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Title: Analysis of Zionism
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With this essay Avukah continues its series of
translations of the best Hebrew writings on Zionism
and the situation of the Jews. Avukah has pre-
pared a number of other translations and will be
glad to receive for consideration further Hebrew
material. As a matter of course, Avukah does not
assume responsibility for opinions expressed in the
individual articles; it is hoped, however, that they
will give the Jewish student! in America some of
the much needed factual information and theoretical
clarification of the problem of the Jews.
This article appeared in Hebrew in Sefer Hash-
omrim, published by Hashomer Hatzair, Warsaw
1934, p. 377-87, and was translated for this series
by Enya Harris. The notes and appendix are the
work of the Avukah editors.

translated by Enya Harris

We will deal here with two of the chief aspects of Zionism which
require clarification; namely,
1. the sociological structure and basis of Zionism.
2. the road to the realization of Zionism.
1. The Sociological Structure of Zionism.
The question before us is: which class of society is most progres-
sive and active in the realization of Zionism, now and in the future;
which class fulfills the function of a vanguard in the rebuilding of
the land; which group is creating in Palestine the workers' class, the
essential bearer of national and social emancipation.
In order to answer this question clearly we must review the
position of the various Jewish classes and adjudge both their value
and their function in the realization of Zionism.
The Working Class. Borochov1 waged unrelenting war on the
Bund2 for the soul of the Jewish worker in the Diaspora.3 He tried
to convince the Jewish working class that its economic position in
the Diaspora was insecure, and that it must deepen its analysis with
historical perspective, which inevitably points to territorial concen-
tration in Palestine as the solution. He accused the Bund of having
an economic program which concentrated only on immediate prob-
lems, without seeking to solve the problem of basic normalization of
national life-a policy which would lead to despair and assimilation.
Although Borochov's sound criticism was justified, its influence
among the Jewish workers was weak. However, it proved to be
strong in groups he had not hoped to win, namely, among the Jewish
youth which was shifting to a life of labor. The Jewish workers'
movement in the Diaspora does not constitute a great factor in labor
Zionism. The majority is drawn towards the Bund, and even the

1. Borochov was the outstanding theoretician of the socialist Zionist
movement. He was most active at the turn of the century, es-
pecially in the first years of the present century, and taught on
Marxist grounds that the Jewish masses could save themselves
and take part in the world socialist movement only by living and
working in Palestine.
2. The Bund was the Jewish Socialist Party in Russia (chiefly
Russian Poland), which was established at the end of the last
century. It used the Yiddish language, and carried on a lively
opposition to Zionism.
3. The countries throughout the world in which the Jews are now
dispersed (Hebrew: Galut).

admission of proletarian Zionism on the part of the Left Poale Zion
is thus far an admission only, as yet unrealized in action. Why does
not the workers' movement in the Diaspora have an important share
in the settlement of Palestine ?' The reason is that in the case of the
Diaspora worker the economic motive for emigration to Palestine
is not great so long as he is not squeezed out of his position and his
occupation. True, his strategic base in the class struggle is limited
and narrow: he cannot penetrate into the primary occupations, and
he is employed only in handicrafts and in the light industries of
needlework, leather and carpentry. Moreover, it is true that the
national majority group in each country closes the more stable oc-
cupations to the Jewish worker, and he will later be forced to com-
pete with the worker of the majority group even in his own fields.
Nevertheless, as long as he can make a living, as long as his poor,
narrow economic base has not yet been utterly destroyed, the Jewish
worker tends to follow the party which solves only the problems of
the hour, and he is not interested in a party that demands a change
in the economic structure, a change of occupation, and the gaining
of new positions in Palestine.
Some day the Jewish worker will no doubt constitute an im-
portant element in Palestinian immigration. But he will come to
Palestine in great numbers when it will pay him to do so; that is,
when he will be able to adapt himself easily to the economic conditions
of the country, after pioneer effort will no longer be required. In
general, the Jewish worker of the Diaspora is not a pioneer type. He
is material for immigration, but not for Halutz5 immigration which
involves the cultivation of new ground and economic pioneering.
With the increase of Jewish holdings in Palestine, with the develop-
ment of a self-supporting economy and the improvement of living
conditions to such an extent as to attract people, the workers' immi-
gration to Palestine will grow. But we have not reached that yet;
just now we must lay in Palestine the foundations of the national
land-holdings, of autonomy, and of a working class. We are living
in a pioneer period, a period of acquisition and of immigration; all
of which requires a vanguard imbued with social consciousness, and
ready to begin everything afresh.
The Jewish worker of the Diaspora will not abandon his position
to begin everything anew. He still has something to lose besides his
chains. The vanguard of Palestinian rebuilding, and of the creation
of a Palestinian working class-the bearer of national and social
emancipation, comes from those strata of the population whose
economic position has been utterly destroyed and which have nothing

