall want it.
In looking over our errors of the past, I think the truth is that our statesmen
at the time were perhaps not very well equipped with economic information, and
perhaps the science-if it be one-of statistics was not so good as it is now in
enabling people to make forecasts of future trade. In future the Government will
have the advantage, as we have now, of a central service of statistical information
and expert advice in interpreting and forecasting economic trends and movements
of trade. I hope that the Government will be able to take such steps as will enable
them to be better informed in future than were the Governments between the two
wars. I talk of the importance of this statistical information because it is vital that
we should avoid unemployment by taking very early action to prevent it.

Third Period
There will be a third period when all this willing spending is over. That is the
period of danger, that is the period to which, I hope it will give some confidence
to the country to know-long ahead as it may be-His Majesty's Government are
now directing their attention. That will be the time when we must prevent disas-
ters. . That will be the time for local authorities, public utility companies, and
private undertakings to expend capital on plans which we shall encourage them to
defer until this period, but which they must have ready to the last details of the
drawing office in order that they can bring them into immediate execution ..

Public Works
It is perfectly true that public works failed to do the job that people thought
they were going to do in the Thirties. But that was not the fault of the public works.
It was because they were applied at the wrong time. They were applied when,
already, unemployment was severe. We do not know how much worse it might
have been if it had not been for these public works, but they were certainly not
effective in preventing unemployment arising-and how could they have been when
they were not brought into existence until unemployment, with all the secondary
effects . had already started? We have under consideration plans to regulate the
flow of public works. But there is another factor, a financial factor. Bernard Shaw

Domestic Reconstruction

said that the only thing the matter with the poor was their poverty. The thing that
creates unemployment is a failure in demand....
A failure in effective demand. I believe we can find a sort of economic
thermostat that will enable that demand, which in point of fact is always present
in this country, to become operative. If we can do that then we shall have done a
great deal to attack the problem of unemployment in its earlier stage rather than
attacking it when it has already arrived. There is the other question to which the
noble Lord referred and that is what I am told is called "structural unemployment."
It is quite obvious that it is a bad thing for any community to be entirely dependent
upon any one industry. The noble' Lord, Lord Portal, and I worked together for
several years before the war as Treasury Commissioners for Special Areas. I then
saw the misery and the economic and physical disasters that came upon those
neighborhoods. We are conscious of that and we are very well informed about it.
We have reasonable hopes of being able to take effective action because we have
built during the course of this war a quite considerable number of Government
factories in those very areas. They are good factories and many people are em-
ployed in them who had for a period of time ceased to become competent operatives
in industry, but they have reacquired their native skill. In the process of dealing
with these Government factories in the postwar period we shall have regard to
the creation of a diversity of industries in those places. I am glad to say that some
of the leading industrialists of the country who are responsible for the operation of
those factories during the war are so satisfied with the skill of the operatives that
they have become very willing indeed to listen to us when we suggest that when
the war is ended and their particular operations for the production of munitions
comes to an end, they should continue to operate those factories in order to produce
other things and help to create some diversity of industry in those localities.

New Industries
On this particular point there is one other observation that I think I might
profitably make at this stage. I am hopeful that there may come to this country
after the war, as in fact throughout our history there always have come, new indus-
tries. We have been accustomed in the past to going abroad for very many things.
For some reason or other, industries making those things have settled themselves
in foreign countries. There are some of us who made rather strenuous efforts before
the war, not perhaps with a great deal of success, to persuade the people running
those industries to come and build their industries in this country. I think those
people may be a little more inclined, when the war is over, to appreciate the freedom
and security which this country is able to give to such manufacturers. I have been
making inquiries and I believe there is a great opening for those manufacturers here.
I think that consumers would welcome them. I am not in this taking any narrow
nationalist view. I am assured that our financiers would be willing to give them
facilities to obtain working capital in order that they might establish enterprises
that would enable them to employ British labor, and perhaps teach British labor the
peculiar qualities of their technique and skill in manufacture. Thus goods made
abroad in the past might be made particularly suitable to British markets.
I have kept your Lordships longer than I intended. What I have been trying to
do, and I hope I have at any rate succeeded in part in doing it, is to assure your
Lordships that on the problem of finding jobs for people after the war His
Majesty's Government are taking a long view, that they are seeking to plan for the
situation over the three periods, that they are recognizing to the full the particular
dangers of the immediate and very probably short transitional period, and that
they realize the dangers of the boom. They will seek to gain the confidence of
the country, at any rate to control that boom, pleasurable as it might be for the

British Speeches of the Day

time being for some people. With the vast resources, financial and otherwise, that
the Government will have at their disposal they will, when the boom is over and
we get to a normal period of life in this country, seek to bring about regularity and
continuity of employment for all the people....
I have not dealt with the problem of agriculture. It is quite beyond my brief
to answer questions upon that. If I start dealing with Death Duties I shall find
myself in the black books of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and very properly so.
I will tell the noble Lord, however, that in regard to allotment holders I am
most anxious in any planning that we should give them some sort of security so
that their labors may be able to go on from year to year. I have discussed this
matter with my colleague the Minister of Town and Country Planning in the hope
that our planning arrangements will provide for that. On the general subject of
agriculture this House is very well aware of my views regarding the importance of
this industry not only to the economic life of the country but to its general health
and well-being. I expressed those views to your Lordships very often when I was
Minister of Food, and they have not changed now that I have become Minister
of Reconstruction. I hope I have not kept your Lordships too long.
[House of Lords Debates)

