Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
September 12, 1976
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

30 Cents.

-; *,':!:', ) i:'*'-: ;rL TE
Vol. 6 No. 37

irs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of Man,
162, East 78th Street,
New York, N,Y. 10021,
.h. Lehi6h 5 8448,
U. S -L

IF CROWDS decide votes, Tapia and the
PNi'M were running neck-to-neck up to last
Monday night.
For the some 5,000 people who turned
up in Woodford Square to hear Tapia present
its candidates was at least as many as came
out to see Williams present his "millstones".
In an address entitled, "The Political
Alternative," Lloyd Best warned of a con-
stitutional crisis that could emerge from
this election.
Best began at the beginning, that fate-
ful evening in 1960 when Williams came to
Woodford Square to tell people details of
the Chaguaramas Agreement.
"People felt the betrayal immediately",
Best said. "That was the only time Williams
was talking in the Square and everybody else
was talking at the same time." And the row
between Williams and the people, now about
to be settled. had begun way back then.
Excerpts from Best:
"The 15 years between 1960-1975 fall
into two seven-year periods. From 1960 to
1967 people were just going around in
circles. We were uncertain, we weren't clear
about what was happening. And then there's
another 7-year period in which the country
begins to take decisions. From 1968 to
Lowhar told you earlier that when
Williams was stomping up and down in
Trinidad and Tobago, whipping up political
support and inspiring the population, he was
telling us that the end of all government is
the good of the people and when the govern-
ment betrayed its trust, the people had a
right to revolt.
By 1968, the youth had taken him
seriously. The process of political education
that he had started had stopped, long ago.


out, you have to take them the full distance
and win on points. And we are now at the
last round. In the meantime, we floating like
a butterfly and stinging like a bee.
The others, the less politically mature
--all of whom have made their contribu-
tion, ladies and gentlemen decided to
bring the population into the hustings.
You had 1968. The student march
over Rodney. You had 1969. Joe Young's
bus workers a tale hangs from there, to
be told, about the mistakes made in that
meeting. I was a new boy here. Lowhar
was there. And we tried to persuade them
to take it easy and build. They say Best is
always talking theory. They go see now,
theory, They go find out.'
1969, the bus workers and these men
leading fellers before Burroughs and them
in the streets to get bootoo, knocking out
people, well-meaning people, making mis-
takes. And up to now they planning the
same strategy.
1970, Granger. Power to the People.
The whole bread. Unite, people, unite. The
talk was good. The programme was good.
We supported it in large. But no organisa-
tion, no plan, no concreteness, no capacity
to take on the other side. They are all trying
to imitate Williams. To form an easy Party
and get a crowd and get into power in six
short weeks or nine short months. It can't
be done.
We- are telling people over and over and
over again that Williams is no magic man.
The reason why he was able to do it in 1956
was because Sir Edward Beetham had his
suitcase packed. Nkrumah and Nehru and
Gandhi and the large heroes of the world
had already put a cutarse on British power.
British power was Dn the. retreat in every
country. In Tanzania, in Kenya, ii Uganda.
There was no special magic. In Nigeria, in
Ghana, in Jamaica, in Guyana, in Barbados
- all in a short period of time. There's no
Give the people the political education
so they can make a fair estimate of the
worth of men, of the meaning of history

There was a discontinuity. The parents
weren't talking in the homes, which explains
the sociological phenomenon that the vast
majority of the people who revolted in the
period ,between,,1968 and 1975 were the
sons of PNM people. The people whom
they shot in the hills, because they felt the
pressure more than anybody else.
Their parents clammed up, they just
shut their mouths. They couldn't believe
what was happening. They had joined it with
all' their hearts singing, music to their ears.
And suddenly the thing had gone sour and
they couldn't explain it to-their children.
So the chord snapped and the children saw
the frustration in their parents and they
decided to blow it to high heavens, when the
time comes.
And in 1968, they began. With a simple
march, ladies and gentlemen. Which began
at the University of the West Indies and
came here.
I saw the dangers and I went to speak
in the University the day after and they
accused me of taking the emotion out of it
and I told them I saw the trouble we were
not organised and if you bring the pot to a
boil too early, you are only bringing cannon
fodder for the Caesar's guns.
We told them that you cannot.knock
the Government out with a wild punch, with
a crowd. We said you cannot knock them

and so on so that we can give men their
rightful due. There doubt that Williams
brought intelligence and wit and energy
and style to it. We give him that. But he
was no magician at the time. He simply
advanced the game of history in the normal
course of things. That is all that happened.
And all of those who are impressed by
these achievements of yesterday are carry-
ing these limitations into tomorrow.
So we had seven years of futile upheaval.
Not useless, let me say. Because we learnt a
great deal in the period. We saw the agencies
of State breaking down, we saw the develop-
ment of a different kind of power system.
Above all we saw the reactions of the Gov-
ernment to this upheaval.
We saw in 1970, the youth, the black,
the unemployed, all the people around Port-
of-Spain that were on the fringe of political
consciousness found their tongue in 1970
and came into this roaring torrent.
The lawyers joined later. The doctors
joined later, over the Public Order Bill.
Later, Matelot joined, Cedros joined as well,
little people from the extremeties of the
Later on the voters in general joined
in 1971. The young people from Port-of-
Spain went to the hills to spatter the coun-
tryside with blood in 1972 and '73, to

fertilise their involvement in their country
with blood if necessary .
But the revolution was in the provinces
too, deep in the maw, the belly of the
country; sugar workers, poor, scrunting, no
bread in their pockets, no time for revolu-
tion, and they erupted on to the public
stage in 1974 and '75. And in 1975 the oil
workers joined them and the whole country
was now a roaring torrent, ready to go,
hoping for the Government to topple. It was
futile. It was frustration.
But what happened as a result of that?
There was a canalisation of energies into
one stream.
And all those people belong in the
movement. We shall carry them with us,
come the 13th of September, because the
difference between the first seven years,
1961-1968, and the second seven years,
1968 to 1975, is that now we are reaching
the climax, the consumation of the February
Revolution in elections under the law and
the Constitution and we have a chance to do
it the right way! (Applause)
And thle difference is that Tapia is
riding the horse this time. It's a different
quality of politics, a different quality of
organisation, of understanding, of insight.
We are leading this tling. We are the front
horse, the only political alternative in 1976


