Title Page
 Title Page
 A list of DeFoe's writings
 Directions for placing the engravings...
 Preface to the first edition
 Robinson Crusoe

Group Title: Robinson Crusoe
Title: The life and adventures of Robinson Crusoe
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072751/00001
 Material Information
Title: The life and adventures of Robinson Crusoe
Uniform Title: Robinson Crusoe
Physical Description: 2 v. : ill. ; 23 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Defoe, Daniel, 1661?-1731
Stothard, Thomas, 1755-1834 ( Illustrator )
Cadell, Thomas, 1773-1836 ( Publisher )
Davies, William, d. 1820 ( Publisher )
Blackwood, William, 1776-1834 ( Publisher )
Heath, Charles, 1761-1831 ( Engraver )
McQueen, Benjamin ( Printer )
Defoe, Daniel, 1661?-1731
A. & R. Spottiswoode ( Printer )
Publisher: Printed for T. Cadell and W. Davies
W. Blackwood
Place of Publication: London (Strand)
Publication Date: 1820
Subject: Castaways -- Juvenile fiction   ( lcsh )
Shipwrecks -- Juvenile fiction   ( lcsh )
Survival after airplane accidents, shipwrecks, etc -- Juvenile fiction   ( lcsh )
Imaginary voyages -- 1820   ( rbgenr )
Genre: Imaginary voyages   ( rbgenr )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: England -- London
Scotland -- Edinburgh
Citation/Reference: NUC pre-1956,
Statement of Responsibility: embellished with engravings from designs by Thomas Stothard.
General Note: Caption title, v. 2: Further adventures of Robinson Crusoe.
General Note: "Printed by A. and R. Spottiswoode, Printers Street, London" -- V. 1, verso of half-title p., v.2, leaf opposite t.p.
General Note: Plates engraved by C. Heath, printed by B. McQueen.
General Note: Probably the samae as Lovett, R. W. Robinson Crusoe, 247, although Lovett states that the plates for this edition were re-engraved by a James Heath.
General Note: Parts I and II of Robinson Crusoe. Part II originally published under title: Farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00072751
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved, Board of Trustees of the University of Florida.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 63956309

Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Title Page 1
        Title Page 2
        Page A 1
    Title Page
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        Page A 66
    A list of DeFoe's writings
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    Directions for placing the engravings with the subject of the plates
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        Page A 85
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        Page A 89
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    Preface to the first edition
        Page A 91
        Page A 92
    Robinson Crusoe
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Full Text







Printed by A. and R. Spottiswoode,
Printers- Street, London.

.4 J I ~fuif'~

iwnhY 1 Sitluth


A 'i+ L 77

A.V k t '

















ROBINSON CRUSOE," says Marmontel, "is
the first book I ever read with exquisite
pleasure--and I believe every boy in Europe
might say the same thing." Next indeed to
the Holy Scriptures, it may safely be asserted,
that this delightful Romance has, ever since
it was written, exerted the first and most
powerful influence upon the juvenile mind
of England nor has its popularity been
much less among any of the other nations
of Christendom. At a period when few of
the productions of English genius had, been
transferred into any of the languages of
foreigners, this masterpiece of the homely,
unaffected, unpretending, but rich and mas-
culine intellect of Daniel Defoe, had already
acquired, in every cultivated tongue of
Europe, the full privileges of a native work.
Although abounding in all the prejudices of
VOL. I. a


rari nantes in gurgite vasto of more than
prosaic dullness. His ear, moreover, appears
to have been most unmusical, for although
he wrote while Dryden's fame was at its full,
and witnessed also the development of the
genius of Pope, his versification is through-
out harsh and irregular, scarcely reaching
unless in a few casual lines, beyond the ex-
cellence of that of John Dunton. The sub-
jects of his poetical compositions are not
such as of themselves to invite perpetuity of
attention. The politics of Swift are kept
alive by his wit: but the poetry of Defoe
cannot embalm his praises of King William,
or his vituperations of the doctrine of Jus
Divinum. Some of his political tracts in
prose, and above all his History of the Union
of Great Britain, may be well deserving of
more attention than is now generally be-
stowed on them; and several of his other
novels are not unworthy of their author's
genius: but unless the memory of these
lesser productions had been sustained by the
splendour of the reputation of Robinson
Crusoe, it is very doubtful whether any of
them would have been found at this day on
any other shelves than those of literary or
historical antiquarians. After all, the great


body of English readers know nothing of any
of Defoe's writings except the first and best
of his romances; and, in general, they know
very little about the personal history of its
author. Their acquaintance with his genius
is formed at that early age, when it is quite
natural and quite easy to get a book by heart
without ever wasting a thought on its merits
or its author. And the habit thus acquired
of considering Robinson Crusoe pretty much
in the light of a thing existing of and by
itself, is insensibly continued by most people
throughout life. Whatever may be the cause,
the fact is certain, that there is no great
English author of whom so little is popularly
known as Daniel Defoe. The industry of
Chalmers, and the judgment of Kippis, have
already collected and arranged all the ma-
terials of his biography; but their lives of
Defoe have appeared in shapes not the most
friendly to their circulation; and for that
reason, the publishers of the present splendid
edition of Robinson Crusoe have judged fit
to prefix some brief notices of its author, in
a form more adapted for the usual readers of
books of amusement.
He was born, as nearly as can be ascer-
tained, in the year 1663, and in all probability


in London, for his father was James Foe, a
butcher, of the parish of St. Giles, Cripple-
gate. His family were protestant dissenters,
and he, through life adhered to the same
persuasion. A dissenter," he himself says,
" I am, but no independent fifth-monarchy
man or leveller." His father seems to have
early discovered the superiority of young
Daniel's talents, for he placed him under the
care of Mr. Charles Morton, of Newington
Green, a distinguished teacher among the
dissenters, in whose house he remained for
several years, at an expense much beyond
what fathers in that humble walk of life were
then in the custom of bestowing on the edu-
cation of their children. In 1705 he was re-
proached with want of letters by his adversary
Tutchin, and thus replied: I owe this jus-
tice to my ancient father, who is yet living,
and in whose behalf I freely testify, that if I
am a blockhead, it is nobody's fault but my
own; he having spared nothing that might
qualify me to match the accurate Dr. Bently,
or the most learned Tutchin."
For what particular line of life the butcher
intended to rear his promising son, there is
no ground to conjecture; he himself asserts,
that he never served any apprenticeship; but


it is probable, trade in some shape was his
destination. He was admitted a liveryman
of London, in right of his birth, on the 26th
of January 1687-8, and appeared, if we may
believe Oldmixon, on horseback, and in gallant
attire, among a chosen band of citizens, who
escorted King William from Whitehall to the
Mansion-house, when the monarch was
feasted by the Lord Mayor, on the 29th of
October in the succeeding year. Even before
this period, however, Daniel had distinguished
himself in more ways than one; he wrote a
pamphlet in 1683, to show the absurdity of
leaving the Austrians to be conquered by the
Turks-a line of policy then recommended
by many narrow-minded and short-sighted
protestants; and in 1685 he quitted the pa-
ternal mansion, and shared in the unfortunate
insurrection, which terminated in the ruin
and death of the Duke of Monmouth. Defoe,
however, was lucky enough to escape, both
from the dangers of battle, and the blood-
thirstiness of Jefferys, and aided by the ob-
scurity of his appearance and station, regained
his father's roof in safety. From this period
till the Revolution, it is reasonable to
suppose he kept quiet at home; although it
may be suspected his attention to business
a 4


was not quite so great as it should have
Already he had established himself in trade,
on his own account, and there seems to be no
ground for distrusting the tradition which as-
cribes to him the profession of a hosier. His
wit, whatever was the nature of his shop, car-
ried him too often from the shop to the tavern;
and a manufacture of tiles at Tilbury, in Essex,
in which he had also embarked, was probably
still more neglected. In 1692 his affairs had
fallen into such disorder, that he was obliged
to abscond from his creditors, and a commis-
sion of bankruptcy was taken out against him.
The debts which he had thus contracted, he
however considered himself as in honour
obliged to discharge by his after exertions;
and in 1705 we find him asserting, in answer
to some ungenerous sarcasms of his enemies,
that he had already, by his industry, reduced
a debt of seventeen to less than five thousand
pounds; but in the meantime he was left
without employment or means of professional
subsistence, not having as yet attained thirty
years of age, and known only as he deserved
to be known, to a very few intimate friends.
These appear to have exerted themselves
as became them in his behalf; one gen-


tleman proposed to him to go to Cadiz as
factor to a mercantile house, under very
favourable prospects of success and advance-
ment, but Defoe felt such a reluctance to
leave the soil of England, that he at once
rejected this plan. By the interest of another
he procured the situation of accountant
to the commissioners for managing the
duties on glass, in which he remained for
four years, till the commission was termi-
nated by act of parliament. During these
four years, however, his pen was not idle;
he produced successively many tracts on poli-
tical subjects, and still more on subjects of
commercial policy, which attracted attention,
and increased his reputation. Among these
his Essay on Projects is deserving of no in-
considerable praise. On the subjects of
Bullion, of. Banking, and on the propriety
of erecting a Court of Merchants for the
decision of purely mercantile causes, he
made many sagacious remarks which might
be perused with advantage, even by the
statesmen of the present day. His peculiar
vein of satire may be discerned peeping out
here and there, even in the Essay on Pro-
jects. One of his favourite schemes is the
erection of an academy for the education of


women. A woman well-bred and well-
taught," says he, furnished with the
additional accomplishments of knowledge
and behaviour, is a creature without compa-
rison; her society is the emblem of sublimer
enjoyments, her person is angelic, her con-
versation heavenly. She is every way
suitable to the sublimest wish; and the man
that has such a one to his portion, has
nothing to do but to rejoice in her and be
thankful. On the other hand, suppose her
to be the same woman, and rob her of the
benefit of education, and it follows thus: Ii
her temper be good, want of education
makes her soft and easy. Her wit, for want
of teaching, makes her impertinent and
talkative. Her knowledge, for want of judg-
ment and experience, makes her fanciful and
whimsical. If her temper be bad, want of
breeding makes it worse; and she grows
haughty, insolent, and loud. If she be
passionate, want of manners makes her a
termagant and a scold, which is much at
one with lunatic. If she be proud, want of
discretion (which still is breeding) makes her
conceited, fantastic, and ridiculous. And
from these she degenerates to be turbulent,
clamorous, noisy, nasty, AND THE DEVIL."


Another of the pieces published at this
period, was An Inquiry into the occasional
Conformity ofDissenters in cases of Preferment,
with a preface addressed To the Lord
Mayor, occasioned by his carrying the sword
to a conventicle." There is great sincerity,
warmth, and truth in the whole strain of this
pamphlet, and no doubt it must have thrown
the city into a ferment. There is no
answering his principal positions; viz. that
he who dissents from the established church,
except from a true principle of conscience,
is guilty of a great sin; that he who con-
forms to the established church against his
conscience, is guilty of a great sin; and that
he who both dissents and conforms at the
same time, must be guilty of one of those
great sins." The Lord Mayor, whose con-
duct in carrying the city regalia to a con-
venticle elicited the attack of Defoe, was
however still more effectually punished by
Swift's sarcasm in the Tale of a Tub, where
JACK is represented as getting upon a
great horse and eating custard." The un-
fortunate dignitary's name was Sir Humphry
Edwin: Swift's similitude shews that the
state coach was not then introduced, and
Defoe himself elsewhere alludes to the


equestrian displays of the Chief Magistrate,
To ride the city horse, and wear the chain."

A third pamphlet of this period is entitled
" An argument shewing that a standing
army, with consent of parliament, is not
inconsistent with a free government." A
fourth is Reasons against a war with
France:" in this the absurdity of rushing into
a war merely because the French king had
allowed to the son of James II. the honorary
title of King of England, is exposed with
much plain sense and well-applied ridicule.
A fifth tract is, The original power of the
collective body of the people of England
examined and asserted;" a very powerful per-
formance, the main argument of which is as
irresistible as its language is forcible. Those
misguided writers of the present day, who are
continually broaching so many dangerous doc-
trines concerning the mutual relations of the
people and the parliament of England, would
do well to observe with what temperate and
grave delicacy this difficult subject has been
treated by an old whig, and a keen one, in
these masterly pages.
Forgotten as Defoe's poetry now is, it was
however by a poetical performance that he


first attracted the notice of government, and
became a man of consequence in the public
eye. In the last years of King William's
reign, it is well known how much the spirits
of the stories were raised by the prospect of
a female reign, and how zealously the tory
writers exerted themselves to depreciate the
services of William, and to prepare the mind
of the people for what they now considered
not an improbable event, the restoration of
the male line of Stuart. One Tutchin,
whose name has already been noticed, pub-
lished at this crisis a violent attack upon King
William's person and government, entitled
The Foreigners. In this production, which
accused His Majesty of every kind of wicked-
ness, cruelty, and tyranny, the whole stream
of abuse was terminated with the one hateful
word Foreigner, and it was this last reproach
which chiefly roused the indignation of
Daniel Defoe. Of The true-born English-
man, the satire by which he replied to

The foreign air of Daniel's own name, by the way,
was often made a matter of reproach among his contem-
poraries. It is now sufficiently certain, that the prefix de
which gives this French aspect to the patronimic, was
merely an invention of Daniel's own juvenile vanity
euphonia caused.