Minister of Works
House of Lords, February 8, 1944

Before answering my noble friend Lord Addison, I should like to say a word
or two on the Motion standing in the name of my noble friend Lord Barnby. He
asks whether the'Government are now able to refer to any intended addition to the
program of 3,000 agricultural dwellings. That is a matter, as he will admit, of
arrangement between my right honorable friends the Minister of Health and the
Minister of Agriculture; and the Minister of Health has informed me that when the
time comes for the resumption of housebuilding his Ministry will do its best to
ensure that the agricultural population get their share ....
I should like to take the opportunity of thanking my noble friend Lord Addison
for raising this subject. It gives me the opportunity of making a progress report
on the work which my Department has been doing with regard to the matters
which interest your Lordships today. First of all, I should like to say this. When
my noble friend Lord Woolton took up his new and responsible position as Minister
of Reconstruction, I sat beside him on the first two days on which he spoke in your
Lordships' House, and he has paid me the compliment of sitting by my side today.
.. He and I are keeping in very dose touch on all the broader questions of postwar
reconstruction which affect my Department. I think that it is necessary to have
someone like him who can see the complete picture, and who has the great advan-
tage, from my point of view, of being a member of the War Cabinet. He has
given me all the help for which I can possibly ask on all these questions ....
My noble friend Lord Woolton told your Lordships on December 10 .. that
the Ministry of Works have now become the central Government authority on de-
signs, specifications, materials, building technique and costs. On all housing matters
I am working in complete accord with the Minister of Health, whose Department
alone deals with the local authorities, as it has always done. In the satne way,
the Secretary of State for Scotland, with whom I work very closely, takes full advan-
tage of my Department for any technical service which he requires. The housing

Building and Housing Plans

situation and local conditions in Scotland are somewhat different from those in this
country, as many of your Lordships who come from that part of the world know
better than I do.

Repair of War Damaged Houses
I am going to speak today about what is being done as regards the future. I
realize that the country, and quite rightly, is impatient to know what is being done
about postwar housing. It must be remembered that the question which is upper-
most in our minds is that of labor. The war effort is still demanding nearly all the
available labor and materials in the country. Nobody knows the material position
better than I do, because as Chairman of the Materials Committee I know what
material is available. It is largely a question of timing. The Minister of Reconstruc-
tion and, in fact, the whole Government are alive to the vital necessity of getting
on with this question of housing at the right moment, for they consider that it is
The Government consider . that as regards war-damaged and other houses
the limit of expenditure on repairs should be raised to 500 for any one house, and
the arrangements now in operation empower local authorities to concentrate avail-
able labor on war-damaged or incomplete houses. I should like to emphasize the
important fact that privately-owned houses will participate equally in this, and the
instructions to licensing officers have been adjusted accordingly. Local authorities
should be in a position to secure the carrying out of the great proportion of these
repairs, and the back of them should be broken by the end of this year. If we can
break the back of this work by the end of this year we shall be getting an awkward
job out of the way. I am not talking of the totally demolished houses, but, if people
are permitted to spend up to 500, most of the houses which are worth repairing
should have been dealt with by the end of this year. You cannot have tendering
for this type of work, and we do not want it on our hands when the war is over;
we want to tidy this position up. The Minister of Reconstruction, the Minister of
Health and myself thought that this would be a good thing to do; the Government
consented, and it has gone through. People sometimes talk about overlapping be-
tween different Ministries, but there is no overlapping on a question like this.
When the decision is taken, the question of materials comes under my Ministry,
and in this instance we have made arrangements, having regard to possible diffi-
culties of transport, to have stocks available for continuing this work for the next
six months. That is the first.part of our work of clearing up in readiness for the
postwar program.

Preparation of Housing Sites
The next thing I wish to say deals with what I call the preparation of housing
sites. The Government have decided that in the late spring and early summer
arrangements will be made for the use by local authorities of plant and machinery,
as they become available from airfield construction, for the preparation of housing
sites, including roads and sewers and, where desired, electricity, water and gas
services, sufficient for the maximum number of houses which can be built during
the first two years after the war. Sites in England will be settled and approved
between the local authorities and the Minister of Health, who will consult the
Minister of Agriculture where the interests of allotment holders are concerned. I
shall dwell on that for a moment. The allotment holders are doing a great work,
and the Minister of Reconstruction and the Minister of Health are very anxious
that wherever possible their interests shall be preserved. I wish to emphasize that
they will be given consideration through their own Minister, the Minister of
Agriculture. The Minister of Health will also, of course, have to consult the

British Speeches of the Day

Minister of Town and Country Planning; while the Secretary of State for Scotland
will deal direct with his own local authorities on this question.
If the sites are grouped by areas, the work can be carried out in the most effec-
tive and economical way. Local authorities in each area will, in such a case, draw
up combined programs, and the Government will make the necessary labor available
as part of the Government building program. Housing sites of over five acres
would in the ordinary way be undertaken by the larger contractors, and those
under five acres by the smaller contractors. This arrangement will not only enable
one of the slow and uncertain parts of the housing schemes to be carried out
economically and quickly, but enable us to have everything prepared for the building
of houses to start directly it is found possible to begin. Dealing with it on this
scale we should ensure a material reduction in existing costs.
I should like to amplify that statement briefly, and to say that your Lordships
will at once be alive to the fact that when I said that timing was the difficulty, here
is a case where airfield construction grows less and we take the heavy plant off the
airfields and transfer it to these sites preparatory to the building of houses upon
them. That is very important. We have learnt a great deal about site preparation
in this war. The great contractors of this country have learnt a lot in the process
of building all the aerodromes and runways that they have put up. They have
really done a mass production job. Let us therefore use their knowledge, and this
is the time when we say the use of that knowledge should begin. That is, I think,
an important preliminary step in housing.
Demonstration Houses
I want next, if I may, to deal with demonstration houses; I am talking of
demonstration houses of permanent type. The Ministry of Works are putting up
a number of houses to demonstrate the use of different materials in permanent
house construction, and to ascertain the costs. All these plans have been agreed with
the Ministry of Health. I am only doing the experiments; the question of their
suitability remains with the Ministry of Health. The plans have been agreed also
by a panel of three architects nominated by the President of the R.I.B.A. They are
not meant to illustrate the various types of fittings that can be used, as we want to
obtain comparable costs in the methods of construction. The first thing we want
to know is how much it is going to cost to build the shell of a house, as my noble
friend described it just now. I do not want that to get entangled with the question
of different fittings in different houses. The alternative materials to be used are
those recommended by the Inter-Departmental Committee presided over by Sir
George Burt, which was appointed by the Minister of Health, the Secretary of
State for Scotland and my predecessor. I will speak of the question of fittings
and the bulk production of fittings presently. So as to get comparative costing
results these houses will be built to similar plans of 850 superficial feet, except for
two pairs which will be built to plans approved by the Dudley Committee in
advance of the submission of their Report. These two pairs will be 900 superficial
feet. I wish to emphasize the fact that these are typical plans for getting compara-
tive costs.
The types to be built will be two pairs of brick houses, one pair with a broader
frontage; two pairs of brick houses on the lines of the type accepted for this purpose
by the Dudley Committee-one pair to be for urban dwellers and one pair for agri-
cultural workers. Two pairs of houses will be built of foamed slag, with one pair
built in pre-cast blocks, the other pair to be made on the site (poured within
shuttering). There will be one pair of houses made of light weight concrete
(called "no fines"). These have already been experimented with in Scotland. There
will also be one pair of steel-framed houses with brick panels, and three types of
steel houses. The steel houses will be completed later than the others, as the various

