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Title: British speeches of the day
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Title: British speeches of the day
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    Back Matter
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Full Text




WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Minister, July 27, 1943.
Events in Italy.
DINGLE FOOT, Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Economic
Warfare, July 8, 1943.
Economic War.
RICHARD LAW, Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, July 19, 1943.
The Significance of the Food Conference.
ANTHONY EDEN, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, July 6, 1943.
The Government Accepts the Food Conference Proposals.
WILLIAM S. MORRISON, Minister of Town and Country Planning,
July 14, 1943.
The County Council Plan for London.
OLIVER STANLEY, Secretary of State for the Colonies, July 13, 1943.
Economic and Social Progress in the Colonies.
RICHARD A. BUTLER, President of the Board of Education, July 29, 1943.
The New Education Proposals.
W. HARCOURT JOHNSTONE, ..-'." to '," nThartment of Overseas
Trade, July 27, 1943. o R g.7 5
Export Trade. G 9 t

Number 6 A S I 4- ssued August 1943

NEW YORK. .. . 30 ROCKEFELLER PLAZA.. . .. Circle 6-5100
WASHINGTON, D. C. . 1336 NEW YORK AVENUE, N.W. . Executive 8525

Prime Minister
House of Commons, July 27, 1943

The House will have heard with satisfaction of the downfall of one of the
principal criminals of this desolating war. The end of Mussolini's long and severe
reign over the Italian people undoubtedly marks the close of an epoch in the life
of Italy. The keystone of the Fascist arch has crumbled, and, without attempting
to prophesy, it does not seem unlikely that the entire Fascist edifice will fall to
the ground in ruins, if it has not already so fallen. The totalitarian system of a
single party, armed with secret police, engrossing to itself practically all the offices,
even the humblest, under the Government, with magistrates and courts under the
control of the executive, with its whole network of domestic spies and neigh-
borly informants-that system when applied over a long period of time, leaves
the broad masses without any influence upon their country's destinies and without
any independent figures apart from the official classes. That, I think, is a defense
for the people of Italy-one defense-although there can be no real valid defense
for any country or any people which allows its freedom and inherent rights to
pass out of its own hands.

"Very Great Changes Will Take Place in Italy"
The external shock of war has broken the spell which in Italy held all these
masses for so long, in fact for more than 20 years, and held them all over all this
period in physical and even more in moral subjection. We may, therefore, reason-
ably expect that very great changes will take place in Italy. What their form will,
be or how they will impinge upon the forces of German occupation and control
it is too early to forecast. The guilt and folly of Mussolini have cost the Italian
people dear. It looked so safe and easy in May, 1940, to stab falling France in
the back and advance to appropriate the Mediterranean interests and possessions
of what Mussolini no doubt sincerely believed was a decadent and ruined Britain.
It looked so safe and easy to fall upon the much smaller State of Greece. How-
ever, there have been undeceptions. Events have taken a different course. By
many hazardous turns of fortune and by the long marches of destiny the British
and United States Armies, having occupied the Italian African Empire, the North
of Africa, and the bulk of Sicily, now stand at the portals of the Italian mainland
armed with the powers of the sea and the air and with a very large land and
amphibious force equipped with every modern weapon and device.

"The Choice is in Their Hands"
What is it that these masterful forces bring to Italy? They bring, if the Italian
people so decide, relief from the war, freedom from servitude and, after an inter-
val, a respectable place in the new and rescued Europe. When I learn of the scenes
enacted in the streets of the fine City of Palermo on the entry of the United States
Armies and review a mass of detailed information with which I have been fur-
nished, I cannot doubt that the main wish of the Italian people is to be quit of
their German taskmasters, to be spared a further and perfectly futile ordeal of
destruction and to revive their former democratic and parliamentary institutions.
These they can have. The choice is in their hands. As an alternative, the Germans
naturally desire that Italy shall become a battleground, a preliminary battleground,
and that by Italian sufferings the ravages of war shall be kept as far away as pos-
sible for as long as possible from the German Fatherland. If the Italian Govern-
ment and people choose that the Germans are to have their way, no choice is left

2 British Speeches of the Day

open to us. We shall continue to make war upon Italy from every quarter-North
and South, from the sea and from the air, and by amphibious descents we shall
also endeavor to bring the utmost rigor of war increasingly upon them. Orders to
this effect have been given to all the Allied Commanders concerned.
A decision by the Italian Government and people to continue under the German
yoke will not affect seriously the general course of the war. Still less will it alter
its ultimate result. The only consequence will be that in the next few months
Italy will be seared and scarred and blackened from one end to the other. I know
little or nothing of the new Government. I express no opinion, but it is obvious
that so far as their own people are concerned, they have a very important decision
to take. Meanwhile I am anxious that the various processes by which this decision
is reached shall be allowed to run their course under no other pressure than that
of relentless war. This operation may well take some time. There may be several
changes of transition. Past experience shows that in cases of a great change of
heart and character in the government of a nation, very often one stage is rapidly
succeeded by another. I cannot tell. So far, we have had no approaches from the
Italian Government, and therefore no new decision is called upon from us, except
those decisions connected with the bringing of the maximum avalanche of fire
and steel upon all targets of military significance throughout the length and breadth
of Italy.
A Word of Caution
However, I must utter a word of caution. We do not know what is going to
happen to Italy, and now that Mussolini has gone, and once the Fascist power is
certainly and irretrievably broken, we should be foolish to deprive ourselves of
any means of coming to general conclusions with the Italian nation. It would be
a grave mistake when Italian affairs are 'in this flexible, fluid, formative condition,
for the rescuing Powers, Britain and the United States, so to act as to break down
the whole structure and expression of the Italian State. We certainly do not seek
to reduce Italian life to a condition of chaos and anarchy and to find ourselves
without any authorities with whom to deal. By so doing, we should lay upon
our Armies and upon our war effort the burden of occupying, mile by mile, the
entire country and of forcing the individual surrender of every armed or coherent
force in every district into which our troops may enter. An immense task of
garrisoning, policing and administering will be thrown upon us, involving a
grievous expenditure of power, and still more of time.
We must be careful not to get ourselves into the kind of position into which
the Germans have blundered in so many countries, namely, of having to hold
down and administer in detail, from day to ,day, by a system of gauleiters, the
entire life of very large populations, thereby becoming responsible under the hard
conditions of this present period for the whole of their upkeep and well-being.
Such a course might well, in practice, turn the sense of ,liberation which it may
soon be in our power to bestow upon the Italian people, into a sullen discontent
against us and all our works. The rescuers might soon, indeed, be regarded as
tyrants; they might even be hated by the Italian people as much or almost as much
as their German allies. I certainly do not wish in the case of Italy, to tread a path
which might lead to execution squads and concentration camps and above all to
having to carry on our shoulders a lot of people who ought to be made to carry
"Let the Italians Stew in Their Own Juice"
Therefore, my advice to the House of Commons, and to the British nation,
and to the Commonwealth and Empire, and to our Allies at this juncture may be
very simply stated. We should let the Italians, to use a homely phrase, stew in

Events in Italy 3

their own juice for a bit and hot up ,the fire to the utmost in order to accelerate
the process, until we obtain from their Government, or whoever possesses the
necessary authority, all the indispensable requirements we demand for carrying
on the.war against our prime and capital foe, which is not Italy but Germany.
It is the interest of Italy and also the interest of the Allies, that the -unconditional
surrender of Italy should be brought about wholesale and not piecemeal. Whether
this can be accomplished or not, I cannot tell, but people in this country and else-
where who cannot have the necessary knowledge of all the forces at work or assign
true valuations to the various facts and factors, should, I think, at this juncture
be restrained in speech and writing, in case they may add to the tasks, the toils and
the losses of our Armies and prolong and darken the miseries which have de-
scended upon the world.

Continuous Consultation With the United States
In all these affairs, we are, of course, acting in the closest concert with the
United States, our equal partner and good and gallant comrade in this new tre-
mendous Mediterranean enterprise. Our Russian friends are also being kept regu-
larly informed. The Allied Commanders in the Mediterranean theatre are in the
closest accord on the very difficult problems produced in such circumstances by
the inseparable interplay of military and political elements; and the British and
the United States Armies under their leadership are working as if they were the
Army of one single nation, an Army, I may remind the House, which has just
shown itself capable of little less than a prodigy of intricate organization. The
two Governments are in continuous consultation and association through the For-
eign Office, and I correspond personally almost every day, under the authority of
the War Cabinet, with the President of the United States. I conceive that His
Majesty's Government have the right to ask for the solid and sustained confidence
of Parliament. After years of extreme difficulty and danger, we are conducting
increasingly successful war and policy, and we feel sure that the House would not
wish us to be deprived of the fullest freedom to act in the name and interest of
the nation as we think fit, at this particular and swiftly-moving juncture. It is
extremely important that full latitude should continue to be accorded to the Gov-
ernment by the House, that no diminution of the responsibility of the Executive
should be attempted, and that no untimely or premature explanation should be
sought in respect of business of such consequence and complications.
Questions have been addressed to my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House
about a Debate. It may be possible for me to make some further statement not
only on the Mediterranean position but on the war as a whole before the House
rises. I should be quite willing if this were possible, but I cannot at present
promise to do so, because I do not know whether any point will be reached in the
next week from which a general survey could usefully be made. Very complete,
vivid and excellent accounts are appearing in the newspapers of all the operations.
An immense army of correspondents move with the troops and carry their cameras
into the heat of the fight, and an immense volume of material of the deepest
interest and of a very high level of quality and accuracy fills the public Press from
hour to hour, and there is at present very little which I could add to this, except,
of course, to set matters in proportion as I and my colleagues view them, and to
place the proper emphasis, or what we conceive, with our fallible judgment, to be
the proper emphasis, upon the various facts and factors.

Exertions Still to be Made
I will venture to offer another word of caution, and I do not think it is inap-
propriate to do so in a period when, not unnaturally, our spirits run high. What

4 British Speeches of the Day

is Italy as a war unit? Italy is, or rather it was, perhaps about one-tenth of the
power of Germany. The German tyranny is being violently assailed and beset on
every side. Mighty battles on the Russian front, far exceeding in scale any of the
operations in which we and the United States have hitherto been engaged on land,
have in the month of July inflicted further deep injuries upon the German army.
The systematic shattering of German cities continues remorselessly and with ever-
growing weight. The spirit or revolt rises higher in all the subjugated lands. The
German rule is maintained from the North Cape in Norway to the Island of Crete
only by hideous and ruthless cruelty, reprisals and massacres. The German hopes
of the U-boat warfare turning the tide of war are sinking as fast as the U-boats
themselves. The whole outlook of the Nazi party and regime, their whole ideo-
logical outlook, as it is called, will be disturbed and darkened by the events which
have happened and are going to happen in Italy, and the overthrow and casting
down in shame and ruin of the first of the dictators and aggressor war lords strikes
a knell of impending doom in the ears of those that remain.
Nevertheless, let us not allow this favorable inclination of our fortunes to
blind us to the immensity of the task before us, nor of the exertions still to be
made and privations and tribulations still to be endured and overcome. The Ger-
man national strength is still massive. The German armies, though seriously
mauled by the three Russian campaigns, are still intact and quite unbroken. Hitler
has under his orders over 300 German divisions, excluding the satellites. Three-
quarters are mobile and most of them continue to be well equipped. We are fight-
ing some of these divisions in Sicily at this moment, and, as we see, they offer a
stubborn resistance in positions well adapted to defense. The authority of the
central Government in Germany grips and pervades every form of German life.
The resources of a dozen lands are in their hands for exploitation. The harvest
prospects are reported to be fairly good. This Nazi war machine is the hateful
incubus upon Europe which we are resolved utterly to destroy, and the affairs of
Italy must be handled with this supreme object constantly in view. Both our
strategy and our policy, I venture to claim, have been vindicated by events, and I
look forward to offering to Parliament, as the months unfold, further convincing
proof of this assertion, but we cannot afford to make any large mistake which we
can by careful forethought avoid, nor can we afford to prolong by any avoidable
mismanagement the sombre journey in which we shall persevere to the end.

Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Economic Warfare
House of Commons, July 8, 1943
All important decisions on economic warfare questions are now Anglo-Amer-
ican decisions, and in particular, speaking I think on behalf of every member of
my Department, I should like to acknowledge the tireless and quite invaluable
assistance which we have received every day, from the Economic Warfare Division
of the American Embassy.

Contraband Control
The problem which always confronts a belligerent Power when it is seeking to
impose a sea blockade is how to prevent supplies from reaching the enemy in

Economic War

neutral ships. In the early months of this war that was a comparatively simple
affair. We only had to begin where we had left off in 1918, and up to June, 1940,
every ship carrying cargo which might reach the enemy had to pass through the
Straits of Gibraltar, the English Channel or North of the Shetlands. As in the last
war all we had to do was to bring in those ships for contraband control. But
when the Franco-German Armistice was signed we were faced with an entirely
new situation, a situation which was entirely new in this form of warfare, because
not only had we lost for a time all assistance in blockade matters from the French
Fleet, but the British Navy had to deal single-handed with a Germany which was
installed in bases from the North of Norway to the Pyrenees, and in addition it
had to meet the Italian Fleet in the Mediterranean. The result was that ships
which would normally have been used for patrolling the high seas had at once to
be diverted to other and much more urgent tasks. In these circumstances the ques-
tion at once arose as to whether it was physically possible to impose a blockade
on the whole of this vast area of German-controlled Europe ..
That problem was solved by the system of compulsory navicerts and ship's
warrants. As was said at the time, we had to transfer our control from the seas
to the quays, and to ensure as far as was humanly possible that no suspect cargo
which might find its way into enemy hands should ever be loaded at all. . .
I am occasionally asked about the volume of imports into European neutral
countries. I do not think it is always understood that those imports are regulated
by a system of quotas designed to ensure that while, so far as supplies are available,
those countries can obtain sufficient for their essential needs, there shall be no
surplus which they can pass on to the enemy; but I must make it clear that if at
any time we had reason to believe that goods imported through our controls were
being passed on, we should have no hesitation in at once stopping the import into
the neutral country of the commodity in question. But it is not enough in these
days to prevent the'neutral from acting as a conduit pipe to the enemy. We have
in addition to do everything in our power to limit the trade which is carried on
with Germany and with Italy from neutral owned domestic sources ..