Tutchin, it is not possible to speak very
highly, considering it merely as a piece of
poetical writing; but there is no question
that as a piece of historical argument, it is
quite irresistible, and not a few detached
passages display vigour of language and
fancy not unworthy of the author. It opens
with two lines which have since passed into
a proverb,
Wherever God erects a house of prayer,
The Devil always builds a chapel there:"
and he adds,
And 'twill be found, upon examination,
The latter has the largest congregation."
The empire of Satan, we are then told, is
administered by different hands, in different
Pride, the first peer and president of Hell,
To his share Spain, the largest province fell."
Germany is governed by Drunkenness, Italy
by Lust, Ireland by Zeal, Russia by Ignorance,
and, strange information,
The Chinese by a child of Hell called WIT."
To conclude the list,
Rage rules the Portuguese, and Fraud the Scotch,
Revenge the Pole, and Avarice the Dutch."


while INGRATITUDE has from time imme-
morial been the bane of England;

--- A devil of black renown,
An ugly, surly, sullen, selfish spirit,
Who Satan's worst perfections does inherit."

The confusion of races from which the
modern English are descended, is the chief
topic on which he enlarges.
The Romans first with Julius Caesar came,
Including all the nations of that name,
Gauls, Greeks, and Lombards; and by computation,
Auxiliaries or slaves of every nation.
With Hengist Saxons; Danes with Sweno came,
In search of plunder not in.search of fame;
Scots, Picts, and Irish from the Hibernian shore,
And conquering William brought the Normans o'er.
All these their barbarous offspring left behind,
The dross of armies they of all mankind,
Blended with Britons, who before were here,
Of whom the Welch have blest the character.
From this amphibious ill-born mob began
That vain ill-natured thing, an Englishman;
The customs, surnames, languages, and manners
Of all these nations, are their own explainers;
Whose relics are so lasting and so strong,
They ha' left a shibboleth upon our tongue,
By which with easy search you may distinguish,
Your Roman-Saxon-Danish-Norman-English."

The copious additions of Huguenots, Wal-
loons, &c. in the reign of Queen Bess, the


strong tide of Scottish blood that entered
with James, and last of all, the effects or
the restoration of Charles the second, in this
way are described at length.
He carefully repeopled us again,
Throughout his lazy, long, lascivious reign,
With such a blest and true-born English fry,
As much illustrates our nobility;
A gratitude which will so black appear,
As future ages must abhor to hear;
When they look back on all that crimson flood,
Which streamed in Lindeseys and Caernarvon's blood.
Bold Stafford, Cambridge, Capel, Lucas, Lisle,
Who crown'd in death his father's funeral pile;
The loss of whom, in order to supply
With true-born English-bred nobility.
Six bastard dukes survive his luscious reign,
The labours of Italian Castlemain,
French Portsmouth, Tabby Scot, and Cambrian,
Besides the numerous, bright, and virgin throng,
Whose female glories shade them from my song.
This offering, if one age they multiply,
May half the house with English peers supply ;
There with true English pride they may contemn,
Schomberg and Portland new-made noblemen."

To the second edition of this satire is
prefixed a preface, in which Defoe vindicates
himself from the charge of depreciating his
countrymen." Had we been an unmixed
nation," says he, sarcastically, I am of opi-
nion it had been for our disadvantage. For, to


go no further, we have three nations about us,
as clear from mixtures of blood as any in the
world, and I know not which of them I could
wish ourselves to be like; I mean the Scots,
the Irish, and the Welsh: and if I were to
write a reverse to the satire, I would examine
all the nations of Europe, and prove that
those nations which are most mixed, are the
best, and have least of barbarism and bru-
tality about them; and abundance of reason
might be given for it, too long for a preface."
Excellent as this performance may in some
respects deserve to be considered, it is not so
much for itself as for the effects it produced
on the condition of its author, that we have
noticed it at so much length. King William
was no great lover or judge of poetry; but
he had discernment enough to perceive that
Defoe was a valuable ally, and he immediately
expressed a wish to be personally acquainted
with him. That Daniel was forthwith sent
for to the palace, and conversed with the
King-that repeated interviews afterwards
followed this introduction -that His Majesty
was pleased with his manners and sentiments,
and ever after regarded him with favour-and
that he even employed him in many secret
services, all in consequence of the acceptable
VOL. I. b


flattery of the True-born Englishman-these
are facts, which Defoe himself mentioned at a
time when he could not have dared to invent
them; but the particular details, which he
neglected to consign to writing, cannot now be
supplied by all the researches that have been
made among the works of his cotemporaries
-friends and enemies to the government of
King William. The favour of the monarch,
Defoe in the meantime continued to culti-
vate by a variety of political tracts, the
names of which may be found in the list of
his works, published at the end of this reface.
The nature of the topics handled in them,
has condemned the greater part of them to
neglect and oblivion; but he that would write
or even study with accuracy the history of
that period of fermentation, alarm; and sus-
picion in the public mind of England, cannot
hope for success in his researches, unless he
has patience to go over the fugitive pieces of
Daniel Defoe. In many of them he will find
more amusement than their subjects might
lead him to expect-in all of them he will at
least find traces of a genuine and masculine
English intellect, and a power of language
which he will seek for in vain among the
far greater mass of miscellaneous politics,


either of that or of any other period in our
history. It is one of the chief reproaches of
our press, that no uniform or collected edition
of these works has ever appeared in England;
but of this, more hereafter.
The death of King William was thus a
personal misfortune of no small consequence
to Defoe; and ever after, the memory of that
prince was regarded and spoken of by him
with a sacred and grateful reverence, which
does honour to his feelings. During the vio-
lent tumults of party warfare, which immedi-
ately followed the death of his patron, and
the succession of Queen Anne, we find our
author exerting himself in prose and in verse,
in defence of the same religion and political
principles he had all along professed. The
ascendance gained by the high-church party,
gave extreme pain to him as a dissenter; and
he produced, for the purpose of annoying
them, and serving his own friends, a very
powerful piece of irony, which, strange to tell,
no one, either among those he wrote for, or
among those he wrote against, had wit enough
to comprehend; and yet one cannot peruse
The short way with the Dissenters, at this dis-
tance of time, without being astonished with
the extent of this stupidity. Every argument


of intolerance and bigotry is therein set forth
with most laborious assumption of gravity,
and such an invincible air of earnestness
however, that the zealots of both sides were
alike taken in. The High-flyers"-as he calls
them did not dare to espouse openly the
cause of one whom they considered in the
light of a too bold and incautious adherent-
while the deceived dissenters and their friends
in parliament, were loud in their cries for
revenge against the best writer their cause
could then boast.
Such is the fate of too much wit,
Mistook and cursed by those that most are served
by it."
If the chief Tory leaders understood his drift
at all, the formerwritings of Defoe had already
incensed them against him, and they were too
glad to seize an opportunity so favourable for
crushing an enemy, with the consent of his own
party. Accordingly we find, that on the 25th
of February 1702-3 a member rose in the
House of Commons, to move for the infliction
of some punishment upon the author of The
short way with the Dissenters; and having read
aloud some pages of it, the House immediately
resolved nem. con. "that this book being full of
false and scandalous reflections on this Par-


liament, and tending to promote sedition, be
burnt by the common hangman to-morrow
in New Palace Yard."-This had been pre-
ceded by a royal proclamation of January
10th, to the following purpose: Whereas
Daniel Defoe alias Defooe is charged with
writing a scandalous and seditious pamphlet,
entitled The shortest way with the Dissenters;
he is a middle-sized spare man, about 40 years
old, of a brown complexion, and dark brown
coloured hair, but wears a wig, a hooked nose,
a sharp chin, grey eyes, and a large mole
near his mouth: was born in London, and
for many years was a hose factor in Free-
man's Yard in Cornhill, and now is owner of
the brick and pantile works near Tilbury Fort
in Essex: whoever shall discover the said
Daniel to one of Her Majesty's principal se-
cretaries of state, or any of Her Majesty's
justices of the peace, so he may be appre-
hended, shall have a reward of 50, which
Her Majesty has ordered to be paid imme-
diately upon such discovery." Did we not
know that many worthy divines preached and
prayed with all solemnity against Swift's
Project for discarding Christianity, conceiving
the argument of that famous jeu d'esprit to be
a serious strain of wicked blasphemy; and were


we not furnished in the subsequent history of
Defoe himself with another example of the
same kind of stupidity, we might be tempted
to set this down as a solitary and almost in-
credible instance of blindness and want of
perception. So it was however: pursued by a
royal proclamation, and denounced by a re-
solution of the Commons, Defoe soon found
himself unable to remain concealed. Whether
his retirement was betrayed by some false
friend, or whether his surrender was voluntary,
we find him shortly after submitting or com-
pelled to be tried for his crime of wit; and in
spite of an explanation he published on the
eve of his trial, than which nothing- could
be more entirely full and satisfactory, he was
condemned to pay a fine which nearly ruined
his fortune *, to stand three times in the pil-
lory, and to be imprisoned during the Queen's
pleasure. He bore the pillory with infinite
fortitude, to which circumstance one of the
many ungenerous lines of the Dunciad alludes:
Earless on high stood unabashed Defoe."

SHe says he lost by this affair i'3,500, but he pro-
bably includes the damage done to his tile-work concerns
by his imprisonment; the fine itself was only 200 marks.
See State Trials, voL v. ed. 1730, p. 553.



It is melancholy to see that such a man as
Pope was capable of enjoying the punish-
ment of a man like Defoe; punished only
because nobody had sense to understand his
meaning. Since we are speaking oftheDun-
ciad, we may as well notice the two other
introductions of Defoe's name in that poem:
She saw old Pryn in restless Daniel shine,
And Eusden eke out Blackmore's endless line."
In this, the ungenerous allusion to poor
Defoe's pillory is repeated. Pryn, as our
readers recollect, suffered the same punish-
ment in the age before, by reason of the
relentless animosity of Laud; and Defoe
doubtless shared much of the principles of
the old Puritan, as well as of his fate. The
third passage is that in which Pope avenges
himself on Norton, an obscure writer in the
Morning Post, for certain attacks in that
Norton from Daniel and Ostrae sprung,
Blest with the father's front and mother's tongue."

This piece of scandal is first found in Savage's
preface to his Author to be let; where he says,
" Had it not been an honester livelihood for
Mr. Norton, (Daniel Defoe's son of love by a
lady who vended oysters,) to have dealt in a



fish market, than to be dealing out the
dialect of Billingsgate in the Flying Post."
Some of the other members of the Scriblerus
Club, seem to have shared-in Pope's absurdly
low opinion of Defoe. Hear what Gay says
of him,--" The fellow, who had excellent na-
tural talents, but wanted some small founda-
tion of learning, is a lively instance of those
wits, who, as an ingenious author says, will
bear but one skimming*." That Pope might
be entitled in many points of view to look
down on Defoe, it may be granted: but the
contempt of GAY for such a man as the author
of Robinson Crusoe, is really too much of a
joke to pass unnoticed; one skimming! It is
thus, that a man of mere elegance and wit,
but by no means entitled to be classed with
the creative or majestic spirits of the earth,
dares to speak of the rich, the inexhaustible
genius, which produced works that will out-
live the language in which they are written,
should that language ever be forgotten: It is
thus, that in every age your people of accom-
plishment and acuteness have dared to lift up
their voices in derision of the true Men of
Might !" But let the small men of our own
time profit by the example of those of days

* State of Wit,. 1711.



preceding; let them observe, that the author
of Gay's Fables satirized the author of Robin-
son Crusoe in his own days, to the satisfaction
of the coffee-house wits; and discover in the
smile with which we now regard such satire,
the sure index to the judgment of posterity
on their sarcasms against greater men than
Defoe, homines longer minores longer major
Defoe, in the meantime, was cast down
neither by the severity of his punishment
nor the sarcasms of his enemies. He pub-
lished almost immediately a Hymn to the
Pillory, in which the spirit of the man gives
new spirit to his poetry. He says,

Men, that are men, in thee can feel no pain,
And all thy insignificant disdain.
Contempt, that false new word for Shame,
Is, without crime, an empty name;
A shadow to amuse mankind,
But cannot fright the wise or well-fix'd mind.
Virtue despises human scorn,
And scandals innocence adorn."
The great John Selden was at one time in
danger of the pillory, on account of his
History of Tythes; and, in allusion to this,
he goes on,
'-" Even the learned Selden saw,
A prospect of thee through the law;



He had thy lofty pinnacles in view,
But so much honour never was thy due.
Had the great Selden triumphed on thy stage,
Selden, the honour of his age,
No man would ever shun thee more,
Or grudge to stand where Selden stood before." *

An Elegy on the Author of the true-born
Englishman followed shortly after full of a
similar strain of sentiments, but very inferior
in its style of composition. The most ani-
mated part of it is a severe attack on the
lawyers, for he seems to have thought his
defence had been but poorly conducted :

Had I remembered days of yore,
When we complained of arbitrary power,
When the great engine was screwed up too high,
And men were hanged they knew not why;
Had I remembered Scroggs's name,
And known that lawyers are in ev'ry reign the same,
I ne'er had ventured to believe
Men, whose profession's to deceive.
MEMENTO MORI, here I stand,
With silent lips, but speaking hand;

These lines perhaps suggested those fine ones of
Mr. Rogers, in his Human Life, concerning the Traitors
Gate in the Tower of London:
On thro' that gate misnamed, thro' which before
Went Sidney, Raleigh, Cranmer, Russel, More."



