Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
April 4, 1976
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text
1- 'S. Andrea
Research ,a Tlbutt
Vol. 6 No. 14 stdy o MnI fo
162, s 78h
NewYork, N, 78th Street,


o D



Panday addresses first joint meeting of opposition torces at Woodford Square on Monday March 22.1976





TRINIDAD and Tobago's
14,000 sugar workers
went on strike Wednesday
last week so that "pos-
terity will vindicate us."
Basdeo Panday, President
General of the All Trini-
dad Sugar Estates &
Factories Workers' Trade
Union told a meeting of
the United People's Front
that afternoon.
Panday said he did not
think the strike would
stop the Constitution or
the Government. But
when the children of
sugar workers asked them
one day in the future
what did they do when
their freedoms were being
taken away, "we will be
able to say we stood up
and fought"

Panday expressed deep
gratitude to the sugar
workers for coming out
on strike. He was not
sure, he said, if they
would have responded to
the strike call but they
had shut down the sugar
industry and "today I am

assured of your love, your
He saw the strike as a
"tremendous vote of
confidence" in himself
and sugar workers as
"the greatest people in
the world."
Workers did not even
know why they were on
strike, Panday said, but
it was his duty to tell
them. He then referred to

different sections of the
new Constitution which
had frightened even
lawyers, who were trained
to read the law. That was
why the lawyers were
boycotting the courts,
he said.
The new Constitution
would deprive people of
most of their rights and
freedoms, Panday said,
adding: "They say they
make certain amendments
but nobody knows what
they are."
The "strike had been
called for 24 hours, he
said, not because it was
felt that the Government
would be stopped -but to

record for history a stand
against this blow at the
people's freedoms.
Panday also confirmed
what Caroni Limited has
been saying there is no
dispute between the com-
pany and the Union.
"The fight is not against
the company", he said.
"But we have no other
way to show the nation

and our children our
protest. We have done
our duty. Today's strike
was intended to vindicate
our manhood. God bless
us all."
The United Labour
Front, he said, had
created the United
People's Front and "we
must continue to demon-
strate the kind of unity
of the opposition forces
that the people have
been crying for. My own
personal view is if the
forces of the opposition
unite, five hundred Eric
Williams's can't beat
To Meet
A MEETING of Tapia,
canvassers from the
constituencies of Tuna-
puna, St. Augustine, St.
Joseph and San Juan
East, will be held on
Tuesday April 6th at 7
Venue is the Tapia
House at 82-84 St.
Vincent Street in Tuna-
All Tapia people
from the above
constituencies are urged
to attend this very
important meeting.
For further inforrna-
tion contact Lloyd Best,
Ivan Laughlin or Beau
Tewaric ai 662-5126 or
Angela Cropper ait '2-

Is Jail

They Fraid

THE new Constitution is
"an act of desperate
men Democratic Action
Congress (DAC) leader
A.N.R. Robinson told a
large crowd at a meeting
of the United People's,
Front outside Caroni
Limited's Ste. Madeline
factory Wednesday last.
Robinson said this
"extreme desperation"
was not only to protect
the Government's status
and power but to avoid
jail. "I know at least two
of them':-, including the
highest of the high, "who
can be arrested tonight
or tomorrow for corrup-
tion", the DAC leader

the Prevention of Corrup-
tion Ordinance, anybody
in the Government found
guilty of accepting gifts
from -companies doing
business with the Gov-
ernment faced a 7-year
jail term and a fine of
$10,000 and disqualifica-
tion from holding public

Robinson referred to
a "PNM Secret Fund"
which, he said, was con-
trolled by the Political
Leader of the PNM.
The former PNM Cabi-
net Minister said when
he was a PNM Minister
he knew what power and
influence was but it had
been "the greatest
pleasure of my life to
turn my back on the
politics of power and
influence and walk
among the ordinary
people of this country."
The country today, he
said, was polarised,
"divided between those
who want to use positions
of power to exploit and
those who are fighting
against exploitation and
The DAC leader urged
workers: "Do not be
afraid. These are the last
days of the regime." He
also sail the IDAC "is
united and will unite
with every group that
stands i' prin..:iple."



