National intelligencer
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00073213/00055
 Material Information
Title: National intelligencer
Uniform Title: National intelligencer (Washington, D.C. 1810)
Physical Description: v. : ; 49-62 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Joseph Gales
Place of Publication: Washington City D.C
Creation Date: May 18, 1839
Publication Date: 1810-
Frequency: triweekly[jan. 2, 1840-]
triweekly[ former 1810-may 8, 1819]
triweekly (semiweekly during recess of congress)[ former may 12, 1819-oct. 26, 1824]
triweekly[ former oct. 28, 1824-july 31, 1827]
triweekly (semiweekly during recess of congress)[ former aug. 1, 1827-dec. 31, 1839]
three times a week
Subjects / Keywords: Newspapers -- Washington (D.C.)   ( lcsh )
Genre: newspaper   ( marcgt )
newspaper   ( sobekcm )
Spatial Coverage: United States -- District of Columbia -- Washington
Coordinates: 38.895111 x -77.036667 ( Place of Publication )
Citation/Reference: Brigham, C.S. Amer. newspapers
Additional Physical Form: Also available on microfilm from the Library of Congress, Photoduplication Service.
Dates or Sequential Designation: Vol. 11, no. 1580 (Nov. 27, 1810)-
Dates or Sequential Designation: Ceased in June 1869.
General Note: Issued daily: <Vol. 38, no. 5420, (Mar. 1, 1837)>-v. 38, no. 5423 (Mar. 4, 1837).
General Note: Publishers: Gales and Seaton, <1814-1860>
Funding: Funded in part by the University of Florida, the Library Services and Technology Assistance granting program of Florida, the State Library and Archives of Florida, and other institutions and individuals.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 10202373
lccn - sn 83026171
System ID: UF00073213:00055
 Related Items
Related Items: Daily national intelligencer
Related Items: Weekly national intelligencer (Washington, D.C.)
Related Items: Universal gazette (Philadelphia, Pa. : Nov. 1797)
Preceded by: National intelligencer and Washington advertiser

Full Text



No. 6739

FRIDAY, MAY 17, 1839.


Extract ot a letter to a gentleman in Savannah, dated
CLARKSVILLE, (E. F.) MAY 5, 1839.
"The Indians have played havoc on the San-
ta Fe-they killed PERRINE, HAGIN, and three
others, and have been seen at Travis', below the
wood place. Capt. BROOKS had a chase at five
last Friday, near Lake George; but they got too
close the shore before he got up to them; they
left the boat and took to the woods. The In-
dians have burnt some places-pulled the corn
up in the fields, and done all kinds of mischief.
They even came to Fort Butler and tried to steal
a horse, and were shot at by the sentinel; but,
the order is, not to shoot at them. All is now
confusion throughout the country. No tidings
of their coming in to treat."

The Speech of Mr. GARLAND, of Virginia,
which we insert to-day, should have had an ear-
3ier place in our columns, if we had been earlier
put in possession of a copy of it.
The position of Mr. GARLAND, as the Repre-
sentative of the Conservatives of the South,
clothes his Speech against the Financial Poli-
cy of the Administration, and in vindication of
the Conservative Republicans," with particular
interest, and especially for those independent
Southern readers of ours whose respectable
names occupy so great a space on our subscrip-
tion-list. 7

NEW YORK, MAY 15, 1839.
The New Yoik Methodist Episcopal Confe-
rence met yesterday in Brooklyn, about 200
members being present. Some excitement be-
ginning upon the subject of slavery, the Confer-
ence, by a majority of one, resolved to close the
doors. It will be recollected that this Confer-
ence last year suspended some of its members
for interfering with slavery as it exists in the
United States.
The high price of beef in this city is attracting
great attention to the subject of the markets.
The butchers in this city alone have the right to
sell meat in the markets. The number of butch-
ers is said to be about 1,000, and some of them
pay as high as $4,000 per annum for stalls.
This great rent, it is alleged, is taxed upon the
consumer of beef. The proposition is to throw
open the sale of beef to every body who will get
a license, that is, to make the market co-exten-
sive with the city.
I think I wrote you that the German detected
in forgery and smuggling had gone away, for-
feiting his $1,500 bail. The sufficiency of such
a bail people are disposed to criticise. The
New York Custom-house, I fear, is not as pure
as it might be. The morals of Messrs. SWART-
WOUT and PRICE, it is alleged, infect some of
the subordinate officers. Character, unques-
tionably, has not been so well consulted as it
ought to be, where so much responsibility rests
upon men with so many temptations.
The case of the GOVERNMENT vs. SAMUEL L.
GOUVERNEUR will go to the jury to-day. Mr.
SOUTHARD is making his argument at present.
The money market continues in statu quo.
The old banks and the new banks are exceed-
ingly cautious in all their moves. The fear of
a re-suspension has so alarmed their sensibili-
ties that every breeze scares them. They dis-
count but little, very little, to other than sound
regular dealers. Business, in some degree, be-
gins to fall off, the country merchants having
laid in their regular supplies.
The new city Government yesterday gave
JOHN McKEON the office of Corporation Attor-
ney. Mr. VAN BUREN somewhat ruffled his
friends in not giving him the office Mr. PRICE
filled, and this is the amended honorable. The

Locofocos gave cheers outright when MCKEON
got the office-even in the City Hall.
child came passengers in the packet ship Utica,
which arrived last evening.
The Liverpool steam-ship, to leave on Satur-
day, is full and over-full, and premiums are of-
fered for places. Mr. WEBSTER is here, pre-
paring to start. It is whispered, I know not on
what authority, that he will leave some kind of
a letter behind, in reply to a letter from some-
body else.

PRIVATEERING.-Mr. B. a merchant of Providence, and
a man quite celebrated afterwards for his liberality and
public spirit, was the owner of a most fortunate privateer
which sailed out of the port of Providence. On one occa-
sion, when she had just unshipped a cargo of sugar, &c.
taken from a very rich prize, in rolling it into the yard, one
of the hogsheads stove, and a quantity of sugar fell out.
A poor woman in the neighborhood, seeing the disaster,
ran and filled her apron. Mr. B. from the loft of his store
called out, What are you doing there'?" The poor wo-
man, looking up, answered, Privateering, sir !"
Vernon (Ia.) Courier says: The steamboat Avalanche,
on Friday morning last, while descending the river, about
four miles below this town, collapsed a flue, killing three
individuals, and scalding two others so shockingly that no
hopes are entertained of their recovery. If we are in-
formed correctly, all the men killed or wounded were fire..


Against the financial policy of the Administra-
tion, and in vindication of the Conservative
The House being in Committee of the Whole, and
having under consideration the General Appropriation
Bill, Mr. GARLAID, of Virginia, rose and addressed the
committee as follows:
Mr. CHAIRMAN: I extremely regret the necessity which,
at this advanced period of the session, compels me to ad-
dress the committee. I would gladly have forborne, but
for the unceasing torrent of denunciation and abuse which
has been so lavishly and mercilessly poured out. upon the
heads of a small band here, called Conservatives, with
which I stand associated. For their persevering resistance
to the financial schemes of the Administration, they have
been stigmatized as traitors, dese ters,renegades, and apos-
tates, not only by the press sustaining the Administration,
but by members on this floor.
If these denunciations and epithets had been confined to
the licentious and degraded press of the day-if they had
extended no further than this Hall, I should have been
willing to have passed them by unheeded and unnoticed.
But, sir, it has been pronounced by the honorable member
from Ohio (Mr. DUNCAN,) in a speech which isnow spread-
ing in every dnection through the country, that, in the es-
timation of this Administration, Conservatism is sunk
deeper in base iniquity, foul corruption, and black hypocri-
sy, than even modern whigery itself," having charged upon
the Whig party a liberal portion of iniquity, corruption,
and hypocrisy. It is my purpose, upon the present occa-
sion, to contrast the opinions now held by the Conserva-
tives with those formerly, and not very remotely, held by
the late and present Administrations, with aview to deter-
mine whether or not the so called Conservatives have de-
parted from any of their former principles, held in common
with the Administration, and are justly obnoxious to the
charges of treachery, desertion, corruption, and apostacy,
which have been made against them.
Before entering into the discussion of the questions of
difference between the Administration and myself, I deem
it proper to remark that I shall not follow the gentlemen
who, in this debate, have ranged through the whole history
of the late Administration, and discuss topics which have
been discussed over and over again, until they have become
stale and irksome, but shall confine myself to those topics
which bear directly upon the great questions which now
agitate the public mind, and excite the deep and pervading
interest and attention of the American People, and in which
the destinies of the nation are so deeply involved. I was
a friend of General Jackson's Administration, and, al-
though upon some questions I differed with him, yet, in
the main, I cordially approved and ardently supported the
measures of his Administration. For that support I have
nothing to regret, nor any apology to make. I entertain
now precisely the same opinions which I entertained then,
having seen no sufficient cause to change them. I cordi-
ally united with and heartily sustained him in his terrible
conflict with the late Bank of the United States, and glo-
ried in that triumph, which, for the honor and safety of the
country, he achieved over so formidable an adversary. That
institution is now prostrate, and nothing but that indiscre-
tion which sometimes turns victory into defeat can reani-
mate and again rally it to the charge. I retract nothing I
said or did in support of that Administration.
1 respectfully solicit the kind indulgence of the Chair
and the committee, while I attempt to repel a charge
which has been made against me, growing out of the pro-
ceedings of the last session of Congress in reference to the
public deposits, and then I will proceed to perform the
duty for which I have risen. On the night of the 3d of
July last, just five days before the close of the session, a
bill from the Senate providing for the reception, in payment
of the public revenues, of the notes of all specie-paying
'banks, which, after a fixed period, should discontinue the
issue and use of notes under five dollars, notwithstanding
the prohibition of the act of June, 1832, came. up for con-
sideration. To this bill various amendments were offered,
calculated, in my opinion, only to embarrass and defeat it.
Among the many amendments offered was the following,
by an honorable member from Maine (Mr. PARRIS,) to an
amendment which had been offered by an honorable gen-
tleman from New York, (Mr. CURTIS:)
Provided, however, That no bank shall be a depository of
the moneys of the Government which shall not keep in its
vaults ONE dollar in specie to every FIVE of its liabilities."
Before the question was taken on this amendment, an
honorable member from South Carolina (Mr. CAMPBELL)
submitted a motion that the said bill be committed to the
Co:nmittee of Ways and Means, with instructions so to
amend it as to provide that the Government deposits shall
not be used for banking purposes." Tfhis motion was ne-
gatived by a vote of 111 to 97, I voting in the negative.
When this motion was made, but five days of the session
were left, and a large mass of important business to act
upon. If the motion had prevailed, and an amendment
reported in conformity with the instruction, the defeat of a
bill, imperiously demanded by the interests and necessities
of the country, was inevitable; for the combined vote of
those opposed to the principle of the amendment, and those
opposed to the bill, in any shape, would have been suffi-
cient. After the rejection of the motion for commitment,
the member from South Carolina (Mr. CAMPBELL) offered
the following amendment:
And, provided, also, That n-thing contained in this act
shall be so construed as to authorize the use of the Government
deposits for banking purposes."
The question was taken first on Mr. PARRIS'S amend-
ment and rejected; and then Mr. CAMPBELL'S amendment
was adopted by the casting vote of the SPEAKER, the vote
being 101 to 101. I voted in the negative.
And now, Mr. Chairman, what was the fate of this
amendment ? By whom was this new-born deified princi-
ple strangled'? The Globe of the 25th July last, in an ed-

itorial article, exulting in the great and glorious triumph
of principle which the Oaoption of this amendment achiev-
ed, charges it upon the calling and sustaining of the pre-
vious question, which, by the rules of the House, cuts off
all amendments, by what it terms the two branches of the
bank party; meaningthe Whigs and Conservatives; while,
in fact, the previous question was called by an honorable
gentleman from New York, (Mr. GRANT,) an ardent sub-
Treasury friend of the Administration, and sustained by
sixty-one of those admitted to be of the true faith. The
honorable member from South Carolina himself voted for
the previous question, which cut off his own amendment.
Why so many who voted for the amendment thus voted to
cut it off is not for me to account.
It is for voting against this amendment, inapplica-
ble as it was to the subject undei consideration, (for the
bill had no reference to the banks as public depositories,)
and under such circumstances, that I stand charged with
advocating the principle that the banks should have the un-
restricted use of the public money. In voting against this
amendment, I had no dream of asserting such a principle.
It was a plain simple bill, coming from the Senate, the pas-
sage of which I regarded as indispensably necessary to the
best and most important interests of the country, and deter-
mined from the beginning to vote against all and every
amendment which might be offered calculated to obstruct
or embarrass it. My honorable friend from Ohio, (Mr.
HAMER,) whose fidelity to the Administration none will
doubt, avowed and acted upon the same principle, and uni-
formly voted as I did upon all the amendments.
The amendment of the honorable member from South
Carolina, if adopted, would have, in connexion with the
bill to which it was proposed as an amendment, produced
no other result than to have excluded all banks from being
employed as depositories of the public money, for it gave
no authority to the Secretary of the Treasury to make any
compensation whatever to the banks fbr its keeping and
disbursement; and no bank, with a proper regard for its
own interest, would have undertakenit, the result of which
would have been the placing of the whole of the public

(Mr. CAMPBELL) introduced his proposition, yet I am con-
strained to inquire of many who profess to regard this
principle as so vitally important, why it was, when my
honorable colleague (Mr. ROBERTSON) moved a suspension
of the rules, to enable him to introduce a bill containing
that very restriction upon the use of the public money by
the banks, in a tangible, practical form, but seventy voted
for the suspension, and they mostly of the Opposition ?
The answer, I suppose, will be, that it was a special depos-
ite bill. Suppose it was, it could have been amended so as
to have been made acceptable to those who favored so
important a principle as it contained. Although I did not
prefer it, yet, as my colleague well knows, I was prepared
to have voted for his bill out and out, rather than do no-
thing;' and 1 submit it to the People to decide between
those who pressed the principle in an abstract, impractica-
ble form, and I who was ready to vote for it in an active,
practical form.
I must confess, Mr. Chairman, that I have, at times,
been somewhat amused at the ardent efforts which have
been made to make a great principle, AN IMPOSING ISSUE
before the country, out of that which contains no principle
at all. The public money exacted from the People by
the Government is a part of the active floating capital of
the country, and, so long as it is hoarded up, either in the
coffers of the Government, or in the hands of its agents, is
lost to the trade and commerce of the country, to its great
detriment and prejudice. If it is.actively employed, it is
sufficiently productive to pay for its safe-keeping and dis-
bursement, without taxation upon the People; if it remain
inactive and unemployed, then the People are heavily tax-
ed to pay for its safe custody and disbursement. .1 submit
to the economists of the day to determine which is prefer-
able ? The true principle is to prevent such an accumula-
tion of public revenue beyond the necessary and immediate
wants of the Government as to create such a surplus in
the public depositories as will not tempt them to a danger-
ous and excessive employment of the public money. No
bank should le permitted to hold an amount of public
money which would tempt it to an indiscreet and excessive
increase of its loans and circulation, but to an extent which
would not more than fairly compensate them for the safe-
keeping, transfer, and disbursement of the public revenue.
I cannot see any danger in their temporarily employing it.
This has been the course pursued by every Administration
from the foundation of the Government, and I cannot per-
ceive why it has now become so odious and so horrifying to
so many of our modern statesmen.
Having briefly disposed of the very grave charge, so very
gravely urged against me, on account of my negative vote
to the proposition of the honorable gentleman from South
Carolina, of the 3d of July last, I proceed to discuss the
question at issue between the Conservatives, so called, and
the Administration. There are three : 1. The State
Bank Deposite System. 2. The sub-Treasary scheme.
And 3. The Currency.
1. The State Bank Deposite System.
The Conservatives maintain tnat the specie-paying
State banks are the safest depositories of the public money,
least liable to be controlled by improper political influences;
and that their notes should be receivable in payment of all
public dues. The Administration proposes to disconnect,
or, in common parlance, to divorce the Government from
all connexion with banks, either as depositories of the pub-
lic money, or the receipt of theirnotes in the payment of
the public revenues. These are the leading propositions.
Itis not my purpose to detain the committee by a detailed
investigation of the superiority of the State bank over any
other system of fiscal agency which can be adopted, and
the necessity which a due regard to the demands of trade
and the interests of the People impose upon the Govern-
ment of receiving the notes of sound specie-paying banks
in discharge of the public revenue: this I have done so of-
ten that it is unnecessary. I will content myself with re-
marking that the present banking system, however unwise
in its inception, or injudicious in its organization-and I
admit that there are many unwise and unsafe powers and
principles in the system-have become so identified with
the institutions ot the country, the commerce, trade, and
business of the People, that they are actually necessary to
their welfare and prosperity, and cannot be destroyed with-
out the most appalling and withering effect upon the vital
interests and prosperity of all classes of the community.
Correction there should be, and correction I trust there will
be-and that, too, of a most salutary and effective charac-
ter. But destruction would result in the most calamitous
and fatal consequences to agriculture, manufactures, and
commerce. The property and business of the country can-
not be reduced to the present meager specie standard with-
out bringing upon the whole community a train of ruin and
distress too appalling to contemplate. The work of reform
must be the work of time, patience, and discretion; it is a
delicate subject, and must be most delicately touched.
Although the State banks had been occasionally em-
ployed in the fiscal operations of the Government, from the
Revolution to the present time, under every Administration,
and by all parties, yet it was never adopted as a separate
and distinct system until during the late Administration.
After the removal of the public deposits from the late Bank
of the United States-an act justified by the Constitution
and the laws, and demanded by the emergency of the occa-
sion, and which I now in the utmost sincerity of my heart
approve-the State banks were selected as the depositories of
the public money, and the adoption and organization of the
system pressed upon Congress with the most urgent solici-
tude by the late President; and during the whole of that
Administration the safety of the State banks as public de-
positories, and their capacity, with some suggested modifi-
cations as to small notes, to furnish the soundest currency
which the country ever enjoyed, were urged in the strong-
est terms, and enforced by the most powerful arguments
which the English language could afford, or the art of man
The same political party which sustained the late brought
the present Administration into power under the distinct
pledge that this would carry out the measures, and pursue
the general policy of the last. This pledge was distinctly
given by the present Chief Magistrate, in his acceptance
of the nomination of the Baltimore Convention; and espe-
cially in relation to the finances and currency, in his letter
of August, 1836, to the Hon. SIIERROD WILLIAMS,just pre-
ceding the late Presidential election. Neither in his an-

swer to the Baltimore Convention, nor in the letter to Mr.
WILLIAMS, did the President remotely intimate any design
to depart from the State bank system, or reject the notes of
sound specie-paying banks in payment of the public reve-
nue. THe Administration and its present dissenting friends
were united in the support of the State bank system during
the late Administration, both as relates to the deposits of.
the public money, and the receipt of the public revenue in
the notes of sound specie-paying banks. The Conserva-
tives still adhere to this system, while the Administration
and most of its friends repudiate and reject it. Where lies
the change? Let candor give the answer.
For the greater perfection of the State bank system, and
more effectually to secure a sound currency to the People,
it was a part of the policy of the late Administration, and
earnestly pressed upon Congress in most of the Executive
messages, after the adoption of the State bank system, that
from fixed periods, the notes of no bank issuing and circu-
lating bills of a less denomination than, first, tens, and then
twenties, should be received in payment of public dues, and
the co-operation of the State Governments in the restric-
tion, ardently and earnestly invoked. The advantage to
the currency and the prosperity of the country, from this
entire system, was thus expressed by General Jackson, in
his sixth annual message:
"If the several States shall be induced gradually to reform
their banking systems, and prohibit the issue of all small notes,
we shall, in a few years, have a currency as sound, and as lit-
tle liable to tiuctuations, as any other commercial country."
And again, in his seventh annual message, thus:
If, by this policy, we can ultimately witness tie suppres-
sion of all bank bills below twenty dollars, it is apparent that
gold and silver will take their place, and become the pt incipal
circulating medium in the COMMON business of the farmersand
mechanics of the country. The ATTAINMENT of such a result
will form an era in the history four country, which will be
dwelt upon WITH DELIGHT by every TRUs friend of its liberty
and independence."