Interception of Enemy Ships
We knew in the late summer of 1941 that there were a number of Axis ships
outside the Mediterranean and Northern waters which were capable of making
the whole journey to Europe or the other way without refuelling, and we were
quite certain then that, in view of the supply position in both Germany and Japan,
there would be a series of attempts to run the blockade. When the time came, as
it inevitably did, it was by no means easy to stop those attempts. No one could
tell in advance whether the ships were going to sail round the Cape of Good Hope
or round Cape Horn. They would come up the Atlantic, but at its narrowest
points the Southern Atlantic is 12,000 miles wide. Those ships use no wireless,
they used no lights at night, and the last lap of their journey, when they were
making for French Atlantic ports, was always calculated to coincide with the very
darkest nights and the most unfavorable weather. Interception of vessels in those
circumstances was surely one of the most difficult tasks with which the Navy and
the Royal Air Force can ever have confronted. I think that the Committee knows
that in the spring and early summer of last year a certain number of those vessels
got through, but I am glad to be able to say that in the last eight months this
traffic has been brought practically to a standstill. In spite of the vast expanse of
the Atlantic, in spite of the dark nights, in spite of the many subterfuges the
enemy adopts, these ships have in almost every case since November last year been
spotted and intercepted, and I should like to emphasize that this was only achieved
by the closest possible co-operation, first between the Allied Navies in more distant

British Speeches of the Day

waters and, secondly, in waters nearer home, between the Royal Navy and Coastal

The R.A.F.'s Part in the Blockade
We have been accustomed in the past to think of the blockade merely as a naval
operation, but in the conditions of this war the blockade could hardly be main-
tained without the consistent assistance of the Royal Air Force. I do not think
that this has been sufficiently recognized. I should like to express, not only on
behalf of my colleagues of the Ministry of Economic Warfare but I think on
behalf of everyone who is familiar with the facts of this matter, our great admira-
tion for the work which is being done in this connection by Coastal Command.
Their efforts have seldom been rewarded with a kill or even the sight of a kill,
but they have resulted in the subsequent interception and destruction of these
vessels by the surface craft of the Royal Navy, and I think the blockade possi-
bilities of the air arm are illustrated by the fact that when these vessels are coming
on to their last lap, making for French Atlantic ports, or when they are coming
out from French Atlantic ports, they need never come within 500' miles' radius
of any British air base. In spite of that, Coastal Command have succeeded in the
last year not only in spotting but also in identifying nine out of every 10 of these
ships. As a result of these combined efforts the enemy has lost at sea during the
last year not less than 30,000 tons of rubber, 5,000 tons of tin, 25,000 tons of
edible oils and smaller but hardly less important quantities of tungsten and quinine.
The cargoes which have been lost to Japan consist of heavy machinery, machine
tools and engineering equipment. In the circumstances I am sure the Committee
will agree that that does represent a very considerable achievement on the part
of all the Forces engaged.

The "Inner Blockade": Germany's Life-line
I must say a word about the inner blockade, which consists of the attack on
enemy shipping round the coast of Europe. It is obvious that the attack on Axis
shipping in the Mediterranean has been primarily undertaken for purely military
reasons, but it has nevertheless served a very useful blockade purpose, because it
has had the result of considerably diminishing Axis sea-borne trade with both
occupied and neutral countries in the Mediterranean. Moreover-and this is hardly
less important-these attacks have forced the Axis to carry on congested Balkan
railways the oil which could much more easily have been shipped from Constanza
direct to Axis bases in the Mediterranean. If I might quote one figure, since the
Allied occupation of North Africa the tonnage of Axis ships either sunk or
seriously damaged has been no less than 1,000,000 tons. That represents 700,000
tons sunk and 300,000 tons seriously damaged.
Then, going to the other end of Europe, there is the attack on shipping in the
Baltic and the North Sea. We are accustomed to speak of our ocean life-line
across the Atlantic, but it is not always realized that Germany has her life-line in
the North Sea round the coast of Europe and in the Baltic. These attacks on
shipping in those waters serve a two-fold purpose. They prevent Germany obtain-
ing some part of the cargoes which she needs from Scandinavia, and they increase
very considerably the strain on German land transport. At the beginning of this
war Germany possessed very considerable resources of tonnage in those waters,
and she obtained a large windfall from the countries which she occupied in 1940.
With all the other call on the Navy and the Royal Air Force, the scale of attack
which could be launched upon this mass of shipping in Northern waters was
inevitably limited, and it was urgently necessary to plan these attacks in a way
which would inflict maximum damage on the German programme of sea-borne

Economic War

supplies. Operations of that kind could only be planned with a very full knowl-
edge of the enemy's supply and shipping position, because not every ship of equal
tonnage is of the same importance. For example, a cargo of nickel ore sent to
the bottom of the sea represents a much greater loss to the Axis than several
cargoes of iron ore.
I want to speak on this matter with a good deal of caution, but there can be
no doubt now that this war on the enemy's shipping in these narrow waters which
has been carried on by bomb, mine and torpedo for the last three years has reduced
the tonnage at the German disposal to the bare minimum needed to meet their
most essential military and economic requirements. Henceforth every ton of
shipping sunk in the Baltic, the North Sea or the Channel means an ever greater
burden on inland transport or a permanent reduction on imports from Scandinavia.
There are many other operations which attract a great deal more public attention,
but when the war comes to an end I think it may well be found that one of the
most important causes of the German collapse is the success achieved by the Navy
and by Coastal and Bomber Commands in this continuing battle of the Northern

Bomber Offensive
The third matter with which we are particularly concerned is of course the
bomber offensive. I think here there has occasionally been some misunderstanding
as to the precise functions of my Department. But matters of bombing policy,
like those of all other campaigns, must be determined by the combined Chiefs of
Staff under the general direction of the British and American Governments. The
actual conduct of bombing operations must always be the responsibility of Bomber
Command, but the business of my Department once the directive has been drawn
up is to advise the Air Staff of those targets the destruction of which is most likely
to further the purpose in view. For instance, if it were decided at any time to
attack the German output of tanks, we should at once be asked to trace all the
processes involved in the manufacture of tanks in Germany, the location and
importance of the principal factories and the relative vulnerability of each stage
in production.
There are two forms which these air attacks on the enemy's war potential can
take. The first is the precise attack on particular factories making munitions of
war. Obviously, if it can be carried out successfully, that is the most direct and
effective way of reducing the enemy's front-line strength. Of course, the Germans
know this just as well as we do, with the result that the most vital targets are the
most dispersed, the most carefully camouflaged and most heavily defended. The
second method is the concentrated attack on the important industrial areas in the
enemy country, an attack which is calculated to strike at the whole of the enemy's
industrial production.
Information comes to us from a great many sources, most of which I could
not possibly discuss in this Committee. A great deal of it, in this case I should
say the great majority of it, is information which we have ourselves accumulated
over the last 31/2 years. The object of the concentrated attack is both to destroy
work and to create work. Even a fully mobilized country like Germany, where
there has been the most intensive comb-out of manpower, two-thirds of the popu-
lation are still occupied in the essential business of keeping the nation going, that
is to say, in keeping it fed and clothed and housed and generally maintained, and
even in Germany only one-third is left for manning and equipping the forces.
Anything which can be done, particularly at this stage of the war, to increase the
minimum amount of essential work necessary for feeding, clothing and maintain-
ing the country must be at the expense of direct war production. Therefore the

8 British Speeches of the Day

results of the bomber offensive have to be measured not only in the actual stoppage
of production in certain factories but also in the vast amount of additional work
which it makes necessary.

The Ruhr Bombing
German economy is particularly vulnerable to this form of attack, because of
the existence within easy bombing range of this country, of the unique industrial
concentration of the Ruhr. This area, which is only about 800 square miles, rather
smaller than the County of Leicestershire, covers a coal production which is more
than half as great as the whole of that of Great Britain, steel production rather
larger than the whole of British output in a good pre-war year and in spite of all
attempts to increase heavy industry in other areas, at the time when these recent
heavy attacks began, the Ruhr accounted for one-third of the hard coal, one-half of
the coke and one-third of the steel ingot and castings production, not of Germany
alone, but of the whole of Axis Europe. Although there is no big concentration
of light engineering and aircraft and finished armaments in this particular area,
the Ruhr is engaged in the supply of raw materials and components to those
industries for practically the whole of the territory now under German control.

Results Already Seen
Of course, it must take a certain amount of time before the effects of these
attacks are seen right through the industrial system, but already we can observe
certain very interesting phenomena. One is that the Germans are making strenu-
ous efforts to increase steel production in France, in Belgium and in Luxembourg,
that is to say wherever they can find the necessary plant, so that in this case, con-
trary to what is sometimes suggested, German production is not moving away
towards more remote districts, it is actually being compelled to move in our direc-
tion. Again, it appears to us from our most recent information that the Germans
are engaged in taking away all movable equipment from the Ruhr. If that be so,
it is an extremely significant fact, because it shows that they themselves know
that the battle of the Ruhr is lost. Whatever they may say about our own losses
in these raids, whatever they may say about their intention to strengthen their
defenses in the Ruhr, their actions show that they do not regard the Ruhr as likely
to be a safe area at anytime in the foreseeable future. This dispersal, I know, may
be a preliminary to starting production elsewhere, but it needs no argument to
show that to alter the whole lay-out of heavy industry at this stage of the war with
the present position of transport and manpower is indeed a Herculean task.

Results of Precision Bombing
Area bombing, which I have been trying to describe, is no longer the only
weapon in the armament of the bomber offensive. To the bludgeon, the Royal
Air Force and the United States Air Force have now added the rapier. Hon.
Members will, I have no doubt, have observed the significance of the three out-
standing precision attacks which have recently taken place on economic targets.
The first, on 3rd March, was the attack on the molybdenum mines in Knaben.
The second, on 16th May, was the raid on the German dams, and the third, on
22nd June, was the raid on the synthetic rubber works at Huls. Those three opera-
tions, taken together, represent an entirely new development in economic warfare
conducted from the air. We have always known where the bottlenecks and the
vital centres of German industry were to be found, but before they could be
profitably attacked it was necessary to await the development of suitable weapons
and suitable technique. : .

Economic War

The results of those operations were extremely encouraging. The Knaben mine,
which produced over three-quarters of German molybdenum supplies, was put out
of production for some months, and it will be some time before it gets back into
full production. The raid on the dams was another in which the damage inflicted
was out of all proportion to the damage we suffered ourselves. The damage done
by floods in the Ruhr valley has added enormously to the repair work which the
Germans have to undertake. Then there was the effect on the water supply. I do
not expect that that will be apparent at once. Nevertheless, the Germans are con-
fronted, as a result, with an entirely fresh problem. The maintenance of the water
level in the waters of the Ruhr is dependent upon control of the flow of the river,
and the means of such control was provided by the Mbhne Dam. With the dam
gone, the whole of the Ruhr area is threatened with a depletion of water supplies
upon which the heavy industries depend. I should like to re-emphasize the state-
ment made by the Air Ministry in disposing of the absurd suggestion that the idea
of raiding these dams occurred to us only by reason.of a communication from a
Jewish refugee. While we are always glad to receive information from refugees,
we do not depend upon casual suggestions of that character. This attack, like a
good many others which have been planned, has been under consideration ever
since the beginning of the war, and only awaited the development of a suitable
means to achieve it. Finally, there was the raid on the synthetic rubber works at
Huls by the American Air Force. From the point of view of economic warfare,
that was the most successful raid> It was particularly important in view of the
success of the Navy, in intercepting the blockade runners carrying rubber from
the Far East. This plant was responsible for 25 per cent of German production
of synthetic rubber, and, although our information is incomplete, it seems likely
to be out of operation for some months to come ...

German Efforts to Meet the Blockade
The Germans always recognized that the blockade was one of the main causes
of their defeat in 1918. Before this war they made almost every conceivable
preparation to meet it. They accumulated stocks of oil, rubber, metal and textiles
and all the materials in which they were naturally deficient. They reduced almost
to an exact science the spoliation of occupied countries. They maintained an
extremely high proportion of their total labor force on the land, and they have
increased that proportion, since the war began. Finally, they have concentrated
for years on synthetic production. To-day, as everyone knows, the German war
machine is kept running by synthetic oil, synthetic rubber and synthetic textiles.
Those are very formidable defenses, but they are not impregnable. In the course
of time stocks become exhausted, and, at any rate as far as foodstuffs are con-
cerned, the occupied countries are a rapidily-diminishing asset. In any normal
year before the war the German importation of cereals from South-East Europe
was in the neighborhood of 3,000,000 tons. In the last 12 months they have
obtained only 400,000 tons from that source, and they have actually been com-
pelled to send certain cereals to Bulgaria and Croatia. In 1941 Danish exports
of meat, nearly all of which went to the Axis, were 150,000 tons. In 1942 they
had sunk to 75,000 tons.