NOTHING in 15 years has so
generated hope in the breast of
Trinidad & Tobago as the joint
platform of the. Opposition
forces organised to condemn the
Republic Bill. Not since the
celebrated November meeting
held by Dr. Rudranath Capildeo
in 1961 in the Queen's Park
Savannah has there been such
political excitement in the entire
country. In 1970 Black Power
certainly excited and incited the
Youth "and the Blacks; in 1975,
the industrial revolt in the South-
land undoubtedly rekindled the
revolutionary flame of hope; but
neither movement ever truly suc-
ceeded in offering our people a
clearly political opening to glory.
In this election year inevit-
ably we have marked a tremend-
ous advance. The long night of
industrial and social upheaval is
over with the breaking dawn of
political confrontation. All the
little parts are making a whole,
of sugar-workers and oil workers
and black people; of North and
South and Central and Tobago;
of Cedros and Matelot, Mayaro
and Diego. The polarisation into
two do-or-die camps-has at long
last begun and everybody in
this country knows about it
except the media of "mass" com-
munication of course. The climax
of the February Revolution is at
hand; the strange silence of the
media can only be the calm be-
fore the storm.


Nothing so demonstrated
the one-ness of the industrial,
constitutional and political ques-
tions as Wednesday's -one-day
strike of sugar -workers. There
are those who said that people
would never get hoturiderneath
the collar becausethey could not
eat constitution reform. But the
sugar workers knew that if they
did not eat-up the new Republic,
they would in time eat the bread
that the Devil knead. And they
came to know it largely by
instinct, following on the teach-
ings of last year's industrial
struggle and in the faceof forth-
coming general elections. Such
is the revolutionary convergence
of the many and varied public
One word now commands
the lips of the country. Unity
to give our people a chance and
a choice. The choice is a chance
to win back peace and bread and
justice. The choice lies between
the colonial repression of a One-
Man Republic, the serfdom of a
Benevolent Doctatorship as
against the freedom of indepen-
dence and people's participation.
The last-minute crisis of the
Constitution has brought us now
to the point of decision. The
concrete expression of the choice
that we make will be the attitude

we adopt to a single Opposition
political party.
The Republican Constitu-
tion which the governing party
has adopted is nothing but- a
Manifesto of the privileged oli-
garchy, the consummation of a
long trend towards the consolida-
tion of public order." Recent
trends", wrote C.V. Gocking in
Democracy or Oligarchy, "have
been moving inexorably in the
direction of, greater control and
containment of the broad masses
of the people, towards neutralis-
ing and forestalling popular
expression for fear of spontane-
ous combustion."


The Republican Constitu-
tion of 1976 is the culmination
of the Public Order Bill of 1970,
the Sedition Amendment Ordi-
nance, the Summary Offences
Amendment Ordinance, and all
the draconian legislation passed
francomentally as Reaction has
responded to the February
Revolution by protecting privilege
and power, in the cause of Big
Corporations and Big Company
Unions and in the service of the
Big Stick of State Power so
brashly wielded by the Presiding
Convenience, the Benevolent
The governing party has
taken its stand. What is the his-
toric option for the Opposition
party? The Constitution crisis
has finally destroyed the old-
time choices. Once upon a time,
the ruling party was the party of
the African people, big, little and
middling too.. And then the
Revolt and the Revolution of
1970 definitively altered all that.
The revolutionary upheaval
shattered the national movement,
created 'the dedicated citizens
and set in train movement that
is still generating much faction
and ruction and has led to the
demise of Hudson-Phillips, Ivan
Williams, Irwin Merritt and others
too numerous to mention. The
earthquake has been felt not only
in the party but also in the
public service and the professions
,and the key agencies of society
and State. So that, the whole
rotten structure is threatening to
collapse as every individual con-
science is quietly taking position.
In the Army, in the Police
Service even, in the Courts, the
Church, the University, every-
where, the old two-party division
is done and fragmented loyalties
now abound.
It is no accident that the
old Opposition party has also
become definitively incapable of
holding together, in traditional
form. However, being out of
office, it could more easily move
in a new direction and that is
what Panday's emergence has
meant. Wednesday's successful