A walking shadow of a poet,
But bound to hold my tongue and never shew it:
A monument of injury,
A sacrifice to legal tyranny,
I beckon to mankind to have a care,
And pointing tell how I was lost, and where.
I show the dangerous shore,
Where I have suffered shipwreck just before.
If among poets there remains a fool,
That scorns to take this notice for a rule,
But ventures the fidelity
Of those whose trade and custom 'tis to lie;
Let men to him no pity shew,
Let Him to Bedlam, not to Newgate go "

It is impossible not to acquiesce in the justice
of Defoe's displeasure against those who had
undertaken his defence on the late trial.
Nothing but the utmost weakness or wicked-
ness on the part of bar, bench, and jury,
can account for the issue of it.
During the first months of his confinement
he republished a variety of his pieces, under
the name of A true Collection of the Works
of the Author of the True-born Englishman,"
in one volume 8vo, to which another volume
was shortly added. To the first volume a
head of Defoe was prefixed, engraved by
Vandergucht from a picture by Taverner.
It is the same from which all the other prints
of Defoe have been copied ; and no portrait


can have more verisimilitude, to say the
least of it. It exhibits a set of features
rather regular than otherwise, very deter-
mined in their outlines, more particularly the
mouth, which expresses great firmness and
resolution of character. The eyes are full,
black, and grave-looking; but the impression
of the whole countenance is rather a striking
than a pleasing one. Daniel is here set forth
in a most lordly full-bottomed wig, which
flows down lower than his elbow, and rises
above his forehead with great amplitude of
curl. A richly laced cravat, and fine loose
flowing cloak, complete his attire, and pre-
serve, we may suppose, the likeness of that
civic "gallantry," which Oldmixon ascribes
to Daniel on the occasion of his escorting
King William to the Lord Mayor's feast. It
is altogether more like the picture of a sub-
stantial citizen of the surly breed" Defoe
himself has so often satirized, than that of
a poor pamphleteer languishing in jail after
the terrors of the pillory.
The distressed state of his circumstances,
it is probable, made our prisoner soon feel it
necessary to undertake some regular work,
by which he might support himself during his
confinement: and the plan which he accord-
ingly laid down for himself, and the manner



in which he carried it on for a great number
of years, are alike honourable to his judg-
ment and his perseverance. The first number
of THE REVIEW was published on the 19th
of February 1703-4, and continued to appear
at first twice, afterwards three times a week,
for full nine years afterwards. In this paper,
which appeared in the shape of a quarto
sheet, Defoe gave a summary of all news,
foreign and domestic, together with his own
opinions at great length on all matters of
political or commercial interest. To enliven
the pages of his journal, he devoted a part of
every sheet to the annals of a fictitious
Scandal Club, of whose concerns he gave
himself out to be the sole secretary and depo-
sitary, and in this way took occasion to divert
the town with the description of a thousand
lighter topics of all kinds. Criticism, theo-
logy, ethics, in all their branches, but more
particularly the tea-table and coffee-house
topics of language, poetry, love, marriage,
drunkenness, and gaming," are continually
There can be no* doubt of the fact,
although Dr.Johnson was either ignorant
or disdainful of it, that this part of Defoe's
design paved the way for, and set the ex-
ample of, that species of writing soon after-



wards carried to its perfection in the Tatlers
and Spectators. That Daniel Defoe wanted
many of those qualities, both of mind and
manner, which fitted Steele and Addison to
be the inimitable arbitri elegantiarum of
English society, there can be no doubt:
yet it is in vain to conceal that they profited
very much by the inventive genius which pre-
ceded them in their favourite path; or to deny
that there exist in the Reviews of Defoe many,
very many passages, which for wit, humour,
originality of conception, justness of observa-
tion, keenness of satire, and for power, variety,
nay, even elegance of style, are scarcely in-
ferior to the best specimens of their compo-
sitions. The political articles of the Review,
however, were doubtless as much superior to
the others in interest then, as they are in-
ferior now. It was evident abundantly, from
the impression they made on the public
mind, that the various rich and energetic
talents of Defoe, might under proper direc-
tions render him a most important ally to
any party. The sagacity of Sir Robert
Harley, then speaker of the commons, led
him very early to make this discovery, and
he lost no time in communicating his senti-
ments to Defoe himself. Hear Daniel's own
account of Harley's first communication



with him: While I lay friendless and dis-
tressed, says he," in the prison of Newgate,
my family ruined, and myself -without hope
of deliverance, a message was brought me
from a person of honour, who till that time
I never had the least acquaintance with or
knowledge of, otherwise than by fame or
sight, as we know men of quality by seeing
them on public occasions. I gave no present
answer to the person who brought it, having
not duly weighed the import of the message.
The message was by word of mouth, thus,
' Pray ask that gentleman what I can do
for him ?" But in return to this kind and
generous message, I immediately took my
pen and ink, and wrote the story of the Blind
Man in the gospel who followed our Saviour,
and to whom our blessed Lord put the
question, What wilt thou that I shall do
unto thee?' who, as if he had made it
strange that such a question should be
asked, or as if he had said, Lord, dost thou
see that I am blind, and yet ask me what
thou shalt do for me ? My answer is plain
in my misery ; Lord, that I may receive my
sight. I needed not to make the applica-
tion. And from this time, although I lay four
months in prison after this, and heard no
more of it, yet from this time, as I learned



afterwards, this noble person made it his
business to have my case represented to her
Majesty, and methods taken for my deliver-
ance." Queen Anne, as he elsewhere tells
us, expressed great concern when she under-
stood the truth of Defoe's case; she said
expressly, that she left all that matter to
a certain person, and did not think he would
use him thus," and sent through the trea-
surer Godolphin "a considerable supply"
for his wife and family. Harley, becoming
almost immediately afterwards secretary of
state, Defoe was discharged from confine-
ment, and received from the Queen money
enough to pay his fine and the expenses of
the discharge.
On being set free he retired with his
family to St. Edmond's Bury which he has
in his travels called the Montpelier of
England," to recruit his strength after his
long confinement, by. the genial air and
exercise of the country. His Review, how-
ever, continued to be published regularly;
and various separate works which appeared
about this time attest his unwearied zeal
and industry. The Consolidator, or
Memoirs of sundry Transactions from the
World of the Moon," is the chief of these,
a prose satire by no means in his best style,



but which possessed power enough to excite
the rage of the Swedish Ambassador, on
account of some sarcastic reflections it con-
tained against the mad policy of Charles XII.
The formal complaint lodged against him by
his excellency did not however produce any
effect with the government.* But the
High ChurchLegion," an attack on Dr. Drake,
a champion of the stories, had gone hear to
prove more injurious to him. Towards the
end of the year he made a journey to Exeter
on matters of business, and some of his
enemies hearing of this, made an attempt,
which we can scarcely read of without
wonder at the present time, to have him
impressed for a soldier. Compulsory enlist-
ments for the land service were then as usual as
they have ever been for the sea service ; but
the audacity that could make any one think
of subjecting to such treatment a freeholder

The Consolidator is one of the last of Defoe's writings
a reader of the present day could find pleasure in; but it
deserves notice, if on no other account, for this reason,
that it certainly contains the first hints of many of the ideas
which Swift many years afterwards embodied in Gulliver,
particularly in his account of Laputa, the book-making
machine, &c. &c. It contains moreover a great many.
bye-hits against all the authors of the time, from Dryden
to Tom D'urfey.


of England, and a liveryman of London, (to
say nothing of Defoe's higher and still more
personal qualities)-cannot fail to excite our
utmost surprise and disgust. As a trait of
the manners of the times, the incident is
abundantly deserving of notice. But Defoe's
address and resolution were not so easily
to be overcome. He was brought before a
magistrate as a vagabond, but struck such
awe into him by his mode of answering, that
he was instantly set free. All the circum-
stances of this remarkable transaction were
immediately detailed in the Review, but for
which authority it would scarcely have
been possible for us to believe such things
had really occurred so lately within this
Giving alms no charity," is another
separate publication of the same year, called
forth by a bill for employing the poor,
brought into parliament by Sir Humphrey
Mackworth. It is singular with what acute-
ness Defoe describes and exposes in this
tract very many of those evils of the
poor rate system, which have in our day
come to such a height, as to form the sub-
ject of most serious concern to all that
consider the state of these realms. The
absurdity of interfering by legislative enact-



ments with the direction of the industry
of individuals is demonstrated with all
the power of our author's mind and lan-
guage; but some other things which he de-
monstrates with apparently scarce inferior
distinctness lead to strange comparisons be-
tween the state of England in those days, and
in ours; as, for example, in his own words,
" That there is in England more labour than
hands to perform it, and consequently a want
of people, not of employment;"- and that
" No man in England can be poor, merely
for want of employment." These expressions
recall in a very striking manner the immense
increase in our population during the last
century; and the still more extraordinary
change that has occurred in the character of
our population. At the end of the same year,
he had a paper war with Lord Haversham, a
great speech-maker of those days; whose
speech in parliament, on the state of the nation,
had strongly excited his wrath. Here, as in
all his political writings, one of Defoe's most
powerful weapons is personal satire. At the
close of one of his pamphlets or broadsides (as
Swift called them), he says happily, in allusion
to the different fortunes of his opponent and
himself, Fate, that makes footballs of men,
kicks some up, some down; some are advanced



without honour, some suppressed without
infamy; some are raised without merit, some
are crushed without a crime; and no man
knows from the beginning of things, whether
his course shall issue in a PEERAGE or a
PILLORY!"--The beginning of the next year
(1706) produced Defoe's longest and worst
poetical production, Jure Divino, a satire
in twelve books." The justice of his arguments
cannot in general be disputed, though a
strange mixture of religious bigotry deforms
throughout his right notions on the subject of
civil liberty; but nothing can be more dull
and unreadable than this bulky octavo.
Dryden's Hind and Panther suggested the
work; but Defoe did ill when he presumed to
tread in the footsteps of Dryden. His per-
formance has no pretensions to the only
qualities that made Dryden's political poetry
succeed-its purpose was good, and it displays
sometimes vigour of language, as well as of
thought; but it wants all the graces of
The varying verse, the full resounding line,
The long majestic march, and energy divine."
The best two lines in the whole, are perhaps
these, although they are not the smoothest:
He is a fool, and must be ruled by slaves,
That may be king of freemen, and would be king
of slaves."



. By these various productions, the character
of Defoe as a writer, (if not as a poet,) was
raised and established; and his importance
was fairly acknowledged by his enemies; and
what he probably considered as scarcely less
singular, by his friends. The treasurer Godol-
phin had embraced Harley's high opinion of
him, and continued to hold it, even after he
quarrelled with that first patron of Defoe. By
this minister he was at least twice introduced
into the presence of Queen Anne herself, with
whom his manners seem to have ingra-
tiated him, as they had before with King
William. He was employed by her majesty,
or her government, in what he calls several
honourable though secret services," the exact
nature of which we cannot now ascertain,
though from what we know of his after-history,
we may believe the description he gives of
them to be not at all exaggerated. During this
period, he avoided having any intercourse
with Harley entirely, with a view to prevent
Godolphin from entertaining any suspicions of
his secrecy; nor did Harley misunderstand or
resent in any manner this conduct, which at
first sight might look like ingratitude. To-
wards the conclusion of the year, the ability
he had shewn in these minor matters, recom-
mended him as a fit person to be sent down



to Scotland, to lend assistance in the great
affair of the union. His history of the intrigues
which preceded the completion of this long
desired conjunction of the two crowns, which
he published soon after his return from
Scotland, must always be read with the most
lively interest; it is minute to excess; but
that is no fault; and the keen, energetic, and
penetrating mind it displays, leaves in us no
wonder at the choice of Godolphin and his
mistress. It appears from the opening of this
history, that long before he had conversed
with King William on the subject of the
union; but indeed it is sufficiently obvious,
that the subject must have engaged for many
years a chief share of the attention of all who
had any part in the administration of the
British government, or took any lead in the
criticism of its measures. The History of the
Union was reprinted handsomely, in quarto,
in the year 1786, with a preface on the pro-
priety of an union with Ireland, by Delolme,
and the life of Defoe by George Chalmers.
During this visit to Scotland, his active
mind appears to have been busily engaged in
gathering stores of information concerning
the history and condition of that country;
both of which subjects had, up to that period,
attracted, comparatively speaking, no consider-



able portion of attention from the people of
the sister kingdom. Defoe, in his quality of a
sincere and zealous dissenter from the Church
of England, was attracted, not repelled by
most of those circumstances of national faith
and manners, which were disagreeable to the
English writers, who had hitherto treated of
the affairs of Scotland; and so, without doing
any violence to his own feelings, he laboured
effectually by his representations to remove
the barriers of antipathy between the nations.
He seems to have made diligent journeys over
most parts of the northern kingdom, and has
left a picture of her then state, which cannot
be perused without the highest interest, by
those who are acquainted with the face of
Scotland now.* Her institutions, civil and
religious, he has described with all the fulness
of partiality -her cities and palaces graphi-
cally and distinctly. For the romantic beauties
of the Scottish soil, which have chiefly found
favour in the eyes of subsequent travellers,
Defoe however appears to have had small
relish; and the readers of the present tasteful
age will smile at the cockney prejudices which
break out in his remarks, on many pieces of