Effect on Germany's Manpower Problem
But in assessing the enemy's internal position, we have to think not so much
in terms of commodities as in terms of manpower. Generally speaking, it is true
to-day that almost any material can be replaced synthetically if you are prepared
to pay a sufficiently high price in labor and raw materials. You can, for instance,
produce synthetic oil if you are prepared to use seven times as much labor in

10 British Speeches of the Day

manufacturing a ton of synthetic oil as you would use in refining a ton of natural
oil. To a considerable extent, the Germans have eased their commodity shortage
by paying a very heavy price in labor, particularly skilled labor. To my mind, the
most significant event on the German home front has been the recent comb-out
in Germany starting at the beginning of this year, under the Funk and Sauckel
decrees, a comb-out which goes considerably further than any we have found it
necessary to make in this country. In the armament works and on the railways
not only skilled men, but even key men, have been taken away for the Army, and
to make good the deficiency there has been the most drastic comb-out in banks
and ships. Since January this year no fewer than 150,000 shops have been closed
down in Germary. This intense mobilization is remarkably similar to the meas-
ures carried out by the German Government, under directions from Hindenburg
and Ludendorff, in 1918, but the remarkable thing is that they should need to
repeat the same measures to-day. It is indeed remarkable that this acute manpower
crisis should arise in Germany at this stage, in a country which has over 1,500,000
prisoners of war working within its frontiers and several millions of imported
workers from occupied countries. That extreme shortage of manpower is due to
two causes. One is, of course, the losses on the Eastern front, and the other the
combined effect of bombing and blockade. The bomber offensive immobilized
at least 1,500,000 workers for anti-aircraft and A.R.P. duties and for making
good the damage and dislocation which it has caused. It is impossible to give
any exact estimate of the numbers needed to man Germany's economic defenses
against the blockade, but if we take into account the additional manpower needed
on the land to make good the reduction in supplies from overseas, the number
needed is higher still. ...
The importance of economic pressure lies not so much in the hardships which
it inflicts on the enemy's population as in the limitations which it imposes upon
the enemy's strategy. Hon. Members may recall a very well-known passage in the
works of Admiral Mahan, where he describes the net which the British Navy,
under Nelson, drew around Napoleon's Europe:
"The world has never seen a more impressive demonstration of the influence
of sea power upon its history. Those far-distant, storm-beaten ships, upon which
the Grand Army never looked, stood between it and the dominion of the world."
He goes on to show how the British mastery of the seas forced Napoleon into
the battlefield of the Continental system, where his final defeat was certain. I
believe that when the history of the war comes to be written it will be seen that
we have achieved a very similar result. For example, on 6th November last year
a speech was delivered in Moscow by Marshal Stalin, in which he analyzed the
German campaign of the previous summer and autumn. He pointed out that the
main German objective had been the capture of Moscow. He went on: "As we
know, these calculations of the Germans also miscarried. As a result of chasing
two hares, both oil and the encirclement of Moscow, the German Fascist strategists
landed in a difficult situation. Thus the tactical successes of the German summer
offensive were not consummated owing to the impossibility of carrying out their
strategical plan."
That was an extremely interesting analysis. It will be found, I believe, that
this division of effort, which was so fatal to the German Eastern campaign last
year, was dictated by economic circumstances; and I do not think that that is the
only example which will appear when the history of the war comes to be written.
I give that instance to illustrate my point that in the final defeat of the Axis
Powers our traditional weapon of economic pressure, which we used to exercise
through sea power alone and which we now exercise through the combined com-
mand of the sea and the air, will prove once again one of the most decisive factors.

The Significance of the Food Conference

Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs

July 19, 1943

The United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture was more im-
portant than it seemed. Certainly the people of this country do not yet realize
how important it was. It was the first full conference of the United Nations. It
was the first conference of the United Nations which looked forward beyond the
end of the war. If this conference held at this time and in these circumstances
had been a failure, it would have been an immeasurable disaster. It was not a
failure. It is generally recognized to have been a conspicuous success. It was a
success because the representatives of 44 nations showed quite clearly and unmis-
takably that, while they had their own particular interests, they had common
interests which transcended them. The representatives of 44 nations realized that
the things which divided the nations were less important than the things which
united them. If the peoples and the governments of the world can come to the
same realistic understanding of the harsh facts of life, the outlook will be brighter
than it has ever been in our day.

The Birth of the United Nations
It was a very remarkable experience to witness the birth of the United Nations,
for that is what was happening at Hot Springs. It was my first experience of a
great international conference, but the impression I gained was not at all the
impression that I had had from reading about other conferences. There were
many old conference hands at Hot Springs and they all agreed that never in their
experience had there been such a genuine basis of understanding and so real a
basis for co-operation in an international conference. It was surprising how little
questions of national prestige were involved. If you have read the White Paper
on the Hot Springs Conference you will have seen that all the Resolutions were
anonymous. There was not one which was put forward by any single Power for
the purposes of prestige and accepted by a reluctant majority for the sake of ap-
peasement. No doubt each one of these Resolutions originated somewhere but
they were all shaped and amended by common discussion. There was a real
pooling of minds and ideas.
Of course there were national interests which' were involved. There were
bread and butter interests of a vital kind and there was, as there must always be, a
potential and apparent conflict of interests between consumers and producers.
Nevertheless, all these sectional and private interests became submerged in a
wider common interest; as the conference progressed all the delegates I think
became more and more impressed by the feeling that mankind had really begun
to learn something since the days between the two wars. Certainly I had a feeling
that we were all of us badly scared: not so much by the war, as by the whole process
of disintegration which was characteristics of the 20 years before the war. I had
the impression too that we had all of us reached the conclusion that we were
unlikely to find salvation in the future any more than we had done in the past by
trying to lift ourselves out of chaos, by pulling frantically at our own boot straps.

"There is No Master Race Among the United Nations"
One of the most encouraging things about the Hot Springs Conference was
the way in which the Great Powers and the smaller Powers were able to work

British Speeches of the Day

harmoniously together. In his speech, at the final session of the Conference, the
Chairman said: "There is no master race among the United Nations." That pro-
nouncement aroused great enthusiasm. What was perhaps more important was
that it was true. There was no dictatorship by the Great Powers at Hot Springs.
But still there was leadership. It is still a fact that those who have great responsi-
bilities must, from the nature of things, exercise an influence to match their re-
sponsibilities. That is not Power Politics. That is commonsense. But at Hot
Springs we saw a remarkable example of how well the Great Powers can work
with the smaller Powers, and how the leadership of the Great Powers is qualified
and influenced by the knowledge and experience of the United Nations as a whole.
I said just now that we had witnessed the birth of the United Nations at Hot
Springs. But it is one thing to bring an infant into the world. It is another thing
to ensure that it reaches strong and effective manhood. We made a start at Hot
Springs. But because we have started to solve the problem, it does not mean that
the problem has been solved. It is only the beginning of the beginning.

Three Elements for Reconstruction
To understand the significance of the Food Conference, it is necessary to con-
sider it in a wider context. The reconstruction of orderly international society
(perhaps it would be better to say, the construction of orderly international society,
for in our day we have never known an orderly international society) depends
upon three elements: military, political and economic. There is the military prob-
lem of security. There are political problems of frontiers and minorities. There
are economic problems of markets and exchanges, tariffs and employment, com-
modity regulation, and so on. No single one of these problems can be considered
in isolation. Of no one of them is it possible to say that it is supremely important.

It is probably the case that the peacemakers of Versailles paid too little atten-
tion to the economics of the peace settlement. That has led many people to sup-
pose that the maintenance of peace is primarily an economic problem and that, if
.z years ago we had concentrated upon these problems of economics, we should
have avoided the disasters into which we fell. That is a dangerous over-simpli-
fication. Similarly, there are those who have an intimate knowledge of Central and
Southeastern Europe who believe that peace is mainly a matter of frontiers and
minorities. That, too, is an over-simplification. And then there are those who be-
lieve that if only you can hold down Germany and Japan in perpetuity, everything
else will fall into place. That is another over-simplification. The fact is that each
one of these elements: military, political and economic, is important, both in itself
and for its effect upon the others. Military security is vitally affected by political in-
stability. Political stability is vitally affected by economic conditions. These in their
turn affect military security, if only, because you will not get any nation to con-
centrate and give its mind to considerations of external military security if it is
obsessed within its own borders by the fear of unemployment and the experience
of poverty.
There are those three elements which cannot be separated. But there is a
common factor to each one of them. No single one of these problems can be
solved on the purely national plane. Each one of them, whether military, political
or economic can be solved only on the international plane. It is only if we are
able to create a genuine international society that we shall be able to create a
genuine peace. If we fail (and it is possible that we shall fail) human society, as
we have known it, will dissolve into anarchy.

The Significance of the Food Conference

The Fringe of the Peace Settlement
At the Food Conference, we began to tackle economic problems in the way
that they ought to be tackled, but it was only a beginning. Food production and
consumption are important, very important aspects, of our economic life. But
they are only one, and not the most important of the economic problems which
we shall be called upon to face when the war is over. At Hot Springs, therefore,
we can hardly say that we touched the fringe of a peace settlement. We were
concerned only with the, fringe of a peace settlement. We were concerned only
with the fringe of the fringe. But we did make a start. The start that we made
there gives us reason to hope. And because we have reason to hope, we have
reason to work.
There is on question that we ought to ask ourselves, every man and woman
in the country, and upon the answer we give depends the future of our country,
and indeed the future of our world. What is the fundamental problem of our
age, the problem upon the solution of which depends the solution of every prob-
lem, the problem to which all other problems are only subsidiary? Is it the prob-
lem of unemployment? Is it the problem of social security? Is it the problem of
peace and war? All of these problems are important, vitally important, but not
one of them is fundamental. The fundamental problem is whether or not it is
going to be possible to fit our national society into a wider international society
and whether we can preserve, within this wider society, our own individuality and
our own national characteristics.
The international society, if it is to be real and lasting, must be based on
something more solid than an amiable gelatinous morass of high-minded inten-
tions. Every people has its own traditions, its own culture, its own national char-
acteristics, and if we attempt to build any international society by trying to stamp
out this kind of individuality, we shall not only fail, we shall look extremely
foolish. That is the fundamental problem; how to build up a real international
society which will yet take account of nationality. That problem is not going to be
solved overnight. It is not the work of a few days. It is not the work of a year
or two. It is something that will demand all our years and all our talents and all
our courage for its accomplishment.

Do Not Be Afraid of the Millennium
Certainly we are not going to create an international society off the drawing-
board. If we succeed it will only be because we have tackled each dreary problem
on its own merits, although not in isolation, as we tried to do at Hot Springs.
At Hot Springs we began a process of pile driving. We drove one pile into the
shifting sands upon which, in these days, our lives are founded. For my own
part, I am sure that that is the right method by which to approach the problems
of reconstruction. We shall not find peace in a blueprint. If we tackle these
problems one by one, if we drive down into the sand one pile after another, some
of them may dissolve, but some of them will last and we shall have in the end a
stable foundation upon which to build the temple of peace.
There is one thing more that I would say: Do not be afraid of the millennium;
the millennium never comes. What seemed hopelessly idealistic a century ago
becomes the commonplace of today, but each advance brings with it its own prob-
lems, which insistently demand a further solution. Utopianism is certainly weak-
ness, but when we are faced with radical problems, it is necessary to find a radical
solution. When we have found that solution, never fear, Utopia and' the Millen-
nium will be as far away as ever.

British Speeches of the Day

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
House of Commons, July 6, 1943
On 23rd June I undertook to make a statement on the results of the Food
Conference recently held at Hot Springs. His Majesty's Government have now
had an opportunity to consider the work which the Conference achieved, and I
should like to congratulate the United States Government, which convened the
Conference, on the successful outcome of this first experiment in comprehensive
international discussion of post-war matters. His Majesty's Government have been
greatly impressed by the fact that, in the midst of a war, representatives of more
than 40 like-minded nations could meet together and achieve general agreement
on so many fundamental principles. His Majesty's Government recognize that the
resolutions were drawn up in the light of the widely-differing physical, political
and economic conditions of the various countries represented, and that the appli-
cation of the resolutions passed by the Conference will depend on these differences.
For their part His Majesty's Government have no hesitation in accepting the
resolutions and the obligation to give effect to them in so far as they apply to
conditions in the United Kingdom. They will also gladly co-operate with other
Governments in seeking ways to give effect to those resolutions which call for
concerted action. They will commend the resolutions to the Governments of His
Majesty's Colonies, Dependencies and Overseas Territories.
The main object of the Conference was to ensure as far as possible freedom
from want of food. The House will have noticed that the third resolution recom-
mends that Governments should immediately begin the task of increasing food
resources, and improving the diets of their peoples in accordance with the prin-
ciples and objectives outlined in the findings of the Conference. His Majesty's
Government intend, despite the inevitable difficulties which the war entails, to
press on with this aim. At the same time, it is clear that freedom from want of
food depends largely on matters outside the scope of purely agricultural or nutri-
tional policy. This was fully recognized by the Conference, which took account
of the broad questions of international security and economic expansion which
are the necessary background of sustained progress towards freedom from want
and a higher standard of living.
Resolution II provides for the establishment of an Interim Commission to
carry on the work of the Conference and to prepare a plan for a permanent organ-
ization in the field of food and agriculture. His Majesty's Government intend to
participate fully in the work of this Commission and are arranging to appoint a
representative. They note with satisfaction that one of the tasks of this Commis-
sion will be to draw up a formal declaration or agreement for the consideration
of Governments; in this instrument the Governments would recognize their obli-
gation towards their respective peoples and to one another to collaborate in raising
levels of nutrition and standards of living for their peoples, and to report to one
another on progress made.
Finally, there is the question of production which bears closely on the relief
of peoples living in the countries now occupied by the enemy. The Conference
was not concerned with the organization of Relief supplies, but the House will
note that due attention was paid to the necessity of increasing supplies of basic
foodstuffs, in the period when territories liberated from the enemy will be in need
of help from outside. His Majesty's Government are much impressed by the
urgency and importance of this problem, and are determined to do all they can for
their part to give effect to the resolutions of the Conference on this subject. They
earnestly hope that other Governments will do likewise.

The County Council Plans for London

Minister of Town and Country planning
Opening of the Exhibition of the L. C. C. County of London Plan
at County Hall, July 14, 1943

Those who drew up this Report had, as they themselves explain, to choose
between three approaches. Were they to treat the County of London as a cleared
site, with no check upon their planning save its geographical shape? Were they
to disband London and scatter its population far and wide through the neighbour-
ing counties, relying upon air transport to bring them together for their work,
their studies and their entertainment? Were they to respect the old structure of
the County and to adapt it to modern conditions? They chose the last of these three
methods. They have aimed at a happy combination of piety and revolution; and
I hazard the opinion that here at least, in the manner of their approach, there
will be none to contest their choice.
What a medley of needs to disentangle! Here is a metropolis approachable
by air and water, by rail and road. Here is the capital city of an Empire that
must at times frame worthily the processions of an Empire's ceremonial. Here are
centres of culture, a famous University among them. Here are the headquarters
of many professions. Here are great industries. Here are seats of commerce. Here
are innumerable shops and hotels and places of entertainment. Here live more than
four million people; and here are drawn, in peace as now in war, visitors from all
parts of the world.

Communities Within the City Area
Mr. Forshaw and Professor Abercrombie recognized at the outset of their work
that, for purposes of planning, your area must be studied as a whole. But
that did not -mislead them into supposing that their problem must not also be
broken up. They first divided your Council's territory into four main groups-
its centre, its port and river area, its central area of residence and its suburbs.
So they worked down till they found themselves dealing with communities of from
6,000 to 10,000 persons. Here they insist on the virtues of the old communities
of London, now largely, but not wholly, obscured by later developments; and
they build the new residential London on the basis of those and of similar new
communities, each ringed with its boundary of open space. Then they break up
each community into basic units, each served by a single elementary school.
They analysed the difficulties in the present layout of your County under four
headings-its traffic congestion, its depressed housing, the bad distribution of its
open spaces and its confusion of housing with industry. For each of those evils
they have recommended a remedy. They do not themselves claim that all their
remedies are novel. In their scheme, for example, for the future transport of the
County of London they express their indebtedness not only to the Bressey Road
Plan, but also to a Report made 50 years ago by a Chairman of your own Improve-
ments Committee. Nor, I am glad to see, do they dismiss as some less discerning
critics do, all the work accomplished between the 'two wars. They recognize good
examples of rehousing and road improvement; certain fine industrial buildings;
groups of houses and flats "which", they say, "if not strikingly original, are as
good as anything carried out in London's golden period." They declare the
performance of the railways, under difficulties, to have been "one of the major
operational miracles of the world."