redly be abandoned by those States in the prosecution of a
WISE policy, the adoption of which they have themselves in-
vited. It is not to be apprehended that a course of legislation
so vacillating and unnecessary will become the reproach of
any of them.
I have thus proved, most satisfactorily and conclusively,
that the employment of sound State banks as depositories
of the public money, the receipt of their notes in payment
of the public dues, and the restriction of all notes under
twenty dollars, was not only the policy, but the favorite
policy, of the late Administration; and that the present
Administration came into power under a distinct and di-
rect pledge to preserve it.
But it is now said, since this policy has been abandoned
by the Administration, that its adoption was only a tem-
porary expedient-a mere experiment-and was not, as it
was not designed to be, the permanent policy of the Gov-
ernment. In reply to this, and in refutation of the asser-
tion, I refer to the following editorial from the Globe of
the 11th of February, 1834:
In making the State banks the fiscal agents of the Trea-
sury, the President has taken a course which marks his FINAL
determination in relation to this subject. He is convinced,
by the experiment already made, that well-managed State
banks are FULLY ADEQUATE to the performance of all the diu-
ties connected with the COLLECTION, the SAFE-KEEPING, and
TRANSFER of the public funds-the only duties which it is ne-
cessary the Government should require of such institutions to
fuaili ate the operations of the Treasury."
le is also satisfied that they are fully competent to carry
or ete business of domestic exchange between different parts
of the United States, in a manner that will be both convenient
and satisfactory to all parts of the country, and that this can
and will be conducted by them upon terms at least as favorable
to the country, and probably more so, than has heretofore been
done by the Bank of the United States; and WE FEEL AUTHO-
RIZED TO STATE that all reports to the contrary are mere in-
ventions of the ENEMY; and that the President is firmly
resolved to adhere to his plan of the'State banks. He dis-
tinctly asserted this intention in his expose to his cabinet, and
he repeated it, with equal clearness, in his recent conversation
with the New York committee."
Could language, Mr. Chairman, be more emphatic than
this? Could language more forcible and more expres-
sive of the fixed purpose of the Administration in relation
to this policy be employed ? The very insinuation that Gen.
Jackson was not serious in urging the State bank deposit
system as the permanent policy of the Government is
charged as an invention of the enemy. Yet, in the face of
this declaration, stated in capitals, to invite public attention
to it, published by the authority of General Jackson him-
self, it is alleged that this was a mere experiment. If this
be experiment, I cannot comprehend what wouldbereality.
The truth of this declaration is most conclusively manifest
from the fact. that in every annual Message thereafter, in-
cluding the very last, even after the celebrated specie circu-
lar, this policy was most earnestly, most unequivocally, and
most decidedly recommended.
When I was first elected to a seat in this House, during
the Administration of General Jackson, I was a decided ad-
vocate of this policy, and still am, in all its parts and par-
cels. I was satisfied then, as I am now, that an exclusive
metallic medium, adequate to the demands of our extensive
and rapidly increasing foreign and domestic trade, could
not be attained, and that sound State banks, aided by the
countenance and credit of this Government, would extend
to trade all the conveniences and facilities which it requir-
ed, and secure to the community an adequate-and a sound
circulating medium, equivalent to gold and silver, and thus
bind, in a common bond of interest, all the parts of this ex-
tensive Confederacy. This great and important event can-
not be effected except through the instrumentality of sound
banking institutions.
But it is contended by gentlemen who heretofore favor-
ed the State bank system, that it entirely failed, by the sus-
pension of specie pay ments, on the 10th of May last, and that
alland every argument which has been urged in itsfavor has
been refuted by that failure. From this suspension, they
justify themselves, not only in abandoning the State bank
system, but in taking up and supporting a system which
they heretofore reprobated in the severest terms, and cha-
racterized not only as dangerous, but as revolutionary and
I maintain that the State bank system has not failed, and
that, so far from the late suspension of specie payments
proving that failure, it well justifies increased confidence in
it: from the signal and energetic exertions which the banks
made to resume, by rapidly curtailing their loans and cir-
culation; from their exertions to increase their specie ca-
pital; from the promptitude with which they secured and
paid the public funds committed to their custody ; from the
regard which they manifested for the interest of the com-
munity, in not pressing their debtors beyond what impe-
rious necessity demanded, and the unparalleled prompti-
tude with which they did resume. Taking into considera-
tion the embarrassments and difficulties which pervaded all
classes of the community, the wonder is, how the banks,
relying as they did upon the business and prosperity of the
country, sustained themselves as well as they did.
Mr. Chairman, an important inquiry is, were the banks
justified by the circumstances of the country, as they ex-
isted at the time of the suspension, in taking that import-
ant step ? Sir, what were these circumstances'? The
banks, yielding to the urgent and constant importunities of
the Government, had imprudently extended their issues and
loans beyond the proper bounds. Our foreign trade had
left the mercantile community charged with a heavy debt,
the payment of which was urgently pressed. Excessive
and imprudent speculations had been indulged in land, pro-
duce and property, and thereby produced much embarrass-
ment, and the Government made a sudden and heavy draft;
indeed, every thing seemed to have become inflated and
ready to burat. In this crisis, American credit abroad had
been shaken to its very foundation, and their debts demand-
ed in specie. What was the duty of the banks upon so
trying an emergency ? Without the indulgence of the
banks, it was impossible for the merchants to meet the de-
mands of their foreign creditors. To extend a salutary in-
dulgence, and meet the repeated and heavy runs for specie
by the banks, was impossible. They wisely determined to
suspend, for they well knew that if the merchants were
pressed, they must, in turn, press the People, whose pro-
duce would have been locked up for the want of means to

purchase. To have pressed upon them under these cir-
cumstances, the collection of more than $500,000,000 would'
have produced more ruin and desolation than ever was wit-
nessed in this country. The suspension was made and the
merchants indulged, by which, and most energetic and un-
paralleled exertions, they redeemed their credit, the banks
were saved, the merchants were saved, and the People
were saved, and the prosperity of the country restored.
However much we may condemn the indiscretion either of
tLe Government, the banks, the merchants, or the People,
which produced the catastrophe, yet it existed, and it was
the duty of the banks to adapt their action to the crisis.
This very act, which is relied upon here as destroying all
confidence in the banks, restored a waning confidence in
England, and induced the British merchants toextend that
indulgence to their debtors here, which enabled them in a
short time to redeem their debt and restore their credit.
Let us reflect a moment upon the consequences which
would have resulted to the whole community, if the banks
had taken a different course. It would have produced an
embarrassed and distressed community at home, and a pros-
trated credit abroad. Who, under these circumstances,
does not, in his heart, justify the suspension ? To prove
that the banks were not actuated, upon this occasion, by
that spirit of cupidity which too often enters into their con-
duct, I refer to the fact that, immediately upon the suspen-
sion, they commenced and prosecuted a gradual, but decid-
ed, system of curtailments of their loans and circulation,
which prepared them for that resumption of specie pay-
ments which so speedily, and so much to their credit, took
place. On the 1st January, 1837, their loans were $525,-
115,702, circulation $149,184,890, specie $37,915,340. On
the 1st of January, 1838, loans $471,073,383, circulation
$110,420,884, specie $36,906,105-decrease of loans $54,-
042,319, circulation $37,765,006, specie $1,008,635. Since
the 1st of January, 1838, there has been a further decrease.
The President himself, in his last annual Message, in a
spirit of candor which 1 much admire, bears the most fa-
vorable testimony to the conduct of the banks under these

succeeding Message of the late President, and a Treasury
circular of Mr. Taney, to prove the fact. To this testimo-
ny I add that of the present Secretary of the Treasury. In
a letter addressed by that officer to George Newbold, Esq.
President of the Bank of America, of the 31st of December,
1835, he says:
As the public money has much increased in your city, and,
under my present course of policy, will continue to increase
still more till Congress pass appropriation bills, or give some
special direction for its investment, I request the advice and aid
of the present selected banks, on the best mode of making the
surplus USEFUL, without endangering its safety, until one of
those events shall occur."
In another letter to the same gentleman, of the 7th of
January, 1836, he says:
While Congress refrain from any action on the sub-
ject of the deposits and the deposit banks, itis not proposed
by this Department to increase the number of the latterin your
city, unless the public money should accumulate therein so
largely, that any of the present banks should be unable to keep,
till wanted, the amount they may have on hand with temporary
advantage to the community, and permanent safety to the
Government and themselves."
I flatter myself that I have successfully proved that,inrela-
tion to the State bank deposit system, the receipt of the pub-
lic dues in the notes of specie-paying banks, and the sup-
pression of small notes, I and the few friends involved with
me in the existing difference with the Administration have
undergone no change of opinion, and that the late suspen-
sion of specie payments was no just cause for abandoning
that policy. ".i
Mr. Chairman, what is the policy in relation to the
public revenues which the Administration proposes to sub-
stitute for this once favorite, but now rejected, repudiated,
and denounced system ? It is the sub-Treasury scheme, a
scheme by which the receipt, custody, and disbursement of
the public revenue are to be confided to individual agency, and
the receipt of the public revenue restricted to gold and silver
alone. Yes, sir, this is the system for the adoption of which
this Government is to be divorced from all connexion with
State banks-those institutions created by the States, fos-
tered by the People, necessary to them as a medium of
trade, and interwoven with all their business habits and
transactions. Sir, I look with great alarm upon the effect
which this divorce policy is to produce upon the rights of
the States, the prosperity of the country, and the liberties
of the People. I may be mistaken, sir, I may be deluded,
but, from my very soul, I dread it. The People over whom
the jurisdiction of this Government prevails, are the very
People over whom the jurisdiction of the States extends;
and whatever affects the institutions of the States, affects
the interests of the People of the States. This Govern..
ment is strictly federal; it is the Government of the States,
and of the People of the States, and was only consti-
tuted to effect those general purposes which the States
themselves could not effect, Ibut was never designed to
impair, check, hinder, or control the legitimate exercise of
the constitutional powers of the States. Sir, will not this
scheme have that effect ? May not this Government, under
the power which this system would impart, not only impair
the credit, but finally overthrow and destroy these State
institutions themselves ? It has not only been decided by
the Supreme Court of the United States, but it is almost
a universally admitted principle, that the States have the
constitutional power to create banking institutions. What
will this power be worth to the States, if this Government
adopt a policy which in its effects must necessarily impair
the value of every institution which in its exercise they
may create General Jackson or any other man never
expressed a sounder opinion than he did in his Cabinet
paper of September, 1833, when he said :
"In his opinion [referring to their power] the action of the
General Government on this subject ought not to extend be-
yond the grant in the Constitution, which ONLY authorizes Con-
gress to coin money and regulate the value thereof;' all else
belongs to the STATES and the PEOPLE, and must be regulated
by public opinion and the interests of trade."
Yes, sir, all else belongs to the States and the People;
yet the Executive branch of this Government has frequent-
ly proposed, and now presses a policy which will cut it off-
entirely separate it from those institutions-from that cir-
culating medium which the policy of the States and thein-
terests of the People, prompted by the necessities of trade,
have produced. With the power to exact gold and silver
in payment of the public dues, this Government may run
down every bank in the United States; create a currency
of its own, and expand and contract the circulating medium
of the country at its pleasure, without the slightest check
or control. Is not this power too formidable and too dan-
gerous to be entrusted to any Executive, wielded by the will
of a single man ? Such is my opinion, sir, and upon this
conviction I have acted.
If the States may constitutionally create these institu-
tions-and to supply the necessities of commerce and trade
they have created them-they are not only useful to the
States in which they exist, but to the whole community,
from the facilities which they afford,and the impulses which
they give to trade between the States. Why,then,should
this Government abjure them? Why should it mantle it-
self in imperial dignity, and hold itself aloof from those in-
stitutions which the commerce and trade of the country
have produced, and which are necessary to their success,
arid which it was designed this Government should foster
and cherish'? Sir, the separation will-in effect be between
the Government and the People; for when this Govern-
ment fails to foster and protect the circulating medium of
the country, it separates itself from one of its most impor-
tant and vital interests.
The reasons assigned for the adoption of this scheme
are, 1. That this Government has no constitutional power
to employ Stale banks as depositories of the public money;
2. On account of their greater safety; and 3. To render
the public treasure independent of the State institutions.
I propose to examine each of these reasons in their turn.
1. As to tile constitutional power. The first argument
which I heard of the want of constitutional power in this
Government to employ State banks as depositories of the
public 'money was from my honorable colleague, (Mr.
DROMGOOLE,) at the Iast session. The argument proves
too much, if it proves that the Government has no consti-
tutional power to employ State banks as depositories; it
also proves that it has no constitutional power to employ
any agent whatever; for as to how and where the public
money shall be kept, the Constitution is entirely silent.

The Constitution has imparted to the Government the
power to collect revenue, but has not prescribed the place
or mode of keeping it; that is left to the discretion of the
Government itself. In the exercise of this unlimited dis-
cretion, the Government must be guided by considera-
tions of safety, convenience, economy, and punctuality
alone, and may as well select, so far as the Constitution is
concerned, State banks, as any other depositories; this is
v necessary incident to the power of collection, and is not
limited, except by a sound discretion.
,'. As to safety. This is a question to be decided more
by facts than argument; and whether individual agency or
banks be the safest depositories of the public money can
only be decided by a comparison of the losses sustained by
each since their employment. According to a statement
furnished in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury of
the 17th of January, 1838, No. 111, the whole amount of
balances due the Government from the deposit banks em-
ployed during the war as depositories is $1,075,933 39; of
this, according to the notes appended to the report by the
Secretary of the Treasury, there have been paid and se-
cured $316,'03 94, leaving a balance of $759,729 45: this
is the whole loss sustained to the Government by these
banks as depositories. From the deposit banks, selected
during the administration of General Jackson, it is stated
by the Secretary of the Treasury, in his last annual re-
port, that not a cent will be lost. The loss to the Govern-
ment from notes of broken or insolvent banks, from the
foundation of the Government to the present time, by the
reception of their notes, is $82,000 only.
To these losses sustained to the Government by the use
of State banks as fiscal agents, an honorable member from
Kentucky, (Mr. MURRAY,) who addressed the House some
days ago, has attempted to add $5,500,000, sustained by
receiving and passing depreciated notes during the years
1814, '15, '16, and '17: this is but the renewal of the same
charge made by the Secretary of the Treasury in one of

then to use its own credit or bank notes, and the economy
of the one or the other depended entirely upon their value
in the market. The greatest depreciation of bank notes
during the years 1814, '15, '16, and '17, at New York, was
about 15, and Philadelphia 16 per cent. According to
the reports of Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Dallas, Treasury
notes and certificates of loan were at about twenty per
cent. discount, which is confirmed by Mr. Monroe.
Now, sir, the Government had the power to issue Trea-
sury notes to any amount, and if their use had been more
economical than the use of bank notes, they would have
been resorted to. But they were not, and the Gouern-
ment, on the average, prevented a loss of about five per
cent. by using bank notes instead of Treasury notes or
certificates of loan. If any further proof were necessary,
the following facts will be conclusive. According to the
report of Mr. Dallas, of February 24th, 1815, the old pub-
lic debt was $39,905,183 66; debt contracted during the
war, funded debt, temporary loans, and Treasury notes,
$68,783,122 13; total, $108,688,305 79; the principal
amount of which, according to the Treasury reports, was
in the hands of the banks. Thus, sir, we have the facts,
that in the last war the coffers of the Government were
supplied, and your soldiers and sailors fed and cloth by
the patriotic aid afforded by many of the State banks; and
yet the very sacrifices which they made to sustain the Gov-
ernment in that arduous, doubtful, and bloody struggle is
brought up in judgment against them, and imputed as a
vice. The real losses, then, which we are to estimate in
comparing the losses sustained .by bartk and individual
agents, are from, the notes of insolvent banks, 082,000,
-atnd banks as depositories, $759,729 45.
The losses from individual agents are, according to a
statement of the member from Ohio, (Mr. DUNCAN,) no
doubt furnished by the Treasury Department, from, old
disbursing officers, $4,250,000; from receivers on public
lands, $1,051,441 63; collectors of customs, $1,437,578 09;
making, in all, $2,489,020 72: to this is to be added
$207,000 for defalcations since the 1st of October, 1837,
besides $1,250,000, which lies between the late collector
and the district attorney for New York. From these are
to be deducted $426,807, collected, secured, or reduced
since the 1st of October, 1837, and $400,000 for suspended
vouchers, leaving a balance in favor of banks of $6 627,361:
yet, sir, it is gravely contended that individuals are safer
depositories of the public money than banks. Again, com-
pare the promptitude with which the banks have paid up
the public deposits, and the slow, lingering process by
which defaulting agents have paid them. On the 1st of
January, 1837, the public deposits were $42,000,000; on
the 10th of May, 1837, when the suspension took place,
$28,000,000; on the 1st of January last, only $2,300,000.
The debts due from individual defaulters, so far from di-
minishing in amount, have largely increased! What a
commentary in favor of the State bank system!
But, sir, independent of all this, the whole community,
by its action, which is infinitely stronger than all the in-
genuity and sophistication of argument, has afforded the
most conclusive testimony upon this point. Every exten-
sive money-holder, who deposits his money for safe-keep-
ing, deposits it in banks. This fact outweighs every ar-
gument which can be adduced.
But, sir, recent developments should not be lost upon us;
explosion upon explosion of these sub-treasurers, day after
day, astounds our ears, as the repeated shocks of a volcanic
eruption. Scarce do we recover from the astonishment
which one produces, before another breaks upon us. The
lists are constantly added to, and there is no telling when
and where they will stop; many, many, I fear, are on the
wing, and will shortly burst upon us. Yet, sir, in spite of
these daily demonstrations, how little the most honorable
and high-minded among us are to be relied upon. We pro-
pose to plunge deeper and deeper into the system-place
still more of the public money in the power of these agents,
under the vain hope that he who cannot be restrained by
the high obligations of his official oath will be restrained
from plunder by the terrors of imprisonment. Sir, it will
not do; be assured of it, it will not do. I trustthat the de-
velopments of the last year will carry conviction to the mind
of every American citizen of the hollow pretension of this
scheme to superior safety. There is danger in any system
which the wit of man can devise, but there is none so dan-
gerous and less to be trusted as this.
3. The Independence..of the Treasury. But, Mr.
Chairman, it is said that this measure is necessary to
make the Federal Treasury "independent" of State
institutions. To this argument I have only to reply
that independence of the State institutions only begets de-
pendence on individual agents, which, I-have already ar-
gued, are not to be relied upon. The public money must
be kept somewhere, and there is a qualified dependence for
its safety and punctual return, whether it be kept by banks
or individuals; and the Treasury will be most independent
when its funds are in the hands of the safest and most
punctual agents. These experience has proved to be the
banks. If banks suspend payments for a time, sub-trea-
surers run away and never pay ; so that the wheels of Gov-
ernment are more likely to be obstructed by individual than
bank failures. But, sir, I here refer to a remark of Mr.
Van Buren upon this subject of the independence of this
Government of the States, which, although expressed in
relation to another, is peculiarly applicable to the present
question. It is as follows:
"It was, in his judgment, susceptible of entire demonstration,
that the Federal Constitution had worked a gradual, if not an un-
due, increase of the strength and control of the General Gov-
ernment, and a correspondent reduction of the influence,and,
consequently, of the respectability of the State Governments.
The evidence in support of this position was abundant, and, if
the matter should come under full discussion, could be readily
afforded. He thought, further, that existing causes, which were
every day gaining force, would, for the future, more rapidly in-
crease the operation. He considered the qualified dependence
of the General upon the State Governments as their strong
arm of defence to protect them against future abuses."
This expression is extracted from a speech delivered in
the Senate of the United States in 1826, and contains a
sound republican principle. I agree with Mr. Van Buren
that this Government, wounded as it is by the States and
the People, should never be released from a qualified de-
pendence on them; whenever it is, its centripetal will be
too strong for its centrifugal tendency, and all the powers
of the States will be observed in it. This term independ-

ent, applied to this system, is entirely delusive, and will
lead, if we are not cautious, into the grossest error. Al-
ready, the powers of the States are inadequate to keep in
check the rapid career of this Government in the accumu-
lation of power, and to defend themselves against any col-
lisions which may, and will likely, arise ; and if this In-
dependent Treasury scheme" is adopted, the inadequacy will
be still greater.
While upon this subject of the relative powers of the Fe-
deral and State Governments, in support of the opinion
which I have expressed, and to warn this House and the
-country of their danger, I read, from a speech of Mr. Van
Buren, delivered in the Senate on the 7th day of April,
1826, the following passage, in every word of which I most
heartily concur:
With feelings for the General Government, as I humbly
hope, purely catholic, I firmly believe, and my daily experience
confirms that conviction, that much, very much of the present
prosperity of the country and its institutions depends upon the
successful action of the State Governments, and that the pres-
ervation of their rightful powers is the sina qua non of our
future welfare. I will not, therefore, give my assent to any
measure which may stillfurther disqualify the States to sus-
tain themselves in those collisions of power which are un-
avoidable, and in which the situation of the parties is alrea-
dy so unequal."