Building and Housing Plans

details are not yet complete. In order to ascertain comparative costs of a form of
housing that may be largely used, we are also building one terrace of four brick
houses. I think it may be of interest to your Lordships to discuss for a moment the
question of foamed slag. . Foamed slag is made from the residue from blast
furnaces, and was used before the war in small quantities mainly for internal par-
titions. I am glad to say that I have been able to arrange with the Iron and Steel
Control to supply this product in large quantities and at an economical price. The
price is a good deal lower than the one which prevailed before the war, and this
I am assured by the building industry should be of great assistance. These houses
will all be costed up so that we can compare the price with pre-war prices, in order
to help the Minister of Health in deciding the standards that he will lay down.

Temporary Houses
The next thing I wish to come to is the question of temporary houses, and tem-
porary prefabricated houses. The Secretary of State for Scotland has already carried
out experiments in the conversion of war-time hostels for temporary houses. The
Ministry of Works are carrying out an experiment on an industrial hostel at the
present time which, when completed, will be shown to the Ministry of Health and
those interested in this experiment. It is intended, in agreement with the Ministry
of Health, that if these conversions are successful and economical, only hostels
constructed of brick, timber, or concrete will be considered for conversion purposes.
The industrial hostels referred to will in every case be dose to a town. The point
I want to emphasize there is that these hostels should be converted in about two
months' time from now, and then the Minister of Health, having seen them, will
ask the local authorities to come and see them. The question will then arise whether
we cannot make use of this method. I am full of hope about these plans, and I
think you will find that this will make a considerable addition to temporary housing.
Now I come to temporary prefabricated houses. . People get wrong ideas
about this word "prefabricated." As I have said before it is a pity that the word
was ever invented. It is just the same with "standardization." People think that
because a house is prefabricated or standardized it is something dreadful, which it
need not be. It is obvious that you can prefabricate or partly prefabricate in a
factory the shell of a house, or you can prefabricate some of the fittings. That is
what I want people to understand, because they talk about prefabricated fittings
only, and forget that you can prefabricate the two. Total prefabrication-though I
am not a technical man on this question-would, I suppose, be something produced
from a factory that theoretically would not take one hour to erect. That is how
I should define it, but I may be wrong. Total prefabrication in fact means the pro-
duction of something in a factory, the erection of which will require very little
manpower on the site. That is the essential point. With regard to temporary
prefabricated houses, the difficulty is obvious of obtaining the necessary labor for
permanent houses during the interregnum period after the war.
The Government have gone a considerable way in getting out plans for a type
of temporary prefabricated house. In considering prefabrication on a large scale,
the questions of materials and the capacity available for their manufacture are
vital, if it is to be started before the war is over. You have to remember that
at the present time every factory that you want to use for this purpose is taking
part in the war effort. It should be borne in mind also that it is essential that
building labor- shall not be diverted from the provision of permanent houses
in order to erect temporary houses. The point here is that the question of man-
hours, materials, and costs are all important. If you can get a temporary house
that takes very few man-hours to erect, you are not doing any harm to the permanent
housing program, for which the labor available in the interregnum period-that is,

British Speeches of the Day

the first two years after the war-will be ... very difficult. I shall give an example
of what I mean. If you have anything to do with materials in this country today
you will know that in some cases materials are short, and in one or two cases the
materials are there but the labor is short. That is all important in understanding
this question of man-hours, materials, and costs. My Ministry, with the help of
outside technical advice, has been dealing with this problem. . We shall have
the first prototype (made by hand) ready at the end of April when it will be shown
to the Minister of Health, the Secretary of State for Scotland, and others interested
in this matter. This is a new enterprise in this country, and we are obtaining
valuable help from the Building Research Station.
Public Ownership of Temporary Houses
In order to avoid these temporary houses remaining in existence as they did
after the last war-this is a very important point because, if you put up a tem-
porary house, the question arises, when will you rid of it ?-the Government have
decided that, if approved, these houses shall be publicly owned and licensed for
a period. I would emphasize this. After the last war, if a private individual put
up one of these houses, he might be ordered to take it down. We are getting over
this difficulty which faced us after the last war. The sites to which I have referred
that are being prepared, or are going to be prepared, will be suitable either for
permanent or for these temporary houses. At the request of the Ministry of
Health, we are carrying out an actual experiment in the temporary division of new
houses into two small one-bedroom and two-bedroom flats which, it is thought,
may help to meet special problems in some cases. We are also, at the request of
the Ministry of Health, exploring with certain local authorities the extent to which
it would be economical and practicable to convert large houses in urban areas into
comfortable flat dwellings.
A point I ought to have made while talking about experimental permanent
houses is that we are working to encourage and stimulate private interest in the in-
vestigation and development of alternative methods and materials and of prefabri-
cated equipment. I have established a Controller of Experimental Building with this
object in view. Acting on the advice of the Inter-Departmental Committee, he
issues certificates for materials and for permission to build, and assists in many other
ways. There are a number of private developments in hand which should make im-
portant contributions to the solution of our problems; while local authorities them-
selves are also carrying out experiments. What I wish to explain to your Lordships'
House is that there are a good number of private firms who are carrying out
experiments, and they are getting licenses to carry out these experiments as well as
the local authorities. That means it is not all being done by one agency. Everybody
is trying to seek a solution of this problem.