The Tapia Shadow Minister for Public Administration talldng about his portfolio last Monday night
in Woodford Square.


spells out

plan to




racteristics of the Tapia
view of government
machinery as of the politi-
cal structure that must
underlie it, is that it
accepts people and the
people's interests as the
philosophical prime, the
end of all means, the
object of all effort, the test
of all1 accomplishment."
This was stressed in
Woodford Square last

Monday night by Tapia-
,chairman and Shadow
Minister for Public Admin-
istration Denis Solomon.
Solomon said there was
vital need to/reactivate the
civil service, and get it a
whole new range of opera-
tional procedures. So that
civil servants could be
freed of present day dis-
illusionment and frustra
In the past, he added,
the civil service in Trinidad

and Tobago in particular,
had been created not for
;'?ministrative use, but to
maintain stability.
And in 1956 the PNM
had proclaimed a British
principle that civil servants
should not take part in
"They believed then as
they believe now," Solo-
mon said, "that all you
need to run a country is as
much power as you can
concentrate in your own
hands and the capacity to
suppress the exercise of
power in anyone else.".


But in Britain civil ser-
vants had real administra-
tive power while the
PNM had systematically
deprived the nation's civil
servants of administrative
decision making power,
concentrating it all in the
The result was that
while in Britain there were
only about seven submis-
sions to the Cabinet every
year, in Trinidad and
Tobago, there was now a
backlog of 8,000 cabinet
notes awaiting considera-
Solomon said he knew
of at least two cases in
which cabinet took dia-
metrically opposed posi-
tions on the same matter
and told the ministries
involved, to get it done
right away.
Added to that, there
was the "false and wicked
gqcusation" made by the

Prime Minister against
what he had called a "small
and ambitious minority of
civil servants."
That included Dodderidge
Alleyne, "a man of great
competence and dedication
who has had his reputation
wantonly smirched by the
lies of a petty political
The paradox of the
present situation was that
the government had all
power in its hands and
but could not govern. The
result was insecurity and
a vested interest in ineffi-
Tapia,, Solomon said,
"intends to introduce a
set of relationships be-
tween the nation, the
politicians, and the admin-
istrators. Tapia will place a
premium on administrative
drive and initiative and
,encourage' the civil service
itself to develop improved
machinery and improved
procedures to exercise its
legitimate powers. At the
same time public servants
will be made answerable
to the will of the people."
This would be achieved
through the decentralisa-
tion of government and the
creation of the macco
senate which would be
free to investigate the
inefficiency or corruption
its own initiative.
Tapia would also
appoint political adminis-
trators who would be
removable from office if
the government changed
hands. The Permanent
Secretaries and Chief
Technical Officers would

be made heads of the
career civil service, while
the clerical and lower
administrative public ser-
vants would be free to
participate in politics.
-The new Ministry of
Public administration, he
said, would deal with- ex-
clusively with the ministries
and move to reorganise the
public service.


What would be involved,
Solomon said, would be
"a complete overhaul of
administrative procedures
in which accomplishment
and productivity must be
dominant. The civil service
must be encourage to
And there would be
inter-departmental consul-
tative machinery. Opera-
tional manuals would be
updated and published.
The public would be open
to claim compensation in
cases of abuse by the
public service "and not'
like the smokescreeri
Ombudsman that the PNM
is talking about-."
If, Solomon added,
Tapia was to attain and
maintain its goal, then
"we must not only achieve
power but share it, not
serve people but involve
them, so that the tomor-
row that now seems can-
celled indefinitely will not
only be rescheduled but
will be followed by a
succession \of tomorrows,
each brighter and better
and more hopeful than
the last."

The reader will find a number of chapters which aim to
introduce him to the basic principles of Indian, Arabic,
Oriental and African music both as subjects of great interest
in their right and as interesting comparative studies, helping
to illiminate his understanding of his own tradition. Then
the early centuries of that tradition itself are given extended
treatment. What the reader will not find here are learned
speculations on the nature of ancient Greek or Assyrian
music-as far as possible this history is concerned with Fving

This book is packed with facts and figures about the
stars who become world-famous and the record which
sold a-million (or more) copies. From Caruso to Bob
Dylan, Grosby to Presley, Paul Whiteman and his
Orchestra to Mick Jagger and The Rolling Stones, Al
Jolson to the ,Beatles, Ella Fitzgerald to Barbra Streisand,
it sets out in Chronological order the story of every
best selling discs with biographies of the stars, the
group, details of the films and shows which achieved the
ultimate accolade.

\ S^^ ~~Sa ^ J*
I^&^^i~~~~ ^B'fBi^S ^
heyp G S .