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The buildings are an excellent and convenient dwelling-house
of 13 rooms, kitchen, wood-house, granary, and dairy, corn-crib,
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-l-~L 5~~ 1 __


I will no a. *iaian, as briefly as I can, present
the objections I ent tain to the sub-Treasury scheme
of the Executi in doing so, sir, I can do but little
more than urge ~ etions which were urged by
the Administratio il ds with so much force and
effect when it was first presented as an adverse proposition
to the Administration plan of a State bank deposit sys-
tem by one of its opponents. I was then convinced, as I
am now, of the danger and impracticability of the scheme.
My objections are threefold:
1st. That it will enlarge the power of the Executive to a
dangerous extent.
2d. That it will increase its already excessive patron-
age. And
3d. Impair the constitutional power of the States, and
produce hostile action between the Federal and State pow-
It will increase Executive power. Many have thought,
as I once thought, that the legislative was the most dan-
gerous department of our Government; but the events of a
few years have awakened mefrom the delusion under which
I labored, and pointed out, with unerring certainty, the Ex-
ecutive as the strong point in our system. None can be
insensible to the fact that he who appoints and removes
from office at his will, directs the operations of the Army
and Navy, and superintends and controls all the contracts
and disbursements of the Government, must wield a mdst
fearful and dangerous power. If to these powers be added the
actual custody and control of the public money, how fearful-
ly must this power be increased! Sir, it is a grave subject, and
demands the most grave and serious consideration of every
statesman and every friend of free institutions and human
liberty. The gradual, insidious, and unresisted accumula-
tion of power in Executive hands has been the bane of all
free Governments, and the true cause of their overthrow.
If this scheme should he adopted, it is perfectly manifest
that, whatever guards you may throw,around the public of-
ficers, all and each are in the constitutional power of the
President, and may be removed at his pleasure. The Pre-
sident, therefore, in effect, will have the control and custo-
dy of the whole revenue of the country. I do not mean
to insinuate that the President would abuse that power;
but is it not manifest that it is a power susceptible of
abuse, and capable of being wielded with most dangerous
and mischievous effect ? The very fact, then, that this
power is susceptible of being so dangerously and mischiev-
ously wielded, is the most conclusive argument that can
be wielded against it. I need only refer to the history ol
man, to his character, his nature, and his selfishness, tc
rove the controlling influence which he who holds in his
ands his place and his pay, exercises over every public
officer. In the main, it subjects him and all his actions to
the will of that power which is despotic as to him. The
extent to which this influence may be exercised, may be
well determined by the fact that these public officers, hold
ing their places at the will of the Executive, are ramified
into every quarter of the country, and are continually in
creasing in number, and diffusing their influence through
all classes of society.
Money, Mr. Chairman,'is an instrument, and an effec
tive one, too, of power ; and it would, in my humble opi
nion, be as sound policy to place a dagger in the hands o
your enraged enemy, with the vain hope that he wguld
not use it to your destruction, as for freemen to place thi
means of destruction in the hands of power, with the be
lief that it would not, in the progress of time, be employ
ed against their liberties. Says the President, in his las
Message-a sentiment which should be inscribed upon th
heart of every Representative of a free People-" CON
the letter, and I cannot perceive how that jealousy can b
quieted, when it is proposed to commit the public money t
the custody and control of him who is already armed with
a such extraordinary powers.
When General Jackson removed the public deposit
from the Bank of the United States, in 1833, he justified
the act, because, under the Constitution, he was armed
with the whole Executive power, and was not restraine
by any existing law. Yet, conscious of the extraordinary
and dangerous character of this power in the hands of th
Executive, and deprecating its future exercise, he repeated
ly and earnestly called upon Congress to exercise their
constitutional functions, by stripping the Executive of thi
power, and placing it in the hands of the Representative
of the People. In his Cabinet paper, General Jackson
thus emphatic on this subject:
"In ridding the country of the irresponsible power which
has been attempted, care must be taken not to unite the sam
power with the EXECUTIVE BRANCH. TO give a PRESIDENT
the control over the currency, and the power over individual,
now possessed by theBank of the United States, even with th
material difference that he is responsible to the People, would
be as objectionable and as dangerous as to leaveit as i a t is.
.To give a President, says General Jackson, this pow<
over the State banks and the currency would be as objei
tionable as to leave it as it was, in possession of the Ban
of the United States. To strip the Bank of the Unite
States of this extraordinary and dangerous power, Gener;
Jackson, and the whole party sustaining him, myself among
the rest, exerted every nerve. Yet, sir, the proposition b,
fore us necessarily places this identical power in the hand
of the President. What, sir, is the power which the Ban
of the United States exercised over the State banks an
the currency, so much complained of? With its immense
capital, its extended circulation, and aided by the credit
the Government, the power to designate the notes of Stal
banks which should be received in payment of the publ
dues, and its being the depository of the public revenu
enabled it, at its pleasure, to check and embarrass the opi
rations of the State banks, to expand or contract the cu
rency, and to produce commercial embarrassment and di
tress. That a select system of deposit banks, wielded b
Executive discretion, may exert the same influence ovi
the currency of the country is most manifest. That suc
would be the effect, I refer to the following opinion, express
ed by Mr. Van Buren in his letter to Sherrod Williams

"That the result of all these measures (speaking of the final
cial policy of Gen. Jackson's Administration) must be a large
and healthful infusion of gold and silver into the circulating mi
dium of the country, doing more good to the currency than wi
done by the old, or that can be expected from a new bank, r
one can doubt. Independent of all this, the Treasury has it
its power to exert a salutary influence, first over the deposit
banks, which will always be selected from the principal bank
in the States, and through them over the residue. Whatevi
check was exercised by the United States Bank on the issui
of the State banks was done either by refusing to take the
notes in ondeposite, or, if taken, by returning them quickly fi
specie, if it believed their issues to be excessive. The depot
site banks have a right to do the same thing, and are in the hi
bit of exercising it, when, in their opinion, an occasion for i
exercise exists."
These were the powers of the Bank of the United State
and these are the powers of the deposit banks, which
General Jackson sought to strip from the control of E:
ecutive authority, and place under the authority of the law
He did not seek to place the public funds in sound banl
merely to secure their safety, but to place them as far
possible beyond the control of Executive power. Am
right in this 1 Did he not say, in his Message of Decee
ber, 1835,
I need only add to what I have on former occasions said (
this subject generally, that, in the regulations which Corngre
may prescribe respecting the custody of the public moneys,
is desirable that as little discretiolas..umay be deemed consis
ent with their safe-keeping should be given to the Executb
But, sir, this is not all. The Committee of Ways ar
Means of the 23d Congress, composed of a majority of t
friends of General Jackson's administration, at the her
of which was the present Speaker, (Mr. POLK,) deep]
impressed with the necessity of removing, as far as pra
ticable, the public funds from the control of the Executiv
in their report of the 4thof March, 1834, use the followir
"According to the law, as it now stands, the duty of selectit
the banks and- prescribing the securities to be taken, is d
evolved upon the Secretary of the Treasury, under the supe
vision of the President. This power has been heretofore exe
cised by the head of the Treasury Department, and in a ma
ner advantageous to the Public; and it is not doubted, if tl
law should continue unchanged, that it may and will continue
to be so exercised by the head of that Department; yet it
the opinion of the committee that discretionary power shou
never be given in any case to any officer of the Gover:
ment where it can be regulated and defined by law. The
think that it would be more consistent with the prin
ples of our Government for Congress to regulate by law t.
mode of selecting the fiscal agents, the securities proper to
taklen. theA dntiPathv hall hA raniinrorl tn nrfr..m ord. tn t,...

committee reported a bill, which is thus characterized by
them :
In determining upon the mode in which the deposit banks
shall be selected, the committee are of opinion that a due regard
to the public interests will make it proper to leave the selection,
in the first instance, to the head of the Treasury Departmeritfbr
to some other person designated by law; but, when once selected,
toput it out of the power of the Executive to discontinue such
depository without the sanction and approbation of Con-
gress. Should it, however, be deemed expedient for Congress
themselves to designate by law the banks which shall hereaf-
ter be employed as depositories, instead of delegating the power
of selection, in the first instance, to an Executive officer, there
could be no objection to that mode, provided itbe deemed prac-
ticable to make the selections in such manner as to protect and
preserve the public funds to be deposited therein.
The bill which they report prescribes, first, the mode in
which, and by whom the State banks hereafter to be employed
as the public depositories shall be selected ; secondly, the terms
and conditions upon which they shall be employed, the duties
and services they shall perform, and the securities which they
may be required to give, in order effectually to protect the Go-
vernment against possible danger of loss; and, thirdly, it pro-
vides that, when once selected, they shall be placed beyond the
power and control of the Executive Department, except so far
as the safe and prudent management of the public revenue may
lender such control indispensable. The bill restricts the dis-
cretion of the Executive, and places it out of the power of that
Department to discontinue the selected banks as places of pub-
lic deposit, to cases of failure on the part of said banks to com-
ply with the terms and conditions on which they may be em-
ployed, or to cases in which any of said banks may become un-
safe depositories of the public money, and reserves to Congress
the ultimate control over the whole subject. By its provisions,
the Secretary of the Treasury cannot, during the session of Con-
gress, dismiss from the service of the Treasury any bank of de-
posite, without having first obtained the sanction and approba-
tion of Congress; and if, during the recess of Congress, any
bank shall fail or refuse to comply with the terms and condi-
tions upon which it has been employed, or if, from the period-
ical returns of its condition and business, or otherwise, the Sec-
retary of the Treasury shall deem it to be necessary, in order
to protect and preserve the public interest, to discontinue any
of said banks as public depositories, he is authorized to issue
such order temporarily, but is required, at the commencement
of the next session, to report to Congress the reasons and the
evidence upon which he has ordered such discontinuance, re-
serving to Congress the right to approve or reverse such order.
;Thus, all apprehension that the power of the Executive over
f the selected banks may be used as a governmental patronage,
or for corrupt purposes, is effectually removed. So long as the
selected banks shall continue to perform the duties required of
them by the provisions of the bill, (should it become a law,)
and so long as they shall continue so to conduct their business
f as to keep the public funds deposited therein secure, they can-
not be discontinued at the will of the Executive, but will be
) entitled to their custody as matter of right, unless it shall be
Sthepleasure of Congress to withdraw them, or change the place
of deposite"
So fearful was the committee of the power of the Execu-
Stive to remove the public deposiles, that in this bill they
e impose a strong restriction upon this power; and these were
not only the views of Gen. Jackson and the committee, but
of the whole party. It would have been impossible for Gen.
Jackson, strong in the affections of the People a. he was,
to have stemmed the torrent of popular excitement which
was rising against him, on account of the removal of the
public deposits from the Bank of the United States, had
She not accompanied that act with an earnest recommenda-
Stion to Congress to restrict the future exercise of such a
power by the Executive; not on account of any regard foi
Sthe ank, but the omnipotence of such a power.
Now, sir, does the sub-Treasury scheme, as recommend
ed by the Executive, conforrn to these principles of Genera
t Jackson's administration On the contrary, sir, are thej
e not in direct hostility to them ? The proposition of Gene
Sral Jackson was to place the public money in depositories
o not existing by Executive or even Federal authority, bu
o by State authority; and, in these depositories, to restric
e the power of the Executive to remove it at discretion. Th,
o present proposition is to place the public funds in the keep
Sing of those who hold their place at the will of the Execu
tive-a power which overawes and controls all others, anm
d leaves the public funds entirely at Executive discretion.
d For the proof that such is the character of the system
d proposed by the Executive, I refer to the following extrac
d from the President's second annual Message. Speaking
y a system of special deposits, he says :
i- This plan is, to some extent, in accordance with the prac
Stice of the Government, and with the present arrangement o
r the Treasury Department, which, except perhaps during th
Operation of the late deposit act, has always been allowed
s even during the existence of a National Bank, to make a tem
is porary .use of the State banks, in particular places, for the safe
keeping of portions of the revenue. This discretionary power
h might be continued, if Congress deem it desirable, whatever
le general system might be adopted. So long as the connection
TT is voluntary, we need, perhaps, anticipate few of those difficult
is ties, and little of that dependence on the banks, which must al
te tend every such connexion,when compulsory in its nature, an
'd when so arranged as to make the banks a fixed part of the ma
chinery of Government. It is undoubtedly in the power
er Congress so to regulate and guard it as to prevent the public
money from being applied to the use, or intermingled with th
c- affairs of individuals. Thus arranged, although it would nc
Ik give to the Government that entire control over its own fund
! which I desire to secure to it by the plan I have proposed,
al would, it must be admitted, in a great degree accomplish one (
ig the objects which hasrecommended that plan to myjudgment-
e- the separation of the fiscal concerns of the Government froi
Is those of Individuals or corporations."
k Again, in the last annual Message, speaking of this sul
Id ject, he says :
se Like other State establishments, they (the banks) may I
tf used, or not, in conducting the affairs of the Government, i
te public policy and the general interests of the country may seer
ic to require. The only safe or proper principle upon which the
e, intercourse with the Government can be regulated, is that which
e- regulates their intercourse with the private citizen-the confer
r- ring of mutual benefits. When the Government can accon
s- plish a financial operation better with the aid of the banks tha
iy without, it should be at liberty to seek that aid, as it would th
er services of a private banker, or other capitalists or agents, gi
,h ing the preference to those who will serve it on the best terms.
s- These two extracts disclose the whole policy of the Pr
: sident; it is to leave the Executive in possession of fu

n- power in relation to this subject; to use, or not use, depi
e site with, or not, the banks, as to it may seem expedien
b. That it was designed that this discretion should be exe
as cised by the Executive is manifest from the fact that th
no President refers to the exercise of this power during th
in existence of the National Bank, which was altogether b
te Executive authority-the very authority which Gener.
ks Jackson sought to limit and control. Is it not manifest
er then, that the control of the Executive over the public r
es venue, under this system, will be unlimited and uncontro
ir led ? and is it not a power too great to be entrusted to
or single man?
a- Increase of Patronage.-In the year 1826, a committi
ts of the Senate, in a concise, but very able report, made th
following very forcible and truthful remarks in relation
s Federal patronage:
;h "To be able to show to the Senate a full and perfect view
x- the power and workings of Federal patronage, the committee
w. addressed a note, immediately after they were charged wi
ks this inquiry, to each of the Departments and to the Postmaste
as General, requesting to be informed of the whole number of pe
Ssons employed, and the whole amount of money paid out, ui
der the direction of their respective Departments. The ai
n. swers received are herewith submitted, and made part of.th
report. With the Blue Book, they will discover enough to she
on that the predictions of those who were not blind to the defects
ss the Constitution are ready to be realized; and that the power an
it influence-of Federal patronage, contrary to the argument in tt
t- Federalist, is an overma'ch for the power and influence of Sta
ve patronage; that its workings will contaminate the purity of
elections, and enable the Federal Government eventually
id govern throughout the States as effectually as if they were
he many provinces ofone vast empire."
ad And in what branch of this Government does this gre
ly and dangerous patronage abide ? The authors of this r
c- port say :
e, The whole of this great power will centre in the Pres
lg dent. The King of England is the source of power; the Pr
sident of the United States is the source of patronage. I
n presides over the entire system of Federal appointments, job
e- and contracts. He has 'power' over the support of the indiv
-duals who administer the system. He makes and unmak
r them. He chooses from the circle of his friends and support
n- ers, and may dismiss them, and, upon all the principles of hi
he man action, will dismiss them, as often as they disappoint h
ue expectations. His. spirit will animate their actions in all tl
is elections of State and Federal officers."
ld This report had the sanction of Mr. Van Buren, M
n- Benton, and the late Nathaniel Macon, who were met
ey bers of the committee. Appointments to office, letting
ci- jobs and contracts, and the disbursement of the public
he ney, are the sources of patronage from which these gentle
be men apprehended so much danger. If these apprehension

sent position with their own arguments, heretofore used
to overthrow and annihilate them. 1 will content myself
with a single quotation from the : Globe," which, at that
time, reflected the opinions of General Jackson, his Ad-
ministration, and its friends, upon this all-interesting sub-
ject, and adopt the argument of the extract for my own :
"This (says the Globe) is the notable plan by which Senator
Leigh would diminish.the power of the Executive over the de-
positories of public money Instead of suffering the President
to appoint one Tieasurer, as he does now, he would have him
appoint as many as should be convenient. Or, if the appoint-
ments were taken out of the hands of the President, with the
concurrence of the Senators, it must be vested in the head of
the Treasury Department, to be made without their concur-
rence. And, when appointed, these officers must necessarily
be, as all other Executive officers now are, subject to removal
at the will of the President. Mr. Leigh attacks the Constitu-
tion itself when he controverts these positions, as we shall here-
after show. And these Treasurers, all appointed by the Presi-
dent, and removable at his will, with all the public money in
their actual possession-in their pockets, desks, trunks, and
vaults-are, in the opinion of Mr. Leigh, the constitutional de-
positories of the public moneys, in preference to the State
banks, which guard the public treasure as they do their own,
over which the President has no control, and to one Treasur-
er, who, instead of having the money in his actual possession,
cannot possibly get a dollar.of it into his own hands foi any
other purpose than to pay his own salary and ordinary office ex-
penses. It is fortunate for General Jackson that he does not
entertain Mr. Leigh's opinions. Itf he had suggested such a
system, what peals of patriotic indignation would have burst
from eloquent Senators against the usurper and tyrant, who
desired to get the millions of the Treasury into the very
hands of his partisans and parasites."
The argument of this extract is, that the sub-Treasury
ought not to be adopted, because the President had the
power of removal, and the public treasure would be in his
actual custody, liable to be misused and misapplied by him
and his subordinates. The constitutional power of the
President is the same now that it was then, and the argu-
ment is as strong now as it was then. The Conservatives,
for these and other reasons,oppose now, as the whole party
did then, this scheme. Have they changed ? and do they
merit the appellation of traitors, deserters, apostates, and
regenades ?
It will produce hostility between the State and Federal
authorities. There can be no system of financial opera-
tions on the part of this Government founded upon the ex-
clusion of sound specie-paying bank notes, that will not
exert a hostile influence upon the banks, and produce a
corresponding feeling on the part of the State Govern-
ments. If the States persist in maintaining their banking
institutions, as I do not doubt they will, it will be because
of their utility in furnishing a sound, safe circulating me-
dium ; and the States will view, as hostile to these institu-
tions, a system of exclusion, and act accordingly. Such
is the natural course of things, and such will be the in-
evitable result. These institutions now furnish the prin-
cipal circulating medium of the country, and in all proba-
bility will. continue to do so. The States therefore will
feel it their duty to foster and protect them, and will view
with great jealousy any hostile action on the part of this
SGovernment; and that hostile action would grow out of
the operations of this system, cannot be doubted.
S But, Mr. Chairman, why argue this question'? why un-
dertake to prove that which the daily practice of the Gov-
ernment conclusively proves-that the operations of the
STreasury Department cannot be successfully conducted
r without the aid of banks ? While the Treasury Depart-
ment had the full power of acting upon the principles of
Sthe sub-Treasury scheme during the whole of the last year,
Sof $4,599,300 in all the depositories at the close of the
Y year, $2,879,655 was in the banks, $1,320,827 in the four
mints, and only $398,918 in the hands of collectors and
receivers. Of the sum of $2,879,655 deposited in banks,
t $295,114 only is deposited in banks employed under the
t provisions of the act of 1836; the balance of $2,584,451
e is deposited in banks employed by the Secretary of the
STreasury, under the broad discretion invested in him by
Sthe act of 1789. I do not advert to this fact for the pur-
Spose of complaining; 1 will not now enter into the trans-
action with the Bank of the United States: I refer to
n these fic.ts for the purpose of proving that, while the Ex-
it ecutive is urging upon Congress an entire separation be-
)f tween the Government and the banks, it is maintaining a
direct connexion with them by Executive authority alone:
-and the only question at issue is, whether the connexion
f shall be regulated by Executive discretion, or the autho.
e rity of Congress. In addition to this fact, the prudent and
cautious of the collectors and receivers are themselves in
the constant habit of depositing the public money in banks
Sfor safe keeping; but they deposit to their individual cre-
r dit. These facts speak volumes, and prove, beyond th(
n possibility of doubt, that the Government itself and th(
collectors and receivers regard the banks as the safest de.
t- positories. The banks would be safe depositories, whe
d their the money was deposited to the credit of the Govern-
)- ment or to the collectors and receivers individually; and
of hence these acts are conclusive in their favor.
c I come now, Mr. Chairman, to consider that part ofthi
e scheme which proposes to restrict the receipts of the pub
)t lic revenue to gold,and silver. The arguments are, tha
s gold and silver are the only constitutional currency, anm
,f that the restriction will secure a sound circulating medium
1. Gold and silver the only constitutional currency. I de
m ny, in tote, the proposition that gold and silver is the only
constitutional currency. Such a constitutional restriction
would not only have been high-handed despotism, but su
premely ridiculous. What is currency, sir ? Lexicogra
phers define it to be, a continual passing from hand to hand
>e as coins or bills of credit-circulation-that which is cur
as rent, or in circulation as a medium of trade.
mr The Constitution has established gold and silver as th,
1h only standard of value, and may well provide that no mai
- shall be compelled to receive his debt in any other medium
a- but when it comes to prohibit a man from receiving hi
n debt or parting with his property for that medium whicl
te suits his interest best, and which he prefers, it is not onl:
v- arbitrary, but highly despotic. The States having incor
" porated banks of issue under an admitted constitution
e- power, I cannot perceive how the Constitution is violated
ll in the circulation of their notes, and it is that very circula
o- tion which constitutes their currency. That circulation

It. which does not violate the Constitution must necessarily'
r- be constitutional. So that the argument, that no currency
ie is constitutional but gold and silver, is not only unfounded
ie but absurd. That this Government has the power to re
ay ceive its dues in other than a gold and silver medium, need
al not be proved by argument. The unremitted practice c
it, the Government from its very foundation to the present
e- time, and the absolute necessity of such a power, prov
l- that it has it. I do not deem it necessary to prove, by ai
a gument, that which has been so clearly demonstrated b
practice, that this Government may receive the notes (
ee sound specie-paying banks in payment for its dues.
ie It will secure a sound currency. The power of thi
to Government over the currency of the country is becoming
one of grave and important consideration. I have exa
of mined the Constitution with the greatest care and th
ee utmost deliberation, and I cannot any where find that
th power to regulate the currency" is imparted to this Gov
ar ernment. It has power to coin money and regulate th
r- value thereof," but no power to prescribe and regulate cu.
n- rency. The power to coin" money and regulate its value
-" was a necessary power; because, if left to the States, th
is difference of value placed upon the same coin would hav
f produced inextricable confusion and difficulty in the inte
nd course of the States. But, in relation to bank-note cu
he rency, that difficulty does not exist. I agree with Gel
te Jackson entirely, that the Federal Government has n
all other constitutional authority than simply "to coin money
to and regulate the value thereof;" and that "all else belong
so to the States and the People, and must be regulated by pui
lic opinion and the interests of trade." The operation
at of trade always exhibit its own necessities, and point
e- the-remedy. Here the Constitution has left it, and here
is wisely left. The power and duty of this Governmer
Sis well defined by Mr. Taney, late Secretary of the Tre
e- sury, in the following extract from his able report of th
le 15th of February, 1834:
5s, "Under the authority delegated to Congress by the Const
'i- tution of the United States, they have no power to establish t
es law a paper currency; and the influence which they may lam
rt- fully exercise in securing its soundness is altogether incident
u- In legislating within the admitted scope of their authority, th(
is may, without assuming powers not granted, look to the effe
he which their laws will produce upon an interest of so much in
portance as that of the paper circulation now floating through
Ir. out the country."
n- Now, sir, it is the exercise of this incidental power
of favor of the currency which the People, the State Legi
o- latures, and the interests of trade have brought into exis
e- ence, which I invoke; and it is the hostile action of tl
ns Government to this currency that I have deprecated an