Standardized Fittings
I now come to . the question of fittings and standardization. The question
of standardizing fittings in houses after the war is all important. . My Ministry
with the interests concerned, has been carrying out a considerable degree of stand-
ardization in fittings and components to see how far these can be reduced in types.
It will be obvious that one of the most effective ways of securing efficiency and
economy will be by far greater standardization of essential parts than hitherto. Some
people appear to think that, by standardization, you are getting something less
effective, but the fact is quite the reverse. I have heard it stated that if you have
standardized fittings they are inferior. What some people do not realize is that
if you had one hundred types of fitting, and you choose ten instead of one hundred,

Building and Housing Plans

these ten will be better than the hundred you had before. I am perfectly certain
a much better understanding of this question ought to be conveyed to the people
concerned because, in my opinion, it is all important. We have been able to obtain
a degree of success in standardization. We have, for instance, reduced by ap-
proximately 80 per cent the various sizes of metal windows . to three basic types
which can, without interference with the flow of manufacture, be produced in over
50 varieties. If you get three types like this-it does not matter how you break
them up-it must be far more economical than making about two hundred types
of these things. We have reduced the types of baths from 40 to 5; we have reduced
water heaters, tanks and cisterns from 272 to 100, and we are dealing with many
other items on these lines. There is a host of these items, and I only give these as
instances. My view is that if you are going to have, as you will probably have for
the first two years, some form of subsidy behind housing, it is only right that the
taxpayer should get an advantage out of this method. The Minister of Reconstruc-
tion, the Minister of Health, and the Secretary of State for Scotland can specify
these types so that manufacturers will know what they are working to. If you
happen to have been a manufacturer you will realize the advantage of having a few
types only to work to.

I have dealt with most of the points, and several other noble Lords want to
follow, and I shall try to answer them also. Now I come to the question of costs.
S. You have got to try to give the people houses to live in at rents they can afford
to pay. That is what we have to try to do. Your Lordships will have realized that
the question of costs has not been neglected by my Department, and whatever the
costs may be during this abnormal time, if you are going to estimate postwar costs,
you will have to take into consideration the differences that should then occur.
High costs at the present time are due to many wartime factors, such as transport
charges (which often entail double-handling), directed labor, traveling expenses
and subsistence allowances, the'loss of the younger men called up to the Services
and munitions, the increased costs of raw materials, especially timber, which in the
low-cost houses is a considerable factor in the total cost. In making our comparative
costs we shall, of course, make due allowance for these abnormal features.
Steps have been, and are being, taken to ensure the supply of all building
materials that will be required for postwar building. Timber is the only major
material that has to be imported. The Minister of Production and the Minister of
Reconstruction both realize the importance of making the necessary arrangements
to deal with this problem of timber. ...

Security of Employment
The Government's plans for a long-term building program are, as your
Lordships know, divided into two parts-an interregnum period of two years after
the war and a further ten years after the interregnum period. My noble friend
alluded to the question of labor to be employed, working up to a ceiling of
1,250,000. I realized that he had read the White Paper when he mentioned that
figure. That is the figure we are working to. I should like to allay his fears as to
continuity of work. I agree with every word that he said on this question. In the
old days one went down to the Special Areas, and saw miners out of work one day,
and in work the next. That did not help to get the best out of men, and there was
a great deal of unemployment in the building trade. If I were starting life to-
morrow and I had to earn my own living-I do not know whether I do that or
not!-if I were going to be an apprentice I would choose the building trade,
because I can see more security in that trade at the present moment than in any

British Speeches of the Day

I come now to the.question of the interregnum period which is obviously the
more difficult owing to the questions of availability of materials and labor, and
the problems of gradual transition from war conditions. That fits in with what
has already been said, that if you have temporary houses you will have them in
the interregnum period. That is the period when there will be the most difficulty
about labor and materials. A great deal of time has been spent on this interregnum
program and it is now satisfactorily taking shape. At the same time the broad
outlines of the longer-term program are being settled, and in particular the priorities
necessary to secure construction of the full number of houses that have been already
announced as well as all the other necessary building.
Reports on Building
I would like to take this opportunity to bring to the notice of your Lordships'
House the Report of the Mission which has been out to America. The report
was issued on Monday of this week. The Mission consisted of Mr. Bossom, Sir
George Burt, Sir James West and Mr. Wolstencroft. I would like to thank those
gentlemen publicly for the work they have done. I have read their Report with
very great interest. I feel certain it will be of real value to all people concerned in
building and to the various interests concerned with building. All of these interests
ought to go very carefully into this Report because there are things in it which I
have no doubt will help us considerably in this country. Then there is the Report
of the Inter-Departmental Committee to which I have already referred, presided
over by Sir George Burt. This is now in the hands of the Stationary Office and I
hope it will be published next month. It provides an authoritative survey of all the
alternative methods of house building that have been tried in this country the best
of which are now being erected by my Ministry. The Committee is a most valuable
advisory body to both the Health Minister and myself in the technical aspects of
house building.
I would like to end my remarks by emphasizing, and said publicly some days
ago, that the work of the building industry during this war has been very fine
indeed. Workers in that industry have been directed from their homes, the em-
ployers have had an enormous amount of young labor taken away from them,
and the workers have been living in great numbers in what in normal times we
should call discomfort. When you realize, as I realize, the amount of work they
have done in these circumstances, you see how great is the contribution that they
have made in this war. But great as their work has been during this war, I am
sure they will also do a great work in the future. I think they realize the problems
of the future. I have found builders, civil engineers, architects, quantity surveyors
and operatives, and indeed all concerned very helpful to me in the Ministry. They
have come together and we have discussed these matters with them. I know they
are alive to the difficulties. My noble friend Lord Addison mentioned that we could
get a great deal of help from the building industry. I can assure him that we get
an enormous amount of advice, both outside and inside the industry. The difficult
question is what advice to take after you have gone through it all. Even those in
the industry are not always harmonious in regard to the advice they tender. Their
views do not always coincide. But we are endeavoring to battle with those diffi-
culties and I am perfectly certain we are all alive to the great job that confronts
us. I would like to take this opportunity also, of saying on this question of build-
ing labor that the Ministers of Labour and of Production have given us very great
What the Ex-Service Man Wants
Now, in regard to the postwar work that has to be done by my Ministry, I
go to my noble friend the Minister of Reconstruction who was a friend of mine