4. This was the situation in 1929. Since then, as is foreshadowed
in this article, Jewish labor has increasingly come to support
Zionism; cf. the Jewish labor unions in the Gewerkschaften
(Palestine labor) campaign in America.
5. Halutz: pioneer; name given to the immigrants who come to be
laborers (agricultural or urban) in Palestine.

to lose. Even though Diaspora Zionism creates the working class
in Palestine, it is not proletarian in source, since the Jewish worker
is not its bearer.
What is our duty towards the Jewish workers of America and
Europe? At the present moment it is chiefly to gain at least their
sympathy for our work6. If our activity in these countries will be
centered about productive undertakings instead of mere fund-
campaigns, we may expect a more personal relationship between the
masses of individual Jews and the growing Palestine, leading ulti-
mately to their migration there.
The Jewish Bourgeoisie. There is no doubt that the role of Jewish
bourgeoisie in the rebuilding of Palestine is increasing in importance.
But we must ask: what function does it fulfill; what type of
bourgeoisie comes and settles in Palestine? Borochov had said that
the building of Palestine would be a bourgeois undertaking, and the
worker would come after the owner and would strengthen his po-
sition by means of class struggle and solidarity with the Arab worker.
He thought that the World Zionist Organization would be essentially
an instrument for the establishment of capitalist enterprise in
Palestine. Time has proved him wrong. The bourgeoisie came to
Palestine only after the basic and most difficult pioneering positions
had already been gained by the Halutz elements of the workers'
movement in Palestine and by means of national funds. Thus, for
example, of 1,500,000 dunam of land in Palestine belonging to Jews in
1929, 400,000 belong to the Palestine settlement organization of Baron
Rothschild, 100,000 belong to semi public bodies, 300,000 belong to
the Jewish National Fund, and only 200,000 to 300,000 were privately
owned and even of these, the larger part had been bought with
the help of public ("national") agencies.
Another illustration is furnished by Kaplansky7 in his statistical
studies. During the eight years of resettlement work after the war,
half the invested capital came from national and philanthropic funds,
and only half from private capital.
A third example is to be found in the fact that seventy to eighty
percent of the investments made by the national funds were devoted
to resettlement, sanitation, and cultural activities for the Jewish
worker in Palestine. Most of the private capital is invested in industry
and commerce and in plantations. There is hardly a trace of it in
farming. And as for the middle class-it does not have a monopoly

6. The activity of the Histadrut and the Gewerkschaften campaign
in America is to spread the philosophy of Labor Zionism, and to
obtain political support and financial aid for the labor movement
in Palestine. This is the chief task of the Histadrut among the
Jewish working class both in America and in all other countries
where large Jewish masses are concentrated.
7. One of the leaders of the Histadrut in Palestine.