SHis travels in Scotland were not published, however,
till 1723.



scenery which have since been immortalized
in song and tale, and are trod every year by
the feet of so many hundreds of enthusiastic
tourists from the country of Daniel Defoe.
Inter alia (for one example is as good as a
thousand), he expresses much astonishment
at the choice of situation for the castle of
Drumlanrig in Dumfries-shire: but who would
guess the circumstances that displeased the
fastidious critic ? It is placed- upon a rock
and among mountains, in a very coarse country."
Such were the eyes with which Defoe gazed on
the beautiful valley of the Nith, and its ma-
jestic cincture of heath-clad hills. Another
of his works, the materials of which were
gathered at this period, although it also was
published some years afterwards, is the His-
tory of the Church of Scotland, a very
valuable book, evincing research of no com-
mon order, and written in a style of felicity
even beyond what is common in its author.
His narrative of the earlier part of the event-
ful history of the Presbyterian Church may
be perused with pleasure even by those who
have lived to see the same period treated of
by the greatest historical writer of the present
day, Dr. M'Crie; while his representations
of the more recent troubles in the time of
the Covenanters, his descriptions of the


battles of Claverhouse, and the cruelties of
the persecution under James II., need scarcely
shrink from a comparison with some of the
most picturesque passages in the first Tales
of my Landlord. When we consider the
character -and tendency of these works, we
cannot help being surprised to find that
neither of them have ever been republished
in Scotland. Without doubt they might have
formed an acceptable addition to the elegant
edition of Defoe's novels, which issued some
years ago from the press of the Ballantynes.
As for CALEDONIA, an encomiastic effusion
in verse, which Defoe published during his
residence in the Scottish capital, if its flattery
pleased those for whom it was written, it
must be admitted that this was all it deserved.
The utmost zeal of national partiality could
not now revive its forgotten dulness.
His services in Scotland to those who sent
him thither were important. He attended the
committees of parliament in Edinburgh, and
made calculations on subjects of trade and
taxation for the ministers. He incurred
many personal dangers by the fidelity with
which he performed what was entrusted to
him. He was mobbed in the streets, and had
his windows broken, and on one occasion
escaped with difficulty by the care of his


friends. Of these occurrences, however, we
have no account, except a few hints in his
own History of the Union. He returned to
London as soon as the great affair was
settled; and had a pension of some kind, but
of what value we know not, assigned to him
by Lord Godolphin. That the discharge of
some duties of a fixed nature was the con-
dition of this allowance from the Queen's
purse, we know; but are equally ignorant
what those duties were. Whatever they were,
he continued to discharge them, and to re-
ceive their reward, by the advice of Godol-
phin himself, after that minister's expulsion
from office in the next year; and from this
we may infer they were of some very subor-
dinate character. The History of the Union,
and the History of Addresses (a work com-
piled in order to abate the fervour against
Sacheverel), attest that those duties did not
engross his time. During the whole of his
residence in Scotland he furnished the ma-
terials for the Review; and he continued it
during this period also with unabated dili-
gence. There is reason to suppose that his
worldly circumstances were now pretty com-
fortable, for he describes himself as writing his
Reviews in a "nice retirement" at Newington,
a pleasant situation, endeared to him as we


have seen by the recollections of his boyish
years. There were not wanting enemies, who, in
order to destroy the effect of Defoe's writings,
afterwards asserted that during this period his
pen had been employed in the composition of
tory tracts and pamphlets,-the implied con-
dition, as they would have us to understand,
of the continuance of his allowance. But we
shall soon have to notice a most speaking in-
stance of the falseness of these charges. When
Harley himself, bred in revolution principles,
first came into power, he did so indeed by
the aid of the tory party; but he had neither
espoused their principles in their full extent,
nor did he consent to any thing like a total
expulsion of the whigs from office; for this
last part of his policy, indeed, as our readers
may remember, he was some years afterwards
severely blamed by Swift in the celebrated
"FreeThoughts on the State ofpublicAffairs."
But the minister's object, no doubt, was to
strengthen his own power, by carrying along
with him as many of the more moderate whigs
as he could detach from Godolphin's party;
and if he failed ultimately in the attainment
of this object, the blame was more imputable
to the fiery and audacious temper of his col-
league Bolingbroke, than to himself. As yet,
however, Bolingbroke himself had not entirely



forgotten the whig principles, in which he
also had been educated; or if such a change
had taken place in his mind, it was not sus-
pected even by those who knew him best.
Defoe in truth, less than any one, either of the
political rulers of that period, or even than any
of its political writers, seems to have merited
the blame of versatility in political principle;
he wrote against the peace of Utrecht, al-
though by doing so, he must have known he
was thwarting Harley in the dearest and most
important of all his measures; yet his honesty
does not appear even in this delicate instance
to have lost him the protection of the minister.
He wrote shortly after three pamphlets against
the Pretender*, the irony of which being again
totally misunderstood by the whigs, called
down upon him the full vengeance of that
party in parliament. It is not to be imagined
that Harley or Bolingbroke could misunder-

Viz. What if the Pretender should come ?
Reasons against the succession of the house of
And what if the Queen should die ?
In one of these pamphlets he says, that the Pretender will
give every one the privilege of wearing wooden shoes, and
ease the nobility and gentry of the trouble of winterjourneys
to Parliament! Such was the banter thus misunderstood
-such the jacobitism of Daniel Defoe.



stand the purpose of these tracts; and it is
a circumstance very honourable to them, that
while the whig leaders, whose cause Defoe
was serving, did all they could to crush him,
they, whose friends were really attacked by
him, exerted themselves in his behalf. A pro-
secution was commenced against him; and
some expressions he made use of in defending
himself in his Review, having displeased the
Court of King's Bench, he was committed to
Newgate. But Harley procured him the
Queen's pardon; and Bolingbroke it appears
joined in the application to her Majesty. The
whigs abused the ministers for this protection
of Defoe, an open jacobite:" but Defoe
said in his own way and with justice, they
might as well have called me a Mahometan."
Disgusted with the stupidity of the party
whom he had so long served, and who had now
done all they could to injure him-disgusted,
it is easy to believe with the profession of a
regular political writer, which had now twice
brought him to the verge of ruin -Defoe
dropt his Review during this his second con-
finement in Newgate, as nine years before he
had commenced it, to occupy his own mind
.and to support his family, in the solitude of
the same prison. A few separate political
tracts were published by him after his dis-


charge; but he was already more than half
sick of the trade. In the beginning of 1715,
he wrote his "Appeal to Honour and Justice;"
a plain, manly, and convincing defence of
his own political life; and being struck with
an apoplexy immediately on finishing it,
it was published by his friends during the
period of his slow and uncertain recovery
from the effects of this calamitous visita-
tion. His pension, whatever it was, died
with the administration of Bolingbroke, and
the accession of the Elector of Hanover.
For writing in behalf of the Hanoverian
succession he had already undergone the
pains of persecution and imprisonment, and
now he was a loser not a gainer by the
triumph of that cause for which he had done
and suffered so much. But why should we
waste words in complaining of things that
afterwards contributed so largely to the
fortune and fame of Defoe himself, and were
productive of so great service to the litera-
ture of his country ? The close of his poli-
tical life was in truth the beginning of
Defoe's greatness; in the retirement which he
now quitted no more, the leisure of his active
spirit was occupied in the creation of a
series of works which raised his name im-
measureably higher than it had ever been

before in the opinion of his cotemporaries,
and which will preserve that name in fresh-
ness and honour so long as the language in
which they are written endures; so long as
penetration, wit, genius, and eloquence
preserve their place in the estimation of
mankind. The rapidity with which these,
the best and greatest of Defoe's works,
followed each other into the world, after
he had got fairly into the vein of composing
them, is a sufficient proof not only of the ex-
traordinary fertility of his mind, but that he
now possessed undisturbed quiet, wherein to
call out and employ with uniform zeal and
success all its manifold resources. From the
point of time at which Robinson Crusoe was
published, down to the death of Defoe, which
occurred in the year 1731, almost the only
incidents that mark the progress of the
author's history, are the successive appear-
ances of the new works produced in his retire-
ment. From a single circumstance or two
. indeed it appears, that though he almost en-
tirely dropt politics, he had still retained some
little occasional hankerings after the more
active pursuits of commerce. Among other
speculations, he had at one time a lease of a
farm, but we find him soon after disposing of it.
Defoe, the truth of the matter is, was now


perhaps too much of an author to be able to
succeed in any thing but authorship: book-
making was his trade, and he considered it
as such, carrying into it all the strength of
his mind in all its varieties of operation;
exerting to the utmost his power as a crea-
tive genius, under the direction of a most
acute and sagacious judgment, which very
seldom misled him into any unfertile or
unfortunate path of exertion. It is on the
whole rarely that we meet in the whole
course of the history of literature, with any
thing at all resembling this last part of the
career of Defoe. Men who possess that
force and fire of fancy requisite for the
striking out of new ways and species for
themselves, are most commonly persons of so
much delicacy of temperament, that they
can comparatively seldom bring themselves
to the labour of exerting their faculties to
the full. After producing one work, or a few
works, by which they conceive themselves to
have sufficiently exhibited their power and
secured their fame, they slumber over the
embers which they will not arouse them-
selves to blow, and allow the fire they might
have kept bright and blazing to be smothered
under the ashes of indolence. Our own
literary history indeed, more than that of any


other modern nation, furnishes splendid excep-
tions to this rule, both in past times and in the
present; and of these Defoe must ever
continue to be esteemed one of the most
The state of his worldly circumstances
must, without doubt, be reckoned among the
chief incentives of his extraordinary dili-
gence. In all the works of Defoe we find
the impress of a mind accustomed to find
delight in the occupation of the world, to
participate with a lively interest in the ordi-
nary business, and pleasures, and recreations
of mankind. Had he been possessed of an
independent fortune, it is very probable he
might have spent his time with pleasure to
himself, as he certainly would with all ad-
vantage to those about him, in these the
common functions and amusements of life,
without devoting anything like so great a
portion of his days and nights to the labours
of solitary meditation and composition. But
in the toil to which he was at first stimulated
by his necessities, who can doubt that he
Soon came to find his most unfailing source
of pleasure-an inexhaustible source, which
might well atone to him for the loss of others,
less rich and less peculiar. The pleasure
and the excitement with which we. still pe-
VOL. I. d


ruse his works, is only the dim shadow and
reflection of the more intense pleasure he
must have tasted in conceiving and creating
them. Book-making, in the hands of a dull
man, is the worst and the most degrading of all
drudgeries; in the hands of a Daniel Defoe
it changes its character, and becomes the
noblest and the most delightful of all possi-
ble occupations. Having acquired by long
practice the most perfect ease in' the use of
his instruments, and having the possession
of an intellectual mine no less deep than
broad, the work of production was to him
scarcely a work repaid as it already was,
(to say nothing of its after-rewards), by the
perpetual delights of conscious acquisition
and extended power. We sometimes hear
people expressing wonder that a great author
should take the trouble to write so
much;" and authors themselves of the me-
diocre class are the very people from whom
we most frequently hear this language.
With them composition is a task and a
toil, and they suppose that it is the same
with all men; as the heavy fowl that with
difficulty swings itself across the farm-yard,
may perhaps regard with wonder, if not with
pity, the perpetual unwearied soaring of
the Bird of Jove.