Empire Problems: Collaborative Machinery

before the war and I assure him that we realize the task that is ahead of us and
will do all that is possible to carry it out. I am often told what the ex-Service man
wants. I think I know what he wants. Those of us who had the opportunity
of serving during the last war realize, as well as those who are always so pleased
to tell us, what the ex-Service man requires. Many of us have some practical
knowledge of the ex-Service man and we are quite alive to what he wants. I had
the privilege of commanding a thousand for three years in the last war and of
censoring men's letters. What was the dominant note through all the letters of
these men then? They said, "We want to get home, we are looking forward to
getting home, and what we want from this great country of ours is a home to live
in." Whether we have mechanized warfare and whatever the new elements of
strategy and tactics may be in this war you will find the letters that are coming
from Service men today are couched in exactly the same language. I can assure
your Lordships that my noble friend the Minister of Reconstruction and the
Minister of Health and the Secretary of State for Scotland as well as myself are
fully alive to what the ex-Service man wants and it will not be our fault if we do
not give him what he requires.
[House of Lords Debates]

Secretary of State for Dominions Affairs
House of Lords, January 26, 1944

My Lords, before I come to the main subject of the debate I am sure that the
House would wish me, on behalf of His Majesty's Government, to follow the
example of .. others who have spoken today, in paying a tribute to Australia on
the occasion of her National Day. Australia is always in the minds of all of us,
and especially in these very strenuous and indeed critical days. The deeds of her
troops in the Middle East and in the Pacific and the deeds of her sailors and air-
men in every theater of war throughout the world have inspired us all. I sincerely
believe that there is today an understanding between the two countries which is
closer than it has ever been before. At any rate, if there is anything that His
Majesty's Government can do to promote that mutual understanding your Lord-
ships may be certain that we shall do it ....
I think your Lordships will agree that it is never premature to discuss Empire
policy. The more we discuss it the better, and the more likely we are to arrive at
wise and well-considered conclusions. It is, I think, one of the most encouraging
developments of recent times that there has been such an increase in the number of
debates on imperial subjects in both Houses of Parliament, and especially in your
Lordship's House. ...
Lord Listowel began his remarks today with an exposition of the attitude of the
Labour Party towards Empire problems. I thought that I detected in his remarks a
faint note of gentle reproof. He suggested, as I understood him, that his Party had
been the object of unfair criticism on the part of other Parties, that these had alleged
that there was some lack of interest on the part of the Labour Party in Empire ques-
tions. He complained that his Party had been misunderstood. If he expects me to
range myself in the ranks of these critics, I can assure him that nothing is further
from my mind. I do not say that I have always agreed with the noble Earl, or with
the Party which he represents. It is perhaps inevitable that different people will look
at problems from rather different angles. But during the time that I have been at
the Colonial Office and at the Dominions Office, I have always found the Labour

British Speeches of the Day

Party displaying the keenest interest in the problems of the Commonwealth and of
the Colonial Empire.

Empire Affairs Not a Party Matter
There is no doubt that there was a time when the country was divided between
what were called Imperialists and Little Englanders, and it may be said that at that
time it was perhaps true that the Imperialists belonged mainly to the Parties of the
Right and the Little Englanders mainly to the Parties of the Left, because those
Parties were more immediately concerned with domestic problems. I thought that I
detected in the speech of the noble Viscount, Lord Samuel, a faint echo of his early
days in his references to British imperialism, but I believe-and I am sure that he
will agree-that that phrase, in the sense in which it was once used, no longer has
any meaning, and that the era of which I have been speaking is now long past. I
would certainly join with the noble Earl, Lord Listowel, in hoping that the time
has now arrived when questions of imperial policy, like questions of foreign policy,
will be taken out of the arena of Party politics and treated objectively and on their
merits. . .
At all events I think it is clear that neither the noble Earl nor I wish to approach
these questions in a spirit of political controversy, but rather with a genuine desire
to find solutions which take account of often conflicting considerations and often
extremely difficult considerations. If I have any quarrel with the noble Earl today,
it is because I think that he pressed rather too strongly for definite declarations of
Government policy on a number of thorny constitutional issues, which I should have
thought could hardly be tackled by Parliament in a country which is still, we must
remember, fighting for its life. That is what I meant when I said that I was tempted
to feel that his Motion was premature. As he himself has said, some of these issues
are extremely controversial. They are likely to arouse strong feelings nor only in
this country but in the Colonies themselves, and they might well dissipate that con-
centration upon the war which is really essential if victory is to be achieved. I am
quite certain that questions of that character-extremely contentious constitutional
questions-must be put into cold storage until the war is over and full attention
can be given to them.
The noble Earl referring to the question of the amalgamation of Northern and
Southern Rhodesia, which was also mentioned by Lord Faringdon, quoted some
words of Sir Godfrey Huggins, the Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia. But the
House will note that Sir Godfrey himself recognized that a solution of the problem
of the Rhodesias must be postponed until (I quote his words) the embarrassment
caused by the war departs. In that respect I find myself rather inclined to emulate
Sir Godfrey rather than the noble Lord, Lord Faringdon, who pressed strongly for
an immediate declaration of Government policy. And the same inevitable delay
must be imposed, I think, in respect of other problems of equal importance, both
in Africa and elsewhere. I do not say for one moment that Government Depart-
ments should not be considering these problems and preparing the ground for future
action. Of course they must be doing so, and I know from my own experience in
the Colonial Office that they are already devoting much time to these matters in
order that they may be able to deal with them properly when the opportunity comes.
It is evident, however, that Government declarations on extremely controversial
issues at the present juncture could not do any good, and might possibly do a great
deal of harm. We should rouse the protagonists on both sides, and we should
leave the controversies in the air without any prospect of early settlement; in fact,
you would get the worst of both worlds.
I have no doubt that your Lordships will share this view, and will not expect
any detailed declarations from me today on individual issues. Nor do I propose