in contracting in public works and in distribution in Palestine, for
all these activities depend at some point upon pioneer colonizing
effort, for which they must come to the labor movement. The role
of the Jewish bourgeoisie will become greater as the country de-
velops8, but the regulative role in the realm of planned economy, the
qualitative basis of resettlement, the penetration into primary occu-
pations all those will remain in the hands of the national funds and
the mass of workers, until there is created a self sustaining economic
base for an autonomous Palestine. This division of function will
therefore continue throughout the pioneer period of reconstruction.
Moreover, if the middle class is unable to obtain the monopoly
in the economic field, that is even more so on the political front.
Necessarily false were the prophecies that the economic role of labor
is about to end, and the period of individual rule of the bourgeoisie
in the Zionist Organization is beginning. The defeats of Labor and
the strengthening of middle class tendencies in the Zionist Organi-
zation (which ended after 1929 with the great growth of labor tr.)
were only a matter of temporary and chance conditions9. The Jewish
middle-class is in itself not fitted to carry through the resettlement
of Palestine particularly because it is profit seeking. It would
use cheap Arab labor and lower the standard of the Jewish worker
to such a level that mass Jewish immigration would never take place,
and there would never be a large Jewish population in Palestine.
We must next consider which bourgeoisie settles successfully in
Palestine, and whence it comes. During the fourth aliya10 the middle
class in Poland came in great numbers. The failed miserably. What
can account for the failure of this immigration? The answer is that
most of these immigrants did not have the means to establish
themselves as capitalists but were too well off to resign themselves
to a life of labor. Only small groups established themselves in agri-
culture, and that at far too great expense. And yet, very few orange
plantations are in the hands of Polish Jews11. A Polish Jew with
2000 Palestinian pounds will not readily immigrate to Palestine. Only
a few manufacturers from Lodz fled from the oppressive taxation
and succeeded in establishing themselves in Palestine after many
difficulties. In whose hands, then, are the capitalistic enterprises in

8. This has actually occurred, particularly since 1933, with the
bourgeois immigration from Poland, Germany and America.
9. Cf. The great and steady increase in the strength of the labor
party in Palestine and in the Zionist Organization and Congresses
throughout the world.
10. Aliya: a periodic wave of immigration into Palestine. Fourth
Aliya: 1925-6, an immigration of mostly middle class persons
with small capital from Poland. It brought on a business boom
in Palestine which was followed by the depression of 1926-8.
11. Orange plantations are the most popular form of investment in
Palestine, promising large profits. They require however, a
comparatively large initial outlay of capital.

agriculture and industry? A considerable number of plantation
owners are farmers who settled long ago with Baron Rothschild's
assistance, and who are now constantly growing in wealth. They
did not come as capitalists, but became wealthy in Palestine, owing
not a little of their prosperity to the assistance of philanthropic and
even national funds. The second category of plantation owners
consists of citizens of Western Europe and America, owners of large
estates, and members of plantation- organizations. The third group
consists of high officials, business men and lawyers who became
wealthy or saved money in Palestine.

Concerning the immigration of the middle bourgeoisie from
Eastern Europe, the situation is analogous to that of the Jewish
worker. Their time has not yet come. They will come when it
will be easier to establish onesself in Palestine with less capital. That
immigration will increase when the economic development of the
country will reach the point where establishing onesself will be a
question not of pioneer energy or great investment, but merely of
acclimatization, as is the case with Jewish immigration to Western
By and large, the Jewish upper bourgeoisie of Palestine is not
Zionist. It is profit seeking and employs cheap labor and shows a
lack of understanding of the vital needs of the country. Only the
pressure of Jewish workers, of the class struggle and of national
colonizational institutions forces even these elements to use Jewish
(organized) labor to some extent. The entrenchment of national
and social principles favorable to the steady increase of the Yishuv
and of labor immigration will be possible through the help of the
national funds and the pioneer effort of the working class.