British Speeches of the Day

Reconstructions Proposed
Finally, they have picked out those elements in their proposed reconstruction
which they regard as ripe for early and simultaneous action. They select for this
purpose the rebuilding with carefully thought-out-housing schemes of the east-end
and south-side industrial boroughs, the general treatment of the south bank of the
Thames-a project in which your Council gave a lead by the building of this Hall-
and the great road works which were substantially agreed upon even before the
war. I was very glad to see that need for a good housing programme, both in
the East End and on the south side of the river, put at the top of the list. Let us
do all in our power to give these great Londoners habitations more worthy of
There are many features of this scheme which will at least excite great inter-
est and debate-its conception of wedges of open space, leading to the Green
Belt, and so to the open country; its suggestion that the two banks of the Thames
should be linked by a more intimate system of bridges than we at present enjoy;
its dramatic tunnelling proposals; its conclusion that half-a-million people must
be moved outside the overcrowded central areas. The research, upon which the
Report is based, has underlined some striking facts. How many of us, less familiar
than we should be with the late Sir Raymond Unwin's reports of 1929 and 1933,
realized before the gross inequalities in the distribution of London's open spaces?
How many Londoners would guess that the Food Industry-including, it is true,
for this purpose Tobacco and Drink-was the third great industry of London?
How many of them would have realized that London's ability to grow grass and
trees in her central areas was a rare quality in capital cities? That is a virtue which
has served London well in war-time. For is has enabled Londoners, as her Majesty
the Queen saw in Bethnal Green a few weeks ago, to convert heaps of rubble into
flourishing gardens and allotments.
There are some Londoners at least who will welcome your reporters' injunc-
tion to government departments that they should get back again to the White-
.hall whence they came. There are others who will note with pleasure the discern-
ment which labels, as an offender against the traffic proprieties of their city, the
motorist who evades by clever short cuts your main traffic arteries and destroys,
with the help of those who imitate him, the quiet of so many residential areas.

The Need for Plans
In what temper should we approach this Report and this Exhibition, and the
scheme which they embody and illustrate? There are those who will say, as the
Report itself recognizes, that no man can yet give an answer to some of the major
questions upon which the future needs of London will depend. That is true, but he
would be a fool who, on that account, dismissed all plans as premature and
failed to recognize the virtue of attacking the difficulties of the problem and
gaining thereby the impulse and the experience which every such attack provides.
I am sure that sufficient work can be found among the obvious needs of the
County of London to engage all the energies and absorb all the materials which
the first years of peace will yield.
There are others who say that no local authority can move forward until
decisions of high policy have been taken upon such matters as were the subject
of the Uthwatt Report. The Government are by no means-as I sometimes see
suggested-neglecting this problem or postponing its solution. They have lately,
on the contrary, made it a subject of exceptionally concentrated examination, and
their decision will not be delayed a day longer than the intricacies of the prob-
lem and-I use the words precisely-its pervasive national importance demand.
My Ministry is getting on with its work on the confident assumption that means

The County Council Plans for London 17

will be found to solve all these difficult questions. Your Council, first by com-
missioning, and now by making public, this scheme, has set a fine example of
democratic foresight and enterprise.
Meantime this Exhibition and the handsome volume in which the Report has
been embodied have a lesson of their own. Chesterton once said: "Men did not
love Rome because she was great. She was great because they had loved her."
He was, of course, speaking of Ancient Rome. It may be that the love of London-
ers for this city of ours-and indeed of many others besides those who live in
London-may be taken for granted. But something besides love is needed in
London, and indeed in every city of the land, if this country of ours is to be
worthily reconstructed. And that is understanding. More than four centuries ago
William Dunbar, Scotsman though he was, wrote verses each of which repeats
the refrain "London thou art the flower of cities all." It is one of the virtues
of this Report and of this Exhibition, that they offer guidance towards the under-
standing of a city of which these words are still true today.

Londoners Must Understand Their Problem
It is a remarkable feature of our time that a generation, hard put to it in
the present, is nevertheless living vividly in the future. Men and women are to-day
eager for information about the post-war world. This scheme, or any other
scheme that could worthily be designed for London, is a long term project, an
enterprise which will occupy the energies of at least two generations of men. I
hope that your Council will use this Report to bring home to Londoners both the
difficulties of the task and its great opportunities; and among "Londoners" I
include particularly London's citizens of the future now in your schools, and Lon-
don men and women now dispersed about the world in the service of the King.
For unless Londoners understand the components of the problem-some of them
rooted in a long history and others still veiled by the mists of a cloudy future-
unless they are encouraged to search out their present and future needs and to
frame in their imaginations some picture of what this great community might
become, London will never be what we all wish her to be. All of us no doubt have
a different picture of that London. Each of us will seek out in these maps some
particular part of London that is especially dear to him. But we should all, I
think, agree in wishing to see a London that answered in a modern and different
shape to that picture which Wordsworth drew of her nearly a hundred and fifty
years ago-
"Ships, towers, domes, theatres and temples lie
Open unto the fields and to the sky;
All bright and glittering in the smokeless air."
No 50-year programme that could be drawn up for the reconstruction of
London would ever be carried out in exactly the same shape as it left the draughts-
man's hands. I am quite sure that neither Mr. Forshaw nor Professor Abercrombie
regards this work of theirs as a blue print, to be followed precept upon precept,
line upon line, no matter what changes half-a-century may disclose in the needs
and opportunities of London. But the production of this Report and the staging
of this fine Exhibition have in themselves achieved ends of high permanent value.
They demonstrate the amount of research demanded by the framing of a plan
for the reconstruction of a great city. They set a notable example of the lucid and
attractive exposition of ideas. Above all, they pass a signal to the world that the
County of London, for all its recent trials by fire and explosive, still has the
vitality and the courage to plan for a future even greater than its past. For that
reason alone this scheme and its fine embodiment here will touch the imaginations
of men and women far beyond the confines of this Hall, this County and this Island.

British Speeches of the Day

Secretary of State for the Colonies)
House of Commons, July 13, 1943


Here in this country, without in any way relaxing our war effort or without
in any way detracting from the attention we pay to the war, we are beginning,
rightly, to think of, and prepare for, peace. In the Colonies exactly the same
process is necessary if we are to be able to solve the great and varied problems
which are going to arise immediately the war is over.
The central purpose of our Colonial administration has often been proclaimed.
It has been called the doctrine of trusteeship, although I think some of us feel
now that the word "trustee" is rather too static in its connotation and that we
should prefer to combine with the status of trustee the position also of partner.
But we are pledged to guide Colonial people along the road to self-government
within the framework of the British Empire. We are pledged to build up their
social and economic institutions, and we are pledged to develop their natural
resources. Those objects have often been proclaimed, and for me to proclaim
them again to-day would be one more speech in a world where speeches now
are rather at a discount and it is more deeds that count. What I propose, there-
fore, to do is not to expound the theory of Colonial administration nor to
clothe these general principles in second-hand eloquence, but to give some account
of the progress that we have made in the past and to outline some of the prac-
tical steps that we hope to take ih the future.

Political Advance
It is the tendency, both here and abroad, for those who criticise, or indeed for
those who are interested in Colonial administration, to concentrate on political
evolution, and it is by our success in that field, success in advancing these Colonial
territories towards self-government, that critics are apt to test both our sincerity
and our efficiency. I do not mind being judged by that test if those who use it
are aware of and understand the full content of the approach to self-government.
But it is dangerous if that test is to be too narrowly interpreted, for all agree that,
if self-government is to succeed it has to have solid, social and economic founda-
tions, and although without them spectacular political advances may draw for
the authors the plaudits of the superficial, they will bring to those whom it is
designed to benefit nothing but disaster. It is no part of our policy to confer
political advances which are unjustified by circumstances, or to grant self-govern-
ment to those who are not yet trained in its use, but if we are to be true to our
pledge, if we really mean as soon as practicable to develop self-government
in these territories, it is up to us to see that circumstances as soon as possible justify
political advances and to ensure that as quickly as possible people are trained and
equipped for eventual self-government. Therefore,, to my mind, the real test
of the sincerity and success of our Colonial policy is two-fold. It is not only
the actual political advances that we make, but it is also, and I think more impor-
tant, the steps that we are taking, economic and social as well as political, to pre-
pare the people for further and future responsibilities. So I shall not speak at great
length on the political advances already made, although in the last year, even in
war-time, with all the difficulties that that brings, the advance has been sub-

Economic and Social Progress in the Colonies 19

New Constitutions
In Jamaica we have given them the promise of a new Constitution, which is
now being worked out in detail. That Constitution was largely suggested by the
people of Jamaica themselves, and I believe, from every report that I have seen
from that island, they welcome a real opportunity of showing their capacity for
administering their own affairs. I hope that when that Constitution is in opera-
tion they will make the fullest use of the opportunities that it gives and that by
the wide use of those opportunities, despite the many obvious difficulties and
problems which face them, their success will lead, when the Constitution comes to
be reviewed as it is to be after a period of five years, to still further advances.
In Ceylon a promise of full internal self-government under the Crown, in all
matters of internal civil administration, to be brought into force as soon as prac-
ticable after the war, has been made, and the Board of Ministers have been
invited to formulate their own schemes for the carrying-out of that pledge. That
promise was given by the Government in all sincerity. It was explained that
during the war there was no opportunity for the detailed discussion which in a
matter of this complexity and magnitude must take place, but it is our real
desire that as soon as possible after the war this promise can be implemented.
The length of time that that will take must depend very much upon the progress
which Ministers themselves can make in preparing a constitutional scheme.
In Malta a promise of a similar character has also been given, a promise which
the Government were glad to give and which the House was glad to hear. There
was a period before the war when Malta enjoyed internal self-government. Hon.
Members will recollect the circumstances which led to its withdrawal. Italian
influence, Italian propaganda, and I am afraid in some cases Italian money,
wrecked that particular period of self-government, but in an island which now has
nothing for the Italians but hatred and contempt all of us can look forward after
the war to the experiment, which was not a success before, meeting with full

Goal of Self-Government
There runs through all these three major constitutional developments during
the last few months a similar line of approach. In all cases the Government, who
are finally responsible, have laid down the field of advance, but in all cases the
people of the Colonies themselves have been asked to suggest the constitutional
machinery which they desire and which they, after all, are the people who are
going to work. I very much hope that that method of approach, which I think
has been successful in these cases, will form the normal method for constitutional
advance in the future. Those examples, Jamaica, Ceylon and Malta, are the out-
standing instances of political development in the last few months, but almost
all over the Colonial Empire continual small changes, additional members here,
lowering the franchise there, are all tending towards the same goal of eventual
internal self-government. ....
I have given three outstanding examples, but there are many other cases all
over the Colonial Empire of continuous political advance. For instance, in West
Africa there has recently been an addition of a number of unofficial members
of the Executive Council-two in the Gold Coast, two in Sierra Leone and three
in Nigeria. All of these gentlemen, with one exception, are Africans. In British
Guiana, following the recommendation of the Royal Commission, the Legislative
Council has been completely reconstituted, with the result that the elected unofficial
members are now in a decisive majority. So much, therefore, for what, even
under the stress of war, we have actually accomplished in the political field during
the past few months.

20 British Speeches of the Day

The Bases of Political Responsibility
Let me turn to what I consider is even more important, and that is what we
are going to do to prepare the Colonies, however backward some of them may
appear to be at present, for political responsibility in the future. I want to develop
two main themes-educational advance and economic development-because I
regard these two as the twin pillars upon which any sound scheme of political
responsibility must be based. Let me deal first with educational advance. I want
to include under that heading many subjects which would have made the educa-
tional formalist of the 19th century wince. I do not mean by education just the
literary education which was his dream, nor the classrooms, the books and the
teachers which were his tools. I do not even mean the 20th century equivalent
of "the three R's." The education I have in mind goes far beyond the classroom
walls, far beyond the teacher's voice. It cannot only be found in books. It cannot
be learnt by heart. It does not end with schooldays. Sometimes it does not even
begin until schooldays are over. The sort of education that we want as a basis
for political development is education by life for life. It must, of course, include
the more formal kind of literary education, and therefore I shall deal with higher
and elementary education in the Colonies. I want, too, to deal with subjects
which I consider just as important-education through local government, educa-
tion through community effort, such as trade unions and co-operatives, and educa-
tion through actual practice in administration.
First, with regard to higher education. It is quite clear that if our goal of
Colonial self-government is to be achieved, Colonial universities and colleges
will have to play an immense part in that development. They are the centres of
higher education in their respective areas. They will, first of all, have to meet
the enormously increased need for trained professionals which increased social
and economic services will necessitate. They will have to provide the agriculturists,
the engineers, the doctors, the teachers, the veterinary surgeons, and the specialists
and technicians which the approach to higher standards of life will entail. They
will have, too, to do an immense amount of research. I am sure that as the field
of our knowledge widens, more and more gaps in it will be disclosed, more and
more subjects will call for investigation, much of which can only be done on
the spot. Finally, besides the training that they will give within their own walls
and the research they will do within their own walls, they will have a great task
beyond their walls. With the extra-mural activities and refresher courses which
they will give, they will be able throughout the areas of which they are centres
to stimulate general progress and encourage the production of leaders from those
who gain theirknowledge and experience from their daily life.
Colonial Universities and Colleges
Our problem here is to encourage the constructive growth of these Colonial
universities and colleges and to accelerate their wise development. It is clear
that in that task we have to look to our home universities for guidance and help.
Those universities have already done a great deal for the Colonies. They have
already done a great deal of indirect service by training the men and women
who have gone out to the Colonies in various capacities. I believe that, much as
they have done in the past, they can do a great deal more in future. The
whole sphere of possibilities and opportunities has been' enormously widened by
the aeroplane. What we hope will be rapid, easy methods of communication
between the home country and the colonies after the war obviously make their
task easier and their opportunities wider. It takes little imagination to picture what
a tremendous gain it would be if in a way these Colonial colleges could be ad-
mitted as partners in the circle of the home universities, if there could be, as
was described by a friend of mine the other day, an intellectual Lend-Lease
between the universities at home and the Colonial centres of higher education,

Economic and Social Progress in the Colonies

between the old-established centres here and the new, rising centres in the Colonies.
If they could do that, it would be a real Lend-Lease. It would be a two-way traffic.
It would not only be the Colonial centres which would gain, although they would
gain immensely from having the enormous intellectual resources of the home
universities standing behind them; but we should gain here too. The home
universities might be much enriched by the knowledge of the Colonies which
they could acquire and from the visits of teachers from the Colonies, just as we
might send out people to teach them.
I realize that there are many practical difficulties, but I believe they can be
overcome. I am accordingly setting up a Commission of Inquiry. I am glad to say
that Sir Cyril Asquith-Mr. Justice Asquith-has agreed to be its Chairman.
He will bring to the task not only an honored name and a great academic record,
but the qualities of intellect and judgment which will be required. I naturally,
before setting up this Commission, made a number of preliminary and unofficial
inquiries. From them I am confident, first, that the universities here will be glad
to help in the work of this Commission, and second, that when the Commission
presents, as I am sure it will, sound recommendations for future advance, the
universities will be glad to co-operate in carrying out the task ..