This opinion of Mr. Taney is founded upon the expe-
rience of all manufacturing and commercial countries, and
its truth is so well attested by that experience that argu-
ment is unnecessary. That system of credit to which he
refers is the banking system of the United States, and is
that system of credit" from which this Government can-
not and ought not to separate itself.
Was it the policy of the late Administration to destroy
the State banks? No, sir. I have already proved, by its
official acts and communications, that, so far from seeking
to destroy, it fostered and protected them. Is it the policy
of the present Administration to destroy them ? The
President, in his Message of December, 1837, says:
Banks, properly established and conducted, are highly use-
ful to the country, and will, doubtless, continue to exist in the
States so long as they conform to their laws, and are found to
be safe and beneficial."
And in his last Message he says:
Though always opposed to their creation in the form of ex-
clusive privileges, and, as a State Magistrate, aiming, by appro-
priate legislation, to secure the community against the conse-
quences of their occasional mismanagement, I have yet ever
wished to see them protected in the exercise of rights conferred
by law; and have never doubted their utility, when properly
managed, in promoting the interests of trade, and, through that
channel, the other interests of the community."
Now, sir, if these banks are useful, ought to exist, and
will exist, why repudiate their notes by the Federal Gov-
ernment 7 Why not add to their credit and utility by re-
ceiving their notes in payment of the public dues, and give
to them that credit which the manifestation of such confi-
dence inspires?
Can any thing be more conclusive, from the experience
of the past, that an entire specie circulation is impractica-.
ble, not only from its inconvenience and cost of trans-
portation, but the inadequacy of its supply? The whole
amount in the United States is only about $85,000,000,
and the mints do not increase the quantity as rapidly as
the demands of trade and commerce require. But, sup-
pose an adequate supply within our reach; can any man
suppose that, from Maine to Florida, and from the Atlan-
tic to the Pacific, the business of this great, populous, com-
mercial, powerful, and growing nation, could be conducted
in specie? No, sir; the idea is preposterous. An exclu
sive paper circulation none would think of; experience has
utterly repudiated it. The most commercial nations have
fixed upon a mixed currency of specie and paper as com-
bining all the safety of specie and the convenience and
economy of paper; specie for the basis, paper for the su-
perstructure, have commanded'the approbation of all expe-
rienced commercial men; and that is our own system. The
quantum of each is matter of speculation, and must be
regulated by the demands of trade. I am myself in favor
of a larger infusion of specie into our own currency than
at present exists. I favor such a reduction of banks and
bank circulation as will confine banking to the purposes of
commerce, and restore specie to the ordinary transactions
of the People. This can only be effected by the suppres-
sion of all notes under twenty dollars: and I shall steadily
adhere to that policy. 1 cannot better illustrate the evils
of this exclusive specie circulation and its effects than by
quoting from a speech of Mr. Senator WALKER, of Mis-
sissippi, delivered in the Senate of the United States the
28th of January, 1837:
"Sir," (said Mr. WALKER, referring to Mr. BENTON'S views
of an exclusive metallic circulation,) "if the Senator from Mis-
souri could, by his mandate, in direct opposition to the views of
the President, heretofore expressed, sweep from existence all
the banks of the States, and establish his exclusive constitu-
tional currency of gold and silver, he would bring upon his
country scenes of ruin and distress without a parallel-an im-
mediate bankruptcy of nearly every debtor, and almost every
creditor to whom large amounts were due; prodigious depre-
ciation in the price of all properly and all products ; and an im-
mediate cessation by States and individuals of nearly every
work of private enterprise or public improvement. The coun-
try would be involved in one universal bankruptcy, and near the
grave of the nation's prosperity would repose the scattered
fragments of those great and glorious institutions which give
happiness to millions here, and hopes to millions more of disen-
thralinent from despotic power."
This picture is drawn to the life, and is well worthy the
contemplation of every man who occupies the responsible
position of a lawgiver to the People.
If an exclusive specie circulation is impracticable, and
not adapted to the purposes of commerce, is it not injudi-
Scious to require the payment of the public revenues, which
are exacted from commerce, in gold and silver only ? I
will answer this inquiry by another draft upon Mr. WAL-
SKER'S speech, in which he says:
"Sir, the passage of this bill (referring to Mr. BENTON'S bill
to 're-establish the constitutional currency) would ensure the
abandonment of the deposit bank system, and, as fiscal agents
Swe must have, it would ensure the re-establishment of a Bant
of the United States, with all its oppressive powers. And here,
let me ask, can any thing be more inconsistent, as well as im
practicable, tlan to employ the State banks as fiscal agents, as
depositories of the public moneys, and yet reject their paper!
If it he unconstitutional to receive one dollar of the public due:
s in the paper of any bank, is it not equally unconstitutional t<
make these unconstitutional banks, issuing this unconstitutional
t currency, our fiscal agents for the whole amountof our revenue
by bank credits? Under our deposit bill, when we confide
money to a deposit bank, have we not previously taken it:
bond to repay? And if we take its bond, why not its paper'
Sir, to carry out the gentleman's doctrine, he should discard thi
Y deposit banks as fiscal agents, and employ hundreds ofindivi
n dual agents, constantly traversing the country in all directions
with mules or wagons loaded with gold and silver. Such a sys
- tern-and to this it would come-would require an army of agent
, greater than our whole standing army, to receive, transfer, an
- disburse the forty-seven millions of gold and silver, the amount
of this year's Federal revenue. Such a system would enlarg
e the patronage and power of the General Government to an al
n most unlimited power, and, if successful, paralyze the Stat
Governments by the destruction of the State banks, State cred
s it, and State institutions. But the whole system is impractical
h ble, and it is time the country should know that such is the opi
union of the whole Senate, with the single exception of tile Sena
Y tor from Missouri himself."
1 In every word of which I most heartily concur, and d
d not doubt the consequences which he predicts would re
suit. Now, sir, .1 appeal to this committee--I appeal t
this nation, if I have not proved to their entire satisfaction
Smy own consistency, and that of the friends with whom

Sact here; and that those who denounce and stigmatize u
Y have themselves wheeled to the right-about and change
' their own position ? Were those gentlemen serious in their
opinions then If they were, how cruel their imputation
3f against us now.
it Mr. Chairman, I have heard much said of late about as
e sociated wealth-much about the productive and unprodut
tive classes. The gentleman from North Carolina, (M:
BYNUM,) in the course of his remarks, a few days sinci
f indulged much in this vein of sarcasm and invective. Si
Without alluding particularly to the member from Nort
is Carolina, I have, in times gone by, been much amuse
S with those gentlemen who claim to themselves to be th
g peculiar friends of the People. But I have general
-e found that their friendship consisted more in profession
e than reality; and that they, in their peculiar regard f(
a the People, have always promised more than they eve
-e performed. We are always, Mr. Chairman, very deep]
le interested for the People when we are seeking honors
r- their hands, but we are apt to forget them when our pu
le poses of selfishness have been accomplished. I alwa3
View with great jealousy and distrust those loud profe
Ssions of friendship for the dear People-I always think, i
r- spite of myself, when I hear them, that there is a little spi
of selfishness at the bottom. We want something at the
n. hands. Sir, what is associated wealth, and who are tt
productive and unproductive classes? Associated weall
s is the combination of capital, and its utility or danger d
s pends entirely upon the objects of the association. Rai
read, canal, manufacturing, mining, and such like inst
nt tions, may be properly termed associated wealth, yet the
it objects, so far from being dangerous, are beneficial to tt
t whole community. Would the gentleman from Nort
Carolina (Mr. BYNUM) pull down all these? I am su
a- he would not. Banks are but associated capital, and mi
e receive a beneficial and safe direction. What then, pr
perly regulated, would be their danger ? Associated cap
i- tal is as necessary to accomplish many national and b
by neficent objects, as associated power is necessary to mai
l. tain society itself, and support social institution s. The
ey associations, like all others of human construction, may 1
dt abused and perverted to base and improper purposes; b
n. this is no reason why they should be entirely destroy
h- Judicious legislation may avoid most of the evils attendii
them. The member from North Carolina styles the agi
in culturist and mechanic as the productive, and all othe
s- as the unproductive classes of society. This, sir, is n
t- the true distinction. Trade and commerce are as nece
he sary to the prosperity of agriculture, as agricultural imp]
id ments are to the cultivation of the soil. Agriculture,
1- I _--1 .f knv. vonf tri *t n.t > n f th. Mwnrl,

alienate them from each other, is not only not productive
of any benefit, but dangerous to the ,ery existence of so-
ciety itself. Instead of exciting discord, our every effort
should be to promote harmony, and, while we eradicate evil,
maintain good principles and practices.
Mr. Chairman, a bill offered in the Senate of the United
States, during its last session, by one of the Senators from
Virginia, (Mr. RIvEs,) proposing the continuance of the
State bank system, and limiting the.number to be selected
to twenty five, has been most violently denounced and un-
justly stigmatized as a dangerous and corrupt league."
Upon this, like all other parts' of the deposit question,
there has been a most singular change of opinion by the
present Administration and its friends from those of the
last. Gen. Jackson, in two of his messages subsequent to
the removal of the public deposits from. the Bank of the
United States, reiterated the assertion that they were inca-
pable of any dangerous political combination, and Mr. Ta-
ney, in his report above referred to, said the thing was im-
possible. Institutions closely watched by the State Gov-
ernments, having many separate, distinct, and 1ven rival
interests, and holding their charters at the hands of the
State authorities, are so deeply interested in the security and
preservation of the State Governments, that they would not
be tempted into any combination fatal to their existence.
But, sir, in order to prove that this league" of State
banks was not regarded so corrupt and dangerous by the
late Administration as it is by the friends of the present, I
quote a proposition made by Mr. Kendall to these banks in
August, 1833, under the authority of the Executive De-
partment of the Government, after the removal of the pub-
lic deposits from the Bank of the United States had been
determined upon:
1. That one bank be selected in Baltimore, one in Philadel-
phia, two in New York, and one in Boston, with a right on the
part of the Government to add one in New Orleans, one in
Alabama, and one in each of the Southern Atlantic States, if it
shall be deemed expedient, and ifthey shall respectively accede
to the terms proposed; all which shall receive the public depo-
sites in the States wherein located, and be each responsible to
the Government for the whole amount of thepublic deposits
wherever made."
That these banks shall have the right, and it shall be their
duty, when required by the Secretay of the Treasury, TO NOM-
INATE BANKS to be employed in the.service ofthe Treasury at
other points in the United States ; provided that the said Sec-
retary shall have an absolute negative upon such nomination,
and may, at any time, direct any bank employed to be dis-
charged, and another designated in its place."


In relation to this proposition, Mr. Lewis, the able, ex-
perienced, and sagacious cashier of the Girard Bank of
Philadelphia, says:
: We consider that there is a strong analogy between the Bank
of the United States and its branches, as at present organized,
and the Treasury and its selected bank agents, when the selec-
tion and appointment shall be fully completed."
Mr. Rives' bill proposed to regulate this system by law,
and did not contain a single feature as objectionable as Mr.
Kendall's arrangement, which was an Executive arrange-
ment ; and yet, strange, passing strange, those who favored
that scheme denounce Mr. Rives' as corrupt and danger-
ous. Truly, sir, we live in strange times! I have done,
sir, with the deposit system and the sub-Treasury scheme.
I have proved that I and my friends occupy now the same
ground that we did during General Jackson's Administra-
tion, and that the charges of treachery and desertion are
gratuitous, unjust, and unfounded.
Mr. Chairman, I have of late heard much about party,
much about Democracy, and much about Federalists. Sir,
what is party, and what are the principles of its organiza-
tion'? If it is founded upon the political advancement of
men, without regard to measures, then the organization is
illegitimate and unpatriotic, and I am no party man. Is it
organized upon principle, without regard to men? then its
organization is legitimate and patriotic, and I am a party
man in the truest and strictest sense of the term, and will
not, for any consideration, either personal or political, de-
part from my party principles. The principles upon which
parties were formerly organized, and must, to be salutary
and effective, be again organized, are thus truly described
by Mr. Van Buren, in a speech delivered by him in the
Senate of the United States, on the powers of the Vice
President as "presiding officer of the Senate."

or I






If these party divisions have sprung from no other cause t
than the temporary circumstances to which they have been at- r
tribute, why have they so long survived the causes that pro- p
duced them ? That they still exist, and exist in full vigor in a t
great portion of the Union, it would be an insult to our observation
and understanding'to deny. The explanation of the mystery was
to be found, and to be found only, in the falsity of the ascription.
They arose from other and very different causes. They are, in t
truth, said he, mainly to be ascribed to the struggle between the t
two opposing principles that have been in active operation in this
country from the closing scenes of the Revolutionary war to the
present day ; the one seeking to absorb, so far as practicable,
all power from its legitimate sources, and to condense it in a t
single head; the other, an antagonist principle, laboring as as-
siduously to resist the encroachments and limit the extent of
Executive authority. The former has grown out of a deep and
settled distrust of the People and of the States. Itconsequently
regards as gain every thing that can be drawn into the vortex
of Federal power, and as making that power still rrore safe in
proportion as it is withdrawn from the popular departments of
the Federal Government, to those that are further removed from
the control of public sentiment. The antagonist principle
has its origin in jealousy of power, justified by allhuman
experience. It is founded on the assumption that the disposi-
tion of man to abuse delegated authority is inherent and incor-
rigible; and therefore seeks its only security in the limitation and
distribution of those trusts which the very existence of Govern-
ment requires to be reposed somewhere."
These are the true principles upon which parties, in all
free governments, must be organized and conducted. When
parties depart from these great, high, and patriotic consid-
erations, in which the interest, the prosperity, the happi-
ness, and the liberties of the People are involved, and re-
solve every thing into the question, Who shall be Presi-
dent ? they war upon the vital principles of free govern-
ment and destroy every bulwark of liberty. In the extract
which I have made, Mr. Van Buren, with a truth which
all human experience attests, declares THAT THE DISPO-
AND INCORRIGIBLE ;" and it is because this disposition is
inherent and incorrigible, that it is the duty of not only the
representatives of the People, but of the People, notto sleep
upon their posts, but to be constantly and vigilantly on the
watch. When I first arrived at the age of maturity, and
began to play my part upon the great theatre of politics,
the nation was divided into two great parties, distinguished
from the peculiarity and hostility of their doctrines as
Federal" and Republican," and the just inquiry of
every aspirant for public favor was, What are your princi-
ples ? What will be your policy? and, according as they
were "Fedeial" or Republican in doctrine, he was
sustained by the respective parties. But, now, sir, the first
inquiry is, Who are you for, for President'? If you are
for a particular party-favorite, whatever may be your prin-
ciples, you are orthodox If you are for Mr. Van Buren,
although you may maintain Federal doctrines of the deep-
est Hartford die, you are a good Republican; if you are not,
then you are odious, detestable Federalists; and, with an-
other party, the only true standard of faith is, Are you for
Mr. Clay or Mr. Harrison ? if not, you are a corrupt Dem-
ocrat-you are no Whig. And, sir, in this struggle for
men, such is the infatuation of party, that the test of or-
thodoxy is, Who are you for, for President ?
Sir, whenever I give a vote here, consonant with the
avowed and long standing principles of true republican-
ism," the answer to my name scarce breaks from my lips
before my ears are saluted with the demand, Who are you
for, for President? If I vote against a National Bank,
the demand immediately is, Who are you for, for President?
If I vote against a protective tariff, the question is, Who
are you for, for President? It I vote against appropria-
tions for internal improvements, the question'is, Who are
you for, for President ? And thus, sir, all tests of ortho-
doxy, every standard of republicanism is, Who are you for,
for President? and in this, every question affecting the
prosperity and happiness of the nation, and the rights and
liberties of the People is merged. Who is to be President ?
It seems to be the common reservoir into which all other
questions are gathered, and which promises tobe the grave
of our institutions.
Now, Mr. Chairman, I regard all these efforts to fore-
stall public opinion, and bind it down to the support of a
particular man, two years in advance of the election, as in-
compatible with that range of selection and that freedom
of opinion which should ever characterize citizens of a free
Government in making choice of so important a public of-
ficer as a President. None of us can tell what is in the
womb of the future-none of us can foresee what will be
the prevailing questions at so remote a period; and we
should all remain as free as air, to act as circumstances and
a due regard to our free institutions and the prosperity of
the country, on so important an occasion, should require.

rthy of the high and digniied station of a Representa-
e of the People who would, either to secure a seat here,
even the Presidency itself, make such a humiliating and!
reading pledge. It is incompatible with the high duty
d independent action of a Representative of the People,
d is at war with the first principles of representative go-
My right of suffrage is my individual right, and which
lust exercise as a citizen, and does not enter into my re-
sentative duties. Now, sir, why should any man or set
men require me to pledge the exercise of that dear, sa-
ed, and invaluable right of a freeman ? Sir, I will not;
d would not do it if it were to grasp the Presidency it-
f. I, sir, acknowledge the right of instruction in its
lest extent, and if I should be a member of the next
ingress, and, unfortunately for the nation, the election
would devolve on the House of Representatives, I should
l it my duty faithfully to reflect the will of the majority
my constituents in casting my vote, even if that vote
would fall.on one who was not my preference. This is
that a freeman should yield, and that a free People
would require. If'I am a republican, and maintain re-
blican principles, it is a sure guaranty that I will cast
y suffrage for republican men-and that should satisfy all
asonable men.
Mr. Chairman, when, contrary to my wishes, at the
rnest solicitation of the friends of the late Administra-
n, I left my family, my friends, and professional pursuits,
which I was happy and contented, and became a candi-
te for a seat on this floor, I entered on the canvass a de-
led advocate of the State bank deposit system, and the
owed opponent of the sub-Treasury scheme. During
e first session of my service, I defended the State bank
'posite system in a speech delivered on this floor, in reply
the honorable gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. BELI,,)
ho charged it as one of the errors of General Jackson's
administration. The doctrines of that speech were then
guarded as orthodox, and the defence satisfactory. But
ow, sir, the whole scene is changed. The Administration
as changed its own position, and I, and those few of us
ho could not do violence to our consciences, and support
measure which in our hearts we believed pernicious and
dangerous, we are denounced as renegades, traitors, and
postates, foully corrupt and basely hypocritical; and some
'the very men who seduced me into the public service are
ow seeking my destruction for faithfully and firmly ad-
ering to the -very doctrines upon which I was elected.
uch is the capriciousness of public sentiment, and such
re instability of all human affairs.
Mr. Chairman, the denunciation, abuse, and ridicule of
which I have been the subject, have not deterred or chang-
d me. Believing as I do that this system, if adopted: will,
n its ultimate effects-although I charge no such design
pon the President or his friends, for error, sir, is not al-
'ays dishonest-place into the hands of the Executive a
ower and patronage dangerous to the purity and indepen-
ence of the representative body-withering to the com-
aercial and agricultural prosperity of the country-hostile
o the power and resources of the States-and destructive
o the liberties of the People,-I cannot, I will not sustain
t; but, undismayed and unterrified by the frowns of pow-
r or the denunciations of party, I shall, as I have done,
ppose it to the utmost extremity.
Mr. Chairman, the proscriptive policy which has been
pursued towards the dissenting friends of the Administra-
ion, their attempted expulsion from the communion of the
republican church, indicate, in terms too strong to be mis-
nderstood, that, with the parties of the day, there can be
io toleration of a difference of opinion upon a single ques-
ion. Whatever the Administration recommends, its
friends must support, or excommunication is the penalty.
Sir, this is a fatal principle; it converts the President into
he head of a party, and that party into a military camp,
where there is no other duty known but obedience; yes,
sir, slavish, servile, unqualified obedience. It strips this
)ody of all freedom of thought and action, and converts it
nto a mere registry of edicts. The character and danger
of such a system is most ably and aptly delineated by that
great and patriotic statesman, the late John Taylor of Virgi-
nia, in the following paragraph, on page 196 of his Inquiry :
A nation which requires its representatives to become the
vowed advocates or accusers of the prime minister of civil or
religious power, whether he is called a Pope or a President,
ias an equal prospect for civil and religious liberty. Civil and
religious preachers and reformers, marshalled into opposite
parties, in all times are the same sort of patriots. Representa-
.ives, limited to the alternative of enlisting under one of these
parties, cease to be instruments of national self-government,and
dwindle into instruments of oppression for the prime minister or
his antagonist. We see and despise the whig and tory farce, or
the mere farce of ins and outs in England; we hold in detesta-
tion the corruption which- enlists the representatives of a rich
and wise nation under the minister of Executive power, or his
expected successor: we deplore the contempt for public char-
acters, the apathy towards public interest, and the surrender of
the mind to selfishness, which this foolish imposition generates;
and yet we insist that our representatives shall sacrifice their
honesty and independence at the same shrine, and make them-
selves knaves in order to make us dupes."
This, sir, is a most faithful and apt illustration of the
state of parties at this time, and applies to both of the great
parties, whose fierce collisions so dreadfully agitate the
whole nation, with powerful force. In the same work, on
page 198, is to be found the following remark :
Lord Bolingbroke observes, in his Patriot King, that the
management of Parliament by undertakers was one of the most
pernicious violations of the whig portion of the English form of
government. It converts representation into vassalage to the
leaders of parties, disciplined, not by the coniparatively honor-
able implication of the lash, but by the base and wicked sophism
that it is honorable to stick to a party, and treacherous to ad-
here to conscience. The disciples of this infamous doctrine
are forged into instruments for ambition and tyranny by praises
and rewards, whilst honesty is discouraged by base epithets as
a foil to the varnish with which[the decoys are painted, designed
to deceive and enslave the multitude."
Mr. Chairman, this paragraph is truly descriptive of that
policy which has by many been pursued towards the anti-
sub-Treasury friends of the Administration, and by which
they are now sought to be hunted down, for their obstinate
resistance to the favorite measure of the Administration.
Sir, it is matter of but little moment as to the men, but it
is matter of great moment to the country ; it is a principle
which will drive party into faction, and faction into revolu-