The Impoverished Petty Bourgeoisie. This group forms the major
part of the Jewish population of the world. The nature of the
economic structure in the lands of Jewish concentration in Eastern
Europe has caused this class to increase at the expense of the pro-
ductive classes of workers and farmers and at the expense of
the economic dominating class, the upper bourgeoisie. The Jewish
upper bourgeoisie in these countries forms a very thin stratum which
is finding ways of adapting itself to the national economy and is
assimilating culturally, although the road to assimilation is not strewn
with roses. The increase of impoverished petty bourgeoisie is the
most obvious sign of the economic anomaly characterizing the Jewish
group. Its difficulties are greatest particularly in countries where
capitalist economy is firmly established. That part of it which, being
impoverished, enters the working class, goes through a process of
proletarization, while another and smaller part goes over to the free
professions and to positions of service in the machine of capitalistic
While Western Jewry succeeded in gaining an important position
in manufacture, and a large part of it is upper bourgeois, such is

not the case in the liberated countries of Eastern Europe12 where the
class in power crowds the Jewish bourgeoisie even out of those spheres
which had been its own. The upper bourgeoisie still has enough
power to keep its position, to adapt itself and assimilate just as
Western Jewry does. But the petty bourgeoisie, being forced out of
its spheres of commerce, crafts and middleman's activities cannot
escape its fate. It has no way of becoming proletarian since oppor-
tunities for employment are locked to it. As a result of its peculiar
situation, the petty bourgeoisie in all the modern capitalist countries
is in a state of violent unrest, especially in times of depression. Es-
pecially in these countries, where the doors of proletarization or other
means of economic sustenance for the petty bourgeoisie are closed,
this group necessarily is the most distressed, and the most active is
seeking a way out of the Diaspora anomaly.
This class has always had the lion's share in Jewish immigration.
It is thoroughly experienced in wandering, and has already knocked
at the doors of all countries. Moreover, it is the first group to have
learned that immigration is merely a temporary palliative, and not
a cure. It became the vanguard of the territorial concentration of
Jews, and it is this class which makes up the creative element in the
Zionist movement.
With the closing of the gates of America, the problem of this class
became even more acute. After the failure of the fourth aliya the
Jewish petty bourgeoisie placed its faith in Pilsudski's new regime
in Poland, but now that these hopes have proved false, and the de-
pression of 1926-8 in Palestine is over, great numbers are pressing
for mass immigration to Palestine3.
This class has reached Palestine by various routes. In the first
aliya14 when along with petty bourgeoisie there also came wealthy
Russian Jews and when Baron Rothschild supplied all their needs,
they tried to build up agriculture on the basis of private land and cheap
labor. This method of settlement proved expensive and impractical
without considerable philanthropic backing. Decades passed before
the villages in Judah were on their feet. Those in Galilee are still
not firmly established. By using Arab labor, this aliya closed the
opportunities for large-scale workers' immigration.
The Zionist Organization which is chiefly the expression of
the desire for emancipation on the part of this impoverished class -
saw clearly even before the war that it would be impossible to lay
the foundations of a territorial concentration of Jewish masses in
Palestine without using the Jewish laborer, without nationalizing the

12. Liberated, that is, after the World War.
13. This too has been borne out, and in the mass immigration of
1933-5 the middle class of Poland has been very well represented,
for the first time since the fourth aliya.
14. The Bilu, Russian Jewish students, and others who came to Pales-
tine after the pogroms of 1881.