Coordination of Higher Education
This Commission will inquire into the general problem of the relationship
between home universities and Colonial universities and the way in which the
progress of the latter can best be assisted. That general problem is, on the whole,
common to all the territories, and the findings of this Commission will establish
general principles which can be generally applied. They will, of course, need
adaptation in view of local conditions, but that will be comparatively easy if
we have adequate information as to the social and economic developments of par-
ticular areas.
There is one area in particular which does need now detailed investigation,
and that is the area of British West Africa. It presents a number of difficulties.
First, there are several existing centres of education of different standards and
doing different work. Then the various Dependencies in the area are widely
separated from one another. There are great contrasts not only between the
Dependencies themselves, in their economic, social and political development,
but within each Dependency between development on the coast and development
inland; and, finally, the war, although it has not directly taken place upon their
soil, has had a great and lasting impact upon their conditions. At the same time
that we have this Commission inquiring into the general problem of the rela-
tions of the universities, I am setting up a Commission of Inquiry into higher
education in British West Africa, and I am glad to say that my right hon. and
gallant Friend the Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) has accepted
an invitation to be Chairman of that Commission. Hon. Members will, I am sure,
feel that this is a great act of gallantry on the part of one who, so recently, had
what was really a miraculous escape from death and has since been undergoing a
painful convalescence. Needless to say, among the invitations to serve upon this
Commission I have extended invitations to three African representatives, who will
give, not only invaluable but indeed indispensable service in a work of this kind,
and, of course, the work of the Commission will necessitate a visit to West Africa,
probably at some time in the Spring of next year. ...
Mr. Maxton: When the right hon. and gallant Gentleman says that he has
extended invitations to African representatives, does he mean Africans or does he
mean British residents in Africa?
Colonel Stanley: When I used the term "Africans" I meant Africans.)

British Speeches of the Day

Primary Education
Now I pass to the question of primary education..... It is just as important
for the future of the Colonies as the question of higher education. In higher educa-
tion, you are dealing with the training of the leaders, but what is just as essential
in a democracy is the training of the led, because the success of self-government
does not depend only on the capacity of the leaders to lead, but also on the ability
of the community to respond. It is not only the political field that is affected. The
spread of elementary education through the Colonies is really a necessity, for every-
thing we are trying to do, every social improvement, every economic development,
in some measure demands an increase of knowledge among the people. Every new
health measure, every improvement of agricultural methods, new co-operative
machinery for production and distribution, the establishment of secondary industries
-all these are going to make increasing demands upon the people, and they will
be able to respond only if they have had some educational opportunities No one
who surveys elementary education in the Colonial Empire as a whole can pretend
to be satisfied with the present position. Great efforts have been made in the past,
first by the Churches-and let us pay a tribute to the real work which has been
done by missions of various denominations in the various parts of the Empire-
and more recently great efforts have been made by the Government, and, of course,
the scope and the content of elementary education throughout the Colonial Empire
are continually increasing. But yet in many Colonies we see, first, a mass of illiter-
acy among adults and, secondly, an all too small percentage of present-day school
population, giving, therefore, little hope on present lines of reducing that mass
of adult illiteracy. I believe that if we are to get full advantage from the various
reforms which we propose in the Colonial Empire, that position has to be altered
radically and it has to be altered urgently.
The size of this problem is so great that we can only hope to solve it within any
reasonable period of time if we can evolve a new technique, and the whole ques-
tion of the drive upon mass illiteracy is now being considered by my Advisory
Committee on Education. I hope shortly to receive their report, and I do not want
to anticipate its contents, but there are certain points which will, I think, strike
hon. Members as they strike me. The first is that in this particular technique we
have much to learn from experiments already carried out, and successfully carried
out, in other countries, in Russia and in China, for instance. The second is that we
shall have to make the fullest use of new methods which invention and industrial
development have placed at our disposal in the past few years, the cinema, broad-
casting and above all the film strip, new teaching techniques which were not avail-
able 20 or 30 years ago.
The third, and to me the most important, is this: I believe that the only road
to success is through the enthusiasm of the peoples concerned. This effort to deal
with mass illiteracy has to be not a Government but a community effort, an effort in
which all are interested and in which all play their part. I do not believe that the
reforms can be carried through in any reasonable time by an educational bureau-
cracy, however large or however efficient. They can only really be carried through
by the enthusiasm of the people with the help of the educationists. When ] receive
that report I shall ask all Governors to take it into account in framing the educa-
tional plans which they are now engaged upon. One thing is certain, that however
we approach this problem, whatever new technique we can devise, it will call for
the expenditure of large sums of money, and for that expenditure we shall have to,
and shall be able to, have recourse to the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund.
Local Government
Let me turn to education through local government. I do not believe there is
any better training for the art of government than participation in local administra-

Economic and Social Progress in the Colonies

tion. Our own history shows that our constitutional government, developed here
in Westminster, has owed a very great deal to our experiences in local administra-
tion, and I wonder how many Members there are in this Chamber who received
their first lessons in the political arts in the administration of their local councils.
It is very unfortunate, with regard to Colonial development in the past, that too
little attention has been paid by popular imagination, either here or in the Colonies,
to the development of local government. There always tends to be over-emphasis
on advance at the centre, as if that was the be-all and end-all of progress, and
equally therefore a tendency to overlook the opportunities which local government
gives. I regard the extension of local government as one of the quickest and
certainly the surest methods of making certain of the extension of central govern-
ment. We are doing all we can to extend this local self-government, and if I can
give only a few examples it is by no means an exhaustive list of the advances made.
In Jamaica the whole system of government is now being reviewed. That in
itself is not very startling, because at every moment somebody here is engaged in
reviewing something or other, and it does not always lead to any practical results.
But the interesting thing about this review is that it is being carried out by Mr. Hill,
the late General Secretary of the National Association of Local Government
Officers, and he will therefore look at it from the angle of those who in this
country have to carry out the actual mechanics of local government. He will be
looking at it from a new angle, and I think from this quite particular experience
we may get a most valuable line upon the developments necessary in the Colonial
territories. I pass from Jamaica to the Gold Coast, from the West Indies to West
Africa. Two most interesting developments there in recent months have been the
new municipal councils for Kumasi and Accra. In both these there will be a
considerable majority of Africans-and by that I mean Africans. In Accra there
will be a majority of elected members, and in Kumasi six elected members out of
13, and in both cases the control retained by the Governor will merely be on broad
lines-an opportunity to step in if things go very badly wrong; but the fullest
liberty will be given to these two councils to conduct the administration of their

"Ginger Groups"
There has been an interesting development too, in the Eastern Provinces of
Nigeria, which was brought to my notice by the late Governor, Sir Bernard
Bourdillon, just retiring after so many years of devoted and self-sacrificing service
in that area. In the Eastern Provinces local government, as many hon. Members
know, is in the hands of native authorities. Those native authorities are selected
by traditional and even intricate means and tend in some cases to consist of the
more elderly sections of the community, but alongside them in the various areas
have grown up what are known as "improvement societies," which consist of the
younger and more energetic elements in the community. They are not unlike those
"ginger groups" with which parties in this House are not unfamiliar ....
What is satisfactory, though perhaps some hon. Members will think it
strange, is that the native authorities welcome the ginger groups and work har-
moniously with them; and, joking apart, it is a. very satisfactory development,
because this harmonious working between the traditional native authorities and
the progressive improvement element does point the way of evolution from the
more traditional methods of the past to the more democratic methods of the future.

Trade Unions
Let me pass to the possibilities of education through community effort, trades
unions and co-operatives. No doubt hon. Members opposite will be ready to

British Speeches of the Day

agree that experience in the organization and leadership of trades unions is one
of the best methods of education for political responsibility. In the Colonial
Empire trade unions on the whole are a new growth. Within the last few years
they have been given every assistance by Colonial Governments. I do not want to
go into their full history, but we have just published an interesting paper, entitled
"Labour Supervision in the Colonial Empire," which is well worth, reading by
everybody. When hon. Members read that paper they will see, first of all, that
the growth of trade unions in the last few years has been very impressive in
quantity. More than 300 have been formed in the last three or four years. But
impressive though they have been in quantity, they are rather uneven in quality.
Many of them are, from our standards, excessively small. There is a tendency
for them to be too parochial, more in the nature of the local branch of a trade
union here than a separate trade union. Many of them are ephemeral. They are
founded for some particular purpose, and, when that purpose is achieved, or the
necessity dies away, the unions tend to die.
Lastly, as is obviously to be expected in the early stages, these new unions have
in many cases not yet been able to find balanced and responsible leaders from their
own ranks. They have to go outside for their leadership, often, of course, as we
turn here when we are in difficulties, to the legal profession. Sometimes leadership
from outside has tended to forget the enduring nature of its responsibilities both
to the workers in the industry and the industry itself. All these teething troubles
are natural at the start of a new movement, and they can be overcome, but whether
* they will be overcome, and how quickly, will depend to a great extent on the ability
and capacity to learn from experience and knowledge of others. Very great service
has been done in various Colonies by officers who have been recently sent out.
Some are experienced officers lent by the Ministry of Labour, others are trade
unionists. Six have been appointed during the last 12 months, and, in the case
of the trade unionists, not only have the officers themselves proved to be excellent
choices, but it has been found that their ability to speak from their own experience
of dealing with trade-union matters has been of great service. Of course, the work
of these advisers is not always very easy, as hon. Members quite realize, because
their anxiety to help has always to be restrained by the fear that if they exercise too
great an influence, it will be said that the trade union has been nobbled by the
Government. Hon. Members will realize that for a trade union to be nobbled by
a Government is a terrible thing to happen.

Co-operative Developments
Perhaps more successful so far than the trade unions have been the new
Labour Advisory Boards and Conciliation Committees. These are set up to deal
with actual or potential matters of dispute, and they have not only given an
excellent practical result in settling disputes, but they have enabled the two sides
of industry to come together. They have given object lessons in negotiation and
have encouraged the principle of collective bargaining. With regard to co-opera-
tives, we have done something, but I confess not .as much as I should like. By
"co-oper4tives" I do not only mean co-operative societies organized for marketing
or buying, or even for producing. I mean such societies as the "better living"
movements in India and Ceylon and various welfare societies. In fact, the latter
are particularly valuable, because they maintain in the new society something of
the community spirit, the very great community spirit, of the old tribal organization.
It is a terrible pity to break it up until we have something as good or better to
put in its place.
Hon. Members who have studied the Stockdale Report on the West Indies
will realize how much attention is being paid to these developments. In West
Africa, co-operative societies are spreading among the peasant farmers to such an

Economic and Social Progress in the Colonies 25

extent that in Nigeria it has been found necessary and desirable to set up a
special co-operative department. In Cyprus there are numerous village welfare
unions, and in Ceylon, "better living" societies, I think derived from India, have
been a success. Hon. Members will realize that the technical type of co-operative
society, the buying, producing and marketing type, is a very difficult organization
to run. Those who have tried between the two wars to take a hand in setting up
co-operative agricultural societies among farmers in order to buy and market, will
realize how difficult it is. It is sometimes better to start by instituting marketing
schemes under central control, which do provide for the gradual association of
producers, and may, therefore, pass on finally to becoming co-operative societies.
One of the most successful experiments has been the Kilimanjaro native co-opera-
tive unit in Tanganyika. All these co-operative societies are different. They require
leadership. They need trained people, and I am instituting now in this country
a course open to people from the Colonies in particular, and to Africans, for
training in the leadership of societies of this kind. The course will open this
autumn, I hope at the London School of Economics, and it will be about a two
years' course. I hope to get a good response, particularly from Africa and possibly
too from the West Indies.

The Training for Public Service
Finally, let me pass to the Colonial Service and the possibilities for training
in self-government offered by the Colonial Office itself. There are in the Colonial
Empire 250,000 public servants of all kinds. The vast majority of them are of
Colonial birth and service in their own home country. I do not know that people
realize how small is the proportion of Europeans recruited either in this country
or, to an increasing extent, in the Dominions. Out of 250,000 there are only
between 5,000 and 6,000 so recruited. There are two lines of development which
after the war have to be followed. The first is to stimulate and to encourage the
staffing of the Colonial public services by the people of the Colonies themselves.
I think this progressive association with the day-to-day administration of govern-
ment in the Colonies is as genuine an advance towards self-government as any
spectacular development in the political field. Of course, it is no good just saying
that we will encourage this in theory. What it means in practice is that we should
afford to the people of the Colonies the necessary training which will enable them
to take on these jobs, and that, of course, links in with the importance of higher
Secondly, we have to recognize that in the Colonies as a whole we shall
continue to need a substantial number of European Civil servants. There is no
inconsistency between saying that we want to increase the proportion of jobs in
the Civil Service in the Colonies held by the inhabitants of the Colonies themselves
and saying that we shall continue to need Colonial servants from this country or
from the Dominions. The developments which we have in hand are going to
demand not merely skilled technicians of every kind, but there will inevitably be
many additional posts, as the whole economic, health and educational field opens
up. Many of the posts will be filled from the Colonies, but in other cases there
will be a need for the special qualifications which can be obtained only from out-
side. I am reviewing the whole future organization of the Colonial Service. It
needs detailed preparation, but this preparation is well advanced, and I hope before
long to be able to lay concrete proposals on this subject before this House.