tion, and revolution into despotism. It would he produc-
tive of those violent and bloody and tragical scenes which
have so often disfigured the pages of history, in the over-
throw and destruction of free institutions.
To this system of party vassalage and Executive servili-
ty, I never can, and never will submit. I do not charge
upon the whole party any such feeling; I know many, very
many, who despise it; yet such is the effect of the present
system of proscription and denunciation for opinion' sake.
Sir, I am not so anxious to occupy a seat on this floor as
to purchase it at the expense of my honor, my independ-
ence, and my country; and, unless I shall be permitted to
discharge my duty with reference to the interests of my coun-
try, rather than the advancement of party, I should take
pleasure in resigning the seat which I hold to a successor,
who is prepared to do, right or wrong, whatever the Exec-
utive may require, or party dictate. I have always been
ready to give a cordial and ardent support to the measures
of the Administration, so far as those measures were with-
in the pale of the Constitution, and compatible wi:h the
best interests of the country; but I never have, and never
will be willing to support any measure involving important
principles which I do not approve. This is the view which
I have of representative duty; this has been the guide of
my action here, and this will be its future guide, if ever I
am again honored with the confidence of my constituents.
Mr. Chairman, it has been repeatedly charged, here and
elsewhere, that an alliance, offensive and defensive, has
been formed between the Whigs and Conservatives. Now,
sir, I deny, so far as I know or believe, that there is any such
alliance. The Conservatives are opposed to the sub-Trea-
sury scheme; so are the Whigs: necessarily, then, they
have acted and voted together upon that question. Now, sir,
what would gentlemen have the Conservatives do under
such circumstances,? Vote for a measure which they
heartily condemn, because the Whigs unite with them in
opposition to it? This would do very well for party pup-
pets, but it would be ridiculous in the extreme in statesmen.
This is the whole of the alliance, unless the touch of the
Whigs is so contaminating as to turn right into wrong,
and truth into error. This is all the evidence of that alli-
ance which has been the theme of so much impassioned
invective and vehement declamation. If.gentlemen are so
horror-struck with alliances, I wonder, sir, if they were to
open their eyes, if they could not see some very significant
indications of an alliance nearer home ? Sir, when I first
came here, the high-minded, the honorable and patriotic
members from South Carolina, were decided and deter-
mined opponents of this Administration. Where are they
nov, sir-but two-where their bold invective and thun-
ov .. i *



Or than against the Conservatives. I have neither formed,
nor been instrumental in forming any political alliances
with any party whatever; nor shall .1. The situation of
the Conservatives is peculiar; they have been exposed to a
fire from both the Democratic and Whig batteries; and the
only wonder is, that they have not been entirely demolish-
ed. When they vote in opposition to the friends of the
Administration, then they are either open Whigs, or
Whigs in disguise; if they vote with the friends of the
Administration and against the Whigs, then they have
gone back to their wallowing-they are again corrupt De-
mocrats and servile tools. If they vote according to their
principles, it is natural enough that, disagreeing upon some
points with both.parties, they should occasionally vote with
and against both parties. To partisans, this is a difficult
position ; but to men determined to regard their principles,
and do their duty to their country, by voting for all proper
and against vicious measures, regardless of party consider-
ations, there is no difficulty in it. Sir, I have voted against
the sub-Treasury scheme and all its affiliated projects; and
whenever national bank, internal improvement, protective
tariff, or land graduation schemes shall come up, I shall
oppose them with as much vigor, and as hearty good will,
come what may, as I have the sub-Treasury scheme.
Mr. Chairman, for the last few years I have investigated
with great care -the history of the progress of our institu-
tions; and I am decidedly of opinion that, from the very
foundation of our system, the Federal has been gradually
absorbing all the powers of the State Governments; and
that the Executive has been gradually usurping the powers
of the Legislative department of this Government until the
whole system is endangered. Sir, this encroachment is
not peculiar to this Administration, but has been pro-
gressing under all-although occasionally and temporarily
checked. I, for one, whether I come in conflict with this,
or any other Administration, am determined to do all that
in me lies to restore to the States their long-lost rights, and
to the Representatives of the People their legitimate con-
stitutional powers. Sir, I do not act upon this subject, in
reference to Mr. Van Buren or any other Presidential can-
didate. I look to the liberty of the People-that of the
present and all future generations. I cannot hang the des-
tinies of my country upon the political success of any man.
The men who now figure upon the stage of action will ra-
pidly pass away, and new actors succeed them; but my
country, sir, will endure forever; and whether it shall be
the empire of despotism or the land of freedom, depends
upon the events of the present hour. Shall Isacrifice these
blood-bought institutions-these inestimable liberties, to
Purchase the favor of a single man, or serve the interests
of party ? No sir, no. Sooner let my sight lose its strength,
and my tongue be palsied in death. If I would, I should
deserve to be, as I would be,the ridicule and contempt of all
Mr. Chairman, I have not sought this collision; God
knows I did not desire it, but it has been forced upon me.
I have mec it, I hope, in the spirit of a freeman, but with
the dignity of a Representative. I have discharged a duty,
which, however painful, a just regard for my own charac-
ter and that of my friends imperiously demanded. I have
done with the subject, sir. The present organization of
parties is unnatural; it is composed of too manyincongru-
Sous and discordant materials; and, unless theexcessive ex-
citement and vindictiveness of party feeling which now so
unfortunately prevails shall drive into. heartless and reck-
less faction, and faction into desolation and ruin, must be
dissolved and reorganized; kindred principles must beget
kindred action ; and kindred action must beget kindred as-
sociation. The old landmarks of party must and will be
drawn anew, and all republicans will rally on the one side
and all federalists on the other. Federalists must cease to
lead in the republican ranks, and republicans must cease to
command federal legions. The result is inevitable, and is
near at hand. I was raised, sir, a democratic republican,
I have lived one, and expect to die one. I will not be rob-
bed of my birthright. I shall rally under the good old
banner of '98 and '99.


We have received from a very intelligent source several
letters touching the military movements in Florida. The
first is subjoined, aid the others will follow in order.
They are more particular than the generality of advices
from the Southern army, and are at this time, owing to the
turn which the Seminole war has taken, of much interest:
GAREY'S FERRY, (E. F.) MAY 1, 1839.
DEAR SIR: A multiplicity of engagements consequent
upon the every-day changes in the departments connected
with the Army has materially interrupted my social cor-
respondence ; but now, that I am temporarily released from
the harassing duties which chained me to the dull monot-
ony of two and two is four," I will endeavor to mend the
On the 14th instant Gen. Macomb announced his arri-
val in the Territory, and has since established his head-
quarters at Fort King, where the first savage outbreak, in
the massacre of General Thompson and several others,
occurred. His instructions to commandants of posts pre-
paratory to a treaty with the Seminole Indians" are, that
all who come in- must be kindly treated and provisioned,
and allowed free communication with the forts. Arpiucki,
commonly called Sam Jones, has declared that he will put
to death any messenger sent with peaceable overtures.
The truth of such declaration is highly probable, as the
result of that fraudulent system of negotiation introduced
with General Jackson's administration. Officers of intel-
ligence and experience, whose opinions are highly esteem-
ed here, ridicule the idea of a treaty with the whole nation
of Seminoles. Some few, indeed, may partake of the ban-
quet spread before them, and, as before, receive the trai-
toroustbribes; but the emigration day will come and pass
only to prove our imbecility.
Nothing positive is yet disclosed regarding the instruc-
tions to General Macomb, but it is generally believed that
all the country south of lat. 28 deg. and west of long. 4
deg. (from Washington) is to be ceded to the Indians foi

a certain period, or perhaps for ever-at least, until they can
no longer subsist themselves upon that miserable and al-
most inundated district, when the liberality of our Govern-
ment must again be exercised in a twenty million war.
This will be an assailable point in the administration, if
any arrangement short of removal of all the Florida In-
dians to the West, be made by Gen. Macomb. Because
the tillable land south of Charlotte river is inadequate tc
their support; and the capture by our troops, and sales by
themselves, for powder, lead, rifles, &c. of nearly all then
negroes, having left them almost wholly without agricul-
turists, and the means of acquiring subsistence by further
sales, they must rely entirely upon their own exertions
Game of all kinds is excessively scarce, and the fisheries,
therefore present the only alternative. How well an in-
dolent landspeople can compete with the old Spanish fish
ermen, a single season would illustrate by the old song
" We want something to eat"-an appeal to our charity-
which, if not promptly acquiesced in, would result in a re-
newal of the measures of 1835.
Removal, unconditional removal, is the only surety o
peace. For 5,000,000 acres of fine land our Government
agreed to pay the Seminoles $295,000, by instalments, ane
give them a narrow strip of land on the Canadian river,
far beyond the Arkansas, valued at $400,000 more; which
together, making $695,000, is "the munificent provision'
for ceded land, which would this day sell for $6,000,000
The prolongation and disgraceful expense and conduct ol
this war is the curse of Heaven upon the unrighteous. Ne-
gotiation must close its horrors, and upon terms whateverl
may be said to the contrary) humiliating to ourselves.
Several companies of the 21 regiment dragoons are abou
to leave for Baltimore, and the remainder will speedily fol
low. The 4th artillerists have, I presume, already reached
New York. The 1st and 6th regiments of infantry an
all the artillery will be withdrawn whenever General Ma
comb shall be satisfied that the Indians are all south of the
line. So I shall soon be within speaking distance of you
as all the dragoons, artillery, and infantry that go North
are to be concentrated at or near Carlisle, Pennsylvania
for instruction and discipline.
The 7th infantry are to remain on guard at a cordon o
posts of observation, stretched along the line previously in
dicated as the probable boundary. I feel sorry for the poo
seventh Its history has been one of apparent persecu
tion. From the wilds of Flint river, in Georgia, where i
endured intense suffering for many years, it was transplant
ed six hundred miles tip the Arkansas, in 1821, in the
midst of the most ruthless savages; and when the hand
work of man wrought its way to them-as if intent they
should not enjoy the smiles of civilization-they wer
driven still further off, and located upon the unhealthy
r .. -hr. t c, ,kth, N w i pm nmn



New York, May 14, 1839.
This is the day for swearing in our new city rulers for
the current year, and the next operation, after this, is to be
the division of the spoils," which are to be distributed
to those to whom, according to ex-Governor MARCY'S
creed, they belong-" the victors." It is a lowering day,
speaking by the barometer; but the seers, most used to
these skies, predict a clearer sunshine by and by, when,
under certain benign influences now in active operation,
we shall see
-- the winter of our discontent
S Made glorious summer by this sun of York ;
And all the clouds that lower upon our house,
In the deep bosom of the ocean buried !"
The Legislature did not adjourn without passing a law
for the better preservation of the purity of elections ; which,
if honestly and fairly administered and enforced, may go
far towards the correction of some of those horrible abuses
which have rendered our municipal elections a standing
by-word of reproach against this city. At best, this law
can prove but a feeble substitute, however, for that grand
desideratum, a Registry Act, without which our elections,
here, never can be pure.
Gov. SEWARD, as I mentioned in my last letter, has been
spending Anniversary Week here, and was very warmly
received and entertained, privately and publicly. Among
other incidents of his visit, it was anticipated that he would
review the city troops; but he was obliged to postpone the
proffered parade till his next visit, which will be in July.
The town continues full, busy, gay, and lively. The
theatres and other places of public and private amusement
are well supported, not only by the hordes of strangers that
are daily pouring in upon us, but by some of our most re-
spectable citizens also. Music continues to be the order of
the day, all three of the principal houses offering opera, or
fine instrumental bands, as the chief attractions to their
benches. The races have proved very interesting, both
on Long Island and at Hoboken; and the galleries have
been well patronised.
And apropos of pictures. By the merest accident I hap-
pened to go with a friend into the studio of a young land-
scape-painter, recently from Scotland, in Broadway, a few
days since, where I was shown a portrait of a Scottish lady,
painted some twelve or fifteen years ago by the celebrated
RAEBURN, whose head of WALTER SCOTT is everywhere
pronounced the best picture ever made of the great poet.
The owner of this portrait calls it Lady BELHAVEN ;"
says that he purchased it out of the effects left by the great
painter, and values it at the high price of a thousand dol-
lars. It certainly is the nearest approach to life; the most
accurate copy of Nature, that could be given by the pen-
cil. The air, attitude, and expression are those of a most
beautiful woman in thoughtful; yet agreeable reverie. The
drapery is simple white, and the back-ground is in thai
dim, half-finished manner which STUART was remarkabh
for painting to his portraits. It is just the picture that on<
cannot describe in detail: it must be seen to be enjoyed, t(
be appreciated, as it deserves. It does not move nor speak
but in every thing else it is as satisfactory an object to the
lover of beauty to gaze upon as if it could do all that lift
is capable of doing. Were he to see just such a womar
Sin real life-in precisely that attitude, and with that very
expression upon her face-those dark eyes thus half avert
ed, those beautifully turned arms thus negligently folded
over each other, that polished brow so thoughtful, those
red lips with that same sweet smile upon them, that finely
developed bust, those gracefully falling shoulders, and tha
swanlike neck, precisely as they are painted upon that can
vass-were he, I say, to see just such a woman, looking
just as that picture looks, in real life, he would not desire
that she should move or speak; he would wish her wha
" RAEBURN has made her, something to be looked at, as she it
' Excuse me if I have seemed to rhapsodise here; or,
you cannot do so at once, come here and see the picture
and you will seal my pardon after a single glance. Yo
may find it at RICHARDSON'S, a few doors above Chamber
street, on the left side of Broadway, going up.
Among the incidents of the week, the conviction of th
1 libeller DIxoN, on the complaint of Rev. Dr. HAWKES, (
this city, may be mentioned. This person has pursued hi
foul work for some months here, having succeeded in drim
ing.one of our most valuable citizens into a premature
grave, and doing much towards blasting the character (
t one of our most eloquent and able Divines, by the dissem
nation of his viperous slanders.
I am kindly permitted to send you, for publication, th
following most admirable sketch from the pen of my frien

EPES SARGENT, of the New York Mirror, in anticipation
Sof its appearance in that popular periodical. It is one <
the best specimens of American poetry which has ever fa
Slen under my eye, and so you and your readers cannot fa
Sof esteeming it. How forcibly does it expose the mear
y ness of that miserable spirit, which vents its spleen through
Sthe prostituted columns of a slander-coining press-a sp
rit, it is melancholy to think, which is a far too prevaler
one at the present day !
The allusions to the cases of the late Mr. MINTURN an
the unfortunate MISSOURI, towards the close of the longest
of VICTOR'S" speeches, are very pointed and mostjust
Present-VicTOR and PEDRILLO.
f Victor. How now, Pedrillo? Prithee, what's the matter?
t Have you been bitten by a rabid dog,
i Tha' you do chafe, and foam, and gnash your teeth,
As baited unto madness'?
Pedrillo. Look at that!
And wonder at my equanimity.
Victor. A perfect stock, truly Mild as moonbeams,
And quiet as a riband in a whirlwind-
f Patience personified !
S Pedrillo. Will you read that?
r Victor. An i you roar so loudly, my Pelrillo,
You'll rouse the watchman snoring on the door-step.
t Compose yourself.
- Pedrillo. I shall go mad, indeed !
d What! You have seen it-read it-laughed at it-
d Retailed it at the club, as a good joke !
Bat, as the sun's in heaven, I will have vengeance !
Victor. Well done! the action and the word well suited !
e How such an exit would bring down the bravos !
> Pescara, Hotspur, Gloster,-say, what part
, Shall be selected for your first appearance ?
, Pedrillo. Torture! I thoughtyou were my friend. Farewell
Victor. Stay, till you prove me otherwise. Explain.
f What direful, strange affliction has overwhelmed you?
- Have you been cut off with a paltry shilling
r By your old doting uncle? No!' Has Laura
- Eloped with that long-haired, black-whiskered bandit,
t Count Loferini?
Pedrillo. No. He's her abhorrence.
Read-read that paragraph in that vile print.
eBehold me dragged before a grinning public
Pointed at, squibbed, traduced, and ridiculed.
Y Made the town's butt-the mockery of my friends !
e 'Sdcath I'll be no man's butt! The lying caitiff!
Y The scribbling, paltering, venom-bloated caitiff!
mi r 1 ..L ... L .L- ... __ .--- J I

As royalty dubs knighthood with a blow.
Pedrillo. Would you not have me show a due resentment?
Victor. Tell him his sting is felt, he will rejoice-
Let it strike harmless on the triple mail
Of conscious honor, and the baffled viper
Will writhe and hiss to find his venom wasted.
Pedrillo. Ah but the public scorn !
Victor. The public scorn!
Tell me what scorn the public can inflict,
Which, if unmerited, an honest man
Cannot repay tenfold? The public scorn
Oh.! paroxysm of insane conceit!
To think such obscene, feeble ribaldry,
Could bring upon your head the public scorn-
Could raise you half an inch above the mass,
For public contemplation Ah, my friend,
The years, '' which bring the philosophic mind,"
Will teach you soon that, in this jostling world,
The most notorious are but little known.
The observed of all observers," little thought of-
The loftiest, low; the noisiest, rarely heard!
And that attacks like this, false, flippant, mean-
Ephemeral vermin festered from corruption-
By the judicious are despised and spurned-
By the unthinking are at once forgotten.
Oh shallower than the ostrich's device,
Who buries in the desert said his eyes,
That no one may discern him-is the folly,
Which could persuade you that the public gaze,
From the innumerous concerns of life,
Was turned, by this frail clamor, on yourself!
So, never fear to walk the street to-morrow.
The boys will not hoot after you. The ladies
Will not ejaculate as you pass by.
My life upon it, you will go unharmed,
Unpersecuted. But I'll flout no more.
Though, sooth to say, this sensitive alarm,
This prurient shyness and unmeasured anger,
Spring merely from egregious self-conceit,
Or grosser ignorance. Yet have/I known
Mistakes as marvellous-have seen a man-
A high-souled, honorable, valiant one-
Sickened ad blasted by a slanderous breath,
Fumed from the foulest throat that ever swarmed
With lies, as carrion with engendered grubs.
And I have witnessed, too, a sadder sight:
A maiden in the bloom of youth and beauty,
And good as fair, and innocent as young,
By the same pestilence struck down and killed:
While he, the spotted wretch, who did the murders,
Was-oh! the punest of all creeping things !
The Press What is that terrifying engine
In hands of fools and knaves ? An empty scarecrow!
A sword of lath a pop-gun a tin trumpet!
O piteous the delusion that could fancy
The minds of men, of veritable men,
Were swayed by such impostures !
Pedrillo. Are they not?
Victor. No. Dupes and fools may be. For such I care not.
Their good esteem is worthless as their hate!
Pedrillo. True, every word! You have prevailed, my friend.
The smait is over, and the anger vanished.
SHenceforth these slight and slimy paper-hoppers
Shall less annoy than that superior insect,
The shrill cicada of our summer pathways;
Which harmless springs before us from the grass,
Sinks at our feet and straightway is forgotten!
I know no dramatic sketch" of equal length in the
whole range of the modern drama to compare with this
It stamps its author a true poet, a fine philosopher, and
better than all, a sound, true-hearted, honorable man.
I remain, very truly, yours, &c. J.