Let us tell them thanks and ove on

try to greater heights, -
of laying the foundation
of a just and humane
society, is the Tapia House
Tapia's record is one,
of "hardwuk", serious
analysis, commitment and
dedication to the people's
When nearly all the
other opposition parties,
notably among them the
DAC, chose to ignore the

By Raoul Pantin

BEHIND THE tough confidence displayed on the
public platforms, behind the necessary psychological
stance that we going to beat them like bobolee on
Monday, behind the -existing historical moment
again when a New World in this Caribbean seems not
to be just a sordid mirage, there lurks a single ques-
tion, haunting everybody involved: "But suppose we
lose, boy-...?"
If you listen carefully to Lloyd Best and Syl
Lowhar, to all the Tapia political analysts, the doubt
vanishes. ,-
"The laws of motion- in this society", Lowhar
says, "dictate that we have changed, made an advance
forward every 20 years. And no preceding generation
here has been able to stop this unrelenting march of
the people." Every 20 years or so, the collective wis-
dom of the society has generated this step forward,
never backward.
From Alfred Richards in 1897 to Captain
Cipriani in 1917 to Tubal Uriah Butler in 1937 to
Eric Eustace Williams in 1956.
"People feel there was some kind of magic in the
PNM winning in 1956", Bestsays. "There was no
magic. The generation that grew up with the experi-
ence of 1937 made its assessment of the future in
1956 and voted. PNM."


In its craw is 20 years of PNM misgovernment
and corruption so bad, even the PNM Political Leader
is forced to expose it in public. And the experience
of 1970. And the reaction of the PNM to a popular
outcry repressive legislation in the form of the
Public Order Bill, then, when the people threw it
back, the sneakier, amendments to laws designed to
straitjacket the growing opposition, culminating in
the PNM Republic Constitution.
CLR James once described the PNM Indepen-
dence Constitution (1962) as a "fortress against the
people." The 1976 PNM Republic Constitution shows
a minority Government preparing to use the rigid
technicalities of law (and where that fails, open
terror) to bludgeon those who oppose this "petty
political tyrant", as Denis Solomon put it last Monday
For what is PNM rule now?
All-the threats come true: "No damn dog bark!"
"Who don't like it, get to hell out of here." "I alone
have power to say come and you cometh ." That
is the real spirit behind this PNM Republic Constitu-
The whole country- is quaking in its shoes under
that heel because nobody (not even the top boys in
the PNM) knows who is going to be chopped next or
invited to sit on a Board or hauled up before the
Public Service Commission or given a free trip.
A businessman who wanted to make a contribu-

Wooding Commission exer-
cises on Constitution,
Reform, Tapia was there
to put forward proposals
for reform.
Proposals which, to my
mind, would have served
if adopted, to let the
people participate fully in
running the affairs of the
A look at Tapia's mani-
festo shows a coherent


programme for nation
building. It explains in
detail how the whole
country could be reorgan-
Specially to be com-
mended is Tapia's honesty
in telling the citizens that
in order to transform ours
into a just and humane
society,- where equality
exists, it calls for hard
work by everybody.


Stion to the ruling Party (that was before the PNM
bacchanal of May 23) offered to write out a cheque
and give it to a Party functionary. The functionary
declined. "Go to Williams", he said. The businessman
protested: "Boy, I afraidd to approach that man, yes.
You never know what kind of mood he in." But he
went anyway and had dinner at the walled-in St.
Ann's residence and was treated royally. He paid up
- and regrets it now.
But that is what PNM rule has reduced big men
and women to we know the country running
according to what mood the Governor wake up in and
we adjusting to suit. And if the result is chaos, politi-
cal tension, an unproductive public and private sector,
bad roads, no water, telephones that don't work,
corruption black is white and pressure on the people,
the country a desolation well, child, is so it is, yes.


"I g6ing to'a PNM fete", a fairly sane citizen
asserted the other night. "1 is a PNM." And when you
explore what that means, it comes out to a kind of
childlike naivete. PNM is the only Government
people know; they have "experience" in running the
country (to hell) for 20 years. So if you talk about
Government at all, you mean PNM.
And in this election, with the ruling Party run-
ning scared, the floodgates are wide open ("Money is
no problem") and the PNM really behaving nice these
-days free drinks, free food, free music, even free
gifts from certain stores in Errol Mahabir's San
Fernando West constituency.
Plus free ride on the new $10 million Tobago
boat.Free Trinity Cross for Hasely Crawford, an
athlete of superb achievement being waved around
the country, as Ivan Laughlin put it the other night,
"like a balisier"; a young, strong, talented citizen
being bamboozled by the most unsporting side of
political cynics this country has ever produced. Plus a
sudden rash of jobs for the boys and girls on the
blocks, including the young couple being paid $6 a
day to canvass for PNM but who are campaigning
against the ruling Party and taking the money in a
double rip-off. All skin teeth is no laugh.
Or 'there is the other response from people:
"You ain' feel if we put somebody else there, they
go do the same thing?"
That is the PNM contribution to the public
appreciation for politicians: now seen as a bunch of
smartmen going all out to knock off one another so
they can get some power and their hands on the
Treasury. Let PNM take credit for that but hang their
heads in shame. -Imagine this, from a Party that
promised political education and morality in public
Look at thenature of -the PNM campaign. A
sudden last-minute spurt of public appearances by
the Political Leader. An apparent generosity. The

onIVt'd on 'ag(e 9


"AFTER ole mas is new
politics". So says the
Tapia House Movement.
After examining all the
political groups offering
themselves to the elector-
ate, I have come to the
conclusion that the only
party which can carry the
burden of lifting the coun-