The well-known story of Alexander Selkirk,
a poor Scotsman, who had lived for a long
course of years by himself on the island of
Juan Fernandez, being published in a pam-
phlet, and received with that interest the
extraordinary nature of its incidents de-
served, attracted the notice of Defoe soon
after he had desisted from his political
writings, and was the means of first directing
him to the species of composition on which
his chief fame was destined ultimately to rest.
The malice of some of his cotemporaries
suggested, that Ire had acquired possession,
by some accident, of Selkirk's own papers;
and that Robinson Crusoe was nothing but a
book-maker's extension of the deserted ma-
riner's own narrative. But for this there was
no ground. Robinson Crusoe is a most
skilful romance, of which the first idea indeed
was borrowed from the strange story of Alex-
ander Selkirk; but in which the whole ar-
rangement and execution--all the filling up
of incident, reflection, and character-are
truly and entirely Defoe's : and the same sort
of criticism that would diminish the credit of
its author, would produce the same effect on
the authors of all the celebrated epic and
almost all the celebrated dramatic poems in
the world. He took no more of Robinson


Crusoe from Selkirk's story, thanShakespeare
did of Macbeth and Hamlet from the old
Scotch and Danish Chronicles; or of Romeo
and Juliet from the Italian ballad.
The Adventures of Captain Singleton-
The Life of Colonel Jacque -The Memoirs
of a Cavalier -The new Voyage round the
World -The History of the Plague in Lon-
don The Religious Courtship Moll
Flanders Roxana and some inferior
pieces of the same class, were all produced
in the course of a few years after the appear-
ance of Robinson Crusoe; and though none
of them has ever attained quite the same
measure of popularity, yet most of them are
not unknown to our readers ; and all of them,
as they are aware, abound in the same pecu-
liarities of invention, interest, and manner,
which excited the admiration of the world
when Defoe's first romance was published,
and, along with it, the envy of such as would
fain have been his rivals. The success at-
tending such a series of works, soon raised
Defoe far above the effects of their idle
malignity. He held in his hands larger
means of gratifying the larger part of the
reading public of the day, than perhaps any
one of his cotemporaries : and in the use of
these means he was as indefatigable as he was


happy in their possession. He became in a
word, in spite of all they said or did, a British
classic in the noblest sense of that term, in
the universal estimation of his countrymen;
and such he ever has continued, and ever
must continue to be. Of works so well-
known as his masterpieces, it would at this
time of day be absurd to enter either into
any detailed account, or any formal criticism.
The titles and dates we leave to be gathered
from the list we have added of all his known
performances, and shall now proceed to sum
up our sketch with a few general remarks on
the peculiar character of Defoe as a writer,
more particularly as it is displayed in the
Novel to which these pages are prefixed.
The first thing that must strike every one
who compares him with any other writer of
fictitious narrative, is the unequalled intense
reality which he throws around every part of
his, fiction. With such exquisite powers of
fancy and of wit as he possessed, no one ever
possessed the same command over himself-
to use these powers, wherever it was fit they
should be used, without suffering the pleasure
of employing them to lead into. unnecessary
ornament. He never describes anything
merely for the sake of the description : every-
thing is strictly subservient to the main matter


in hand: nothing is omitted that can serve
the true and main purpose of the story:
nothing added only for the sake of displaying
the powers of the writer. Above all, in those
of his novels where the chief personage is
made to tell his own story, it is wonderful
what superiority this part of his skill gives
Defoe, even over authors of much higher
powers, in one sense of the word, than him-
self. Others may invent incidents of a more
happy nature, but it is the charm of Defoe
that, let his incidents be as common-place as
may be, we read them at the full stretch of
interest; simply because, for the moment, the
irresistible belief is upon us that these things
really occurred exactly as they are set down
in the book before us. Nobody ever skips
over a page or two in one of his tales, be-
cause he is in a hurry to get on, and suspects
that the story will be just as intelligible with-
out what he is passing over as with it. We
are bound to the page by the grave character
of history, at the same time that we read it
with the delight of happiest fiction. Every
thought that passed through the mind of the
hero is set down, and we feel that there
would be a want of candour in refusing to
see what it was; we are gained over to his
side, even if he be a villain, by the honesty


with which he lets us into the secrets of his
inmost heart The nature that is so com-
municative cannot be entirely depraved; the
charm of frankness and confidence over-
comes and subdues us, The reader is made
the father confessor of him that addresses
him, and it would be a breach of duty to turn
a deaf ear to any thing he has to say.
It is no easy matter however to decide by
what particular art Defoe has continued to
make his stories so much more real in their
aspect than any other novelist; the chief
secret, perhaps, is nothing but his delight in
giving all the details of the action or course
of thought he is engaged with. Other writers
give us the main points, ard please us by the
opportunity they afford us of filling up the
interstices, by the exercise of our own ima-
ginations for ourselves. Such is not the way
of Defoe; he must be allowed to tell you all,
or he will tell you nothing: He stops in the
midst of the darkest horrors of the plague to
give a long account of some old woman steal-
ing beaver hats out of a warehouse; a trifling
matter surely, and not worthy for itself of
being told among the mass of black thoughts
and doings to which the moral corruption of
the pestilence gave rise. But then how com-
pletely this trifling circumstance establishes in


our minds the conviction that we are listening
to the narrative of a true and authentic eye-
witness; not of one that had heard of the
horrors of the plague, and is employing his
imagination to body forth a picture of which
the outline only had been supplied-by his
memory; but of one that had walked the
streets of London during the awful visitation,
with all his personal feelings and interests
alive in his mind'; surveying the dreary cala-
mity-struck city, with the eyes of a man and
a christian-but still remembering his own
concerns, and watching like a careful brother
over the safety of his absent brother's store-
shop. When the author of Tom Jones, or
Roderic Random, or Gil Bias, introduces one
of his characters, and gives you a full descrip-
tion of his person and attire, it is evidently
for the purpose of amusing us: when the
author of Waverly and Ivanhoe does so, it is
from the delight he feels in communicating
the vivacity of his own imagination to us, and
bestowing the freshness of things seen on the
phantoms of days gone by. When Defoe
does the same thing, it is because the nature
of the person in whose mouth he puts the de-
scription, is such as to make that an essential
part of his communication ; we should rather
say of her communication, for he commonly

takes care to put such details into the mouth
of a female. Roxana, the vain, beautiful, high-
dressed Roxana, never mentions a beau or
a belle, but she must tell us the colour of his
breeches, or the pattern of her petticoat.
The coarser mind of Moll Flanders was never
caught by such trifles as these; but she dwells
on the full muscular outline of her Lancashire
husband's leg, and fills a dozen pages with
an account of the fat dishes they had at their
wedding supper in the inn. Robinson Crusoe
enumerates every nail he put into his cabin;
but then, whatever Robinson Crusoe had was
the work of his own ingenuity, and who can
wonder at the pride of his detail. The only
novelist that ever rivalled Defoe in this point
of his art, was Richardson; but that is not
the only particular in which Richardson is the
imitator of Defoe.
It is not, however, by his circumstantiality
and spirit of minute detail alone, that Defoe
gives this unequalled effect of truth and reality
to his fiction. These are the first things that
strike the reader's fancy; but on laying down
any one of his works, it is felt irresistibly, that
the essence of the charm lies in something far
deeper than these. All other novelists, com-
pared with him, are more or less painters of

the ideal of human life; we do not mean of
the beau ideal, for that many of them totally
despise as well as he; but of its ideal of ex-
citement. He paints not only the minute
items of human life and action exactly as they
are, but its whole scope and tenour also is
viewed and represented by him, and by him
alone, exactly as it is. Others carry their
heroes and heroines through all varieties of
fortune, but they continue every thing in
order to make the interest progressive, and
the last scene is always intended to be the ex-
quisitely interesting catastrophe of a through-
out interesting tale. Defoe on the other hand
always shews himself to be perfectly aware,
that the prosaic part of existence is far greater
than the poetic; that mountains are ever suc-
ceeded and separated by valleys; that the
most romantic avenue often conducts into a
dull and level wideness of plain; and that the
most picturesque of rivers expands into the
tameness of utility, before it melts into the
all-equalizing sea. Instead therefore of la-
bouring to heighten the interest of one scene
above that which has gone before, he is con-
tented to make both natural, and never fears
but, if they be so, both will be sufficiently in-
teresting. His lovers are not always married;


nor do his duellists always escape. The same
laws by which men and things are governed
in the world, govern them in his representa-
tions of the world; an unforeseen storm sinks
the fairest vessel into the sea, with all her
equipment; absence cools the most ardent
lovers; time consoles the most despairing
mourners; the sonneteer burns his sonnets,
and learns to laugh at himself; and the widow's
heart is made. to sing aloud for joy. His
women are never angels, nor his misers sen-
timental. Moll Flanders becomes a quiet
good body in Virginia; and the fair Roxana
dies in the Rasp-house at Amsterdam.
We have already seen what bad con-
sequences this intensely natural mode of
writing sometimes produced on the fortunes
of Defoe himself-we have seen him pilloried
once, and imprisoned twice, because his irony
was too exquisite to be understood by judge
or jury; we have seen the whigs persecuting
him because he wrote a satire on the stories.
It is no wonder, therefore, that the critics of
his day should have thought Robinson Crusoe
was made up from the papers of Alexander
Selkirk-that the Memoirs of a Cavalier should
have been quoted a hundred times, as an
authentic history--or that a map should have


been published, in which the track of his
New Voyage round the World was laid down
with the same accuracy as that of Captain
The writings of Daniel Defoe are valuable
on many accounts; but for nothing so much
as for the insight they give us into the true
character and habits of the English people,
as exemplified in walks of life little understood
or far less happily represented by the other no-
velists and painters of manners our island has
produced. Without reading and studying the
Religious Courtship in particular, the Complete
English Tradesman, and the Family Instructor,
no man can hope to understand thoroughly
the character and manners of the middle
classes of his countrymen. There cannot be
a more perfectly national writer than Defoe -
every thought of his, every word, every image
is intensely English; there is not one page in
his works, that does not remind one the
author was born in London, and lived in the
days of King William and Queen Anne. The
homely way in which he looks at every thing
- the sagacious scorn with which he regards
all pretences of the fine and the romantic -
his thorough-going citizen-like substantial,
perception of the prudent and the seemly -


his broad buffeting style of sarcasm -his
deep sincere masculine pathos every thing
about him, and his round unvarnished
tales," reminds us that he was a hosier on
Holborn Hill, -and makes us honour the
name of an English tradesman for the sake of
old Daniel Defoe. When he walks forth into
the country (and few of his works are more
delightful than his Travels through England
and Scotland), he carries all the prejudices of
the city life along with him, and describes
whatever he sees exactly as he might have done
by word of mouth to his next door neighbour
after returning from an actual trip in the way of
business. London, and London alone, he de-
scribes with all the warmth and fulness ofa lover.
It is easy to see, that in her was centered his
idea of all human grandeur and magnificence;
and who shall say that he was mistaken.
Whig and dissenter as he was, no man loved
and reverenced all the old institutions of his
country more fervently than Daniel. He

SThe best of Defoe's satirical performances, is Mars
stript of his Armour, 1709. This is one'of the rarest of
his works; it contains a lashing caricature of the habits
and manners of all kinds of military men; and is written
throughout, as if on purpose to delight quiet trades-people,
and cure their daughters of their passion for red coats.


triumphs in describing the superior pomp and
dignity with which the Majesty of England
was surrounded at Whitehall; and half
forgets his puritanism beneath the vaults of
Westminster Abbey. -Nothing in the world
is finer than the impression of the old city of
London, before the fire, which one gathers
from his History of the Plague. Throughout
the whole of that most striking narrative, his
mind is visibly haunted with the idea, how
princely was the desolation of her grass-grown
streets-how awful the silence of her deserted
palaces and the fatal calmness of her shipless
river. The historian of the plague of London
was worthy of inspiring a poet -and he has
done so.
Defoe's love for the sea, and the affairs of
the sea, was another strong and prevailing
part of his character as an Englishman; and
it is traceable more or less in almost all his
writings. Trade was his original destination,
and he understood it thoroughly in all its
branches; his study of the trade of his country
had filled him with a magnificent sense of her
ocean greatness; and no man could have
conceived some of the sublime meditations of
Robinson Crusoe, but a citizen of the Queen
of Isles. It is now a hundred years since

that book was written, and who shall say, how
many young hearts have in that time been
smitten by its means with their first love for the
element of their country's pride. Every English
lad that reads Robinson Crusoe has his little
canoe and his mimic ship, and so long as the
British Jack sweeps the sea, the youngest
boy that rocks upon the mast, will exhibit
there the usefulness of those lessons of reso-
lution and contempt of danger which he
owes to Robinson Crusoe. It is here, indeed,
that the chief value and chief merit of this
performance are to be found. The happy
imagination of the incidents of the mariner's
life, and the profound knowledge of man's
nature which is exhibited in the workings
of his solitary soul,-even these would be
comparatively nothing, were it not for the
rich moral aim to which they are made
subservient. The superiority of man to all
external evils, his destination to contend
with difficulties, and his duty to sustain
them, and his pious humility in overcoming
them,-these are the ideas which this the most
moral of all Romances throughout displays
and inculcates. How happy that the book
which, as Dr. Johnson says, no body ever
laid down without wishing it were longer," is


not only the most charming of books, but
the most instructive.
The only one of Defoe's cotemporaries
who has given us any description of him, is
John Dunton the bookseller. According to
him, he was "a man of a conversation in-
genious and brisk of a spirit bold and
enterprising of good nature and real
honesty." The character corresponds very
well with what we might infer from the
writings of the man. In spite of some pieces,
in which vice is painted so distinctly that it
almost looks as if it had been painted con
more, there seems no reason to doubt that
his purposes were honest -that he was a
sincere Christian in his heart, and a devout
lover of his country's welfare. The defects
of his education, or rather the circumstances
of his birth and station, have given a strain
of coarseness to his style and manner which
must prevent him ever from being joined
with the purest classics of England; but for
richness of natural genius, for nature, elo-
quence, and for variety of useful knowledge,
it may be safely asserted that there are very
few among their number who can sustain
any comparison with Daniel Defoe. He has
been much commended and much imitated ;



but in many of his walks (for few writers ever
had more walks than he) he has never been
Daniel Defoe closed his useful and labo-
rious life in St. Giles's, Cripplegate, the parish
where he was born, in April 1731, at the age
of.68. He left behind him two sons, of
whom one emigrated to Carolina: of the
other nothing is known. He left also three
daughters, one of whom was married to the
celebrated Henry Baker. It is not known
whether any of his race be still preserved,
either here or in America.