soil, without national funds and without freedom of settlement, that
is to say, without a pioneering colonizational undertaking, socialist
in content.
This pioneer burden was assumed and borne by the younger
generation, youths chiefly of the impoverished middle class; and it
is this element that is building up the workers' class in Palestine. It
is the vanguard of the Zionist Organization and of Palestine's
The second aliya and the third15 laid the bases for self supporting
agriculture, penetrated the building trades in the cities, created a
Labor Federation the Histadrut Ovdim with varied coloniza-
tional and varied class functions, and paved the way for a larger scale
mass immigration.
As this impoverished middle class enters Palestine, it will not
follow entirely in the footsteps of its younger generation. It will
not pass completely into a life of labor, although its economic struc-
ture in Palestine will undoubtedly become more stable. Moreover,
the example of the failure of the fourth aliya for lack of planning
cannot but make the national institutions direct the resettlement of
this class on a planned basis. But national means will always be
limited, and the pioneering power of this class is even more restricted.
Some of its members will have to join the ranks of the working class,
some will try to establish themselves in small farming, some will
adhere to middle class occupations in commerce, services, and petty
offices, and some will sell their services to the upper bourgeoisie and
its undertakings. One of the functions of the working class will be
to win this class over, to ease for it the process of productivization
and to find various forms of co-operation with it through its political
parties. In all countries, both principal classes are fighting to win
over this class which is economically and politically the most insecure.
The battle for the absorption of these elements is especially significant
in a colonizing land such as ours, where the working class commands
a unique vanguard position both politically and economically. In
Palestine as well as in the Diaspora (particularly in the latter, at
present) this class is the connective which makes possible the fed-
eration of all strata of the nation within the Zionist movement. The
labor movement in Palestine, which is itself undergoing a process of
changing from one class to another, (from impoverished petty
bourgeoisie in the Diaspora to working class in Palestine), cannot
permit itself to neglect these strata or to let them fall under reaction-
ary influences. The Left Poale Zion refuses to have any connection
with this group, since it will not recognize the existence of any
Zionism other than proletarian Zionism, and will not have any re-

15. The Second Aliya, 1904-14: the first halutzim who came after the
Russian pogroms of 1903 and 1905, with definite ideas of self-
labor (as against exploitation of others). The Third Aliya,
1919-24: the post-war halutz immigration, especially from Russia.

lationship with any group but the Jewish workers of the Diaspora.
We cannot adopt such an attitude since our class in Palestine has
expanded not only through the mass of Diaspora workers, but es-
pecially from the middle class. In the Diaspora Zionist movement
especially, the line of demarcation between proletarian and bourgeois
Zionism is not clearly defined, since neither the upper middle class
nor the proletariat migrate to Palestine in large numbers. Immi-
gration consists chiefly of the older and the younger members of the
declining lower middle class. That is the body of the Zionist Organ-
ization of which the labor movement is both the product and the
vanguard. And in the Diaspora it is not only the Jewish worker that
we must win but also the youth of the middle class. For in this in-
telligent youth are stored the strongest Zionist and socialist po-
entialities for the vanguard and the most revolutionary element in
2. The Road to the Realization of Zionism.
1. The class on which the Zionist Organization is chiefly based,
which supplies the body of immigration, and from which there has
come the pioneer movement that is building up the workers' class in
Palestine is the impoverished petty bourgeoisie.
2. The mass immigration of this class which necessarily leads
toward territorial concentration is impossible without a prior pioneer
3. From the experience of the fourth aliya it is clear that without
any prior colonizational activity in city and country on the part of
the workers' movement and the national funds, private settlement
and private initiative are doomed to failure, as are also middleman
occupations, services and crafts. Without colonizational work by
the working class, without planning and regulative activity by the
national funds, and without organized Jewish labor, no private capital
can succeed in establishing such conditions in the country as would
make possible the growth of the Jewish settlement of a large scale.
4. Our analysis"1 leads to the conclusion that this process of
mutual complementing between private and national capital, between
mass and pioneer immigration, between national colonization and
private initiative, between the coalitional activity of the Zionist
Organization and class war in Palestine, will go on throughout the
period of laying the self maintaining foundation for political autono-
my in Palestine; that is to say, throughout the pioneer period.

16. That of Hashomer Hatzair, an organization first started in
Russian Poland in 1913, and now world-wide. Beginning as a
Zionist educational and scouting youth-movement, it has since
become the left-wing of the Zionist labor groups and of the
Histadrut in Palestine. All its members in the Diaspora train
for life in a K i b b u t z (collective) in Palestine, and in Pales-
tine all its members must live in a Kibbutz.