There are no easy solu-
tions, Tapia insists.
A look at the other
manifestoes shows a simi-
larity of mere election
promises more
promises more schools,
more hospitals, more jobs;
there -is no detailed plan,
no explanation of how
those- promises will be
kept, it at all.
All the opposition
parties condemn the total
and absolute power of the
PM, a power which their
leaders would enjoy if any
of them becomes head of


The only party to date
which, in addition to con-
demning this excessive
power of the PM, says
how the power must be
redistributed, is Tapia.
The recent government
is tired after 20 years in
power. They don't have
that necessary drive to
carry the country forward
from where we are now.
They have made a con-
tribution to development,
and we must acknowledge
this. Every star has its day.
The present govern-
ment's day is over. Let us
tell them thanks for what
they have done to the best
of their ability.
We must now move on
to a new Order, a new
dispensation, a new world,
Tapia's New World,
I call on the people. of
Trinidad and Tobago to
line up behind-the Tapiz
House Movement which
spent eight years organis-
ing themselves, looking at
the problems confronting
the country and drafting
plans and programmes.
A government can do
in office only what it
prepared itself to do
before coming to office.
On September 13, let
us vote wisely, the future
of Trinidad and Tobago
hands in the balance. Let
us take up our beds and






a -- I-.


thing, politics another and
elections is something else
To the general fund of
Tapia insights and wisdom
will be added that observa-
tion by the time the
September 13, 1976
General Elections are over.
Rapidly, over the last
few months, and in a pro-
ceps that accelerated since
August 8, Tapia people
have been learning what it
means to contest elections.
The full implication,
then, of the form of
struggle that the Move-
ment adopted for this
stage is now being elabo-


The learning process
has never stopped. I was
among those who in late
March 1971 must have
been startled to hear Denis
Solomon telling a Tapia
"weekend retreat" in
Mayaro that the time might
come when we would have
to fight elections.
Startled, because, in
our imperfect understand-
ing of what it was all
'about, we had felt that
the. "unconventional poli-
tics" to which we had
been attracted was hostile
to elections as a matter of
Those were the days
wheri "the Gandhian
option" used often to be
cited, as the debate pro-
ceeded on whether Tapia
should seek political
The many who did not
know for sure where this
rapia thing was headed
were encouraged to put
their trust in the con-
structive potential of
"organic growth" and the
"free and open discussion"
in which insights and
knowledge would be
shared, and all would
move forward with greater


NJAC too had embraced
the doctrine of "uncon-
ventional politics" (at least
their own version of it).
And when the historical
inevitability of fighting
the next elections as a
means of bringing about
the change became gene-
rally accepted among
Tapia people, we had in
effect embraced the NJAC
doctrine of 1970, memor-
ably summarised in the
words "by any means
"The Tapia House Move-
ment did not form a party
to contest the general
elections in 1976," runs
the first line in the Tapia
What was being built
from scratch was an instru-


az @~zz"a

- t

Syl Lowhar is chairman of the Tapia -
platform in Independence Square
on August.11.

ment capable of carrying
out the reforms of the
state, the economy and
society that were felt to
be required in the vision
of Tapia's New World.
It was always accepted
that elections might not be
a feasible process whereby
to realize such changes.
The important thing was
the building of a move-
ment that was capable and
versatile to adopt "any
means necessary".


So it was that the
designation "party" wais
long resisted; for a party,
as understood in this
political culture, was some-
thing created for the pur-
pose of fighting an elec-
tion, an ad hoc response
to an immediate situation.
Tapia wished to empha-
sise the need for an instru-
ment devised for long-term
and varied applicability.
It was therefore with a
mixture of cheerful confi-
dence and profound mis-
givings that Tapia em-
barked on the elections
That was, not insignifi-
cantly, in the midst of
the annihilation. of the
NUFF enterprise in 1973.
It was-a time, in short,
when armed revolution
-did not seem to be "the
only solution".
Volleys of gunfire in
the hills of Caura seemed
to explode the validity of
the glib Black Panther
dictum that "the onlv
-solution is armed revolu-,
Still, Tapia held: we
may well come to that,
but first let's see what we

can do now.
And for a time it gave
Tapia the image of
"moderates". Even Tapia
people gloomily pondered
that the Tapia Revolution
might b', reduced to a
well-meaning liberal dis-
pensation in which the
arts will be subsidized.
In the 1976 election
campaign, however, people
who before couldn't see
themselves' managing a
campaign and addressing
a crowd, came to do all
that and more with re-
sourcefulness and distinc-
tion they little suspected
they could summon.
Possibly, too, many of
those same persons will
not now be able to see
themselves handling an
So the "organic" growth
continues. In some ways,
Tapia has never been
working better, with more
people than ever working
flat out in the campaign,
enduring the deprivations
and disadvantages that

have been characteristic
of Tapia's struggles.
The experience must
immeasurably lift the
stature, the level of con-
sciousness and self-
'knowiedge, of the Move-
ment. And that must define
a constructive process,
whatever the immediate
outcome in terms of seats
won not won.