Economic Development
Well, so much for the educational advance side of our two-fold problem. I now
want to turn for a short time to the question of economic development. Our

British Speeches of the Day

objective in the Colonial Empire must be to make the Colonies self-supporting.
By "self-supporting" I do not mean self-contained. I do not mean a narrow
autarchy. I mean Colonies which are able to support an adequate and sound
economic basis which will meet the needs of Government and peoples and which
will give a reasonable standard of life. It is pretty clear that unless we succeed in
doing this any talk about self-government is really humbug. There cannot be any
real self-government if you are financially dependent. Political responsibility goes
ill with financial dependence. I do think that in this branch of activity the Colonial
Development and Welfare Act has given a new opportunity which none of my
predecessors ever really possessed. I wonder whether we quite realize what a
tremendous change was brought over the whole Colonial scene by the passage
of that Act-and I must say what an act of faith the passage of that Act war, in
the summer of 1940, just after Dunkirk, and at the time of greatest peril for this
country and this Empire. By passing that Act we have driven a breach into the old,
rigid system of Colonial financial self-sufficiency. It is a system which meant that a
poor Colony, because it was poor, was unable to start those reforms and develop-
ments which alone held out any promise of increasing its permanent wealth. It is
on that line that we have to look at expenditure under the Colonial Development
and Welfare Act and not as something which is merely a perpetual subvention to
local budgets. There is no future on that line ....
It is impossible to over-estimate the important part which air transport can
and should play in the development of the Colonies after the war. Their wide
expanse, their difficult geography, the primitive nature of much of their existing
communications make them an ideal field for the use of air transport in their
development, and in the Colonial Empire we shall start after the war with a
certain number of advantages. In many of the Colonies, landing facilities have been
created for operational purposes, and in some cases no doubt those landing facilities
will also fit in to any civil aviation scheme. In the second place, in a number of
Colonies, people have already received some kind of training and experience in
the ground servicing of aeroplanes. The House has already been told, by answer
to a question on this subject some time ago, that my predecessor asked all Gover-
nors for their views as to what would be required for civil aviation in their
territories after the war. Those replies have come in well, and they show that
local governments have not only a great interest in this matter but have a quite
keen appreciation of its importance. The replies which I have received are no
mere generalizations. They are more in the nature of outline plans and speci-

Air Communications
It is clear that ... I must put myself in the position to give them all the help,
detailed technical help, that they require, and I am therefore arranging to set up in
the Colonial Office a special department to deal with communications, which will
cover, of course, air communications. I hope to get for the assistance of that
department expert air advice from outside. It is essential. I want an expert of
this character not only to advise me-though, Heaven knows, I need that-but
who will be available to send out to the Colonies with his knowledge of the
developments here, to give them any help they require in perfecting detailed plans
for civil air transport in their territories, after the war. One thing, frankly, I
want to make certain about is that, if, after the war, we do not get all we want in
the Colonies in the way of facilities for air transport, it will not be because we
have not asked for it. I have always found that those who ask first and ask loudest
are apt in the long run to get most. That was not what I was taught in the nursery,
but it is what I have found in practical life. I certainly hope to ask early and to
ask loudly.

Economic and Social Progress in the Colonies

Now, on the question of secondary industries, we all agree that all over the
Colonial Empire it is agricultural production which is going to be predominant,
but we also agree that in many Colonies it will not be possible for them ever to
reach or to maintain any reasonable standard without some increase in their present
scale of industrialization. That growth must be reasonable. I cannot think of
anything more fatal to the economics of the Colonies than a rash, mushroom,
industrialist growth, fostered by high protective tariffs unrelated either to local
products or local markets.
The kind of development I have in mind in secondary industries falls into
two classes; first, industries for the processing of the natural products, whether for
home consumption or for export or, for export, carrying them one further stage be-
fore they leave the country. Secondly, there is a class of simple manufactures which
does not call for the import of large quantities of raw materials and where the
local market will be adequate to absorb the full production of a unit of efficient
size. Of course, during the war we can only foster the setting-up of secondary
industries which have a bearing upon the war needs and the war effort. But
certain local industries which we are encouraging by providing machinery, parti-
cularly in East Africa, although they have as their primary purpose the meeting
of a war need, will fall into one or other of those broad categories. I recognize
that in the early stages, it will no doubt be necessary for industries of this kind
to have from the local Government some moderate protection, whether by tariffs
or by other means, but I frankly feel that any industry which cannot start except
with excessive aid from the Government had better not start at all, because an
unnatural industry of that kind will in the long run only damage the Colonial
There are two questions which are bound to arise when we deal with this
expansion of secondary industries in the Colonial Empire. The first is the effect
it will have on our own industries at home. My own belief is that a wise expansion
of secondary industries in the Colonies will not re-act adversely upon our export
trade as a whole and will in the long run prove beneficial. After the war our main
industrial asset will be our industrial skill, and the only classes of goods in which
we shall be able to compete on terms of equality will be those which require skill
for their manufacture. To enable us to compete in the Colonial territories in the
cheapest classes of goods would need preferential treatment so great as to question
our position as trustees for the territories. Consequently, if it were given, it would
defeat its own end, because where the margin is so small, as unfortunately it is
to-day in many of our Colonies, this raising of the cost of living would simply dry
up the demand. The more the Colonies are able themselves to supply their own
cheaper necessities, the more will be available from the surplus for overseas
purchase and the more will be available to buy the better class of goods which
need skill in their manufacture, and in which, therefore, the export industries of
this country will be able to compete on fair terms.

Private Enterprise in Colonial Development
The second question is. What place is there for private enterprise in this post-
war Colonial industrial development? ..
This is a subject fraught with great danger, and to deal with it at great
length might be to involve myself in that political controversy which all of us are
anxious to avoid-at any rate on weekdays. But I can, I think, say without any
danger of controversy that if private capital has any place in our economy here
after the war, it will certainly have a place in the economy of the Colonies. As I
see it, the financial resources of the Colonial Governments and the financial

28 British Speeches of the Day

assistance which His Majesty's Government are to give under the Colonial Develop-
ment and Welfare Act, will be fully needed for basic developments and social
advances, and I think we shall need and be glad of, the assistance of private
capital. Under proper control-and everybody agrees that in Colonial territories
it should be under proper control-I think it could be of great benefit to the
Colonial territories. There is no hope, and I hold out no hope, to the "Get-rich-
quick" type of industrial entrepreneur. Their time is past in the Colonial Empire.
The Colonies have passed the stage of economic development in which a man,
though he had to look for great risks, also looked for great profits. What I hope
is to give a chance to the efficient producer with reasonable security to get a
reasonable return. I believe . that after the war there will be found a number
of industrialists who will have a real desire, apart from the profit motive, to assist
in this task of Imperial development. . .
The final question I wish to deal with is the question of some kind of economic
advisory board or committee, whatever it may be. One thing is certain, that after
the war economics will play a far greater part than before in Colonial administra-
tion, both in the Colonies and in Whitehall. Members of this Committee who
realize that have, in the past, put forward many suggestions for some new form of
machinery. Among these has been that of a central development board. I think
that has two disadvantages. The first is a practical one, the difficulty of planning
these things at the centre. I believe that when you come down from broad prin-
ciples there is only one place where your new road, your new reservoir or your
new drainage scheme can be planned, that is, on the spot, by the people who know
the conditions. The second disadvantage is even more important. I think those
who advocate this kind of central planning are apt to forget that the Colonies are
growing up, and that you will find there to-day a vivid and instructed interest in
their own affairs which you would not have found 20 years ago. They will expect
to have a say in their own development, and will not be content to have their
plans handed out to them from Whitehall, however competent and respected'is the
body which hands them out. The detailed planning will have to be done on
the spot.

Individual Problems and Particular Conditions
But what the Colonial administrations will want, and what they will expect
to get from me, is guidance on general principles, on broad lines, and it is on
those broad questions that I shall want advice for myself. I have at the Colonial
Office a number of advisory committees, dealing with education, agriculture, re-
search and social services, composed of men of great technical qualifications and
knowledge of the subject, who in their various branches give me invaluable help.
But there is none on economics, which is perhaps the most important of all.
That I believe to be a definite gap. It is not easy, when people are already so
engaged on matters perhaps more closely and immediately connected with the war,
but I hope shortly to be able to complete the setting-up of an Advisory Committee
on Economics to deal with broad policy on general lines. ...
In a survey such as this, necessarily broad, which I have tried as far as possible
to relate to a central theme, obviously I have had to omit all references to many
important problems and many interesting developments. Each individual Colony
has its particular difficulties, its particular problems and its particular conditions.
I have obviously been unable to refer to them. I should, however, like the
Committee and particularly the Colonies to know that it is not because I ignore
their existence, not because I do not realize their importance and not that I am
not striving to firid their solution. I hope, and I think it is a hope shared by many
Members of this Committee, that we shall be enabled sometime in the future to

The New Education Proposals

repeat the experiment which was such a success in the case of the West Indies,
to debate the problems and difficulties of one particular area at a time.
It only remains for me to say that anybody who occupies my position now in
time of war must suffer from a slight feeling of impatience. There is so much
to do and so much we are prevented from doing by the shortages which are
inevitable in war-time-the shortages of expert advice, the shortage of labor and,
above all, the shortages of material. Therefore, this time, which we should so
much like to be a time of action, has essentially to be a time of preparation when
we make up our minds where we are going and how we are going there, so that
as soon as we can start, as soon as peace gives the signal, we can get rapidly under
way. Meanwhile, I have no inclination to apologize for the British Colonial
Empire. In the past, as even our critics must admit, we have brought to millions
of people security for life and property and an even-handed justice which they
have never known before. Now it is our responsibility and pride to help those
millions along the road to a full, happy and prosperous share in the world of
the future.

President of the Board of Education
House of Commons, July 29, 1943
Before I launch into a discussion of our system of full-time schooling and the
manner in which it is proposed to recast it, let me describe the whole philosophy
of the scheme, which will run through all I have to say. We shall retain in our
system a diversity of choice, while attempting at the same time to fuse the parts
and weld them into an organic whole. Coming to our system of full-time schooling,
it seems to me very like a minor schoolboy's jacket. It has done wonderful service,
and much maternal care has been lavished upon it, but there are certain signs that
it is running out of date. The sleeves are running far up the arm. The telltale
let-down of material will barely cover the expanse of anatomy allotted to it. Stains,
rents, patches and tears appear in various parts, and the shine on the nap makes
one reflect on the need for change. It is not surprising, since the tailoring of this
particular jacket was done in 1870, when our elementary system was designed to
retain children in school up to the age of 10 years. The tailor-Forster-
fortunately was a good man, and the material was exceedingly good with the
result that when the Prime Minister-Mr. Balfour-in 1902 came to examine the
garment he decided to adapt it, which he did with great skill, and he added a
small extra garment. That was the beginning of our present system of secondary
education. But even to-day less than 500,000 children are in the secondary system,
and the capacity of the elementary system is strained to the utmost. Mr. Fisher's
contribution, which has been recognized on all hands, was to stop half-time
schooling and to carry the age up to 14, with other suggestions which the country
has not seen fit to insist on being carried out. No attempts have been made in
these years to alter the fundamental structure of our system, as I have described it,
but an attempt has been made to regroup and reorganize the children into junior
and senior departments, under what is known as the Hadow scheme, with the
result that a start has be made in preventing children from being in all-age schools
from the age of 5 to 14 with the consequent difficulty of supervision and the
consequent need for age groups to be crowded into one class.

30 British Speeches of the Day

Opportunities According to Aptitude
The Government now propose a radical reconstruction of the whole scheme.
We propose that the system shall be so reorganized that over 11 years of age
secondary opportunities of varying types shall be offered to all pupils according
to their aptitude, and, if the choice at 11 is not satisfactory, there shall be a
re-sorting up to the age of 13. Let me for a moment, in considering the successive
stages which are now proposed in the system, consider the needs of the younger
and infant children. There has always been a tendency to concentrate on children
over 11-they seem to have been more fashionable. It is often forgotten that it
is in the early ages that the foundations of good habits and good character are
laid, and also of good learning, and the Government suggest, for the first time,
that a duty shall be imposed upon authorities for the provision of nursery schools
where they are needed from the age of 2 upwards; and there is no experiment,
or shall I call it development, which the Government will watch with more interest
than this particular one, which goes to the root of many of our social troubles and

Types and Choices of Schools
From the age of 5 schooling will be compulsory. I do not think I have had
any greater anxiety in carrying out my responsibilities than in considering the
needs of the infant and junior schools. It is here in many cases where the classes
are very much overcrowded, and it is here that you get much of the neglect in
regard to buildings, attention and the number of teachers necessary. Moreover,
hanging over the whole of the junior world is the special-place examination, which
we propose to do away with, so that in future a child may be selected according
to its talent for the various different types and choices of secondary education
which I propose to describe. The poor parent gets very little consideration in
our education, and it is suggested that, although we shall not give way to the
parents' belief that they think they know everything about their children and
think they are the best children in the world, we shall try to bring them in on
making the choice for the secondary opportunities which we propose to give to the
children after the opinion of the teacher has been given. Coming to the secondary
choices, they are, first, the new senior school as it is to be seen in various parts
of the country and about which I shall be saying something; second, the ancient
grammar school or the new secondary school education which has grown up and
which we describe as secondary to-day; and, third, the junior technical school,
of which there are far too few in this country. These choices were originally
recommended by the Consultative Committee in their Report known as the Spens
Report, and I would like to pay a tribute to the authors of that Report, for it is
only to-day that we are inserting in our plans the outlines of the scheme which
they recommended. I wondered, when I read the Spens Report, whether these
choices were really a reality and whether we could in fact offer equivalent secondary
opportunities to all children. But on going round the country and examining
Sthe schools in my official position, I have come to the conclusion that we can offer
in this country secondary choices so adequate and varied that, in our own way and
according to our own tradition, we shall be building a system of secondary
education for all which will serve our purposes as a compact nation just as well as
the high school system serves the purposes of the great American democracy.