Empire Problems: Collaborative Machinery

to deal with the reference of the noble Viscount, Lord Samuel, to his proposal for
a Joint Standing Committee of both Houses of Parliament. He himself said that
that came a little outside the scope of this Motion. I am not in a position, either,
to answer all the questions of detail which were fired at me by the noble Lord,
Lord Faringdon. I had the sensation, when he spoke, of a man faced by a machine-
gun. I had not the time even to take all his questions down, much less to prepare
answers to them. The noble Lord, as he said himself, did not give me notice that he
was going to raise these questions. I will answer those that I can deal with, but I
am sure he will understand the position if I cannot deal fully with them all.

Regional Commissions and Mandates
What I can do, and what I think the noble Earl, Lord Listowel, really wants
me to do, is to expand what my right honorable friend the Colonial Secretary has
already said about Regional Commissions for certain areas, and try to put it in its
place in the picture of our general imperial and international policy. I think we
must recognize that this idea of regional international machinery is still a novel one
to some people, and that it does not yet command universal acceptance. For in-
stance, the noble Viscount, Lord Samuel, in his interesting speech to your Lord-
ships, was still, I thought, not entirely happy about it. He accepted it as an ex-
periment, but I thought that he still hankered after the principle of mandatory
control which was tried out after the last war; indeed, he liked that principle so
much, if I understood him, that he would wish to see it extended from ex-enemy
territories to all Colonial dependencies. Perhaps that may be due in part, if he will
not think it impertinent of me to say so, to what I may call the innate conservatism
of the Liberal Party. On the whole I have the impression that they always prefer
what they are accustomed to whether it is Free Trade in its most complete-per-
haps he would say its most unadulterated-form or Mandates. They know about
these things and they feel happy about them.
Like the noble Viscount, I have had some little practical experience of the
Mandates Commission at Geneva, and while no one-certainly not myself-would
wish to belittle the magnificent work which it has done-it was really extremely
fine-I do not believe that it necessarily provides the best solution to our problem.
There was always, at least in my day, an element among the representatives on the
Mandates Commission recruited from nations who had themselves no practical
experience of Colonial government, and, although they were always actuated by the
very highest motives, I confess that at times there was a certain unreality in their
proceedings. The beauty of the new idea of Regional Commissions is that the
members who are going to sit round a table and to pool their experience will be
representatives of nations who have themselves Colonial possessions in the areas in
question, and they for that very reason will be in a position to tackle these ques-
tions on an entirely practical basis. At any rate, His Majesty's Government feel
that Regional Commissions may prove in many ways a notable advance upon the
older system. I do not want to dogmatize this afternoon. I think it was the noble
Viscount himself who said we have got to think all these things over, not to come
to any hard-and-fast conclusions, but be ready to discuss them when the war
comes to an end. I do hope that he on his part, with all his very long experience,
will give this new conception full and objective consideration.
I'should add one further comment. This idea-I have called it a new idea-
of constructing machinery to link together existing territories for certain purposes
where joint action is obviously desirable, is really nothing new in the British
Colonial Empire. It has already for some time been the recognized practice, of
which there are notable examples. I think the noble Lord, Lord Faringdon, re-
ferred to some of them this afternoon. I also would like to refer very briefly to

British Speeches of the Day

some of them. First of all, there is the East African Governors' Conference. As
your Lordships know, through this organization the Governments of Kenya, Tan-
ganyika, Uganda and Zanzibar are able at present to discuss and co-operate over
matters of common concern. Naturally, under the impact of the war, that machinery
has been expanded, so that today questions of defense, production and supply are
being dealt with centrally and efficiently by the East African Governors' Confer-
ence. The House will note that the final responsibility still rests with the Govern-
ments of each individual territory. They will note also that any development must
be examined in the light of the consideration that in this particular area we are
dealing with territories in different stages of constitutional development and with
different racial composition. What will be the form which the further evolution
of the machinery in this area will take it is not for me to say today. I think it is
just one of those cases in which we shall have to feel our way in the light of ex-
perience. But at any rate there is in that area a rudimentary regional organization
in being.