The experience has
enabled Tapia people to
look with privileged close-
ness into the very innards
of this society and culture
which have bred us and
which we have vowed
comprehensively to trans-
Making reference to
C.L.R. James, Tapia
spokespersons have have
numerously delivered from
the platform the observa-
tion that the country is
going to the election as if
to a funeral.
There are several senses,


It was with a mixture
of cheerful confidence
and profound misgivings
that Tapia embarked on
the elections enterprise.
It was, not insignifi-
cantly, in the midst of
the annihilation of the
NU FF enterprise in
1973. It was a time, in
short, when armed
revolution did not seem
to be "the only solu-

however, in which the
election campaign re-
sembles a Carnival season.
How far are we advanced
of Naipaul's Elvira? What
is the meaning of political
conmmitiei) in Triiidad?
How firmly rooted in
the people's consciousness
is this plant called "party
Do dhe people really
want parliamentary dem-
ocracy? Or what?
Thc elections wili pro-
vide the answers, at least
for the purposes of argu-
ment for the time being.
The elections should
give an updated answer to
the question whether party
politics as promised and
practised imperfectly in
this country's (where its
inherent values seem so
alien) can long endure.
The inf'uenccs today
are for pulling out all
the stops, for throwing
everything aside, now in

Cont'don.Page 8

The Tapia Port-bf-Spain Centre, on Cipriani Boulevarde opened in March this year immediately
was designated the Campaign Headquarters.




:K1 IE

%Vinthrop Wiltshire, Research

LAVENTILLE, Hamlet Joseph,
Special Works Checker.

Pantin, Economist.

BARATARIA, Ishmael Samad,
Sales Manager and Environ-

Michael Harris,

W E S T,

Land Surveyor.

SAN JUAN, Lloyd Taylor,

Allan Harris,
Central Office

ARIMA, Gloria Henry, Tapia- TOCO-MANZANILLA, Buntin
Advertising Manager. Joseph, Independent Crafts-
man & Hairdresser.

NARIVA, Jeremy Mar, Busi-
ness Manager & Merchant.

Carrington, B

FYZABAD, Mickey Matthews,
Independent Small Business-

LA BREA, Arnold Hood,
Accountant, Manager, Tapia
Point Fortin Office.

O'Neil, Engineer.



ST. JOSEPH Julian Jake
Kenny, University Professor
and Environmentalist,




"EMBER 12.1976


Roy Hollingsworth, Director
of Sports, UWI.

n Laughlin,

Anthony Michael Harris, Co-
operative Organiser.

EAST, Denis Solomon, Univer-
sity Lecturer.

secretary Tapia

AST, Eutrice
nk Clerk.

irtney Leiba,
& Studio

Tewarie, Secondary School-

CARON LEASTindar Maraj,
Secondary School-Teacher.

James, Primary


Lloyd Best, AROUCA, Angela Cropper,
/ = Economist.

Michael Billy-Montague, small
businessman and sportsman.


NAPARIMA, Parasram Soni-
lal, Welder/Fabricator

nanansingh, Primary School-

Seeta Browne, Student.


the Earth.






lRt a$'T

The large audience listened in silence to the Tapia speakers at our
Square on September 6.
From Page 5

this day where it seems
any number can play.
Overwhelmed by the
wrongness of it all, you
can either retreat into the
loneliness of self-righteous-
ness or hold your nose
and jump in the brew.
"Run something!" is the
roadmarch of this election-
carnival. Reaching into its
bottomless bags of corn,
constituted by the national
revenue, the ruling party
is casting widely to feed
more fowl than anybody
The question is: can 'it
work? Will the PNM who
in 1956 told their sup-
porters "Drink dev rum,
eat dey roti and vote
PNM", be vindicated in its
assertion now than a nation
can be bought?


Even in 1956,we can
note in passing, the PNM
was pandering to the social
tendency to admire and
emulate the smartman.
And it is these picaroon
values that are being sus-
tained now in this wanton
abandonment of sincerity
and ideals.
Their approach is not a
little facilitated by the
fact that our people seem
susceptible to mamaguy
and pappyshow.
It is a curious thing.
Probably, as has been sug-

The experience must
immeasurably lift the
stature, the level of con-
sciousness and self-kno wledge
of the Movement. And that
must define a constructive
process. Whatever the
immediate outcome in
terms of seats won or lost.
Ta ia people have been
enabled to look with privi-
leged closeness into the very
innards of this society and
culture which have bred us
and which we have vowed
comprehensively to trans-

gested, the ordinary people
so rarely get a sense ot
their own importance, that
at the occasion of an
election when their votes
are being feverishly solicit-
ed, they cannot resist -
making style, being coy.
People expect to be
courted, individually if
possible. Tapia campaign-
ers have been discovering
that the punishing grind
of door-to-door salesmann-
ship by a candidate is
what alone many constitu-
ents recognize as political
"When all you coming
up by me?" is the question
being asked all about at a
time when public meetings
of all the parties have been
marked by the small
There are always open
palms for the gifts of rum
and rbti, no matter who is

supplying it.
At Carnival time every
least hanger-on to a steel-
band expects to get a
printed T-shirt, as of right.
-He may get nothing else
for pushing pans in the
sun two full days.
The T-shirt might have
been i- 1,li.J by and
might carry the name of a
multinational firm with
branches in South Africa,
with notoriously bad
labour relations practices,
or the the T-shirts might
be about ail the "sponsor-
ship" the band is getting.


Still, the possession of
it is a tangible token of a
piece of the action.
So it -would be a fool-
ishly gullible political
party which would draw
unreservedly favourable in-
ferences from the apparent
demand fnr its printed
jerseys or its bumpt.
On the other hand, most
recipients don't mind giving
the free advertising; there
is not' the feeling that it
compromises them in any
Either by the actual
giving or by the brandish-
ing of gifts, the ruling
party has given eloquent
example of how votes can
be won in a situation
where the people are

1 ne i apia election campaign started long before the election date was announced. A feature of
the campaign was the so-called "fun-raising" occasions held in various pmats of the country.

simply playing for what
they can see.
"Two billion dollars, in
a country of one million
people, of less than two
thousand square miles!"
The Port-of-Spain mer-
chant who made that
succint political analysis
of the 1976 Budget
didn't see how the PNM
could be beaten at all.
Nine months later, the
elections should tell us
whether it's all a matter
of dollars and cents.