Senior Schools
The new senior schools, which I want to consider first, are the ones which will
fit most easily into the system. The ones that I have seen . indicate the type of
opportunity which can be given to children, and I would say to those idealists

The New Education Proposals

who want to see more than one form of secondary education in the same school-
sometimes called multilateral schools-that I hope more than one type of secondary
education may from time to time be amalgamated under one roof and that we may
judge from experiments what is the best arrangement. In running over the senior
school provisions in this country, one has been struck by varying characteristics
in various parts of the country. In Staffordshire, I was particularly interested by
the facilities for practical handwork and domestic science. . In such rural
counties as Somerset, or Suffolk, or Devonshire we see the beginnings of rural
education being provided in these senior schools, and the teaching of the country
way of life, which is very important to our people ...
There is another part of England where the senior school is exhibiting very
interesting tendencies and that is in such districts as Middlesex or Surrey or in the
neighborhood of our great cities, where the secondary schools, as they will be, are
providing for the needs of a closely-knit society, and the result is that you are
seeing, where the State provision is adequate, abandonment by the parents of the
choice of the smaller private school. I have noticed, in going about Wales and on
a visit to Scotland, that the parents are accustomed to send their children to the
State schools at any early date in their lives, and I anticipate that, as the State
provision improves and as the trend of economic circumstances continues, that
habit will grow all over the country as the result of the improvements that we are
able to make ....
Considering the various types of provision in the senior school, and coming
to a consideration of the other forms of secondary education and what I have said
of parents gradually taking advantage of the State provision, what should be more
natural than that we should follow up this development in British educational
policy and make available free primary and secondary education in all schools
maintained by the local authorities? Thus, all three types-senior, grammar, if I
may describe it as such, and junior technical-will be equally accessible.

Grammar Schools
I come now to consider the second type of secondary school, the grammar
school. I have heard on some sides that with the equalizing and widening of
opportunity a dull uniformity will creep over the whole of our school system. This
is far from the intention of the Government. What I have said about diversity and
the need for encouraging individuality applies as well to the secondary sphere and
within the grammer school sphere as it should apply everywhere else. It is the
Government's desire to encourage the legitimate independence of the school as
a unity so that the school has a school life and administration does not cramp
down and destroy the personality of that life. Therefore, it is our intention that
in secondary schools of all types, old and new, there shall be framed an instru-
ment of government for such schools which will define the spheres of responsibility
of the authority and the governors of the school. The old grammar schools were
founded very often in periods of turmoil and strife in our history by eminent men
and women who wished to pay a permanent tribute to the value of education in
moments of adversity. They have been supplemented within the grammar school
sphere by the new municipal and county provisions, started, as I described earlier,
in 1902, which now provide more than half of the academic type of secondary
education. This has been a splendid development, and these new secondary schools
have revivified the traditions and enhanced the value of the secondary system. It
is desirable that there should be a proper measure of independence in all these
types of secondary schools, not only in regard to the administration, but also in
regard to the thraldom of examinations. If you free yourself from too much
administrative interference it is no good, at the same time subordinating your
curriculum to the supposed needs of universities or business. That is what happens

32 British Speeches of the Day

if you subordinate the whole of your curriculum to examinations imposed from
outside. The Government, therefore, welcome the appearance of the Norwood
Committee's Report, which will have careful consideration. While we are talking
of changes, I trust that we may make other changes in the secondary world. Many
grammar schools, towards the end of the 18th century, became non-local. That
means that they provided boarding facilities, and it is the Government's desire
that boarding facilities shall be provided by local authorities so that parents who
for good reasons desire a residential education for their children may find the
facilities available.
It only remains for me now to leave the sphere of the grammar school and
come to the third type of secondary education suggested-the junior technical
school. . There are only 379 technical junior schools in the country at the
present time. That figure is far too low, and it is our desire to see these junior
technical schools as constellations surrounding the new technical colleges which
we hope will be built up in our great cities and which will be the universities of
industry. It is also intended that the junior technical schools will not confine
themselves to a technical form of education but will also give a general education
to their pupils. The final picture of the secondary world including the future of
what are known as the direct grant schools, must await the Report of the Fleming
Committee. ...
Church Schools and "Dual System"
This consideration of the secondary world leads me to consider for a few
minutes the ancient and complicated problem of the dual system. In approaching
it, I hope we shall be able to inspire the same philosophy that has so far animated
my remarks, namely, that we should retain diversity while welding parts into an
organic whole. I hope also that it will be remembered that the Churches were the
pioneers of education and that they had a virtual monopoly before the State got
going. In considering this ancient problem, I would like first of all to touch on
the question of religious teaching. It is the Government's intention that the present
practice in our schools shall be fostered and made to endure. I have purposely
said "present practice," because it has been said that our schools are Godless and
that our teachers are pagan. I indignantly repudiate any such suggestion. There
is religious teaching over the length and breadth of this country, accompanied by
forms of religious worship in schools, but . the standard is uneven, and it is
the Government's intention that this shall be put on a better basis. We have been
encouraged in this matter by the development which has been taking place over
the last seven years in the framing of what are known as agreed syllabuses of
religious teaching. They are called "agreed," because the main denominations
come together and frame them and reach agreement upon them with the teachers
and the authorities. These syllabuses are widely used all over the country and are
extremely successful. They include no distinctive doctrine or the tenets or formu-
laries of particular creeds and do no violence to the Cowper-Temple Clause, which
prohibits the teaching of doctrine in council schools. On this agreed basis the
Government propose to deal with the question of religious teaching in the schools,
supplementing it in the controlled schools, which are described in the White
Paper, by two periods a week of trust deed teaching. In the aided schools, which
remain free in this respect, religious teaching will be given at the discretion of
the managers. ..
The position is as follows, and these are the facts with which we have to deal:
Over one-half our schools are denominational-a figure which may cause surprise
to many who do not realize the general nature of our educational position. It is
on this sector of the front that reorganization of the schools into senior and junior
departments has proceeded most slowly. Without this reorganization true secondary
education cannot be provided for the senior children. You cannot give proper

The New Education Proposals

secondary education in all large schools which have classes of pupils ranging from
5 to 15 years, or later when the school age is raised. Moreover, conditions in
denominational schools are quite often bad, owing to the lack of funds. Whether
in town or village, the conditions in the classrooms, the recreative facilities and the
sanitary conditions are often below standard.
A Possible Solution
Taking the educational needs of the country and the condition of these
schools, let us look at the problem from the points of view of the various partners
concerned. First, you have the point of view of the dominations, which desire
more help to meet their new burdens and ip general desire the continuance of the
form of religious teaching to which they have been accustomed. The Free
Churches, who own very few schools, retain their deeply felt grievance that their
children in some areas, where there are no council schools, have to go to Church
schools and thus live in an atmosphere, and be offered religious teaching, alien
to their own beliefs. From the point of view of the Authorities in facing the
present problem, they cannot fit the denominational schools into the appropriate
provision for their area as educational necessity makes desirable, nor can they
remove a redundant teacher from one council school to a denominational school,
or even from one Church school to another. Looking at it from the point of
view of teachers as servants of the public, they would prefer to be free from the
denominational tests which condition their appointment to about half the schools
-though the smaller ones-in our general provision. Therefore, from whatever
way you approach this ancient and thorny question, you can see the various
interests which have to be considered.
In the course of the protracted discussions it became clear that alternative "A",
as set out in the White Paper, would commend a large measure of acceptance
and would provide a give-and-take solution of our problems. ...
I can only say, without wishing to pledge any outside body or to exceed what
I ought to say, that the Church Assembly of the Church of England has twice
approved a scheme on the lines of that which I have put forward. Therefore I come
to the House with a scheme which I consider will command a reasonable measure
of acceptance. The Church of England has some 10,000 schools. If the majority
of them ask for alternative A, we shall have taken a practical step forward to
solve this problem without entering into any' scheme involving the elaborate
provisions and the transfer and purchase of the schools or special terms for one
denomination or another which are the blemishes of any alternative scheme that
has been put before me. In this solution at the same time under the second
alternative (B) certain denominational schools, including those whose views I have
referred to, will be able to continue as they are now on better terms than they
have had before. I believe this plan has a good chance of working, but if we
alter the balance, we shall risk upsetting the whole settlement. ...
Continued Education to 18
Now I want to discuss the question of timing. Anyone who studies educa-
tional history must be struck by the leisurely pace at which educational reforms
often appear to have been pursued and the extent of the plans which fall by the
way. Reorganization initiated 17 years ago is only just about half completed. ..
It is now the Government's intention to introduce a system of continued education
for all children released part-time from industry up to the age of 18. I therefore
thought, and my colleagues in the Government agreed, that the best way to produce
results this time would be to bring forward a comprehensive and thorough plan
and to present the whole scheme, and then to enlist the aid of Parliament and the
country in order to put it through. ..
That will naturally mean that in a plan of this magnitude there must be

British Speeches of the Day

certain priorities. That is, in simple language, that parts of the plan may come in
before other parts. Therefore, in considering what parts to bring in, the Govern-
ment have been animated by two principles. The first is that the several reforms
should be introduced immediately material considerations, such as building
materials, labor and the provision of teachers, allow and in accordance with the
various priorities of the Government's various measures of social reform ....
Let us consider the first programme for the first three or four years in the light
of what I have said. We should aim at raising the age to 15, completing the
planning of full-time education and the provision of the various secondary
opportunities that I have described. We should push reorganization substantially
further and nearer completion than it is now. We should recast the local educa-
tional machinery; and we should start part-time continued education, which has
been delayed for so long. If at the same time we can proceed, as has been requested
in the country, with the development of technical and adult education, we shall,
indeed, have made a very excellent start ....
Coming to the machinery of these reforms, the House will want to know about
the money available and the nature of the local administration to be provided.
No doubt the system of finance, the grant system, will have to be reconsidered
at some later date, but for this transitional period the House will be wise to
launch these reforms on the basis of the grant suggested. I am very glad to have
obtained the approval of my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer
to an over-all exchequer grant of 55 per cent, which should help authorities to
carry out this program. The present all-over grant is about 50 per cent. It is
proposed that the poorer authorities shall be aided in addition by special provisions,
which will be set out later, to enable them to take their part in the reforms which
are suggested. ...
Local Authorities
In considering the determination of the local education authorities, I come
to another of the very thorny subjects which have evoked discussion and attention
for the last 70 years or more. The Government's proposal to abolish the terms
and the divisions of our education as we know them to-day, elementary and higher,
to which the present local education authorities are related by their constitution,
means that there must be a ,redefinition of education authorities. This is
inescapable. ...
I come to the last main question with which I want to deal, the supply of
teachers. I have indicated in my reference to the program that we mean business
about the machinery of reform, about finance, about the units of administration
and about buildings, on which we have a special inquiry proceeding. It only
remains for me to show that we mean business about the teachers. It is no good
having a tidy, efficient plan for education unless there is the inspiration or leader-
ship. We do not want to give greater opportunities only to the children; we want
to give them also to the teachers. I should like here to pay my tribute to the
manner in which teachers have risen to their responsibilities in the present
crowded conditions and have managed our education as well as any other country
in the course of this great conflict. In considering the future of the teachers we
have long-term plans and short-term plans. We do not mean to fob the question
off simply upon an inquiry or upon long-term planning. We believe the long-
term consideration of the training and supply of teachers is perhaps the most vital
matter for the future of education, and it has been entrusted to an inquiry under
the Vice-Chancellor of Liverpool, Sir Arnold McNair. This will be reporting at
a not impossibly distant date, so that we may soon have before us the findings of
this long-term inquiry.

The New Education Proposals

Supply of Teachers
We have to consider as short-term needs the immediate preparation of teachers
to take on the first burdens of the reforms. For instance, I mentioned the raising
of the age of 15 as soon as possible after the war. There ate various other
schemes in hand. As a preface to describing what those schemes are, I would like
to say that the Government will first want to know that the House and the country
mean business about educational reform. I trust that the House will take the first
step by passing this Motion with acclamation. We shall then be encouraged to
proceed, not with the details necessarily of the plan, but with the -general question
of educational reform and to intensify our search for teachers and our appeal
to the profession and to new recruits. Having got over this hurdle, which I am
convinced the House will take flying, we have to examine the sources of recruit-
ment. We have our present sources which will be continued and there are new
seams which we must tap. One of the most important seams will be those who are
at present serving in the Forces, both men and women. We have several proposals
in hand to secure suitable recruits. The first is under the Further Education and
Training Scheme. This scheme has been introduced, as one was in 1919, to
provide training for men and women coming out of the Forces. Already we are
getting a few applications because men and women are being retired for various
reasons. It is a comfort to realize that one-half of those applications are for posts
in the teaching profession. We trust the scheme will develop to an even greater
extent than it did in 1919. Then there are the proposals under the Army Educa-
tion Scheme. Correspondence courses have already been undertaken. We are
also getting into touch with prisoners of war with a view to enabling them to
start preparing themselves for what may be described as the greatest profession
in the world . What more inspiring and varied experience could be offered to
the generation which is winning us our opportunities than that they should help
td train the next generation not to waste those opportunities? What a varied
choice we can offer in our new schemes to the teaching profession, ranging from
the nursery school for teachers interested in young children, right through the scale
of infant, primary and the three types of secondary, whether practical or academic,
into the young people's colleges which are to provide continuing education up to
18. Here is no mirage in front of the eyes of intending teachers such as they may
have seen dancing before their eyes in the course of their struggles in the desert.
Here are no castles in the air, but here is flesh and blood and a new edifice to
inhabit. Plato had a vision of the philosopher ruler, but I trust that in our genera-
tion it will come true in the teacher leader.

The First Step
Thus I believe Parliament has a double responsibility; first, to the generation
which is winning this victory to assure them that a plan for the future world will
go through, and, second, to the children to provide them with a chance to live
in that future world. Thus Parliament may become a link between two generations.
May we prove worthy by taking the first step on the road to educational reform
this week. Let us see that in our time we have achieved something. We have got
rid of the antiquated structure and reconstructed it. We have removed some of
the impediments to the proper fusion of the efforts of Church and State. We have
made it possible for children to be looked after up to 18 by care and supervision
and we have induced a new love for those spiritual values which makes the human
personality. If we can say that, we shall have fortified the character of the indi-
vidual, and right action will flow from right character. If we can achieve right
character in our rising generation we can say that in this time of strife we have
ensured the fulfilment of our hopes.