THE designs from which the Embellish-
ments of this Edition are taken, were exe-
cuted many years ago; but the Engravings
from them which were then published were
executed so inadequately to the present state
of the Arts, that it is no wonder the Public
shewed little sense of their extraordinary
merit. Now at length entire justice has been
done to the genius of the celebrated Painter,
VOL. I. e


who conceived these admirable illustrations.
-So much the present Publishers think they
may venture to say, without incurring the
blame of any lover of the fine arts of his





1. A TREATISE against the Turks, 1683.
2. A Tract against the Proclamation for the Repeal of
the Penal Laws, 1687.
3. A Voyage to the World of Cartesius. Written ori-
ginally in French, and now translated into English.-T.
Bennet, 1692.
4. An Essay upon Projects. By D. F.
5. An Inquiry into the Occasional Conformity of Dis-
senters, in Cases of Preferment. With a Preface to the
Lord Mayor,. 1697, 12mo.
6. The True Born Englishman. No publisher's name.
23d January, 1700-1, 4to.
7. The Freeholder's Plea against Stockjobbing Mem-
bers of Parliament, 1701, 4to.
8. The Original Power ot the Collective Body of the
People of England, examined and asserted. By D. F.
No publisher's name, 1702, folio.
9. A New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty;
or, Whiggish Loyalty and Church Loyalty compared, 1702.
10. An Inquiry into Occasional Conformity, shewing
that the Dissenters are no way concerned in it, 1702.
11. The Shortest Way to Peace and Union. By the
Author of the Shortest Way with the Dissenters, 1703,


12. A Challenge of Peace to the whole Nation, 1703.
13. The Sincerity of Dissenters, vindicated from the
Scandal of Occasional Conformity, 1703.
14. The Liberty of Episcopal Dissenters in Scotland,
truly stated. By a Gentleman, 1703.
15. A True Collection of the Writings of the Author
of the True Born Englishman. Corrected by himself,
1703, 8vo.
16. The Comical History of the Life and Death of
Mumper, Generalissimo of King Charles the Second's
Dogs. By Heliostropolis, Secretary to the Emperor of the
Moon. 3d June, 1704, 8vo.
17. The Storm; or a Collection of the most Remark-
able Casualties and Disasters which happened in the late
dreadful Tempest, both by Sea and Land. Sawbridge,
27th July, 1704, 8vo.
18. An Elegy on the Author of the True Born English-
man; with an Essay on the late Storm. By the Author
of the Hymn to the Pillory. 15th August, 1704.
19. A Hymn to Victory, by the Author of the True
Born Englishman, 29th August, 1704. The Second
Edition, with Additions, September 19th, 1704.
20. An Essay on the Regulation of the Press, 1704.
21. An Inquiry into the Case of Mr. Asgill's General
Translation; shewing that it is not a nearer way to Heaven
than the Grave. By the Author of the True Born Eng-
lishman. 26th September, 1704, 8vo.
22. More Short Essays with the Dissenters, 1704.
23. Giving Alms no Charity: and employing the Poor
a Grievance to the Nation. 23d December, 1704.
24. The Double Welcome to the Duke of Marlborough.
By the Author of the True Born Englishman. 9th Janu-
ary, 1705, 6.
25. The' Consolidator. By the Author of the True
Born Englishman. 26th March, 1705.
26. The Experiment; or, the Shortest Way with the
Dissenters exemplified. Bragg, 7th April, 1705, 8vo.



27. Advice to all Parties. By the Author of the True
Born Englishman. Ben. Bragg, 0sth April, 1705, 8vo.
28. The High Church Legion; or, the Memorial exa-
mined. Being a new Test of Moderation; as it is Re
commended to all that love the Church of England and
the Constitution. By the Author of the True Born Eng-
lishman. Price 6d. 7th July, 1705.
29. A True Collection of the Writings of the Author of
the True Born Englishman. Corrected and Enlarged by
the Author, 1705.
so. The True Relation of the Apparition of one Mrs.
Veal, the next day after her Death, to one Mrs. Bargrave
at Canterbury, the 8th of September, 1705. First Edi-
tion, 1705, 8vo.
31. The Diet of Poland; a Satire, 1705, 4to.
32. A Hymn to Peace; occasioned by the two Houses
joining in one. Addressed to the Queen. By the Author
of the True Born-Englishman. January 10th, 1706.
3s. A Reply to a Pamphlet entitled, The Vindication
of Lord H 's Speech, 4to. By the Author of
the Review. 15th January, 1706.
34. An Essay at Removing National Prejudices against
an Union with Scotland. To be continued during the
Treaty there. London, Part First, 4th May, 1706 ; Part
Second, 28th May, 1706.
35. Thomas de Laune's Plea for the Noneonformists;
with a Preface by the Author of the Review. 4th June,
36. Jure Divino; a Satire on Tyranny and Passive
Obedience. By the Author of the True Born Englishman.
July 20th, 1706, in folio and octavo.
37. The Advantages of the Act of Security, compared
to the intended Union. By D. De Foe, 4to, 1706. '
38. A Fifth Essay at Removing National Prejudices;
with a Reply to some Authors who have printed their Ob-
jections against an Union, 1707, 4to.
39. The Dissenters Vindicated from Reflections in a late



Pamphlet, called Lawful Prejudices. D. De Foe. A
single Sheet, 4to.
40. Caledonia; a Poem in Honour of Scotland, and the
Scots nation. In three parts. Edinburgh, 1706, folio.
London, 28th January, 1706-7, 8vo.
41. An Historical Account of the Sufferings of the Epis-
copal Clergy in Scotland, 1707, 8vo.
42. The Fifteen Comforts of an Honest Scotchman,
1707. 8vo.
43. The Quaker's Sermon on the Union; being the
only Sermon preached and printed by that Sort of People,
on that Subject. August 21st, 1707, 8vo.
44. The Union Proverb :
If Skiddaw has a Cap,
Scruffel wots full well of that:
Setting forth, 1. The Necessity of uniting. 2. The good
Consequences of uniting. 3. The Happy Union of Eng-
land and Scotland, in Case of a Foreign Invasion. Lon-
don, Morphew, 12th March, 1707-8.
45. The Dissenters Vindicated; or a Short View of the
Present State of the Protestant Religion in Britain, as it is
now professed in the Episcopal Church of England, the
Presbyterian Church in Scotland, and the Dissenters in
both. In answer to some Reflections in Mr. Webster's two
books published in Scotland. London, 1707, 8vo.
46. The History of the Union between England and
Scotland, by Daniel De Foe. With an Appendix of Ori-
ginal Papers. Edinburgh, 1709, folio.
47. The History of Addresses. By one very near Akin
to the Author of the Tale of a Tub; 1709, 8vo.
48. A Word against a new Election, that the People
of England may see the happy Difference between English
Liberty and French Slavery, and may consider well be-
fore they make the exchange; 1710, 8vo.
49. The Judgment of Whole Kingdoms and Nations
concerning the Rights, Power, and Prerogative of Kings,
and Rights, Privileges, and Properties of the People, &c.;


1710, 8vo.-This has been ascribed to, and printed, as a
work of Lord Somers. The title-page says it was written
by a True Lover of the Queen and Country, who wrote in
1690 against absolute Passive Obedience, &c.
50. A New Test of the Sense of the Nation; being a
Modest Comparison between the Addresses to the late
King James and those to her Present Majesty, in order
to observe how far the Sense of the Nation may be judged
by either of them; 1710, 8vo.
51. The Character of a Modern Addresser. London.
Baker, 1st May, 1710. On a half-sheet, 4to.
52. The History of Addresses. With Remarks serious
and comical. In which a particular Regard is had to all
such as have been presented since the Impeachment of
Dr. Sacheverel. Part second. By the Author of the first.
J. Baker, 1711, 8vo.
53. An Essay at a plain Exposition of that difficult
Phrase, A Good Peace." By the Author of the Review;
1721, 8vo.
54. An Essay on the South-Sea Trade, with an Inquiry
into the Grounds and Reasons of the present Dislike and
Complaint against the Settlement of a South Sea Com-
pany. By the Author of the Review. First Edition,.
55. A Seasonable Caution; 1712, 8vo.
56. Reasons against the Succession of the House of
Hanover; with an Inquiry, How far the Abdication of
King James, supposing it to be Legal, ought to affect the
Person of the Pretender; 1712, 8vo.
57. And what if the Pretender should come? Or, Some
Considerations of the Advantages and real Consequences
of the Pretender's possessing the Crown of Great Britain;
58. An Answer to a Question that Nobody thinks of;
viz. What if the Queen should die? 1712, 8vo.
59. Some thoughts upon the Subject of Commerce with
France: 1713) 8vo.



60. Les Soupirs de la Grand Bretaigne, being the Se
cond Part of the Groans of Europe; 1713, 8vo.
61. Whigs turned Tories; and Hanoverian Tories,
from their avowed Principles, proved Whigs; or each
Side in the other mistaken. Being a plain Proof that
each Party deny that Charge which the others bring
against them; and that neither side will disown those
which the other profess. With an earnest Exhortation to
all Whigs as well as Hanoverian Tories, to lay aside
those uncharitable Heats among such Protestants, and
seriously to consider and effectually to provide against
those Jacobites, Popish and Conforming Tories; whose
principal Ground of Hope to ruin all sincere Protestants,
is from those unchristian and violent Feuds among our-
selves. London. J. Baker, 1713, 8vo.
62. A General History of Trade, and especially con-
sidered as it respects the British Commerce, as well at
Home as to all Parts of the World. With Essays upon
the Improvement of our Trade in particular. To be con-
tinued Monthly. London. J. Baker, 1st August, 1713;
8vo. Price 6d.
63. A General History of Trade, and especially con-
sidered as it respects the British Commerce, as well at
Home as to all Parts of the World. With a Discourse of
the Use of Harbours and Roads for Shipping, as it re
lates particularly to the filling up the Harbour of Dun-
kirk. This for the Month of July. 15th August, 1713;
8vo, Price 6d.
64. Hannibal at the Gates; or, the Progress of Jaco-
binism, with the present Danger of the Pretender; and
Remarks on a Pamphlet now published, entitled, Hannibal
not at our Gates, &c. London. J. Baker, 1714; 8vo.
65. The Family Instructor. In three Parts. 1. Re-
lating to Fathers and Children. 2. To Masters and Ser-
vants. 3. To Husbands and Wives. This, with the Re-
commendatory Letter of the Rev. S. Wright,' was entered
at Stationers-Hall, for R. Matthews, on the 31st March,
1715; 8vo.



66. A Second Volume was afterwards added in two
Parts. 1. Relating to Family Breaches, and their ob-
strudting Religious Duties. 2. To the great Mistake of
mixing the Passions in the Managing and Correcting of
Children; with a great variety of Cases relating to setting
ill Examples to Children and Servants.
67. An Appeal to Honour and Justice, though it be of
his worst .Enemies. By Daniel De Foe. Being a true
Account of his Conduct in Public Affairs. J. Baker,
1715; 8vo.
68. Some Account of the two Nights' Court at Green-
wich; wherein may be seen the Reason, Rise, and Pro-
gress, of the late unnatural Rebellion, 1716; 8vo.
69. Remarks upon Re'marks; or, Some Animadver-
sions on a Treatise wrote by one who calls himself Dr.
Gardner, others say Daniel De Foe; entitled Remarks on
Febrifugium Magnum; wrote by the Rev. Dr. Hancock,
for the general good of Mankind; 8vo.
70. The Life and strange surprising Adventures of
Robinson Crusoe of York, Mariner, who lived eight-and-
twenty Years all alone in an uninhabited Island on the
Coast of America, near the Mouth of the great River of
Oroonoque; having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck;
wherein all the men perished but himself. With an Ac-
count how he was at last strangely delivered by Pirates.
Written by himself. To which is added a Map of the
World, in which is delineated the voyages of Robinson
Crusoe.-This work was entered at Stationers-Hall, for
W. Taylor, the 23d April, 1719.
71. The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe;
being the second and last part of his Life, and of the
strange surprising Accounts of his Travels round three
Parts of the Globe. Written by himself. To which is
added a Map of the World, in which is delineated the
Voyages of Robinson Crusoe. This was entered at Sta-
tioners Hall, for W. Taylor, the 17th August, 1719; 8vo.
72.' Serious Reflections, during the Life and surprising