Reports circulating in
Arouca are that Minister
of Works Hector McLean
has been giving, out H-
Rights for taxis to sup-
porters in the area.
In Barrackpore No. 3
last week Minister of
National Security Victor
Campbell was heard telling
the people that the district
had been neglected by the
government because it had
never supported the PNM.
In La Brea, the PNM
recently opened their con-
stituency office next door
to Tapia candidate Arnold
Hood's home. The PNM
office is equipped with
juke box and pool tables.
How is it all to be
countered by a party
which doesn't dispose of
either the national treasury,
business support or the
coffers of rich trade

Maybe the answer is:
"No way!"
That could be the ver-
dict of September 13,
1976. But the further
meaning of such an
eventuality is a troubling
one for the country.
For the most important
conviction that we could
develop is that it's not
worth it to have to seek
to take power in this kind
of contest, or to have to
hold onto power in the
way the PNM has been
attempting to do.
In other words, that
what is left of you after
going through the chute
of this election business
could well be inadequate
to the task which you
entered it .to be able to
To win then, could be
still to lose something
vital about yourself. And
to lose in the context of
this kind of degraded
campaign is still to gain
the moral authority to
urge that the electoral
method can't make. Foi
you had to be in it to get
to know it.
These dicey options
have always been basic to
the Tapia misgivings about
getting into this election
business. But in playing
for election-Carnival, Tapia
can't very well affect to
fraid powder.


We've got what you
need at minimum cost,


I R PA A N 1'S

SUDA SET7VBP 12,~I 197&I~-L~-~~l r~l~(~laa TAPIA PAGE 9B

Suppose wen, boy

From I'tige 4

admission of failure in area after area. The pretext of
a basically good Prime Minister having to put up with
those awful millstones and corrupt party hacks. The
publishing of assets. The Mr. Clean image (it's just
that the'_whole country dirty).
And when the elections is over? Back to the
remote, aloof posture and a stone wall turned to the
people' Back to the gulf between ruler and ruled.
Back to Crown Colony Government. Back to Square
One and the Republic Constitution to beat urof ihe
the more serious opposition.
But nobody believeN a single promise the PNNiM
makes. Not even the PNM itself, which, after May23,
is now as divided as the Opposition with all kinds of
bitterness just lying below the surface, playing dead
so the election campaign can go ahead smoothly and
afterwards, one set of in-fighting to come. You
just watch and see how this 20-yea:-old "stable"
Party is going to come apart at the seams after
Monday, September 13, 1976.
It is wilderriess behind them and wilderness
ahead of them.
"But suppose we lose, boy .?"
The doubt returns because in spite of it all, youth
cannot really predict how hundreds of thousands of
voters are going to react on Monday. The Tapi '
political analysts breathe a sure-fire confidence. "The
time to be in front is at the end", Best was chuckling
as he came off the platform in Woodford Square last
Monday night, enthused by a crowd at least as laige
as the one that came to hear Williams present his
candidates. -
But suppose the people make the wrong choice.
Suppose our self-confidence has been so eroded by
the PNM juggernaut that at the criti'ai moment, we
fail to grasp a credible future and settle instead for the
.unbelievable present. It is not iimpossib
In life, Lloyd Best has said so often, we must
always assume the worst. Assume it for the moment,
then. Suppose the opportunity of office slips beyond

the Movement's grasp in 1976?
A disappointing setback. A lot of hopes, old
and new, dashed. Searching questions about where
the Moveicent went wrong. Reassessment. A regroup-
ing of men and resources. And the struggle goes on.
Look at the men and women at the core of the
Movement. Young, educated (in the University and
in their own land) and determined to resist this
exhausted regime until the country's politics reflect
the rcai'.v yh.11 I;nderpins the struggle: a generation/
has .ccwe jp and has decided there is no better
place to W!,.c and to love than in these'islands, our


And i' tdiie worst happens on Monday, the ulti-
mate outcome will be a better organised, even more
experienced, nation-wide movement that will take
control of the commanding heights of the politics
before another five-year term.
In any event, the real policsbegins after the
The .-people involved in the Movement for the
ride wiil s:;uck off, naturally. A great Caribbean
leader once said: "A revolution is like a speeding
train and as it gains momentum, the lighter weights
fail off." Free of ballast, the movement can only
ero' rowotcr and more determined...
It is not a doubt anybody wants to entertain too
long. On Monday, at least half a million people are
expected to turn out to vote in an election that will
decide the future of Trinidad and Tobago for the
next 20 yca '. a't cast. Tapia, beginning from nothing,
has forced itself on the public consciousness, pro-
vided the ,,;al:.sis, the plans and the vision that it is
possible, bc-:ause of our size, to create a genuine
democracy, '.wic would demand a new civilisation.
,' :- :-perience of the last 500 years,
that long degIadation of a whole society, would not
want to participate in that?
Suppose we win, boy?