THE Camboose Iron required by the advertisement from
this office of the 8th instant is to be delivered as fol-
lows, viz.
One-third of the quantity required for each class of vessels
to be delivered by the 1st September next;
One-third by the 1st December next; and
One-third by the 1st May, 1840.
The papers that published the advertisement of the 8th inst.
will please insert this also. may 18
are respectfully informed that the above-named institu-
tion, in Upper Marlboro', Prince George's county, Maryland,
is now in successful operation under the immediate superin-
tendence of J. E. NORRIS, aided by an assistant. The plan of
study and discipline here observed are similar to those which
obtain in other institutions of a like order, and the patrons of
the seminary may be assured that the utmost diligence and de-
votion will be found on the part of the instructors in promoting
both the moral and intellectual interests of the pupils. The
advantages of a library, which is now being formed, and of a
literary society, besides the introduction and use of the best
authors in the academical course, cannot but afford inducements
to parents and guardians to favor us with their patronage, and
enable any, who are disposed, to receive a liberal education.
Latin and Greek languages; Greek and Roman antiquities;
Elements of General History; Natural Philosophy and Che-
mistry; Rhetoric, Arithmetic, Algebra, Geometry, and Trigo-
nometry ; Mensuration, Navigation, and Surveying; likewise,
all the lower branches of English education.
The Principal, residing on the immediate premises of the
academy, intends making preparation for boarding and lodging
any pupils who may live at a distance, and desire the benefit
of the school.
By order of the trustees:
may 18-w4w Principal.
W ANTED, a middle-aged white woman, who under-
stands cooking and housework. One who can come
well recommended will meet with a good situation by applying
at G. DYE & CO.'S Auction and Commission Store, on Louis-
iana Avenue, near the corner of 7th street. Also, two colored
women, of good character, who understand cooking.
may 18-
F FOR RENT, a comfortable white frame dwelling,
with a garden and stable attached.
Apply to
may 18 G. DYE & CO.
NE CENT REWARD will be paid to any person
who will apprehend Henry Soper, an apprentice to the
tailoring business, who left the subscriber on or about the 12th
ult. The above absentee is 17 years old, though very small
sized; he will most probably palm himself upon the communi-
ty as a religious youth, as he holds a certificate of good mem-
bership from the Methodist Church of this city. The subscri-
ber has been given to understand that he has changed his name
to Cartwright.
All persons are hereby forbid to harbor or employ him.
may 18-eo3t Seven Buildings.
next, the 21st instant, at 12 o'clock, (noon,) 1 shall-sell
at my auction store, a likely and smart mulatto servant girl,
aged about 14 years, who has to serve 13 years and 4 months,
not to be removed from the District of Columbia.
Terms of sale, cash. EDW. DYER,
may 18-3t Auctioneer.
O THE WORLD.--f you wish to make useof Sar-
saparilla, be advised to try Dr. LEIDY'S Medicated Ex-
tract of Sarsaparilla. It is positively the strongest prepara-
tion in existence; one bottle of it (which costs but one dollar)
being equal to one gallon of the S:rup, as it is usually prepared
in the shops, and equal to two bottles of any other extract.
Dr. Leidy begs leave to state that he himself prepares it, and
can consequently vouch for its strength. Numerous physicians
throughout the United States give it the preference over all
other preparations of Sarsaparilla, both from the fact offs supe-
riorstrength (consequently efficacy when employed) and from
the circumstance of its being prepared by a regular apothecary
aud physician, attested by Drs. Physick, Chapman, Jackson,
Horner, Gibson, Dewees, James, Coxe, &c.
It is useless here to name the numerous affections wherein
Sarsaparilla is considered the sole specific. Suffice it to say, it
is recommended by all physicians throughout the world, in
diseases of the Skin, Bones, Liver, 4'c. and particularly all
diseases produced by impurities of the Blood and animal
fluids. As a purifier of the Blood, it is at all times (and par-
ticularly in Spring and Fall) invaluable. In warm climates,
throughout the summer season, no person should neglect using
it occasionally. Numerous certificates and recommendations
from physicians and others accompany the directions.
Sold by all respectable Druggists and Merchants throughout
the Union.
Prepared only, and sold wholesale and retail, at Dr. LEIDY'S
Health Emporium, Second street, below Vine street, Phila.
In Washington city, by J. F. CALLAN and CHARLES
In Alexandria, by COOK and LEADBETTER.
In Georgetown, by G. M. SOTHORON.
may P6-cp6tif
Sixth street (Gadsby's Hotel.)

3 50,000 DOLLARS .

li- ---u^r --- --

"Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and

SATURDAY, MAY 18, 1839.

Few readers, probably, of the present day,
re aware what a change in public opinion has "
taken place in less than half a century as to the c
necessity of an efficient Navy for the protection c
f the coasts and commerce of the United
states. V
In looking into a file of Philadelphia papers
or the year 1794, we came across a warm De-
ate, which took place in the House of Repre g
entatives of the United States in February of
hat year, on a proposition for building four ves-
els of 44 guns and two of 20 guns, in-order
o protect our merchant vessels against the at-
acks of the Algerines, who had recently not t
)nly committed repeated depredations on our
commerce, but had seized and carried into
slavery a large number of our citizens; and, to
)ur surprise, found that the measure was carried
>y a majority of two votes only. Indeed, but
'or the animated zeal and ability with which the
bill was advocated by the lately deceased Gen.
SAMUEL SMITH, who had just become a mem-
ber of that body, it is likely this movement to-
ward a Navy Establishment would have failed
Such of our readers as are not already ac-
quainted with the facts will doubtless be curious
to know on what grounds the measure was op-
posed. We will state the principal reasons as-
signed :
1. The vast expense which the building and
fitting out of this small fleet would subject the
country, to.
2. That if these vessels were built, a Secretary
of the Navy and a swarm of other officers must
be employed.
3. That, as it was supposed the Algerines
would be aided by the British Government, this
fleet would prove insufficient for its avowed ob-
4. That it would be cheaper to purchase a
peace of the Algerines, or to pay a tribute to
the Portuguese Government to fight the Alge-
rines in our behalf, than to fit out a squadron
for the purpose.
5. That the Government of Great Britain,
whose Ministry, it was argued, had the power
of preventing the aggressions of the Algerines,
could be more effectively induced to this course
by commercial regulations, and increased duties
on the importation of her manufactures, than
by a few armed vessels.
Strange as some of these arguments may
now sound in the ears of our readers, this is
a true story of some of the objections, which
had nearly defeated the first step taken under
the Constitution towards the construction of a
Naval force.

The Enquirer has published two or more arti-
cles, signed "A Southron," in defence of the
extravagance of the Administration, and the de-
falcations of its agents. These articles teem
with sophistry and perversions of fact. They
are understood to come from a source not at all
discreditable to their unenviable character.
They are the productions, we hear, of an office-
holder at Washington-a clerk there, with a
salary, with few or no duties to perform, appoint-
ed originally as a reward for some partisan pro-
ductions, and for the purpose of writing for the
Government. He is endeavoring to approve
himself worthy of his hire.-Richmond Whig.
We marked the first of the articles alluded to
by the WHIo, both on its first appearance in the
ENQUIRER, and subsequently on its transfer to
the congenial columns of the GLOBE, and had
some thought at the time of noticing it so far as
to contradict an impression which it might make
in regard to ourselves. But, on second thought,
concluded po let the anonymous statement pass
unnoticed, presuming that it would receive no
more credit with the Public than the rest of the
base coin which is occasionally sent forth from

the official mints. As, however, the RICHMOND
WHIG appears to know the fabricator of these
labored essays, and has assigned this city as his
habitation, and the Government as his employer,
we will recur to his first production, for the pur-
pose of stating that his assertion that the docu-
ments and debates furnished to Congress have
" been distributed, predistributed, session after
" session, the old copies being bought up by
" agents of the contractors for a song, and pre-
" sented to new members," is, so far as it is in-
tended to apply, directly or- indirectly, to the
publishers of this paper, utterly, and in all its
parts, false, unfounded, and calumnious.
The editor of the Enquirer having endorsed
this calumny, with the rest of the article which
contained it, he will doubtless seize the earliest
opportunity of disabusing his readers in regard
to it.
As to what the writer says of the compilation
of Debates being "rubbish," and the merest
farrago, containing scarcely a grain of wheat in
a bushel of chaff," that is a matter of taste,
about which, proverbially, there is no disputing.
We can only regret that one who aspires to in-
struct his countrymen on public affairs should so
disparage the history of his country, and place
so low an estimate on the views delivered on the


Once more we are compelled to darken our
columns with the atrocities of the unrelenting
and wakeful Seminole. All has been quiet for
some time past, but it was only the fearful calm
which precedes the storm.-
Lieutenant HULBERT was a native of New
York, and a graduate of West Point. We sin-
:erely.mourn the loss of these valuable young
officerss of our army.
The following letter from Captain PEYTOlS
we publish verbatim :
ST. MARK'S, MAY 7, 1839.
SIR: I have this moment returned from Deadman's Bay,
and have to communicate to you the melancholy intelli-
gence of the murder of Lieutenant HULBERT and private
O'DRIsCOLL, of the 6th.infantry, by the Seminoles.
The express rider between Fort Frank Brooke and Fort
Andrews did not arrive in season, and Lieutenant HUL-
BERT, with ten men, went out from the place on the 3d of
May to ascertain the reason. About half way between the
;wo posts, the command was halted, and Lieutenant H.
with O'DRISCOLL, of (F) Company, went on in advance,
intending to pass the night at.Fort Frank Brooke.
They were both shot by a party of Indians at the Four-
teen Mile creek, probably while watering their horses.
O'DRISCOLL'S horse ran into Fort Frank Brooke, slightly
wounded, and gave the first news there.
Four balls were shot through Lieutenant H., but neither
he nor the soldier-was scalped. Both bodies were interred
on the 4th ultimo, at Deadman's Bay. The express rider
has not yet been found, and but little doubt is entertained
of his death.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Captain and Assistant Quartermaster.
First Infantry, Commanding.
From the news received from Tampa Bay, it
would appear that the Indians are determined
not to treat with a view to emigration. They
have -heard that the land which Qovernment had
assigned them west of the Mississippi cannot
be found on their arrival-that country is no
longer theirs, and-they are naturally angry, and
resolved to remain where they are at all hazards.
The chief of the Tallahassees said at Tampa that,
if the soldiers were sent after them, they would
fight until their powder and lead was gone, and
then with bows and arrows. He would not
agree to hold council with General MACOMB, for
he was certain the whites had two faces ; he said
he spoke the sentiments of all the Indians north
of Tampa Bay, and that any Indian who attempt-
ed hereafter to come in to the whites, would be
killed. On the night of the 22d of April, about
one hundred hostiles went into Tampa, and took
away some thirty friendly Indians, who were
waiting to emigrate. During the night the Tal-
lahassee chief held a long talk with a Spaniard,
named Jeane Mantes De Oca, who speaks the
Indian language well, and communicated to him
what we have narrated above.-Star.

HARMANUS BLEECKER, of New York, to be
Charge d'Affaires of the United States at th(
Hague, in place of Auguste Davezac, recalled

Professor TUCKER'S Theory of Money and
Banks Investigated, is for sale by F. TAYLOR, O
this city.

The session of the United States Court commenced oi
the 6th instant, at Jackson. There were twenty-five hun
dred cases on the docket to be disposed of. A correspon
dent of the Natchez Free Trader says a large amount o
property was involved in suit; but, in the sales under exe
cution that had occurred, the sacrifices were not so grea
as might have been expected. At the sale of negroes
prices ranged from $800 to $1,000, which is as much a
they are in reality worth. The negro-traders have comr
bined to keep up the prices of this species of property, ti
save themselves from loss in the disposal of their own stock
The recent derangements of the currency have taugh
the Mississippi planters a useful lesson in the business o
agriculture. They are now convinced it is better to hus
band their resources, by "raising all within themselves,:
growing their own corn and meat, and all that the soil i
capable of producing, than to follow the old plan of plant
ing nothing but cotton. If the calamities with which Mis
sissippi has been visited lead to such salutary reformation
as are now in progress, her afflictions will be converted intl
rich blessings. Bad management is at the foundation c
all the distress that now prevails. All that is wanting t

the restoration of prosperity, is a return to sober sense an'
a diligent use of the vast resources and capabilities of tha
State.-N. Orleans Bulletin.
A LONG LINE.-On the llth instant, there was lyinj
between Little Falls and Herkimer, New York, awaiting,
the repair of a breach in the Erie Canal, a line of canti
boats ten miles in length. It is supposed it would require
a fortnight to get them through the locks.

On Wednesday, the 15th instant, by the Rev. Mr. HAM
KENNEY, all of Georgetown, D. C.
At Alexandria, on the 15th instant, by the Rev. JAME
JOHNSTON, Dr. G. S. TOLSON, of Prince George's coun
ty, Md. to Miss ELIZA R. daughter of Mr. THOMAS H
JONES, of the former place.
On the 30th ultimo, by the Rev. Mr. KERR, JAMES S
MORSELL, Esq. of Calvert county, to MARGARET E
only daughter of Mr. JOSEPH N. BADEN, of Prince George'
On yesterday, WILLIAM DAVIS, (eldest son of th
late W. A. DAVIS,) in the 33d year of his age.
The friends of the family are invited to attend his fune
ral this afternoon, at 4 o'clock, from his late residence o
S12th street.
At Port Gibson, (Miss.) on the 17th ujtimo, Mrs. SAL
LY, consort of Dr. ROBERT W. HARPER, formerly (
Upper Marlbro', Md.

No arrivals from sea, and but few crafts.
Schr Edwin, Howes, Boston.
Schr Etna, Ratcliff, Salem.

V Washington City Guards.-Parade in full uni-
form this day, (Saturday,) at two o'clock, to attend the funeral
of our late brother soldier, WILLIAM DAVIS. may 18
n Columbian Horticultural S ciety.- An adjourned
meeting will be held this day, at 5 o'clock P. M., in the City
Hall. may 18
I Navy Yard Bridge.-A meeting of the Directors
of the Navy Yard Bridge will be held at the office of the Fire-
men's Insurance Company, on Saturday, the 18th instant, at
half past 5 o'clock P. M. on business of importance.
may 17-2t


The new election law passed by the Legislature will
curtail the number of ballots annually put into the ballot-
boxes in this city. Without the law, the next poll would
have gone up to 60,000, for the Pattawatamies and Kick-
apoos would have been voters soon, as things stood. Ame-
ricans, from Iowa to Passadunkeog, reasoned that they
had as much right to vote in the imperial city as Turks
and Tartars. Now, perhaps, the .vote may go down to
35,000-30,000 probably being a high estimate of the
number of legal voters in the city, inasmuch as there
is not a city in the Union, in proportion to its popu-
lation, with so few legal voters-New York having in it
Irishmen almost innumerable; 30,000 French, it is esti-
mated; 30,000 or 40,000 Germans; many Spaniards;
many Italians; some Welsh; and lots of English Radi-
cals, who have come to instruct us in the blessings of
liberty. These Radicals, by the way, are a singular class
of men. Many of them are of the higher order of mecha-
nics; the piano forte manufactory is chiefly in their hands.
Some of them are infidels. They really believe that all of
us who do not think as they do, are aristocrats, tyrants,
&c.; and they have in their heads a beau ideal of a sc-
ciety, the only approximation to which existing, is that of
the democracy of the American savages. Hot from the
Chartist conventions in Great Britain-all blazing with the
incendiary eloquence about Manchester or Birmingham,
they come here infuriated with a mania to rip up the
American aristocracy," the like of which they say commit
such outrages in Great Britain. They almost all cool off
in half a dozen years, and become tolerably rational men.
The interior of Tammany Hall at this moment is in as
great convulsions as Vesuvius is, when the elements roll
and rumble in its open-mouthed crater. For a moment, the
Locofocos are down. The semi-Conservatives have won
theday in th-city tappointmeirts made thnlsfar. The
clique of the New Era is in ferocious wrath. But the Lo-
cofocos have the votes, and the semi-Conservatives have
the dollars. Matter is at work with wit-and matter in
motion is mighty-bat wit is airy, and generally reigns
there in the end.
Mr. ELLIS, our Minister to Mexico, was formally receiv-
ed on board the Constitution yesterday. The Constitution
sails on Saturday.
U. S. Bank stock is 118. The sales of cotton are steady,
and at firm rates. Post-notes of one of the Maryland
banks are selling in Wall street at 9 to 10 per cent. per
annum. The amount is said to be large.

Sales This Day.
morning, at 9 o' clock, I shall sell, in front of Lloyd's
Hotel, Centre Market, a Blooded Filly about 4 years old. This
Filly is by Whip of Kentucky, and her mother was three-
fourths blood. She is a pretty animal, and will, no doubt, make
an excellent brood mare. Terms cash.
may 16-3t ED. DYER, Auctioneer.
COURT.--On Saturday morning, 18th instant,.at nine
o'clock, in front of the auction store, I shall sell, for cash, by
order of the Orphans' Court of Washington County, the per-
sonal estate, goods, chattels, &c. of the late Thomas Huddles-
.ton, deceased.

may 16-3t


SOn Saturday morning, in front of the auction room, (after
the sale of the effects of T. Huddleston, deceased,) I shall sell a
variety eof-
Household Furniture, Summer Clothing
Groceries and Liquors
Cordials and Bounce, in barrels
Pickles, &c. &c.
The sale of Clothing will be continued at candlelight. on Sa-
turday evening, and will be added a variety of articles suitable
for retailers, as Cotton Spools and Balls, Hose, Suspenders,
Gloves, Needles, &c. &c.
may 16-3t Auctioneer.
R FIXTURES, &c.-On Saturday next, the 18th inst.
at 4 o'clock P. M. I shall sell at public auction, at the corner of
12th street and Pennsylvania avenue, the Furniture and.Bar
Fixtures of the Fountain Inn establishment, consisting of, in
part, as follows :
Mahogany Hair-seat Sofa
Cane Chairs, Mahogany Sideboard
Card, Breakfast, and Dining Tables
Ingrain Carpets, Andirons, Shovels, Tongs and Fenders
Single and double Bedsteads, Chamber Chairs
Good single and double Beds and Bedding
Mahogany Bureaus
Washstands, Basins and Pitchers, &c.
Window Curtains, Prints, &c.
BAR FIXI USES, Clock, Reading Desks, Blinds, &c.
Also, a large Cooking Stove, and Bar Coal-Stove, in good
Terms of sale: All sums of and under $20, cash; over $20,
a credit of sixty days, for notes satisfactorily endorsed.
may 17-d Auctioneer.
V Sale peremptory and without reserve.-Pursuant
to a decree of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for
Washington County, sitting in equity, in the case of Robert
Oliver's executors against Susan Decatur, the subscribers, as
trustees, will sell at public auction to the highest bidder on Sa-
turday, the 18th May next, at 11 o'clock A. M., at Edward
Dyer s auction store in Washington, the following valuable real
estate, to wit:
Lot No. 5, in square 170, in the city of Washington; also, that
valuable tract of meadow land on the Eastern Branch, called
the Long Meadows," containing eighty-nine acres, more or
.less, being the same tract of land conveyed by Thomas Ewell
to Stephen Decatur, by deed bearing date the 6th of July, 1819,
and specially described in said.deed, with the building and im-
provements thereon. Possession will be delivered by the trus-
tees as soon as the terms of sale are complied with.
Ti terms of sale are: one-fourth of the purchase money in
cash on the day of sale, and the residue in three equal payments
at 6, 12, and 18 months, with interest from the day of sale. The
credit payments to be secured by the purchaser's bonds with se-
curity approved by the trustees. The trustees, at their option,
may re-sell, at the risk and expense of any purchaser failing to
comply with the terms of sale, the portions of property upon
which such default is made, upon a previous public notice o
such re-sale of not less than ten days. Upon the payment or
the whole purchase money and ratification of the sale by the
Court, the trustees will convey the real estate sold, in fee sim-
ple, to the purchaser or purchasers, and all the right and title
therein of complainants -and defendant, believed to be indis-
putable. JAMES DUNLOP,
ap 15-eotds EDWARD DYER, Auct.
AT AUCTION, without reserve.-On Saturday,
the 18th of May next, at 12 o'clock M., at E. Dyer's auction
store, in the city of Washington, the subscriber, under the will
of the late David Peter, and by a recent decision of the Supreme
Court of the United States, will offer at public auction to the
highest bidder, the following real estate in the city of Wash-
ington, of which the late David Peter died seized, to wit:
Lots Nos. 17 and 18, in square No. 1
Part of lot No. 1, in square No. 2, valuable water lot
All of square south of square No. 17, the whole 8,151 square
feet, water property
Lot No. 6, in square No. 6
Lot No. 1, in square No. 13
Lot No. 1, in square west ofsquarejNo. 23
Lot No. 2, in square No. 14
Lots Nos. 4, 7, 9, in square No. 15
Lots Nos. 1, 24, 25, 28, in square No. 16
Lots Nos. 4, 10, 11, in square No. 17
Lot No. 1 in square No. 18
Lot No. 4 in square No. 19
Lots Nos. 9, 10, 16 in square No. 20
Lots Nos. 16, 19, 21 in square No. 24
Lots Nos. 4 and 18 in square No. 25
Lot No. 4 in square No. 29
Lots Nos. 4 and 5 in square No. 31
Lot No. 6 in square No. 51
Lots Nos. 15 and 16 in square No. 73
Lot No. 5 in square No. 100.
The terms of sale, orie-fifth of the purchase money in cash on
the day of sale, the residue on a credit of one and two years in
equal sums, to be secured by bonds with surety approved by
the subscriber, bearing interest from the day ofsale, and a deed
of trust of the premises to the subscriber, authorizing a resale
of the same after reasonable notice, if the purchaser fails to pay
his bonds, or either of them, and the interest accrued thereon.
On the payment of the whole purchase money, the subscriber
will convey to the purchaser all the estate in fee simple of
which David Peter died seized, which is believed to be un-
n,,,a.t;nnahl Tho hnndr antnrl .nvpvann.s to be made at the



From the London Correspondent of the National Intelligencer.
LONDON, APRIL 12, 1839.
The political world with us is in a sort of slumber : the
contending parties forbear to give audible expression to
what they think will be the issue of the coming event,
while they await it with intense anxiety. The adherents of
the Government are hard at work for the night of the
15th instant. The Ministerial whipper-in to the House of
Commons is putting into active operation all he knows"
for the advantage of his party. Since the re-assembling oi
both Houses, nothing worthy of notice has taken place,
save and except the introduction of a bill by Mr. LABOU-
CHERE for the suspension of the Constitution in the Island
of Jamaica. The bill, after some hard hitting from the
Opposition, was read a first time.
The committee for the reduction of the national debt
have given notice that no sum will be applied by them on
account of the sinking fund, under the provision of the
said act, between the 7th day of April, 1839, and the 5th
day of July, 1839. This is bad news for the public creditor.
The public entry of the new Lord Lieutenant into Dub-
lin was a most enthusiastic one. His Excellency was at-
tended by large masses of the people, who cheered his ar-
rival amongst them as the man pledged to follow in the
footsteps of the Marquis of NORMANB. The streets of
Dublin were lined by the 42d and 79th Highlanders, 17th
Lancers, 7th Fusileers, 97th regiment, and 60th Rifles.
The Artillery fired fifteen guns at the Wellington Testi-
monial in the Park, and a party of the 7th Fusileers fired
three rounds at College Green, as soon as it was under-
stood that the Lord Lieutenant had been sworn in at the
Castle of Dublin.
The returns of provisions consumed in Paris during the
month of March last, show a marked diminution in the
article of butcher's meat as compared with the return for
the corresponding month of 1838. In March last, the con-
sumption was 6,120 oxen, 1,334 cows, 6,296 calves, and
34,754 sheep. In March, 1838, it had been 6,554 oxen,
1,544 cows, 7,033 calves, and 35,238 sheep, which demon-
strates a decrease of 434 oxen, 210 cows, 764 calves, and
484 sheep. The diminution in the use of butcher's meat
during the three first months of this year, compared with
those of the last, is estimated at 1,800,000 pounds, or, on
an average, two pounds in the consumption of each inha-
The distress in Spain is beyond conception. Mendicity
had reappeared in the streets under the most hideous forms.
Since the reforms! made in some of the Government Ad-
ministrations, the number of individuals thrown on public
charity had frightfully increased. There was but one
Theatre open in Madrid, and only twice a week. What
a lamentable condition for a once prosperous and happy
nation to be reduced to!
Another unfortunate fellow-creature has fallen a victim
to the Poor Law (England) Amendment Bill. The ver-
dict of the coroner's jury was, that the deceased had died
from want!