5. This federation of all the strata of the people within the
Zionist Organization-namely, the impoverished middle class-nec-
essarily supports the pioneer undertaking of the workers' movement,
for the gates of Palestine would otherwise not be open for the immi-
gration of this class in large numbers. It is not because of socialist
outlook that the great numbers of middle class Zionist membership
support nationalized land, freedom of settlement and organized labor,
but because they understand that without these qualitative and di-
rective bases they will not be able to establish themselves in Palestine
in accordance with their middle class way of life. It is not on ac-
count of ideological tendencies, but through compliance with historical
inevitability that they allow the labor movement to establish itself
in the form of a socialist economy at the expense of the Zionist Or-
ganization. This historic coercion is not a matter of chance circum-
stances, but is the necessary course of a whole generation.
6. We expect a dynamic development of the Palestine settlement.
As this dynamic process goes on the relative role of the national funds
will become smaller while that of private capital on the one hand, and
of the class struggle on the other, will steadily increase. As the
economic basis of national autonomy becomes more self sustaining,
the middle class population will establish itself while the working
class will be gathering strength. At that time the differentiation
of the classes will be sharpened, and the antagonistic tendencies will
grow stronger not only in Palestine but in the Zionist Organization
as well17.
7. With the establishment of self sustaining Jewish majority
in Palestine, the aim of Zionism will be accomplished. Then the
question of solidarity of Jewish and Arab worker which was basic to
organized Jewish labor from its beginning will rise to the fore8.
The united front of organized Jewish and Arab labor will bring about
the socialist society in Palestine.
8. There is of course the possibility that by some accident of
history the federation of Jewish groups throughout the world assis-
ting the building of Palestine may be broken up before its time.
That it would be a misfortune has been shown above, in that this
federation of forces contributes in various ways to the rebuilding
of the country and actually strengthens the position of the worker
of Palestine. That it would be an accident, not in the normal course
of events, follows also from the above, for by historic necessity, in
their interest to rebuild the country, they will support the labor
element in Palestine throughout the pioneer period; that is, as long

17. This has taken place since 1929 and the sharp difference between
left and right was especially obvious at the 18th and 19th Zionist
18. While there was very little of this at the time this article was
written, co-operation of Arab-Jewish workers, including mixed
unions and joint strikes, has slowly but steadily increased.

as that support is necessary for the upbuilding of the country. The
possibility of an historical accident cannot be taken into account
here. Social and political prognoses, as also lines of political action,
can be based not on chance but only on analysis of the actual forces
and conditions which lie in the social existence of the people. We
must therefore guard ourselves against opportunistic action, against
trying to take advantage of momentary situations, and we must at
all costs keep our historical perspective which we have outlined and
which is continually proving itself true in the light of new events.


This article, here presented for the first time in English, was
written by Meir Yaari in 1929 more with the purpose of explaining
conditions in the Zionist movement at that time than in order to
present a theoretical sociology of Zionism. It contains, however, a
very competent analysis of class and national interests in Zionism.
When this article was written, Zionism was already an accepted
fact in Jewish life. There was no need to go back to the history of
Jewish thought and prove that Zionism was the complete solution of
the Jewish problem. This work had already been done from various
angles by modern Zionist thinkers Herzl, Ahad Haam, Borochov,
Syrkin, and others.
From 1926 to 1928, the Zionist movement lived through a very
grave crisis in Palestine and the Diaspora. Immigration to Palestine
was closed; the depression there caused many to leave the country.
The political outlook of Zionism was very dark. In the Diaspora, the
membership of the Zionist Organization had decreased; there were
few halutzim (labor pioneers) who were preparing themselves for
Palestine, and the income of the Zionist national funds was small.
Despair had gripped many of the leading Zionist groups, but the
clearer thinkers knew that the idea of Zionism was not in doubt and
that the crisis raised the question of "how Zionism" rather than "why
Zionism." They realized that the difficulties of the Zionist movement
were due to a faulty policy, to hasty mistaken tactics in the upbuilding
of the country. They studied the recent activities of the Zionist
movement to learn the mistakes and to determine future policies. The
crisis of 1926-8 brought them to a deeper knowledge and understand-
ing of the Zionist movement, its aims and the manner of its re-
This article of Meir Yaari's is one of the most important attempts
made by the labor movement in Palestine to create a theory and
system not only of Zionist thought but also of the plan of action in
the upbuilding of the country.
In 1929, as the article indicates, the Jewish worker and the Jewish
upper middle-class stood aloof from Zionist activities, and the author
attempts to find the reasons. Now six years have passed. Many a
decisive change has taken place in Jewish life in general and especially
in the Zionist movement. To-day the latter has the ambition and
inner strength to become the only representative of the Jewish
people. Zionism is now on the way to become what it inherently
has to be not a party in Jewish life but the expression of Jewish
life. To-day it is perhaps difficult to understand the need for the
scientific analysis given in this article, because Zionism is now accept-
able to almost all. It is nevertheless wise to stop and note the interests
that underlie Zionism, and observe the reaction of different social
grourt to the same set of conditions.
It is to be hoped that this article will aid American youth and
all those who seek a clarification of their position as Jews, to a better
and more rounded understanding of Zionism.