':j f-~

WY whereW

we can


tall and-


of Trinidad and To-
bago has broken
Ivan Luarhiin
Shadow Minister of
Economic Affairs,
said this at 'apia's
Woodford Square
presentation of candi-
dates last Monday.
"Uremploymenm is
ravaging the youth,
the utilities are para-
lysed, inequality is
growing. It is pressure,

it is pain, it is a scene
of dread."
People w e r e
coming to the 1976
elections trying to
find their way "in a
sea of political tur-
moil and political
The real issue of
the '76 elections'was
simply that a time
had come for the
people "to assert our
freedom and to assei't
our independence. "
Tapia was not asking
people "to buy cat
in bag, but to listen
responsibly and to
act wisely."
Laughlin added:
"After drifting for
centuries in a sea of
irresponsibility, now
we must plant our
feet in this land of
ours and build a
country in which
every man and wo-
man can walk tall
and proud and say,
Trinidad and Tobago
is my country, it is
my land, our home,"

Outlining Tapia's
plans for national
reconstruction and
economic reorganisa-
tion, Laughlin said
there were four broad
(1) Decisive con-
trol of the economy
by bringing under
local control the life-
line industries that
make the economy
vibrant, giving us the
chance to pay our
way in the world. Oil.
Fertilizers. Sugar.
Banking. The Media.
And the real decision-
making in these
industries would
c me from the
people, organised in
the localities.
(2) Full employ-
ment, generated by
a massive construc-
tion prorramme to
provide 15,000 houses
a year, small-scale
enterprise, bringing
the economy to the
people so creative
talents could find
economic expression.
Community services.
National Service.
(3) Equality organ-
ised around an
incomes policy to
balance off salaries
and wages, expanded
community services,
cheap utilities, the
provision of uniforms
and meals for the
school children.
(4) A cultural re-
vival, with the provi-
sion of amenities for
sport, for the arts "I
always tell people
that is a country that

'lior ,', I '/.l,' /'t

C '~a~i~l~PWsls~ls~ds~a~~ sl~ep~8a~illBl~ssic~-88~----e~p~l~a~-~q~ ---



Let ns .-Yui

The Government of
Trinidad and Toba-
The charge: Sub-
version of the Consti-
tution and violation
Of "all the fundamen-
tal principles of
The judge: History
The Jury: The
people of Trinidad
and Tobago.
That was how Syl
the 1976 elections and
Lowhar saw the 1976
elections and put it
to the people in
Woodford Square last
Monday night. Low-

RESIDENTS who attended
a Tapia meeting in Laven-
tille, Road, Feheau Village
last Wednesday night, saw
at firsthand the lengths to
which the PNM is going to
prevent Tapia from gain-
ing ground in that area
which is part of the St.
Anns constituency.
Just before 8 p.m.,
boulders rained down on
the spot where a Tapia
team, including candidate
Ivan Laughlin, was holding
a public meeting.
The persons throwing
the boulders- were not
found by the police, but
their aim was clear to
break up what was deve-
loping into the second
successful meeting for that


Tapia campaigners saw'
this as a desperate escala-
tion of the tactics of
harassment organised in
the constituency oy the
PNM machine there headed
by Minister of Education
George Chambers.

har, who for the first
time gave public
details of his deten-
tion in 1970 on trump-
ed up charges, said:
"Now we are going
to put this- Govern-
ment on trial and
you, the jury, will be
asked to retire to the
voting booths on
election day and
deliver your verdict."
Lowhar added: "I
call a- my witness
the men who have
led movements in
this country before,
every 20 years."
Mendes. Cipriani.
Butler. And Williams

The harassment has
taken the form of destroy-
ing Tapia posters, threaten-
ing Tapia supporters and
attempting to shout down
Tapia speakers.
Last week's TAPIA des-
cribed attempts by a PNM
loudspeaker team to dis-
rupt a Tapia meeting the
previous weekend.
We have also reported
on the use of the Special
Works project in the area
to recruit strong-arm
cadres for the PNM, and
to intimidate people from





coming out in support of
' At least one Tapia
cadre was fired from his
Special Works job, and the
PNM has put about the
sinister message that
"Laughlin can't give all
yuh wuk."
In these last days, how-
ever, they have been find-
ing that intimidation and
bribery are not enough.
Hence the boulders last
Wednesday night. Hence
the rotten egg the week

."I call as my
witness Beverley
Johes, Basil Davis
who died here."


He said Tapia did
not come to Wood-
ford Square "as the
movement of '56 did,
cutting up people,
Nor as the movement
of 1970 with a
clenched fist, asking
for power.
"We come to you
waving the palm of
peace, brothers and
sisters, because we

Even PNM cadres admit
that no attempt is being
made to counter the Tania
message by presenting or
explaining the PNM pro-
gramme or record in gov-
According to one cadre,
"is fete every night. No
politics at all."
In Luengo last week,
Special Works labour was
used todecorate a hall for
a PNM fete.
Still, Tapia has found a
favourable reception every-

know that peace has
her victories no less
renowned than war."
Lowhar said he
wanted to exhort the
people "as Lincoln
told the American
people at Gettys-
"That these dead
shall not have died
in vain, that this
nation, under God,
shall have a new
birth in freedom and
that Government of
the people, by the
people and for the
people shall not
perish from this
earth.' "

The sight of this organ-
ised PNM thuggery being
deployed against Tapia is
drawing attention to the
Movement and. giving the
impression that in St. Anns'
it is a straight fight between
the ruling party and Tapia.
And with the PNM
fighting as nasty as they
have been, people can't
help suspecting that party's
basic insecurity and lack
of confidence despite
the intimidation, despite
the bribery, despite the

From Page 9
produced the greatest of the infrastructure"
sound of the 20th to develop our cul-
century, the steel- ture. No museums
band, there are no -and theatres. Nothing
concert halls, there to lift "the spirit of
are no pan tuning a n Independent
centres, there is none people."

Our coverage of


is unsurpassed anywhere

for focus and point.