A work has been published in Paris by M. HOLROYD,
On the Quarantine Laws, their Abuses and Inconsis-
The Quarantine system appears to be growing into dis-
repute in Europe. Theforeign correspondent of the New
York American takes strong ground-as does that able
paper in its own proper person-against the doctrine of
contagions, and, by consequence, of the whole system of
health police, (the lazaretto or quarantine regulations,)
which is based upon it-at home or abroad. It is stated
that among the tens of thousands of passengers who, in a
series of years, have been detained at lazaretto off Malta,
not one case of plague had occurred, and that among the
numerous hands employed to discharge cargoes of vessels,
and the hardly less numerous laundresses employed in
washing the foul clothes of passengers, thus quarantined,
not one had taken the disease.-Newark Advertiser.

A new work on the Antiquities of Mexico, by FREDERICK
DE WALDECK, was published in Paris in April, in folio, with
22 large plates, price 5 guineas. He spent the years 1834,'
1835, and 1836 in the Province of Yucatan, (Central Ame-
rica,) and is said to have devoted the last twelve years of
his life to the study of American antiquities. He claims
to have discovered five large cities in ruin, of which the
Yucatans knew little or nothing. Accurate drawings were
made on the spot of the remaining monuments. M. de
Waldeck, it is further stated, found a poem or ballad as old
as the conquest of Mexico, which throws much light on
what was a great empire; and it is also said that there are
proofs of the Christian faith having been preached there by
the high priest Chilam Ballam 100 years before the Spa-
niards arrived, and there is a vocabulary of the tongue.--
Newark Advertiser.
sincere pleasure to congratulate the stockholders and all
concerned, on the happy position in which the Sudsuehan-

na and Tide-water Canal enterprise is placed by recent
events. At the meetings of the stockholders of those com-
panies on the 13th instant, the act of Maryland granting
the sum of $1,000,000 for the completion of the work was
unanimously accepted, and we are truly happy to be able
to add that an arrangement has been concluded [said to be
with the Bank of the United States] for the negotiation of
the bonds in Europe, under which the requisite funds for
the vigorous prosecution of the canal to completion will be
at the Company's command. In about four months, there-
fore, from this date, that is, in all the month of Sbptember
next, the work will be finished for the passage of boats be-
tween Columbia and Havre de Grace. The official report
of the able Chief Engineer, laid before the meetings on the
13th, contains this acceptable assurance, accompanied by
another scarcely less gratifying, that the whole work will be
finished at a cost which will not exceed the original esti-
mate. If, therefore, our friends in the Pennsylvania coal
regions take their measures in season, Baltimore will ob-
tain her next winter's supplies of anthracite through this
new channel.-Baltimore American.

Within the last week, two of the greatest voyages ever
known have been made from New York to this port. The
ship Mary Francis, Westfeldt, and the brig Wakulla,
Rattoone, left New York together on the afternoon of the
20th ultimo, and arrived here together in nine days less
than a half. It is remarkable that after leaving Sandy
Hook, though they must have sailed in nearly parallel
lines, and at about the same rate, they never saw each
other again until they came to anchor off the bar. They
must have made 250 miles a day, for every day-a feat
which it would puzzle even the Great Western, with her
steam up, to surpass.-Journal.

The National Gazette states, from official information,
that the injury to the CHESAPEAKE AND DELAWARE CANAL
is not so great as at first anticipated. Prompt measures
have been successfully adopted to prevent the loss of water
in the canal, and repair the breach in the embankment;
and it is confidently believed that the canal may be navi-
gated by vessels in about two weeks, and possibly sooner.
In the mean time arks and rafts of lumber-of which there
is always a large quantity prepared to pass through this
.channel-may do so without any material delay. We are
assured that the officers of the Company will use every
means and exertion to have the navigation again resumed
as soon as practicable.
A SHOCKING ACCIDENT.-We learn from the Middlebury
VArmnrnt\ AA f.. AP. thnt *nnL 0 1 9 'an .V U


Now tell us all about the war,
And what they slew each other for ?
The author of the original Jack Downing Letters has
been of late engaged in a correspondence from near the
disputed territory, with his brother officer Gen. MORRIS, of
the New York Mirror, the most of which, under the head
of Letters from John Smith, of Smithville, Down East,
in the State of Maine," is comprised of epistles from his
son, a private in the border army during the late terrible
The following is the sketch of a dreadful discharge of
musketry over the boundary line, which must have carried
dismay into every kingdom in England. It is told inimi-
tably. We must premise that having nothing to do, a de-
tachment of the main army, fired with valor, determined
to see the boundary line and toe the same. Mr. William
Wiggins clomb a tree to get the first view.
What upon earth," said Sargent Johnson, "is Billy
arter now V
A squirrel, I guess," said I; I'll bet a potato, Billy
has treed a squirrel."
When we got along up a little nearer, Sargent Johnson
called out to hih to know what he was doing up there.
I'm jest a looking off here to see if I can see the line,"
said Billy, stretching his head way to eastward, and look-
ing with all the eyes in his head.
Well, do you see it ?" said Sargent Johnson.
"See it ? no,"said Billy; Idon't see nothing but woods,
and woods, as fur as I can see."
Sargent Johnson told him he guessed he would see it
quicker if he was on the ground, than he would up there.
So Billy come down again, and we jogged along. Bime
by we come to a tree that had some old marks and spots
on two sides of it. And we looked along, north and south
of this tree, for Sargent Johnson said the line runs due
north from the monument, and we found some more trees
marked and spotted jest like it.
Ah,"says Sargent Johnson, "we've found it. This
is the boundary line; we've got it at last. Now look and
see if you can see the British on otherr side of it; and let
every man hold on to his gun and be ready to fire, if I say
the word."
We looked across the line, and looked and looked, but
we couldn't see nothing' but trees and bushes, and woods
and swamps. We hollered across the line as hard as we
could holler, to see if we could raise any of the British,
for we all felt as if we wanted to have a brush. And we
thought at first they answered us; but when we come to
holler again, we found it was only the echo of our own
voices, that come back from the hills a little ways off. So
we marched along the line two or three miles, but we
couldn't see nor hear nothing' of nobody. At last we sot
down, and got the victuals out of our knapsacks and eat
our dinners and rested a while. When we got ready to
start again to go back to our fort, Sargent Johnson said
we should give the British one broadside before we left
'em, jest to let 'em know what the Yankee boys are made
of. So he told us to see that our guns was all right; and
then he ordered us to stand up all in a row, and toe the line,
facing to the British side; and then he give us off the
Make ready take aim !-fire!"
There," says Sargent Johnson, now I can go home
contented, war or no war; for we've poured one good grist
into their territory, and they may help themselves if they
This account, which is doubtless from life, is the only
record of a battle during the whole campaign.

It is proposed in a Boston paper that every man should
constitute himself into a self-examining committee, to in-
quire into his own conduct. The Ledger thinks that
the business each committee would have to transact would
keep it constantly and usefully employed.
The Chartists of England are growing waggish. At a
meeting in Westbury, somebody moved that each Chartist
should hang up a gun in his kitchen. The motion was
amended by striking out the word gun," and substituting
flitch of bacon," and carried by acclamation.

script copies the following advertisements from the New
England Weekly Journal" for February 24th, March 17th.
and April 21st, 1729. They exhibit not only a slave-hold-
ing community, but a slave-importing community. Had
the climate of Massachusetts been like that of South Ca-
rolina and Georgia, who can say that she would not have
been a slave-holding State to this day ? At least there is
room for charity towards the Southern States, whether it
be Old England or New England that judges them. As
for Old England, history is full of proof that she forced
slavery upon her American colonies, both on the continent
and in the West India Islands. In 1760, the colony of
South Carolina passed an act to prohibit the further im-
portation of slaves. Great Britain rejected it with indig-
nation; reprimanded the Governor, and sent a circular to
all the other Governors, warning them against a similar of-
fence. We annex the advertisements above alluded to.
SA very likely Young Negro Woman, seasoned to the
Country, to be sold, inquire of the printer hereof.
T* Horses and a Cart with several Negro Men, fit for any
Business, To be Sold, inquire of the Printer hereof.
3 An Indian Woman's time for about 2 years, who can do
all sorts of Household Work, to be disposed of, inquire of the
Printer hereof.
_ ~ A very little Negro Girl about 14 years of Age, can speak
good English, has been 2 Years in the Country, To be Sold, in-
quire of the Printer hereof.
q To be Sold, a little Negro Boy about Thirteen Years of
Age, has been 8 Months in the Country, inquire of Mr. James
Boyer, Jeweller, over against the Governor s.
The Grand Gulf (Mi.) Advertiser of the 1st relates that on

the 26th ult. the lifeless body of J. M. F. BLACK was discover-
ed near the road side about half mile from the town, by a citi-
zen of the place. The body was pierced by a shot'from a gun
that had penetrated the lungs, and the murder was traced to J.
B. COIGER, a planter living a few miles from Grand Gulf. Two
other men are also implicated. A dispute had existed between
CONGER and BLACK in relation to some land. The immediate
circumstances which led to the death of BLACK are not related.
CONGER and another had been admitted to bail; the former in
a sum of twenty thousand dollars, and the latter in the sum of
one thousand.

HUBBARD OLIVER, of Boston, was playingon Thursday night last
with a jackknife, the blade of which he was trying to throw open
by a jerk of his arm, when he suddenly spoke to a friend, saying,
"I have cut myself," and would have fallen, but that his friend
caught him. The knife had entered the groin, and severed
the great artery of the leg, so that lie bled to death in less than
five minutes. Surgical aid was called, but did not arrive till
life had departed. Indeed, if the best surgeons had been on
the spot at the moment, it would only have been a miracle that
could have prevented a fatal termination of the accident, as the
division of the artery was at that point where it emerges from
the trunk over the bone of the pelvis.

Port Tobacco, Charles county, Maryland,
Will attend to any business entrusted to his care in Charles,
St. Mary's, or the adjoining counties.
may 1 -eolm
Attorney atid Counsellor at Law,
Mount Carmel, Illinois,
W 'ILL attend to any business entrusted to his care in the
counties of White, Edwards,Wabash, Lawrence,Wayne
Clark, Crawford, Edgar, Vermilion, Coles, and Clay.
Thos. S. Hinde, Esq.
J. Beall, Esq. Mount Carmel, Illinois.
Wm. T. Page, Esq. jan 22-cply
The subscriber has established himself in St. Louis, Mo.
where he will attend to the purchase and sale ofreal estate, en-
ter Government lands for persons residing in the East, in either
the State of Illinois or'Missouri, pay taxes on land, buy, sell, or
take the agency for military bounty lands in Illinois. His
knowledge of the various canal and railroad routes in the State
of Illlinois peculiarly fits him to be useful in making invest-
ments for emigrants or capitalists in that State.
Walter Smith, eorgetown D. C.
Clement Cox. Georgetown, D C

Messrs. EDITORS: In the publication of an article (in
your paper relative to the Gedney Channel in the waters
of New York) entitled An extract from the report of F.
R. HASSLER, Esq., Superintendent of the Coast Survey,"
we can see but one object, and that is, to deprive Lieut.
GEDNEY of any credit (which he may have enjoyed here-
tofore) in the discovery of this most important channel;
otherwise, why should this particular section of the report
of Mr. HASSLER be published alone? The whole report
has been published in pamphlet form, and I cannot see the
reason why, at this late day, this extract should be pub-
lished by itself. If it had been done for the purpose of
public information, the whole report would have been sub-
mitted, and I can see in it nothing more than one of those
repeated efforts to draw the attention of the Public to the
fact that the superintendent of the coast survey was the
only one who deserves any credit for any discovery which
might be made on our coast.
Those who know any thing of the subject are well
aware that the discovery of the Gedney Channel was but
the result of strict mathematical calculation-the principal
part established by Mr. HASSLER. Any other person might,
perhaps, have arrived at the same results as Mr. GEDNEY
did; but even admitting that it was only the result of ma-
thematics, there is yet much in favor of Lieut. GEDNEY for
the indefatigable industry and faithfulness he displayed in
performing this duty. It never was suggested to him that
there was a ship-channel to the north of the old one; he
discovered it during his sounding, and, to make certainty
more sure, he directed most of his attention to this point.
The results are known, and the fact of a channel being
there is no longer doubted.
In establishing the existence of this channel, Mr. GED-
NEY had much to contend with, and in this case to him is
owing the triumph of science over bigoted ignorance."
He first had to contend against the New York pilots, who
thew every obstacle in the way of bringing the channel
before the notice of the Public, and to this day they assert,
(to those who know no better,) in passing through this
channel, that it is the old ship-channel which has been so
much in use for years.
The pilots insisted that no such channel existed, until
Mr. GEDNEY, taking advantage of the first opportunity
which offered itself, took safely through the ship of the
line Ohio, and thereby set all doubts to rest, and establish-
ed the fact that New York pilots did not extend their re-
searches beyond what they thought proper. It had the
effect of bringing them to the notice of the State Legisla-
ture, who passed such laws that the New York pilots are
now under wholesome regulations. It also was the means
of causing to be established in the State of New Jersey a
board of commissioners for pilots. Branches were granted
to pilot over the Sandy Hook bar, and this competition be-
tween the New York and Jersey pilots has assisted in mak-
ing known this and other channels discovered at the same
When doubts amongst the ignorant began to fade away,
and the rays of conviction to disseminate, Lieut. GEDNEY
exerted himself to get an appropriation through tor the
purpose of buoying out this channel. He succeeded ; and
though it was no part of his duty, he placed the buoys
himself, (amounting to twelve in number,) and made the
channel easy to every one. Lieut. GEDNEY did not interest
himself from personal motives, but from adeep interest in
the coast survey. The establishing so important a thing
as a deep channel into New York would, he knew, make
the importance of the coast survey more felt, for it is well
known, that, for many years, Mr. HASSLER has been in-
defatigable in his endeavors to impress it on the minds of
Congress, but, until within a few years, with not half the
success which the subject deserved.
In taking leave of the subject, allow me to observe that
at all times has Lieut. GEDNEY been liberal with regard to
this channel. Though well aware that much was owing to
his own exertions, he did not scruple (at the presentation
of plate at New York) to award to Mr. HASSLER, as prin-
cipal of the work, and to his several assistants, all due cred-
it; in return, he should be allowed to retain that which he
has so justly earned by his labors.

On the 2d instant, at the residence of Col. M. MAURY,
near Owingsville, Bath county, Kentucky, by the Rev. M.
ister of Christ Church, Lexington, Kentucky, to Miss
SARAH ANN S. MAURY, only daughter of the late
FRANCIS F. MAURY, of said county.

Attorneys at Law,
JOHN A. CHAMBERS. 5mar 26-cply
Business in the Territory of Florida entrusted to his care
will be promptly and strictly attended to.
Reverdy Johnsop, Esq. Baltimore.
Shepherd C. Leakin, Esq. do.
Messrs. Wm. Davidson & Son, Philadelphia.
Caleb Cope & Co. do.
Thomas Elmes & Son de.
Siter, Price & Co. do.
Benj. F. Butler, Esq. District Attorney, New York.
Hon. Garrett D. Wall, New Jersey.
nov 17--d6m
SETH C. SHERMAN, Illinois Land and
General Agency.--MOORE, MORTON & CO. continue
the agency office of John Tillson, jr. and Tillson, Moore & Co.
at Quincy, Adams county, Illinois. They offer their services
to the Public in the transaction of any business connected with
lands in Illinois, such as paying taxes, recording title papers,
redeeming lands sold at tax sales, buying and selling on com-
mission, investigating titles, &c. Long experience and the va-
rious sources of information which have been accumulating in
their office since the first organization of the State Government,
afford them every requisite facility to execute orders accurate-
ly and without delay.
They also attend to the collection of notes and merchants'

accounts : their business connexions in the Eastern cities will
enable them to remit promptly and on favorable terms.
John Tillson, jr. Agent of the Illinois Land Company, Quin-
cy, Illinois.
Hon. Nehemiah Eastman, Farmington, 1k H.
Dr. Benjamin Shurtleff, Boston, Massachusetts.
Josiah Marshall, Esq. do do
Southworth Shaw, jr. Esq. do do
Joseph D. Beers, Esq. New York city.
Moses Allen, Esq. do
Messrs. Nevins & Townsend, do
Stephen B. Munn, Esq. do
Samuel Wiggins, Esq. Cincinnati, Olio.
Messrs. J. & J. Townsend, Albany, New York.
George B. Holmes, Esq. Providence, Rhode Island.
Hezekiah H. Reed, Esq. Montpelier, Vermont.
Nathan B. Haswell, Esq. Burlington, Vermont.
Arneas Morison, Esq. New Haven, Connecticut.
Romulus Riggs, Esq. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
Lemuel Lamb, Esq. do do
Samuel Harden, Esq. Baltimore, Maryland.
Messrs. Tiffany, Duvall& Co. do do
Messrs. S. L. Fowler & Brothers, do
Richard Smith, Esq. Raleigh, North Carolina.
Messis. J. B. Danforth & Co. Louisville, Kentucky.
Wilson P. Hunt, Esq. St. Louis, Missouri.
Messrs. Van Phul & McGill do do
Messrs. C. J. Fowler & Co. Washington City.
His Excellency Thomas Carlin, Governor of the State of
John D. Whitesides, Esq. Treasurer of the State of Illinois,
Levi Davis, Esq. Auditor of the Public Accounts, Springfield,
Hon. Richard M. Young, United States Senator, Quincy,
Thomas Mather, Esq. President of the State Bank of Illi-
nois, Springfield. ap 16-cp6m
EGGS are offered for sale by WM. PRINCE & SON,
Flushing, New York :
Mammoth White
Imperial do
Do Yellow
Two crop White
Sulphur one crop
For orders for the above apply to
ap 22-10td&cp F. LOWNDES.
will give the above reward upon delivery to me, or being
secured in jail so that I get him again, of my negro man FRE-
DERICK CHAPMAN, if taken in a non-slaveholding State;