West and East Africa
The same is true of West Africa. In the West African Colonies regional group-
ing is already developed to a very considerable extent. We must, of course, re-
member that in one very obvious respect West Africa differs from East Africa.
Our territories in West Africa are not contiguous, they have no common boun-
daries, they are separated from each other by areas of hundreds of miles, controlled
by foreign Governments. All the same, in spite of that, even before the war the
West African Governors' Conference was beginning to function, and it was doing
valuable work. During the war, during the time that I was at the Colonial Office,
a further step was taken. The Governors' Conference was superseded to some ex-
tent by the organization created by the Resident Minister, the noble Viscount, Lord
Swinton. Originally Lord Swinton's organization was limited to questions which
were related to the co-ordination and stimulation of the war effort. More recently,
through the Civil Members Committee of the West African War Council, the
Resident Minister has extended his activities to cover all important matters which
are of common concern to the British West African Governments. Thus, the fullest
use is being made of the organization by the West African Governments, whose
own responsibility again remains unaffected.
Of course, this new development in West Africa has been enormously facili-
tated by developments in the area. It is possible for people now to pass from end
to end of West Africa in a few hours, which before might have taken a matter of
days. That is a development which we may assume is a permanent one, and will
be helpful to further increases of common action. The functions of this new organ-
ization-and I say this in particular to the noble Earl, Lord Listowel-cover those
spheres of administration, security, material development, welfare services, etc.,
which he specifically mentioned, I think, in his speech. The success of this Swinton
Organization has been extremely striking-I think your Lordships are already
aware of that-and in my view there is no doubt that the co-operation which has
been created during the war will be maintained and, I believe, extended in some
form or other when hostilities are over.
I give, if I may, one other example in Africa of this collaborative machinery.
This is in an area a good deal further south. In 1931 His Majesty's Government
here in this country, in response to an approach by the Southern Rhodesian Govern-
ment, expressed their full appreciation of the co-operation between the Govern-
ments of Southern Rhodesia and Northern Rhodesia on all matters of policy of
common interest. In pursuance of this policy inter-territorial conferences between
the two Governments named and the Government of Nvasaland have been held
since 1935, with most useful results. Further, as a special war measure a step has

Empire Problems: Collaborative Machinery

been taken to establish a Secretariat, which deals centrally with certain matters
affecting the war effort of the three territories. Here again, of course, the inde-
pendent position and responsibility of the three Governments remains unimpaired.
They have built up this machinery for the purpose of consultation and collaboration.

I will give your Lordships one last example from another part of the world,
the Caribbean. There the problem, as the House knows, is of a different nature.
Neither the needs of the area nor the geographical factors are quite the same as in
Africa, and therefore a different type of organization had to be built up. Not long
after the outbreak of war it was found desirable to appoint a Comptroller of De-
velopment and Welfare for the West Indies. The object was to enable economic
and sound development to proceed as evenly as possible in spite of the disturbance
of the war. Of course, except for U-boat attacks on shipping, the actual conflict, was
kept, fortunately, away from the Caribbean. But the effects of war go much further
than the area of actual hostilities. In the Caribbean, as elsewhere, trade was seriously
dislocated, and every effort had to be made both to maintain the economic life of
the area and to make the fullest use, for the purposes of the United Nations, of
local productive capacity. Under the able direction of Sir Frank Stockdale, of whose
extremely fine work your Lordships are already aware, this organization has achieved
a very great measure of success. It has proved to be an innovation of the greatest

International Collaboration
I have given you some examples of how the principle of regional collaboration
is already being applied with success in the British Colonial Empire. I have done
that because I want your Lordships to see that it is not quite a new and untried
experiment. What is now being suggested is a development of an already existing
machinery. It will be seen that the approach of His Majesty's Government to
this problem has always been empirical. They found particular problems in par-
ticular areas, and they built up ad hoc machinery to deal with them. That is the
British way, as your Lordships know, and I am quite certain it is the right one. It
is not the slightest good devising a theoretical system and then imposing it, like a
sort of bed of Procrustes, on all areas alike, whatever the local conditions may
be. One must suit one's machinery to the special circumstances of the area. On that
basis I should have thought there was no limit to the advantages to be obtained by
co-operation and collaboration. That, at any rate, is the view of His Majesty's
Government, and it has seemed to them, in the light of their own Colonial experi-
ence, that it is a principle which, now that it has been tried out on a small scale,
might well be extended to the international field with advantage both to all Colonial
Powers and to the world at large. That is really the reason for the declaration of
my right honorable friend the Colonial Secretary in another place on July 13 last
to which reference was made by the noble Earl, Lord Listowel, this afternoon.
I should like again to quote the exact words which my right honorable friend
used in order that they may be fresh in the mind of the House. This is what he said:
"His Majesty's Government would therefore welcome the establishment of
machinery which will enable such problems to be discussed and to be solved by
common efforts. What they have in mind is the possibility of establishing Com-
missions for certain regions. These Commissions would comprise not only the
States with Colonial territories in the region, but also other States which have in
the region a major strategic or economic interest. While each State would re-
main responsible for the administration of its own territory, such a Commission
would provide effective and permanent machinery for consultation and collabor-

British Speeches of the Day

ation so that the States concerned might work together to promote the well-being
of the Colonial territories. An important consideration-"
I would say this in reply to Lord Listowel who mentioned this aspect-
"in designing the machinery of each Commission will be to give to the people
of the Colonial territories in the region an opportunity to be associated with
its work."
That is the answer to one of the questions he put to me. My right honorable friend
went on to say:
"The Commissions can only be set up as the result of consultation and
agreement with other countries, especially our own Dominions, and the
machinery can only be settled by discussions."
We have already one example of such international collaboration on a small
scale in the Caribbean. The noble Lord, Lord Faringdon, referred to it this after-
noon. The Anglo-American Commission, about which he asked me a very large
number of detailed questions, of which I am afraid I can answer on the spur of
the moment only a few, was set up, as your Lordships know, on a consultative
basis with representatives of the two countries concerned. The noble Lord asked
me whether there was any intention of widening the representation. As I under-
stand it, the position is this. Representation has hitherto been confined to His
Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom and the Government of the United
States of America. So far as I know, there has been no Dutch or Canadian par-
ticipation in the work of the Commission itself. There may have been some con-
sultation with Canada on shipping, but that would be outside the Commission
itself. I cannot give him any information about the future, but that is the position
as it is today. This organization, as Lord Faringdon himself said, provides con-
crete evidence of how regional organizations on an international basis can be de-
veloped. The Report of the Commission which was published last week is extremely
encouraging-I think he would agree-for the future.