Keep abreast of the

real currents in the

Caribbean Sea.
OWING to the recent increase in the postal
rates, the Tapia House Publishing Co., Ltd., has
found it necessary to increase the subscription
rates for TAPIA.
The new rates are as follows:

Trinidad & Tobago
Caricom countries
Other Caribbean
E.E.C. (incl. U.K.)


$18.00 per year

Surface rates and rates for other countries on
request The new rates are effective February 1, 1976.
Tapia, 82, St. Vincent St. Tunapuna, Trinidad &
Tohabo. W.I. Telephone 662-5126. R 62-25241.



111 B Belmont Circular ld. .Belmont
(Next to St. Francis Church) 62-42302

iBER 12. 1976

know what Presitlent we will get if the House
ends up with these four or five parties,
dividing the seats.
So that the question arises, the President
decides on what basis? On what basis will
,the interim President decide on who is to be
the leader of the Government?
And the Constitution is very clear on
the point. It says: "When there is occasion
for the appointment of a Prime Minister, the
President shall appoint as Prime Minister (a)
a Member of the House of Representatives
who is the leader in that House of the Party
which commands the support of the majority
of Members of that House."
Now that situation will not arise
because there is no single leader who com-
mands an overall majority.


Now, ladies and gentlemen, you see
now the possibility of some coalition form,
in which the Party that gets 14 could get six
more or four more and form a Government.
So the next question'-is, what do'politi-
cal developments generally in the country
suggest might happen? 1 want you to notice
that in the constituency, fights, many politi-
cal leaders are going up against one another.
It's political madness. So it's entirely possible,
depending on how the cookie crumbles, that
you may get members in the House who
don't have a leader.
Shah is fighting against Jamadar who is
fighting against Lequay. And Martir Sam-
path. And three of them will lose. But all
three of them are anchors holding things
together. In Couva North, Panday is fighting
Capildeo. One of them must go. And both
are the real leaders of their parties. Unless
they tie of course. I hope they don't get
tie up. In Tabaquite, Sinanan is fighting
Perot and one must go.
Now it is entirely possible in this situa.
tion that you could have a House with a
whole lot of stragglers, of drifters just
driveying down the corridors of power, who
might well be offered a plum here or a plum
there because most ot these parties are over-

eting in Woodford Square on Monday, September 6, 1976.

(Applause). And we say that if people do.
not perceive that, there could be a constitu-
tional crisis...
,It' is said that man is born free. It is
said that -man is born equal. And we agree
with that' in Tapia. And all the political
parties will come and tell you what your
rights are, what you should get because you
have 'freedom' and 'equality' and peace and
bread and justice and dignity and the whole
We say' in addition to that, man is born
free and equal and RESPONSIBLE as well.
It is not too many parties in 1976. That has
nothing to do with it. It is the responsibility
of -choice amongst them. Consider the
options seriously. Look at them. Scrutinise
them. Heff them, weigh them in the scales
of history. Put them in the balance and
decide and we are certain that when the
roll is called up yonder, we'll be there.
But there cbuld be a constitutional
crisis if people make the mistake and come
with some kind of ming-pilling voting, half-
way, halfway, and give we 12 seats. Or give
we 10 or 9 or 8. We don't want 9 or 8, we want
25 or 26! Enough to govern and govern
wisely on behalf of the people of Trinidad
-and Tobago. We want the whole bread!
If we make the mistake and give them

14, which is a possibility, ladies and gentle-
men, do you know what's going to happen?
You will get this political situation in which
Party A gets 14 seats, Party B gets 10, Party
C gets 2 and Party D gets 6, Party E gets 4.
Now in that situation, the strongman,,
the crucial man, becomes the Governor-
General ("The President!" shout from crowd).
Same thing. It ain' change. The crucial man
is going to become Sir Ellis Clarke, up in the
Botanical Gardens. And you have to ask
yourself the question: what are the Constitu-
tional provisions in regard to the election of
the President?


Now is the President going to summon
the Government first? Or is the elected
Parliament going to elect a new President
first? That is important. Because it decides
who is going to be the referee. Now if you
playing in the game and you bringing your
own umpire, you know what happen'?
And the Constitution makes it very
clew. that before we elect the new Presi-
dent, the President will choose the Govern-
ment, because the election of the President
depends on the work of the Speaker. Thec ha!); organise it and so on. So we

night political parties, jumble umbrella
We could win the election in the sense
that we put a cuttail on them on Monday
and still, because of the combination of
political circumstances, and constitutional
circumstances, we could end up in the
And therefore ladies and gentlemen
the conclusion is very clear: we cannot
afford to produce arty Parliament with a
whole lot of parties on an equal and con-
tending basis. It cannot be any eyeball-to-
eyeball, any manos to manos, you have to
go out there and sweep them out totally.
That is the task of 1976.
We have spent 20 years in the wilder-
ness, of 15 perhaps. We have taken a lot of
pressure, a lot of punishment. The time is
coming soon for you to decide. You have to
be responsible. You've seen the analysis,
you've seen the risk, you have seen where
we have come from and where we are going.
The bell is ringing, the trumpet is
sounding, a clarion is calling you, to freedom.
We have spent years waiting to hang this
jack. In 1971 we told them in Independence
Square you cannot hang Jack by leading
Queen. You have to stay with the Ace and
play low and when the last ;ru is ready to
tall, you say Marker, Stand By!

Why we must move

Thee evil

That we


Hear TAPIA make



[d 1 m I tI



Park Savannah







Lloyd Best M
Bhoe Tewarie

ichael Harris
Ivan Laughlin

-- --