Adventures of Robinson Crusoe; with his Vision of the
Angelic World. Written by himself. This was entered
at Stationers-Hall, for W. Taylor, the 3d August, 1720;
73. The Dumb Philosopher; or Great Britain's Won-
der. Containing, first, a faithful and very surprising Ac-
count, how Dickory Cronke, a Tinner's Son in the
County of Cornwal, was born Dumb, and continued so
for 58 years; and how some days before he died he came
to his Speech; with Memoirs of his Life, and the Manner
of his Death. Second, a Declaration of his Faith and
Principles in Religion; with a Collection of Select Medi-
tations, composed in his Retirement. Third, His Pro-
phetical Observations upon the Affairs of Europe, more
particularly of Great Britain, from 1620 to 1629, The
whole extracted from his Original Papers, and confirmed
by unquestionable Authority. To which is annexed his
Elegy, written by a young Cornish Gentleman of Exeter
College in Oxford; with an Epitaph by another Hand.
T. Cickerton, 1719; 8vo.
74. Christian Conversation, in six Dialogues: 1. Be-
tween a doubting Christian and one more confirmed
about Assurance: 2. Between the same Persons, about
Mortification: 3. Between Eudoxius and Fidelius, about
Natural Things spiritualized: 4. Between Simplicius and
Conscius, about Union: 5. Between Thipsius and Me-
laudius, about Afflictions: 6. Between Athanasius and
Bioes, about Death. By a Private Gentleman. Entered
at Stationers-Hall, for W. Taylor, 2d November, 1720,
75. The Life, Adventures, and Piracies of the famous
Captain Singleton. Containing an Account of his being
set on Shore in the Island of Madagascar, his Settlement
there, with a Description of the Place and Inhabitants.
Of his Passage from thence in a Paraguay to the Main-
land of Africa, with an Account of the Customs and
Manners of the People: His great Deliverances from



the barbarous Natives and wild Beasts: Of his meeting
with an Englishman, a Citizen of London among the In-
dians, the great Riches he acquired, and his Voyage home
to England. As also Captain Singleton's return to Sea;
with an Account of his many Adventures and Piracies,
with the famous Captain Avery and others. London,
Printed for J. Brotherton, &c. 1720; 8vo.
76. The History of the Life and Adventures of Mr.
Duncan Campbell, a Gentleman, who, though Deaf and
Dumb, writes down any Stranger's name at first sight;
with their future Contingencies of Fortune. Now living
in Exeter Court, over against the Savoy in the Strand.
London, Printed for E. CurlL Price 5s.; 1720.; 8vo.
77. The Supernatural Philosopher, or the Mysteries of
Magic in all its Branches clearly unfolded. Containing,
First, An Argument proving the Perception which Man-
kind have by all the Senses of Daemons, Genii or fami-
liar Spirits, and of the several Species of them, both good
and bad. Second, a Philosophical Discourse concerning
the Second Sight, demonstrating it to be Hereditary in
some Families. Third, A full Answer to all Objections
that can be brought against the Existence of Spirits,
Witches, &c. Fourth, of Divination by Dreams, Spec-
tres, Omens, Apparitions after Death, Predictions, &c.
Fifth, of Inchantment, Necromancy, Geomancy, Hy-
dromancy, JEromancy, Pyromancy, Chiromancy, Augury
and Aruspicy, collected and compiled from the most ap-
proved Authorities. By William Bond, of Bury St Ed-
mond's, Suffolk. Exemplified in the Life of Mr. Duncan
Campbell, 5s.
78. The complete Art of Painting, a Poem: Trans-
lated from the French of Du Fresnoy. By D. F. Gen-
tleman. Warner, 1720; 8vo.
79. The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the famous Moll
Flanders, &c. who was born in Newgate, and, during a
Life of continued Variety for threescore years, besides
her childhood, was twelve times a Whore, five times a



Wife, (whereof once to her own Brother,) twelve years a
Thief, eight years a transported Felon in Virginia; at
last grew rich, lived honest, and died a Penitent. Written
from her own Memorandums; 1721, 8vo.
80. A Journal of the Plague Year; being Observations
or Memorials of the Most Remarkable Occurrences, as
well public as private, which happened in London during
the last great Visitation in 1665. Written by a Citizen
who continued all the while in London. Never made
public before, 1722, 8vo.
81. Religious Courtship; being Historical Discourses
on the necessity of marrying Religious Husbands and
Wives only. As also of Husbands and Wives being of
the same Opinions in Religion with one another. With
an Appendix, of the Necessity of taking none but Reli-
gious Servants, and a Proposal for the better Managing
of Servants. London. Mathews, &c.; 1722, 8vo.
82. The History and Remarkable Life of the truly
Honourable Colonel Jaque, commonly called Colonel
Jack, who was born a Gentleman, put Prentice to "a
Pickpocket, was six-and-twenty Years a Thief, and then
kidnapped to Virginia. Came back a Merchant; was
five times married to four Whores, went into the Wars,
behaved bravely, got Preferment, was made Colonel of
a Regiment, came over and fled with the Chevalier, is
still abroad completing a life of Wonders, and resolves to
die a General. The first Edition 1722.
83. The Fortunate Mistress; or, a History of the Life
and vast Variety of Fortunes of Mademoiselle de Belau,
afterwards called the Countess de Wintselsheim in Ger-
many. Being the Person known by the Name of the
Lady Roxana, in the time of King Charles the Second.
London. T. Warner, 1724, 8vo.
84. The Great Law of Subordination considered; or,
the insolence and unsufferable behaviour of Servants in
England, duly inquired into. Illustrated with a great
Variety of Examples, Historical Cases, and remarkable



Stories of the Behaviour of some particular Servahts,
suited to all the several Arguments made use of, as they
go on. In ten familiar Letters. Together with a Con-
clusion, being an Earnest- and moving remonstrance to
the Housekeepers and Heads of Families in Great Bri-
tain, pressing them not to cease using their utmost In-
terest, especially at this juncture, to obtain sufficient
Laws for the effectual Regulations of the Manners and
Behaviour of their Seivants. As also a Proposal, con-
taining such Heads or Constitutions as would effectually
answer this great End, and bring Servants of every Class
to a just and yet not a grievous Regulation. S. Harding
and the London Booksellers, 1724, 8vo.
85. A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Bri-
tain, divided into Circuits or Journies. Giving a particular
and diverting Account of whatever is Curious and worth
Observation, viz. First, A Description of the Principal
Cities and Towns, their Situation, Magnitude, Govern-
ment and Commerce. Second, Their Customs, Manners,
Speech; as also the Exercises, Diversions, and Employ-
ments of the People. Third, The Produce and Improve-
ment of the Lands, the Trade and Manufactures. Fourth,
The Sea Ports, and Fortifications, the Course of Rivers,
and the Inland Navigation. Fifth, the Public Edifices,
Seats and Palaces of the Nobility and Gentry. With useful
Observations upon the whole. Particularly fitted for the
reading of such as desire to travel over the Island. By a
Gentleman. London. G. Strahan, 1724, 8vo.
86. Every Body's Business is Nobody's Business; or,
private Abuses public Grievances; exemplified in the Pride,
Insolence, and Exorbitant Wages of our Women Servants,
&c. By Andrew Moreton, Esq. Fourth Edition, corrected,
1725, 8vo.
87. A New Voyage round the World, by a Course
never sailed before. Being a Voyage undertaken by some
Merchants who afterwards proposed the setting up an East


India Company in Flanders. Illustrated with Copper-
plates. London. A. Bettesworth, 1725, 8vo.
88. The Political History of the Devil, as well Ancient
as Modern; in two Parts. Part First, containing a State
of the Devil's Circumstances, and the various Turns of his
Affairs, from his Expulsion out of Heaven to the Creation
of Man; with Remarks on the several Mistakes concerning
the Reason and Manner of his Fall. Also his proceedings
with mankind ever since Adam to the first planting of the
Christian Religion in the World. Part Second, contain-
ing his more private Conduct, down to the present Times.
His Government, his Appearances, his Manner of Work-
ing, and the Tools he works with. London, T. Warner,
1726, 8vo.
89. The Protestant Monastery; or, a Complaint against
the Brutality of the present Age, particularly the pertness
and insolence of our Youth to aged Persons. With a Cau-
tion to People in Years how they give the Staff out of their
own hands, and leave themselves at the mercy of others.
Concluding with a Proposal for erecting a Protestant Mo-
nastery, where Persons with Small Fortunes may end their
Days in Plenty, Ease, and Credit, without burdening their
Relations, or accepting Public Charities. By Andrew
Moreton, Esq. 1727, 8vo.
90. Parochial Tyranny; or, the Housekeeper's Com-
plaint against the Exactions, &c. of Select Vestries, &c.
By Andrew Moreton, Esq. (no date), 8vo.
91. The Complete English Tradesman; in Familiar
Letters, directing him in all the several Parts and Pro-
gressions of Trade, viz. 1. Of acquainting hiil with
Business during his Apprenticeship: 2. Of writing to
Correspondents in a trading Style: 3. Of Diligence and
Application, as the Life of all Business: 4. Cautions
against Over-trading: 5. Of the ordinary Occasions of a
Tradesman's Ruin; such as expensive Living, too early
Marrying, innocent Diversions, too much Credit, being




above Business, dangerous Partnerships, &c.: 6. Direc-
tions in several Distresses of a Tradesman when he comes
to fail: 7. Of Tradesmen compounding with other Trades-
men, and why they are so particularly severe upon one
another: 8. Of Tradesmen ruining one another by Ru-
mours and Scandal : 9. Of the customary Frauds of Trade,
and particularly of trading Lies: 10. Of Credit, and how it
is only to be supported by Honesty: 11. Of punctual paying
Bills, and thereby maintaining Credit: 12. Of the Dignity
and Honour of Trade in England, more than in other
Countries. To which is added a Supplement, containing:
1. A Warning against Tradesmen's borrowing Money
upon Interest: 2. A Caution against that destructive Prac-
tice of drawing and remitting, as also discounting Promis-
sory Bills, merely for a Supply of Cash: 3. Directions for
the Tradesman's Accounts, with brief but plain Examples,
and Specimens for Bookkeeping: 4. Of keeping a Dupli-
cate or Pocket Ledger, in case of Fire. Charles Rivington,
1727, 8vo.
92. The Complete English Tradesman, Vol. II. In
two Parts. Part First, directed chiefly to the more ex-
perienced Tradesmen; with Cautions and Advices to them
after they are thriven, and supposed to be grown rich;
viz. 1. Against running out of their business into needless
Projects and dangerous Adventures, no Tradesman being
above Disaster: 2. Against oppressing one another by en-
grossing, underselling, combination in Trade, &c.: 3. Ad-
vices, that when he leaves off his business, he should part
Friends with the World; the great Advantages of it:
with a word of the scandalous character of a purse-proud
Tradesman: 4. Against being litigious and vexatious, and
apt to go to Law for Trifles; with some reasons why
Tradesmen's Differences should, if possible, be all ended by
Arbitration. Part Second. Being useful Generals in Trade,
describing the Principles and Foundation of the Home
Trade of Great Britain; with large Tables of our Manu-



factures, Calculations of the Product, Shipping, Carriage
of Goods by Land, Importation from Abroad, Consump-
tion at Home, &c. By all of which the infinite Number of
our Tradesmen are employed, and the general Wealth of
the Nation raised and increased. The whole calculated
for the Use of all our inland Tradesmen, as well the City
as in the Country. Charles Rivington, 1727.
93. An Essay on the History and Reality of Appari-
tions. Being an Account of what they are, and what they
are not; as also how we may distinguish between the
Apparitions of good and evil Spirits, and how we ought
to behave to them. With a great Variety of surprising
and diverting Examples, never published before. J. Roberts,
1727, 8vo.
94. A System cf Magic; or, a History of the Black Art.
Being an Historical Account of Mankind's most early
Dealings with the Devil; and how the Acquaintance on
both Sides first begun. J. Roberts, 1727; and for A. Millar,
95. A Treatise concerning the Use and Abuse of the
Marriage Bed; shewing. 1. The nature of Matrimony, its
Sacred Original, and the true meaning of its Institution :
2. The gross Abuse of Matrimonial Chastity, from the
wrong Notions that have possessed the World: 3. The
diabolical Practice of attempting to prevent Child-bearing
by physical preparations; 4. The fatal Consequences of
clandestine forced Marriages, through the Persuasion, In-
terest, or Influence of Parents and Relations, to wed the
Person they have no Love for, but oftentimes an aversion
to: 5. Of unequal Matches as to the Disproportion of Age,
and how such many ways occasion a Matrimonial Whore-
dom: 6. How married Persons may be guilty of Conjugal
Lewdness, and that a Man may in effect make a Whore
of his own Wife. Also many other Particulars of Family
Concern. T. Warner, 1729, 8vo.
96. A Plan of the English Commerce. Being a com-



plete Prospect of the Trade of this Nation, as well the
Home Trade as the Foreign; in three Parts. Part First,
Containing a View of the present magnitude of the Eng-
glish Trade, as it respects, 1. The Exportation of our
own Growth and Manufacture: 2. The Importation of
Merchant Goods from Abroad: 3. The prodigious Con-
sumption'of both at Home. Part Second, Containing an
Answer to that great and important Question now depend-
ing, Whether our Trade, and especially our Manufactures,
are in a declining Condition, or no? Part Third, Contain-
ing several Proposals, entirely new, for extending and
improving our Trade, and promoting the Consumption of
our Manufactures in Countries wherewith we have hitherto
had no Commerce. Humbly offered to the Consideration
of King and Parliament. Charles Rivington, 1728.
97. Memoirs of a Cavalier; or, a Military Journal of
the Wars in Germany and the Wars in England, from the
Year 1632 to the Year 1648. Written about four-score
Years ago by an English Gentleman who served first in
the Army of Gustavus Adolphus, the glorious King of
Sweden, till his Death; and after that in the Royal Army
of King Charles I. from the Beginning of the Rebellion
to the End of that War. Leeds, for James Lister, &c.
There was a London Edition for A. Bell.
98. A Pindaric Ode prefixed to the second Volume of
the second Edition of the Athenian Oracle, in 1704, and
signed by D. F.
99. Second Thoughts are best; or a further Improve-
ment of a late Scheme to prevent Street Robberies. By
which our Streets will be so strongly guarded and so glo-
riously illuminated, that any Part of London will be as safe
and pleasant at Midnight as at Noonday, and Burglary
totally impracticable. With some Thoughts for suppress-
ing Robberies in all the public Roads of England, &c.
Humbly offered for the good of his Country, submitted
to the Consideration of Parliament, and dedicated to
VOL. f

lxxxii LIST, &c.

his Sacred Majesty. By Andrew Moreton, Esq. 1729,
100. Augusta Triumphans; or, the way to make Lon-
'don the most flourishing City in the Universe, &c. By
Andrew Moreton, Esq. 1729, 8vo.