Whoever has been in New England in autumn, and
witnessed a regimental muster," some ten or fifteen years
since, knows that muster-day and the 4th of July were
generally deemed occasions on which the excess of ani-
mal spirits collected during the rest of the year might be
let off, and men who, at all other times, were sober and
attentive to business, could give themselves up to pleasure
without any injury to their character. At such times men
who would not miss a single sermon during the year, and
who eschewed excessive indulgence in their usual habits,
would set out for muster," with the predetermination of
drinking to the very skin-tull, and of course to become as
full of fight" as your moody men usually are when in-
toxicated. It was the usual practice to close muster-day
with some trial of strength, such as wrestling; and as the
parties would be pretty well seasoned by their potations
through the day, it was not an uncommon thing to close
with a quarrel. Sometimes a general battle would take
place between the inhabitants of different towns belonging
to the same regiment. There always existed a jealousy
between the companies from the larger towns, which were
in handsome uniform, and the country companies, which
were not able to encounter the expense of thus equipping
themselves. And whenever the muster took place at a
country village, it was amusing to see the havoc that the
military coats made in the hearts of the country damsels
who were sure to attend in throngs. This would rouse
the ire of the young men of the village, who did not relish
it overmuch that their sweethearts should be so carried
away by the tawdry exterior of the town soldiers; and they
usually determined to strip the very coats, which were the
cause of their trouble, from the backs of their possessors.
On one occasion, when the regimental muster was ap-
pointed to take place at the little village of B-, it was
understood that a battle would ensue between the compa-
nies of the village and those from the sea-port town of
E-. Now there lived in B-- two brothers, honest,
industrious, well-meaning persons, on the whole, but ex-
ceedingly pugnacious when excited by drinking. They
were celebrated for their strength all the country over, and
could probably endure more hard beating than any ten
men within fifty miles. One of them was a son of Cris-
pin, who stuck steadily to his last the livelong day in the
hope of accomplishing his work soon enough to pay a visit
to the daughter of a neighboring tinker. Now Sally, the
tinker's daughter, was a trim, sprightly, black-eyed girl,
and liked Tom, the cobbler, well enough when there was
nobody better at hand; nevertheless, she had an eye for
a handsome coat and gay uniform, and liked very well to
be complimented on muster-day by the youngsoldiers from
town. Tom saw this, for he was no fool, though he said
but little, and his very soul burned within him when he
saw a soldier in uniform. John, his brother, was a team-
ster, and was married, but was always in dread of muster-
day, for he said that his wife, though otherwise as quiet as
one could wish, got the very devil in her at the sight of a
man with a plume in his cap. Thus feeling, these two
brothers had determined, whenever an opportunity offered,
to show these gay soldiers that there was as much man-
hood under a cobbler's apron and a teamster's frock, as in
the gayest uniform that ever decked a soldier.
On the evening of the muster we have alluded to, there
was a gathering at a tavern near the place, and the parties,
from copious drinking, had become in pretty good condi-
tion for a quarrel, when one young soldier made some con-
temptuous remark to Tom, the cobbler, to which he made
no other Ieply than by bringing down the palm of his hand
upon the top of the soldier's cap, and knocking it com-
pletely over his face. It was some time before the soldier
could disengage his head from the cap so as to see how
the land lay, but as soon as he did he made a furious rush
at Tom. This was the signal for general battle, and to it
they went in good earnest. In vain did the landlord try
to restore quiet. In vain did the landlady supplicate and
threaten by turns, in a voice which would have overmatch-
ed the steam whistle of a locomotive. Naught but the
clatter of fists and chairs and the shouting of the comba-
tants cQuld be heard. The lights were extinguished, and
every man was engaged in pommeling his neighbor with-
out knowing or caring whether it was friend or foe, so he
could repay, to some one, the hard knocks he himself was
receiving. Had some village Homer been witness to the
scene, doubtless the battle of the muster at B- would
have been as celebrated as the siege of Troy, which shows
that to fight a battle is only immortality half gained, the
other half consisting in having it recorded.
In the general melee many had rushed for the door, and
in their efforts to get out had crowded out others. Among
the latter were two sturdy fellows, who seemed not the
less eager to continue the fight from being sub coelo." It
was too dark to distinguish who they were, but the parties
at the door shouted hurrah for the town !" hur;ah for
the village!" to encourage the supposed champions of the
two parties. At it these two kept with equal vigor and
determination, and exchanged blows which would have
told on the front of an ox. If one was knocked down, the
other waited for him to gain his feet.. For afull half hour
did this contest continue, without any perceptible advan-
tage on either side, until, from sheer exhaustion, the com-
batants were obliged to withhold.
The battle within doors being pretty much over, lights
were procured to see what was the situation of the belli-
gerent parties outside, and such a sight scarcely ever met
the eye of mortal man. There stood one of the heroes of
this desperate fight with nothing but his pantaloons and
one sleeve of his shirt remaining, his face black as night,
save where blood had marked it with streaks of red, caus-
ing it to resemble the grim visage of one oi the Sac and
Fox Indians; and at a little distance was the other, with
just enough of his coat left to tell what it was made of,
with an elevation about either eye which effectually exclu-
ded the light; one ear knocked off, and his nose battered
into such a shape as to cover the half of his face. Each
endeavored, as well as his damaged vision would permit,
to discover who it could be that had inflicted on him such
a merciless drubbing; but they neither recognized each
other, nor did the bystanders know them. And in sooth,
it would have puzzled the mothers who bore them to have
told who they were in such a plight. At last one of them,
with a rueful countenance, said that he had not believed

that there was a man in the whole country that could have
withstood his arm so long, save one, and that man was
his brother Tom, the coLbler. "Good G- and is this
you, John exclaimed the astonished Tom, "I thought
there was'nt one of those uniformed fellows that I could'nt
wrap in my apron and souse in my slop-tub."
The fact was that, in the general confusion, the two
brothers had been shoved out of the room together, when
they immediately attacked each other in the dark, each sup-
posing that he was contending with one of the soldiers
from town. The scene was so ludicrous that the brothers,
notwithstanding their bruises, joined in the merriment
which was excited, and for years the fight of the cobbler
and his brother was a standing joke in the country around.

Capital Prize 75,000 dollars.
Class No. 4, for 1839.
To be drawn at Alexandria, D. C. on Saturday, June 15, 1839.
1 splendid prize of 75,000
1 do 25,000
1 do 15,000
1 do 10,000
1 do 6,000
1 do 5,000
1 do 4,000
1 do 3,608
1 do 3,500
1 do 3,250
2 prizes of 2,750
2 do 2,500
20 do 2,000
20 do -1,000
20 do 800
40 do 600
50 do 400
100 do 300
100 do 200
Besides prizes of $180-$160-$150-$140-$130-$120-
14 Drawn Numbers out of 78.
Tickets only $20-Halves $10-Quarters $5-Eighths $2 50.
Certificates of packages of 26 whole tickets J210
Do do 26 half do 120
Do do 26 quarter do 60
Do do 26 eighth do 39

Orders for Tickets and Shares, or Certificates of Packages,
in the ahove mcrnificent scheme, will receive the most Dromot

MAY 16, 1839.
ROPOSALS for doing the following work requi ed to comn-
plete this building will be received at this office, until the
10h day of June next, the whole to be executed agreeably to
the designs and specifications in the office of the Architect of
the Public Buildings, to which reference may be had:
1st. For cutting and setting the marble, per superficial foot,
to be completed by the first day of October, 1840.
2d. For cutting and setting the granite, per superficial foot,
to be completed by the first day of October, 1840.
3d. For cutting and setting the freestone, per superficial foot,
to be completed by the first day of October, 1840.
Proposals will also be received as above for executing all the
cut stone-work in marble, granite, and freestone, required in
the construction of the walls of this building, agreeably to the
designs and specifications in the office of the Architect of the
Public Buildings, to which reference can be had.
The proposals must state the price per superficial foot, in-
cluding or excluding the fiirnishing of the materials; of all
the plain work under a foot bed, in each description of stone ;
the price of moulded work, according to the character of mould-
ings, which can be shown ; the stone to be all delivered at tlhe
building, cut and properly set in the wall, with suitable bond-
ings. The best white marble, the lightest granite, and the finest
grained freestone to be used. The work to be completed by
the first day of October, 1840.
For doing all the Carpenters' and Joiners' work required up-
on the building.
The proposals must state, 1st, the price per square for tl
centres for the arches ; 2d, for the roof, prepared for the copper-
ing ; 3d, for each of the windows and doors completed, omit-
ting or including the frames ; and 4th, for the edge-strips to
the cement flors, per room or foot running. The proposals for
the work to include all the labor of every description, and all
the necessary ironmongery, locks, hinges, &c. All to be com-
pleted by the first day of March, 1841.
The iron work, by the pound, to be finished at the times or-
All the above work is to be done in this city, under a strict
superintendence, and in the best manner. The materials re-
quired are to be of the best quality, and will be received under
a rigid inspection.
Payments will be made for work done at the end of every
month, so far as appropriations by Congress will admit.
Upon the stone work of the first story 15 per cent., upon that
of the second story 10, and upon that of the third 5, and on all
tle rest of the materials and work advertised for 10 percent.will
be retained, until the deliveries and jobs be completed, to be
forfeited in case the best of materials are not delivered within
the times ordered, and in case the work be not completed in
the best manner within the respective t:mes stipulated in the
contracts. may 17-dtl6thJune
t r Globe and Metropolis, Washington; Republican and Pa-
triot, Baltimore ; Pennsylvanian and U. S. Gazette, Philadel-
phia; Evening Post and Journal of Commerce, N. Y.; Morning
Post, Chronicle and Patriot, Boston.
SUGAR, MOLASSES, WINE, &c.-60 hhds. Porto
Rico and New Orleans Sugar
50 do do Molasses
10 half pipes Newton, Gordon, Murdoch & Co's" supe-
10 qr. casks rior old London Particular, Bual, and Grape
24 half do )juice Madeira Wine.
5 pipes
10 half do. "Bruce & Co.'s" superior Teneriffe Wine.
8 qr.'casks )
100 dozen, in cases of 1 and 2 dozen, N. G. M. & Co.'s L. P.
Madeira, and Lobo's" pale and brown Sherry Wine.
(All of which are of my own importation.)
109 casks and half do. Oldham's" Sherry WNine
2 half pipes Superior French Brandy, "Hennessey" and
10 qr. casks "Otard, Dupuy & Co.'s" brands.
2 half pipes Seignette Brandy
80 bags white Augustine and Laguira Coffee
30 do handsome old Dutch Government Java Coffee
t0 casks "R. & G. Watkins's" Irish Porter
30 cases Claret Wine
50 baskets Sweet Oil
300 reams Cap and Letter Paper
Newspaper 22 by 32
Shot-a full supply of all sizes from the Phoenix Shot
Tower Company, Baltimore
Baker's Cocoa, Cocoa Paste, and Chocolate
30 bags Corks, &c. &c. in store, for sale Mty
may 17 S. MESSERSMITH, Alexandria.
S All of which are well watered and heavily timbered.
This property lies near the Beltsville Depot, on the Baltimore
and Washington Railroad, and on the line of the proposed ex-
tension of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal to Baltimore. It is
situated in a pleasant and extremely healthy neighborhood,
but 13 miles from W\ashington, and within 11 hour's ride to
No. 1. East Friendship-about 250 acres, of which 80 to 100
are heavily timbered, and 20 to 30 are meadow land, only a
part of which is cleared.
No. 2. West Friendship, with a portion of Snowden's Park
attached-in all about 275 acres, of which from 20 to 30 acres
are in meadow, set in timothy ; dwelling and all necessary out-
houses on the premises; the woodland heavily timbered.
No. 3. Peters's Point and apart of Scott's Good Luck-about
400 acres; of which about 100 acres are heavily timbered, and
10 acres are in timothy meadow.
No. 4. Peters's Plains and meadows-containing 150 acres,
and including the old stand at Vansville, recently occupied as a
public house, having good meadow, with dwelling, ice-house,
and other buildings; to which will be added, if desired by the
purchaser, the field and a part of the heavy timber lying east
of the premises, makingin all about 300 acres.
No. 5. Walnut Grange and the family mansion-containing
about 600 acres; of which about 100 acres are in wood, and 40 or
50 acres good meadow land. Upon this tract is a very large brick
house, and numerous out-houses, and about 600 of the most se-
lect fruit trees. This last will not be sold until the others are
disposed of. Purchasers are requested to call and examine for
The above is offered at private sale until the 10th of June ;
at which time, if not previously sold, it will be offered at public
sale, at Beltsville, if the day is fair, if not, the next fair day,
commencing at 11 A. M.
Persons wishing to purchase will please call upon the sub-
scriber, at Walnut Grange, or upon the tenants, who will show
them the premises.
The terms of sale will be made easy to purchasers givingap-
proved security. A. HERBERT,
Agent for the proprietor, John C. Herbert, Esq.
may 13-eotlstJune

N OTICE.-A gentleman who has had several years' ex-
perience as a teacherdesires to obtain employment in an
academy or some literary institution. He is qualified to teach
the Greek, Latin, French, Spanish, and English languages, the
three latter of which he speaks fluently. Also, a complete
course of Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, &c. &c.
Ample testimonials of his moral character, qualifications, &c.
will be given.
Letters addressed to G. G., Richmond, Virginia, will meet
with prompt attention. may 8-cp4w
EACIIER WANTED.-The trustees of the Beriy-
ville Academy are anxious to employ a good classical and
English teacher. Communications addressed to them, post
paid, will be promptly attended to.

OR SALE.-A farm, well enclosed, is a healthy neigh-
S borhood, containing 400 acres; 200 of which are in a state
of cultivation, and the balance well clothed with firewood and
a quantity of good timber trees. It has on it a comfortable
dwelling, and all necessary out- houses.
The owner being anxious to sell, will take $1,400 for the farm
with all its improvements, if purchased on or before the first
day of June next. Apply at G. DYE & CO.'S
Auction store, on Louisiana avenue, near the corner
may 15-3t of 7th street.
property, called Accotink Mill, with about 36 acres of
land, situate in Fairfax county, Virginia, on.Accotink Creek,
near its entrance into the Potomac river, about nine miles be-
low or south of Alexandria, is offered for sale on accommodating
terms. The Mill is in complete repair, and can manufacture
nearly one hundred barrels of flour per day, which may be
transported to Alexandria by water in a few hours, at but little
expense, besides the advantage of procuring wheat in Alexan-
dria, and manufacturing it into flour. The Mill is conveniently
situated for country custom, particularly from Maryland, the
communication by water being convenient.
There are but few mills so advantageously situated as the
above-described Accotink Mill, which will be sold at a very
moderate price, and terms of payment made easy, say one-
fourth cash, and the residue in four annual instalments, with
interest. The property will be shown by Robert Taylor, now
occupying the Mill, and possession can be had on the first of
the seventh month (July) next.
may 1-eo7t Alexandria.
tpq subscriber's plantation near Upper Marlboro', Prince
George's county, Maryland, on Sunday, 13th of January last, my
Negro woman MATILDA, who calls herself MATILDA
BOWIE. She is a light mulatto, likely, about 30 years of age,
about 5 feet 2 inches high; no marks recollected except a scir
behind one ear, occasioned from a bile ; had on when she left
home a striped country cloth frock and white apron, but

HENRY N. POTTER, Attorney at Law,


ORTHERN and Southern travellers are informed that
J there is now a good Line of four-horse post Coaches run-
ning daily from the termination of the Raleigh and Gaston Rail-
road, through Raleigh, Fayetteville, Cheraw, and Camden, to
Columbia, South Carolina. Two coaches will always be kept
at the termination of the Railroad to convey travellers to
From Raleigh to Columbia there will be one coach, which
will always carry from nine to ten passengers from Columbia to
Branchville. On the Charleston and Hamburg Railroad there
is a daily line of four-horse coaches.
The great Mail which was formerly carried on this route is
removed to another. That mail was a great inconvenience to
travellers, and often caused disappointment; its large size fre-
quently making it necessary to leave passengers. This can no
longer be the case; and we can now offer to travellers a safe,
sure, and comfortable journey.
The coaches are large, nine-passenger coaches, and in good or-
der. The drivers and teams are not surpassed by any in the
Union. Great care has been taken to procure steady drivers,
knowing that on them greatly depend the comfort and safety of
the passengers.
We admit that the line via Charleston and Wilmington is the
quickest when the connexion is not broken ; but when we take
the certainty of this line into consideration, it will often be
found to bear competition with the other even in speed.
Passengers leave Petersburg at the same time with the great
mail, and reach Columbia in a little more than three days,
Should there he more passengers at any one time than can be
carried by the stage, those who may be left shall have a prefer-
ence the next day over all others; and to prevent confusion,
they will be entered in the stage as their names may appear on
the way-bill from Petersburg. Preference will always be given
to those going the greatest distance on the line. The Raleigh
and Gaston Railroad is in rapid progress, and will very soon be
finished, when a much greater expedition can be given to
this line.
For safety, this line is unrivalled, and it will be particularly
desirable to those who dislike to encounter the danger and in-
convenience from sea-sickness attendant on a voyage from Wil-
mington to Charleston.
From Raleigh west as far as Greensborough there is a daily
line of fbur horse coaches running in connexion with the stage
from the Railroad. Passengers from the Railroad have a pre-
ference in that line. There is also a hack twice a week to Sal-
isbury direct. THE PROPRIETORS,
ap 16-3mcp [Bait. Am.] -Raleigh, N. Carolina.
FRANKLIN HOUSE, Louisville, Kentucky.-
The subscriber having greatly enlarged and improved
this House, and furnished it entirely new and in a superb man-
ner, it will be open for the reception of travellers and boarders
by the 1st day of April next, when he would be pleased to re-
ceive the patronage of old acquaintances and friends and of the
Public generally.
The House is situated in a central part of the city, on the
corner of Main and Sixth streets, and within a square of his old
stand; is four stories high, and occupying a front of 100 feet or
more on each street. The arrangement of the House is admira-
bly adapted for the convenience and comfort of travelling and
boarding families, affording pleasant and convenient suits of
rooms, opening into large, elegant, and airy saloons, and com-
manding a fine view of the city and falls of the Ohio. Public
entrance through the bar-room from Main street. Private
entrance on Sixth street. The bar will at all times be sup-
plied with the choicest wines and liquors.
JOHN FISHER, Proprietor.
ap 16-cp2m Louisville, March 25.
700 DOLLARS REWARD.--Ran away from
*7 the subscribers, in Fauquier county, State of Va.,
near Upperville, three negro men, in August and September,
1838, NAT, SAM, and ESSEX. We willgive the above reward
in the following manner:
For the apprehension of negro man NAT, three hundred
dollars, if taken, secured, and delivered to me, or secured
in jail so that I get him. Nat is about 22 years old, about 5
feet 10 inches high, weighs about 175 pounds, stout made, but
not very fleshy; he is very black, his hair very nappy, but
short; he has rather a down look, a rather coarse voice, and
but little to say in.a general way; he shows his teeth a little
when he talks, they are sound and white ; his feet are rather
over the common size. I would not be surprised if he had
a pass or forged paper. I have every reason to believe he in-
tends making for a free State, as he left me without pirovoca-
tian. The horse, saddle, and bridle which he stole and took
with him I have since got. Nat can be taken either as a thiei
or runaway. ROBERT FLETCHER.

For the apprehension of SAM, two hundred and fifty dollars.
SAM is a mulatto, of rather a bright copper color, uncommon
coarse voice, and is about 5 feet 6 inches high, well formed, and
will weigh about 160 pounds, 40 years old ; he is very fond of
horses, and has wagoned for the last fifteen years; he can read
and write. I will give the above reward for Sam, provided he is
secured and delivered to me, or secured in jail so that I get him.

For the apprehension of ESSEX I will give the reward of
one hundred and fifty dollars, provided he is secured and deli-
vered to me, or secured in jail so that I get him. Essex is a
dark mulatto, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, well formed, weight
about 175 pounds, 45 years old.
feb 19-cp3m EDWARD MARSHALL.
Any information respecting the above negroes will be direct-
to Upperville, Fauquier county, Va.
MPORTED JOHN BULL.-This imported stallion
will make his second season at Upper Marlboro', Prince
George's county, Md., commencing on the 15th of March, and
ending on the 1st of July next. Terms for thorough bred mares
$40 the season, payable by the Ist of July, when the season will
expire ; and $60 dollars for insurance. He will also be permit-
ted to cover a limited number of common mares, at $15 the
season, without insurance ; $1 dollar to the groom in ech case.
John Bull was purchased in England, by Mr. Tattersall, for
Capt. Stockton of the Navy, and by him imported into this
country. He will be six years old this spring, is a dark bay, six-
teen hands high, with no white, except a very little on the coronet
of his right hind foot. In form he is unsurpassed by any horse
in this country, whether native or imported. The purity of his
blood, and the excellence of his pedigree for the racing quali-
ties of his stock on both sides of the house, cannot be beaten by

that of any horse in the world.
PEDIGREE.-John Bull was gotby Chateau Margaux, (since
imported, and now covering in Alabama at $100 the season,)
his dam, as was also the dam of ROROTON, by Woful, full
brother to Whalebone, sire of Chateau, both being by Waxy,
out of the famous Penelope, she by Trumpeter, out of the no
less famous Prunella, who, says Darville (author of a recent
treatise on the care, treatment, and training of the English race-
horse,) "was the dam of eleven first-rate horses, and she is
said to have realized to the Grafton family little short of
100,000. In fact, all breeders of race-horses try for a stain of
the justly celebrated Prunella." John Bull's grandam was by
Benningbrough, out of Brandon's sister, his g. grandam Miss
Tomboy by HIGHFLYER, of whoR it is enough to say he was
Highflyer! the great I AM of horses that never were beat, and
never paid forfeit, &c. For further particulars of pedigree see
printed hand-bills.
John Bull, it is believed, is nearer allied in a direct line to
the immortal Highflyer than any other horse now living.
Those who prefer to have recourse to imported blood, combin-
ing the very best in England, to cross on their native mares, have
now an opportunity, at a comparatively moderate expense, to
avail themselves of the use of a stallion, who, though he has
himself never been started in*a race, possesses the fine points
of a race-horse, with apple size, and a pedigree equal if not
superior to that ofany other living horse.
The following letter written ty Oaptain Thomson, at the re-
quest of Captain Stockton, to T. F. Bowie, Esq., the present
owner of John Bull, will account for his never having been run:
SIR: Captain Stockton being very much engaged in making
his arrangements for going to sea in the U. S. ship Ohio, has de-
sired me, in his behalf, to reply to your letter of October last.
John Bull was purchased by Mr. Tattersall for him in Eng-
land, in the spring of 1834, then one yearold, and was imported in
the same year into the United States. The pedigree, as given
in your advertisement, and to Mr. J. S. Skinner, was derived
from the certificate of Mr. Tattersall.
He was trained when three years old, and showed good speed
in his training, but previous to the races he fell lame, and was
not tried. In his exercise he injured himself, (I think from fall-
ing,) and was not taken up again during that year. The fol-
lowing year he was slightly trained, and had a run of one mile,
but not having sufficiently recovered from his lameness or its
effects, (he being a very heavy horse,) he was not continued in
training, and was again thrown out.
He was a horse of remarkably good disposition and good con-
stitution, and certainly combines many of the best crosses of
blood in England.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Prince George's county, Md.
John Bull is now in high health and fine plight, and if it be
true, as it unquestionably is, that "blood will tell," both in beast
-1 fl -th .. :. t" .'-4.. C.1t