British Speeches of the Day

Secretary to Department of Overseas Trade
House of Commons, July 27, 1943
Up to the outbreak of war, our export policy, though not always easy, was
obvious. Our object was to sell abroad as much as possible in order to pay for
the food and raw materials which we require from overseas, and, on the whole,
we were successful in doing so and in earning a surplus as well, for investment
in foreign countries or in the Dominions or Colonies. It is true that in the decade
before the war we were not always successful in balancing our payments with
the very large sum of our investments abroad, to enable us to meet such deficits
as occurred without too much inconvenience and to look forward to a time when
the deficits would turn once more into annual surpluses.
The Export Drive of 1940
Then came the war, and the brief period during which our export policy
was not fully determined. Very soon, however, . we entered into the period
of the war known as the export drive. . Those were the days of "cash and
carry," when our relations with neutral countries were not yet clearly defined
and when nearly every form of foreign exchange which we could possibly earn
was of value in the prosecution of the war. The export drive was remarkably
effective. With the co-operation of manufacturers and merchants and of the
newly formed export groups, exports were raised by the late spring of 1940
to a very remarkable figure indeed. . It is an unfortunate fact that, for
security reasons, figures of exports cannot be given publicity, which must tend
to rob the discussion to-day of a certain amount of reality. The export drive
may be said to have continued until the end of the year 1940, but already, By
the early autumn, this aspect was noticeably changing, and the era of the war
called selective exports had set in.
The Policy of Joint Planning Inaugurated
Although this change seemed somewhat to threaten our capacity for buying
abroad, yet it was in itself a sign of good things at home. It meant that war
production was increasing on a really big scale and that exports in future would
have'to be strictly regulated in order to preserve labor, raw materials and factory
space for the essential purposes of war production. The export drive had done
great things. It had demonstrated to the world the remarkable flexibility and
tenacity of British manufacture, and it had earned for us many, many millions
of essential foreign exchange. Henceforth, however, the policy of selectivity was
to work with increasing rigor. Our ability to pursue this policy was immensely
assisted by the adoption on the part of the United States of the generous policy
of Lend-Lease. That was in the early months of 1941. Then, finally, with the
entry of the United States into the war, there began the new policy of joint plan-
ning, as we now call it, which is now being applied to the export trade of both
countries to an increasing extent.
Export Trade Now a Supply Service
These changes of policy have, of course, inevitably caused some temporary
maladjustments in our export industries, though, on the whole, the gradual
change-over to a full war economy has gone with remarkable smoothness. I think
it is universally recognized that the purpose of our export trade is not now
primarily to balance our import needs but to contribute directly rather than indi-
rectly to winning the war. The export trade is dependent upon factory space, man-

Export Trade 37
power, machinery and shipping. All those factors have to be harnessed primarily
to the war effort, and so it follows that the export trade is now in the nature
of a supply service, attuned to our total war effort, rather than the export trade as
it existed before the war and later, during the export drive. The non-military
supplies which we export now are playing their full part in the war effort of
the British Empire as well as of the United Nations as a whole, for the main-
tenance of the internal economy of our Dominions and Colonies and the Colonial
markets of our Allies. We must also remember the neutral States from whom
we obtained the supplies of food and raw materials which are almost as esesntial as
the provision of munitions ..
Restriction of Exports
The exigencies of war and the need to put first things first have compelled
His Majesty's Government to regulate and restrict exports to an increasing extent.
The primary object is, of course, to win the war, and the available resources of
labor, factory capacity, raw materials and shipping must be devoted to that
purpose. This has necessarily involved transfer on a major scale of resources of
all kinds from their normal peace-time purpose. The volume of production of
ordinary goods, whether for home use or for export, has had to be curtailed
correspondingly. In the very important field of capital goods such as machinery
and plant, any exports not justified by war-time needs have had to be severely
checked, and exports of repairing parts and for maintenance have had to be
kept to the lowest level compatible with war-time needs and the maintenance of
overseas economies upon a level appropriate to the circumstances of totalitarian
war. In the field of ordinary consumer goods, rationing, direction and limitation
of supplies have everywhere had to be introduced and to an increasing extent,
if the war effort were not to suffer. It is indeed an essential accompaniment to
the sort of war that we are fighting, that civil consumption of all kinds should have
to be reduced everywhere to a minimum compatible with efficiency and the win-
ning of the war, and that our exports of all kinds to all markets have had increas-
ingly to comply with this condition.
Needs of the Dominions and Colonies
Our main responsibility is towards the Empire and the countries actively
associated with us in the war. They are largely dependent upon us for their
supplies for their essential needs. Colonial territories of the world, under our
flag or associated with us, are of great importance as primary producers of all
kinds. If the labor and the production drives of those territories are to be
maintained, consumer goods in appropriate amounts must be made available.
Concentrated as they are on primary production, local resources in most cases are
inadequate to the double task of maintaining an ample flow of primary products
and of meeting their own consumer demands. Exports to the Dominions and
Colonies are therefore essential to us, either directly or indirectly, in the field of
war production, and exports to the Empire and the Colonial territories dependent
on us must take a first place in our export programme, even at the sacrifice, the
inevitable sacrifice, of some of our traditional markets.
In this country there has had to be strict rationing and, as we all know, strict
limitation of consumption. Our people have cheerfully, quite cheerfully, although
perhaps with an occasional grumble, sacrificed their peace-time comforts and
adapted themselves to a more Spartan standard. It would be a real betrayal of
their sacrifice if export policy were allowed, to be dominated by the normal com-
mercial considerations appropriate to the happier times of peace, and it would
jeopardize the speedy winning of the war if resources that could demonstrably be
better employed for the war should be used for the production of goods for
export that do not contribute to this end. A prime test in the export field to-day

38 British Speeches of the Day

is whether goods are really essential to the importing countries, due regard, of
course, being had to their own resources, to other sources of supply and to their
appropriate level of war-time economy and war-time consumption. In short, the
optimum use of the resources of the United Nations must be the dominant factor.
Our main duty within the limits of the resources we can spare for the purpose
is to supply only those goods that are essential and for which this country is the
most appropriate source.
Under present circumstances the needs of the importing country are the
prime factor to be considered. Our export trade has had to adapt itself to this
condition. Where the customary kind of exports have been of a less essential
sort or even in some cases reflected the happier days of peace when luxury was
not a crime, our manufacturers and merchants have had to turn away from it and
adapt themselves to the production of more essential and more utilitarian kinds
of goods. The export trade has had to make a sacrifice of some of its higher
quality products in adapting itself to the more austere conditions now prevailing.
Many specialities appropriate to the days of peace have had to give way to more
standardized and more economic production. Channels of trade too have been
disturbed .through the overriding consideration I have mentioned. Importing
countries, of course, as the supplies grow shorter, are more and more concerned
with the equitable distribution of the limited supplies available within their own
borders. They themselves have had to adopt various methods of control, ranging
from import licenses to bulk ordering.
How the Export Trade is Run Today
Wherever possible, subject always to the overriding condition of efficiency,
we have sought to keep trade in its normal channels, for these normal channels
of peace-time trade are in fact often more efficient and adaptable than a system
of full Governmental regulation. Indeed, I have been amazed at their resilience
and the continued contribution they have made and are still making to the reason-
able satisfaction of overseas demands. For our own part we have tried, in the
various schemes regulating exports, to maintain the greatest possible measure of
equity among all trades and sections of trades. The export groups and other
representative bodies in the trade have been called into frequent consultation in
deciding the mechanism of any scheme and the system of allocation to be followed.
In the main we distribute our trade in proportion to past performances, and in this
way we hope to keep alive all our export interests for the great task ahead of
them of rebuilding our export trade after the war.
Let me give the House a description of how one of our most important export
trades is now run. Before the war the value of our exports of woollen manu-
factures was about 30,000,000 to 35,000,000 a year. Woollen manufactures
normally accounted therefore for about one-twelfth of our total exports. Woollen
and worsted piece goods are the most important part of the trade. They were
first brought under control in November, 1941, and the full scheme at present
working was started in February, 1942. Owing to the existence when the scheme
started of considerable export stocks built up during the period of the export
drive, total exports in 1942 remained at a pretty high level, but with the disap-
pearance of stocks and the reduction of total production due to labor with-
drawals, the total available for export is now much reduced and is barely sufficient
to meet essential Empire needs. It has thus been found necessary not to allow
new production for Latin America or for the United States ..
Wool Exports
The Board of Trade decides the amount of the exports to be allocated to dif-
ferent countries in accordance with need. The main markets now for woollen
goods are Canada, South Africa and New Zealand. Australia is relatively unim-

Export Trade 39

portant, and not much is required by the Colonies or by the Middle East. The
export control scheme is run by a branch situated in Bradford of the Export
Licensing Department. It is found very convenient for the trade, and licenses are
granted to exporters in proportion to their trade in the separate markets in the year
ended in November, 1941. This base period and other arrangements were agreed
with the trade. It has been found possible in general to maintain this principle,
which has been accepted by the trade as equitable. In the case of some markets it
has been found necessary to restrict the types of cloth that can be exported. For
example, special arrangements have been made with the Canadian Government,
in consultation and agreement with the trade, as to types of cloth required for
Canada. The arrangements include certain price limits also agreed by the trade.
Special arrangements, though more limited in their scope, have also been made
with Australia. Otherwise, trade has been left to normal channels and arrange-
ments within the quota.
In the case of the Middle East there has been some difficulty in marrying
up our export allocation system with the import recommendations from the
Middle East. It is hoped however that arrangements at present in course of
discussion would prove satisfactory both in meeting the needs of the Middle
East and the interests of our own merchants. The Wool Advisory Committee,
containing representatives of all sections of the trade, was set up early in 1942
to advise us on the working of the scheme. This, I believe, has been much ap-
preciated by the trade, and it has certainly been very helpful to us. The wool
scheme indeed has run smoothly, and there has been no complaint of substance
as to the mechanism of this scheme . .
Exports of wool yarn are also under control. The Board, in consultation with
the Wool Control, settled the total to be exported. We decide the distribution
between countries, but the distribution of the export quota among exporters is
done by the Wool Control. Exports of knitted woollen goods have been under
strict control for a long time owing to the shortage on the home market. Apart
from some Colonial requirements, very little export of knitted goods is permitted.
An exception, however, is made in the case of the rarer fibres like cashmere and
alpaca and so on, which are not in such demand for the home market and where
a small pocket of production still exists. . .
Controls After the War
The nation, I fully believe, accepts the thesis that for a period after the war
many of the present war controls will have to be maintained if the world is to
return to peace conditions in an orderly manner, but just as the present joint
arrangements for civil supplies contain no implication whatever that we shall not
be free when peace is fully restored to trade with any market in the world, so
equally, when that time comes, shall we return to the manufacture for export of
goods of the highest possible quality. It is not likely, however, that we shall too
quickly reach a stage after the war where the normal interplay of economic forces
can be left free.
"We Shall Have to Share"
In the transition period through which we have to pass from the present highly
abnormal conditions to the normal conditions we hope to establish there will be
a difficult intervening period when control of various kinds must be maintained.
A new task will face us immediately our Armies have liberated countries now
under i he enemy yoke. The relief of the distressed countries must be and is being
kept in mind. It is inevitable that if we want to have the equitable distribution
of the means of living, both in consumer goods and in reconstruction generally,
the demands will outrun materially the available supply in the post-war period.
We shall have to share what we have with our less fortunate neighbors on the

40 British Speeches of the Day

Continent of Europe. Some measure of restriction of our home consumption
and some measure of direction of our exports will continue, therefore, to be neces-
sary in the early days of peace. This must remain the guiding principle iq the
policy of the Government. We are fully aware that this has meant, still means,
and may continue to mean sacrifices and temporary loss of markets by many
branches of our export trade. It has been repeatedly emphasized that the Govern-
ment regard an increasing and healthy export trade after the war as an essential
if we are to maintain our own standards of living and to play our part in con-
tributing to the achievement of an expanding world economy, with full employ-
ment, which is one of the main objectives of the Atlantic Charter and the Mutual
Aid Agreement. The Government fully realize their responsibilities in this field
and already are giving much time and attention to discovering the best means
of attaining all the objectives of the Atlantic Charter by agreed action-for it
can be achieved only by agreed action with other like-minded nations. But it
will depend inevitably on the enterprise of our trade and industry, the skill of
our workpeople, the willingness of all to work for the better things that we all,
without exception, desire to achieve. The Government have every confidence in
the resilence -of industry and in its ability to develop export trade once again
when the time comes. ..
Reports Being Prepared
While it might not have been a certainty that this war would break out, it
is an absolute certainty that it will finish, and though we do not know how,
immediately after the end of the war, export trade will be resumed under more
normal conditions. When that day comes our exporters, many of whom have
lost contact with their former markets, will be anxious to have and should be in
a position to obtain, reports upon wartime changes in markets overseas. Arrange-
ments are now in train for the production of reports of two kinds, (1) geographi-
cal, upon individual markets, and (2) industrial, to indicate the particular export
industries and the conditions they are likely to find in all the more important
markets. The preliminary reports from overseas officers upon which our final
judgment must be founded have been received from every post. These will be
continuously revised, both abroad and at home, so that the final product may be as
up to date as possible. Naturally, it will not be possible to provide fully infor-
mative reports upon occupied countries, which information of a surprising amount
is in fact available, and it should be possible within a short time after the armistice
to bring this information abroad well up to date. The intention is that these
reports should be available for issue to chambers of commerce, trading organi-
zations, export groups, and individual export firms. When export trade as we
knew it before can be resumed, I hope that this will prove to be of assistance to
our manufacturers and merchants and make some contribution towards the reab-
sorption of labor into our industries when they turn over from war to peace.
I have appointed a committee within the Department to consider the various
forms of service and assistance which the Department rendered before the war
to our exporters, and it is my intention when that committee has made its recom-
mendations to confer with representative business men in order to ascertain
whether the activities recommended for the post-war period are those which would
really help them and in what way improved service could be rendered by the
Department. It may be found-I do not say that it is certain to be found-that
there are certain services that have to some extent outlived their usefulness and that
others could with advantage take their places. I intend to discover not only from
what I call high-up business men, but from export manufacturers and others who
are engaged in the day-to-day work of export just what use our services are to
them. It is no good keeping some elaborate service going which may look very
nice but is in fact nothing but a piece of eyewash.

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Britain Plans (Official Statements, 1941-1942).
Post-War Planning in Britain (Unofficial Planning).
Another 50 Facts about Britain at War.
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The British Constitution.
50 Facts about British Women at War.
People at War-Life in Wartime Britain.

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