It is necessary here to define certain concepts which are taken
for granted in this article.
1. The Middle Class and the Zionist Organization.
Anyone who has studied Jewish life and Jewish parties must
conclude that the membership of all its parties regardless of social,
political, or economic outlook is largely drawn from the middle
class. Among other peoples, especially in Europe, social position
is normally the decisive factor in political alignment. This class
division, however, cannot be applied in Jewish life. The majority of
Jews (about 85%) are members of the middle class. Therefore,
Jewish parties do not differ greatly in their social origin (for they
are all drawn mainly from the middle class) but rather in their social
and political outlook. A Jewish party has a middle class character
when the aim of its activities are such. The article attempts to prove
that even though the majority of the Zionist movement is and must
be middle class, the character of the movement cannot be so because
the inner laws of the development of Palestine require the building
a new Jewish farmers' and workers' class.
2. The Progressive Character of Zionism.
This analysis of the role of the middle class in Zionism leads
to another point the progressive character of Zionism. The author
wishes to make it clear that Zionism is incompatible with anti-labor
and reactionary methods, and that the task of Zionism forces it to
use planned economy and the Jewish National Fund as a herald of
nationally owned land, and necessarily stimulates everything which
will help create a large class of farmers and workers, i. e. which will
productivize the Jewish masses.
Jewish youth, recognizing the needs and problems of its
national cultural group, and fired with the social ideal, has been and
will continue to be, instrumental in the creation of a new Jewish
working class in Palestine and in determining the form of the halutz
3. The Pioneer Stage in Building Palestine.
One view of Zionism holds that it aims to bring the majority
of the Jews to Palestine and its vicinity and to create there a normal
self-supporting Jewish society. It is evident that this pioneer stage
of creating the self-supporting Jewish society will be characterized by
the co-operation of all the Jews to build up the land.
The author, in his analysis of the Zionist movement, stated
that this was only temporary and prophesied growth and develop-
ment of the movement. Needless to say, this has proved to be true.
The Zionist movement recently freed itself from anti-labor, reaction-
ary forces by the exit, of the Revisionists from the World Zionist
Organization. At the same time, the influence and scope of the labor
movement in the World Zionist Organization and in the Yishuv in
Palestine has increased greatly, and by the demonstrable character
of Zionism, the forces of the Zionist Organization are inescapably
bent toward laying the foundations of the future Labor Common-
wealth of Palestine.


Other Avukah Publications

* *

A Monthly

1. The Jews as a Group: Development of
Jewish Society and Institutions.
2. Short History of Zionism.




Avukah Discussions
What is the Jewish Problem?
Solutions to the Jewish Problem.
Will Social Revolution Solve the
Jewish Problem?
Zionism as Solution.
Zionism and the Arabs.
Zionism and British Imperialism.
Avukah Bibliographies
Approaches to Zionism.
Primary Information about Zionism.

Palestine Program
Halutz and Kvutza.
Culture in Palestine.

Capitalism, Socialism, and the
Jewish Question.


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