My father was a wise and grave man; gave me serious
and-excellent counsel against what he foresaw was my
design. He called me one morning into his chamber,
where he was confined by the gout, and expostulated very
warmly with me upon this subject." Page 2.

Xury, whose eyes were more about him than it seems
mine were, calls softly to me, and tells me that we'had best
go farther off the shore; for, says he, look yonder -lies a
dreadful monster on the side of that hillock fast asleep: I
looked where he pointed, and saw a dreadful monster in-
deed, for it was a terrible great lion that lay on the side of
the shore, under the .hade of a piece of the bill that hung,
as it were, a little over him." Page 36.


I recovered a little before the return of the waves; and
seeing I should be covered again with the water, I resolved
to hold fast by a piece of the rock." Page 61.

Having plundered the ship of what was portable and
fit to hand out, I began with the cables; and cutting the
great cable in pieces, such as I could move, I got two
cables and a hawser on shore, with all the iron work I
could get; and having cut down the sprit-sail yard, and
the mizen-yard, and every thing I could to make a large
raft, I loaded it with all the heavy goods, and came
away." Page 76.

I made abundance of things even without tools, and
some with no more tools than an adze and a hatchet,
which perhaps were never made before, and that with infi-
nite labour." Page 93.

<" Ihad a short jacket of goat's skin, the skirts coming
down to about the middle of my thighs, and a pair of open-
kneed breeches of the same: the breeches were made of a
skin of an old he-goat, whose hair hung down such a length
on either side, that, like pantaloons,'it reached to the mid-
dle of my legs." Page 207.



I was exceedingly surprised with the print of a man's
naked foot on the shore, which was very plain to be seen in
the sand. I stood like one thunderstruck, or as if I had
seen an apparition; I listened, I looked round me, I could
hear nothing, nor see any thing." Page 213.

Upon this I stepped forward again, and by the light
of the fire-brand, holding it up a little over my head, I saw
lying on the ground a monstrous frightful old he-goat, just
making his will, as we say, gasping for life, and dying
indeed of a mere old age." Page 247.

Having knocked this fellow down, the other who
pursued him stopped, as if he had been frightened ; and
I advanced apace towards him; but, as 1 came nearer, I
perceived presently he had a bow and arrow, and was fit-
ting it to shoot at me; so I was then necessitated to shoot
at him first, which I did, and killed him at the first shot."
Page 282.

I shewed him how rather to cut it out with tools, which,
after I had shewed him how to use, he did very handily;
and, in about a month's hard labour, we finished it, and
made it very handsome." Page 317.



Friday and I carried them up both together between
us; but, when we got them to the outside of our wall or
fortification, we were at a worse loss than before, for it
was impossible to get them over; and I was resolved not
to break it down, so I set to work again, and Friday and
I, in about two hours time, made a very handsome tent,
covered with old sails, and above that, with boughs of
trees." Page 336.



First he turned to me, and pointing to them, said,
These, Sir, are some of the gentlemen who owe their lives
to you: and then turning to them, and pointing to me, he
let them know who I was: upon which they all came up
one by one, not as if they had been sailors, and ordinary
fellows, and I the like, but really as if they had been ambas-
sadors or noblemen, and I a monarch or a great conque-
ror." Page 48.



The two men had innumerable young treet planted
about their hut, that when you came to the place, nothing
was to be seen but a wood; and though they had their
plantation twice demolished, once by their own countrymen,
and once by the enemy, as shall be shewn in its place; yet
they had restored all again, and every thing was flourishing
and thriving about them." Page 102.

Now, having great reason to believe that they were
betrayed, the first thing they did was to bind the slaves
which were left, and cause two of the three men, whom
they brought with the women, who, it seems, proved very
faithful to them, to lead them with their two wives, and
whatever they could carry away with them, to their retired
Place in the woods." Page 108.

They went to work immediately with the boats; and
getting sone dry wood together from a dead tree, they tried
to set some ofthem on fire, but they were so wet, that they
would scarce burn; however, the fire so burned the upper
part, that it soon made them unfit for swimming in the sea
as boats." Page 128.



SI brought them out all my store of tools, and gave
every man a digging-spade, a shovel, and a rake, for we
had no harrows or ploughs; and to every separate place
a pick-axe, a crow, a broad-axe, and a saw." Page 151.

Upon this he faced about just before me, as he walked
along, and putting me to a full, stop, made me a very
low bow. I most heartily thank God, and you, Sir, says
he, for giving me so evident a call to so blessed a work."
Page 171.

Why, Sir, says he, do you know what you do, or what
they have done ? If you want a reason for what we have
done, come hither; and with that, he shewed me the poor
fellow hanging upon a tree, with his throat cut." Page 261.

He sat lolling back in a great elbow-chair, being a
heavy corpulent man, and his meat being brought him by
two women slaves; he had two more, whose office, I think,
few gentlemen in Europe would accept of their service in,
viz. one fed the 'squire with a spoon, and the other held the
dish with one hand, and scraped off what he let fall upon
his worship's beard and taffety vest, with the other."
Page 336.



In passing this wilderness, which, I confess, was at the
first view very frightful to me, we saw, two or three times,
little parties of the Tartars, but they seemed to be upon
their own affairs, and to have no- design upon us."
Page 351.



IF ever the story of any private man's adven-
tures in the world were worth making pub-
lic, and were acceptable when published, the
Editor of this account thinks this will be so.

The wonders of this man's life exceed all
that (he thinks) is to be found extant; the
life of one man being scarce capable of a
greater variety.

The story is told with modesty, with se-
riousness, and with a religious application of
events to the uses to which wise men always
apply them; viz. to the instruction of others,
by this example, and to justify and honour
the wisdom of Providence in all the variety
of our circumstances, let them happen bow
they will.

'The Editor believes the thing to be a just
history of facts; neither is there any appear-
ance of fiction in it: and however thinks, be-
cause all such things are disputed, that the
improvement of it, as well to the diversion, as
to the instruction of the Reader, will be the
same; and as such, he thinks, without further
compliment to the world, he does them a
great service in the publication.





I was born in the year 1632, in the city of York,
of a good family, though not of that country, my
father being a foreigner of Bremen, who settled
first at Hull: he got a good estate by merchandize,
and leaving off his trade, lived afterward at York;
from whence he had married my mother, whose
relations were nimed Robinson, a very good family
in that country, and from whom I was called
Robinson Kreutznaer; but by the usual corruption
of words in -England, we are now called, nay we
call ourselves, and write our name Crusoe, and so
my companions always called me.
I had two elder brothers, one of which was lieu-
tenant colonel to an English regiment of foot in


Flanders, formerly commanded by the famous colo-
nel Lockhart, and was killed at the battle near Dun-
kirk against the Spaniards; what became of my
second brother I never knew, any more than my
father or mother did know what was become of me.
Being the third son of the family, and not bred
to any trade, my head began to be filled very early
with rambling thoughts: my father, whowas very
ancient, hadgiven me a competent share of learning,
as far as house education, and a country free-school
generally goes, and designed me for the law; but I
would be satisfied with nothing but going to sea;
and my inclination to this led me so strongly against
the will, nay the commands of my father, and
against all the entreaties and persuasions of my
mother and other friends, that there seemed to be
something fatal in that propension of nature tending
directly to the life of misery which was to befal me.
My father, a wise and grave man, gave me serious
and excellent counsel against what he foresaw was
my design. He called me one morning into his
chamber, where he was confined by the gout, and
expostulated very warmly with me upon this sub-
ject : he asked me what reasons more than a mere
wandering inclination I had for leaving my father's
house and my native country, where I might be
well introduced, and had a prospect of raising my
fortune by application and industry, with a life of
.ease and pleasure. He told me it was for men of
-desperate fortunes on one hand, or of aspiring su-
perior fortunes on the other, who went abroad upon


adventures, to rise by enterprise, and make them-
selves famous in undertakings of a nature out of
the common road; that these things were all either
too far above me, or too far below me; that mine
was the middle state, or what might be called the
upper station of low life, which he had found by
long experience was the best state in the world, the
most suited to human happiness, not exposed to the
miseries and hardships, the labour and sufferings
of the mechanic part of mankind, and not embar.
rassed with the pride, luxury, ambition, and envy
-of the upper part of mankind. He told me, I might
judge of the happiness of this state, by this one
thing, viz. That this was the state of life which all
other people envied; that Kings have frequently
lamented the miserable consequences of being born
to great things, and wish they had been placed in
the middle of the two extremes, between the mean
and the great; that the wise man gave his testi-
mony to this as the just standard of true felicity
when he prayed to have neither poverty or riches.
He bid me observe it, and I should always find,
that the calamities of life were shared among the
upper and lower part of mankind; but that the mid.
die station had the fewest disasters, and was not
exposed to so many vicissitudes as the higher or
lower part of mankind; nay, they were not sub.
jected to so many distempers and uneasinesses
either of body or mind, as those were, who by
vicious living, luxury, and extravagancies on one
hand, or by hard labour, want 9f necessaries, and


mean or insufficient diet on the other hand, bring
distempers upon themselves by the natural conse-
quences of their way of living; that the middle
station of life was calculated for all kind of virtues
and all kind of enjoyments; that peace and plenty
were the handmaids of a middle fortune; that
temperance, moderation, quietness, health, society,
all agreeable diversions, and all desirable pleasures,
were the blessings attending the middle station of
life ; that this way men went silently and smoothly
through the world, and comfortably out of it, not
embarrassed with the labours of the hands or of
the head, not sold to the life of slavery for daily
bread, or harassed with perplexed circumstances,
which rob the soul of peace, and the body of rest;
not enraged with the passion of envy, or secret
burning lust of ambition for great things ; but in
easy circumstances sliding gently through the
world, and sensibly tasting the sweets of living,
without the bitter, feeling that they are happy, and
learning by every day's experience to know it
more sensibly.
After this, he pressed me earnestly, and in the
most affectionate manner, not to play the young
man, not to precipitate myself into miseries which
nature and the station of life I was born in seemed
to have provided against; that I was under no ne-
cessity of seeking my bread; that he would do
well for me, and endeavour to enter me fairly into
the station of life which he had been just recom-
mending to me; and that if I was not very easy


and happy in the world, it must be ny.mere fate
or fault that must hinder it, and that he should
have nothing to answer for, having thus discharged
his duty in warning me against measures which
he knew would be to my hurt: in a word, that as
he would do very kind things for me if I would
stay and settle at home as he directed, so he would
not have so much hand in my misfortunes, as to
give me any encouragement to go away: and to
close all, he told me I had my elder brother for an
example, to whom he had used the same earnest
persuasions to keep him from going into the low
country wars, but could not prevail, his young de-
sires prompting him to run into the army, where
he was killed; and though he said he would not
cease to pray for me, yet he would venture to say
to me, that if I did take this foolish step, God
would not bless me, and I would have leisure here-
after to reflect upon having neglected his counsel
when there might be none to assist in my re-
I observed in this last part of his discourse,
which was truly prophetic, though I suppose my
father did not know it to be so himself I say, I
observed the tears run down his face very plenti-
fully, and especially when he spoke of my brother
who was killed; and that when he spoke of my
having leisure to repent, and none to assist me, he
was so moved, that he broke off the discourse, and
told me, his heart was so full, he could say no
more to me. ,


I was sincerely affected with this discourse, as
indeed who could be otherwise ? and I resolved
not to think of going abroad any more, but to settle
at home according to my father's desire. But alas!
a few days wore it all off; and, in short, to prevent
any of my father's further importunities, in a few
weeks after I resolved to run quite away from him.
However, I did not act so hastily neither as my
first heat of resolution prompted, but I took my
mother, at a time when I thought her a little plea-
santer than ordinary, and told her, that mythoughts
were so entirely bent upon seeing the world, that
I should never settle to any thing with resolution
'enough to go through with it, and my father had
better give me his consent than force me to go
without it; that I was now eighteen years old,
which was too late to go apprentice to a trade, or
clerk to an attorney; that I was sure, if I did, I
should never serve out my time, and I should cer-
tainly run away from my master before my time
was out, and go to sea ; and if she would speak to
my father to let me go but one voyage abroad, if I
came home again and did not like it, I would go
no more, and I would promise by a double dili-
gence to recover that time I had lost.
SThis put my mother into a great passion: she
told me, she knew it would be to no purpose to
'speak to my father upon any such subject; that he
knew too well what was my interest to give his
'consent to any thing so much for my hurt, and
that she wondered how I could think of. any

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