An Experiment
The Commission is an attempt by ourselves and the United States to co-operate
in the solution of some of the problems in the Caribbean region-not all the
problems; it does not cover them all, but it does make a start on the solution of
some of them. It is not what some newspapers have suggested-it is not an experi-
ment in joint government; it is not an experiment in joint control. It does not
alter the relationship between His Majesty's Government and the Colonies in the
Caribbean area. The Commission has no executive authority, and there is no inter-
ference with sovereignty. Lord Listowel himself said this afternoon that that would
be a great mistake. Both the United States and ourselves retain our own respon-
sibility, and the position of the Colonial Governments remains unaffected. It is just
an experiment in practical collaboration.
In view of the Government, its success provides justification for proposing an
extension of just such similar machinery to appropriate areas throughout the world.
That was really the reason why my right honorable friend the Colonial Secretary
was authorized to make the statement he did. It was the success of machinery of
that character already in existence which enboldened His Majesty's Government to
authorize this wider proposal. The statement was not, of course, a statement of
Government policy in the sense that it demanded immediate action. That was
dearly impossible. This idea of regional commissions, as I have said, is an entirely
new conception in the international field. It will require very careful consideration
by other Governments, both Dominion Governments and foreign Governments,

Empire Problems: Collaborative Machinery

who have Colonial responsibilities. All will no doubt wish to give it the careful
consideration which so far-reaching a proposal certainly deserves.

Canberra Conference
What my right honorable friend did was to throw out a suggestion for the
consideration of other Colonial nations in order that, when it had been fully con-
sidered, they might voice their considered views. On the whole the results have
not been discouraging-they have been most encouraging. General Smuts, with
his unrivalled experience of world affairs, has given this conception his full bless-
ing and, as has been said this afternoon, within this last week it has had further
important public support from the Australian and New Zealand Governments.
In the Report of the Conference between the two countries held at Canberra they
have jointly adumbrated a scheme for just such an organization for the South
Pacific. His Majesty's Government in this country welcome the Conference as a
whole. We believe that it has been a valuable innovation in inter-imperial machinery
and inter-imperial relations. I am quite sure, as Lord Samuel indicated this after-
noon, that the multiplication of links between the members of the Commonwealth
must strengthen the Commonwealth as a whole. In particular, we warmly welcome
their declaration with regard to a Regional Commission, and we should be very
ready to discuss these ideas with them at the meeting of the Dominion Prime Min-
isters which, as your Lordships know, it is hoped to hold at an early date.
Lord Faringdon asked me certain questions arising out of the Report of the
Conference. I am afraid I am not yet in a position to give him an answer to these.
No doubt other Colonial nations are also equally considering the possibility of some
such international organization in the areas in which they themselves are interested.
For certain of them, the problem is doubtless an extremely difficult one at the
moment, because their metropolitan territories are still occupied by the enemy.
Declarations of postwar policy of great importance may well be impossible for
Governments which are out of touch with their constituents. We really must not
be too impatient. There are other nations, too, without direct Colonial responsi-
bilities-they were referred to in particular by the noble Viscount, Lord Samuel.
These nations may also feel an interest in this subject, both from the point of view
of world peace and because they are buyers of the products of Colonial territories
or seller of goods to be consumed there. All I can say at present is that the omens
so far as public declarations are concerned-those declarations to which I have
already referred-are encouraging. At any rate His Majesty's Government have
made their position perfectly clear. They will welcome the establishment of
machinery of a collaborative and consultative nature to facilitate the discussion and
solution of problems which transcend the boundaries of political units in appropri-
ate areas.
I think it was the noble Earl, Lord Listowel, who asked, would it be the in-
tention of His Majesty's Government to include West Africa within the areas in
question. Well, I do not think His Majesty's Government would rule out any
appropriate area. But what precisely those areas are to be must depend upon
future discussion between the .nations concerned. What is more, His Majesty's
Government would be very ready that the sphere of the machinery of these Com-
missions should include such questions as public health, education and housing,
which were mentioned by the noble Earl. I am quite certain that, on all such
matters as these, pooled experience would be immensely valuable. In addition, I
imagine also that the Commissions would concern themselves with questions such as
communications, which play so great a part in the development of backward
areas. I have already dealt with the point about the association of Colonial peoples
in work for these Commissions. I was going to quote again what my right honor-

British Speeches of the Day

able friend has said. We certainly agree that it would be important to give to the
people of Colonial territories an opportunity to be associated with such work. Cer-
tain questions of detailed machinery were raised this afternoon. Were there to be
reports to the Commission by individual Governments? Was there to be a Secre-
tariat? Was there to be adequate publicity? I do not think the House would expect
n answer to that sort of question this afternoon. This must be a matter for con-
sideration by the nations who take part in the Commissions, if they are set up. You
might well find that the different Commissions ought to have a rather different
machinery, and that you might have to adapt the machinery to the individual cir-
cumstances of the part of the world with which it dealt. These are all matters
which will have to be thought out later.
I hope I have said enough this afternoon to make it dear to the House that
the policy of His Majesty's Government with regard to Colonial territories is in
no way negative, that indeed it approximates in many respects to that which was
enunciated by the noble Earl himself in his opening speech. The development of
regional organizations is already going on in the Colonial Empire itself. We cer-
tainly wish to see that development extended and that both the British Dominions
overseas and foreign Colonial Powers should be associated with those wider de-
velopments. My Lords, I have expounded our views. We shall await with con-
fidence the favorable response of other countries which will make possible, when
the time comes, the more detailed discussions which my right honorable friend the
Colonial Secretary foreshadowed in his speech of last July.
[House of Lords Debates]

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