strike of the sugar workers means
not ohly that Panday is the un-
disputed leader of the ULF but
that he is also the unquestioned
political leader of the entire Sugar
Until now there has not
existed the base of a reconstruct-
ed Opposition. In some ways
then, Panday and the ULF are
in the same position as Bhadase
and the PDP were in the late
1950's called upon by history to
build. a nationwide Darty. It
could not really be otherwise
because revolutions do not im-
mediately destroy inherited
structures; they only create new
possibilities. So that if the ULF
appears to be similarly placed as
the PDP, it is the same but really
very different. The historical
situation has been profoundly
altered by 20 years of broken
promises and 8 desperate years of
sustained upheaval.
There has never been any
doubt that a party based in
- Central Trinidad would need to
breakthrough to nationwide
organisation if it were to stand a
chance of assuming control of the
machine of State. In 1961, the
DLP perceived this very clearly
but at a time when Black Power
had not yet revolted, it was pro-
bably impossible for Dr. Capil-
deo to bring off a national as
against a sectional party even if
he had been endowed with the
political and technical skill.


Now it is different. There
still exists a real risk of racial-
backlash especially in Port-of-
Spain and the Eastern Corridor
and even in the Oil Belt; but
never has the multi-racial option.
been as favoured as now. Vast
numbers of people have been
prised loose from the governing
party by the ravagesbf official
oppression, by the cultural yearn-
ings of Black Power, by system-
atic visitations of pressure .in
regard to unemployment, in-
equality, inflation, the breakdown
of public services and public
utilities, by theabsence of any
concept of the national welfare,
and by the epidemic of special
works programmes in every field
of national endeavour.
Never has there been a
more golden chance to build a
valid national movement, to
establish a political party to speak
for all the little people and to
offer an equal place in Trinidad
& Tobago to every creed and
race. It is one of the ironies of
history that the opportunity for
a genuinely national party has
come from a resurgence among
one particular section. That
seems to be a fundamental law
of life; such are the modalities of
.political change.
There is another irony still

which is that the party we need
cannot prevail as any marriage of
convenience. It would stand the
chance of a snowball in hellrif it
attempted merely to contrive a
change of the faces without set-
ting its sights on a basic recon-
struction. The origin of the neW
hope in the breast of our people
is an deep-seated instinct for
survival in freedom; Trinidadians
and Tobagonians just know that
we must fight this dragon together
or die. It must be obvious to all
that people cannot be rallied to
s-stain such a desperate struggle
other than by the most noble
perspectives, other than by an
appeal to the highest ideals. If
all we are offering our people is
an old-time mobilisation to move
the Government, there is no way
in the World that we will get
them to fight to theend. And
this the Prime Minis'ter said in
1969, is nothing if not "a fight
to the finish."


One integral political party
of little people, in search of a
radical reconstruction, is not
simply a necessity for the
Opposition; it is the only thing
with a chance of success. Any
attempt at '4 simple electoral
coalition will not arouse or awaken
the countrybecause the source
of the constitutional and political
crisis is nothing but the system-
atic betrayal of trust. The only
thing to bring the multitudes
back into the Parliaments of the
People and to keep them there
until the fight is done would be
an honest attempt to salvage the
county by proceeding first to
responsible Opposition. There
has to be an act of statesman-
ship, an act of nation-building,
or we may all find ourselves
going under together.
If our political alternative
to the Government is to be a
single, effective, striking force,
we would need four ingredients,
the first being the involvement
of at least the major Opposition
parties, Everybody recognizes this
and the crowds we have had .at
meetings show that people
appreciate the potential of con-
certed action. Everybody also
acknowledges that politics is in
need of brimstone and fire, the
capacity to stir the multitudes
to action, the art of rapid politi-
cal mobilisation. That is the
second ingredient.
What we also need however,
is the capacity for permanent
and professional organization and
above all, the capacity to run the
State efficiently in the cause of
the reconstruction:
In practical terms, the party
must command the vast resources
of Organized Labour. It is just as
well that some Unions hive
finally laid to rest the old bogey




Dennis Pan tin
on revaluation
of the TT $
REVALUATION of the TT dollar,
coupled with the breaking of the link
with the pound sterling, advocated
by many in business and academic
circles, is a simple palliative, which
will hardly correct the economic pro-
blems in the country.
There is no doubt that the two
measures will help in the short-run,
given the almost laissez-faire economic
policy of the Government. One has
no surety, however, that returning the
T.T dollar to its original 2:1 parity
with the US dollar and the linking of
the local currency to the American
dollar, will lead to lowering of con-
sumer prices.
It may merely mean that the
import-merchant class increases its
mark-up particularly in a situation
where it can always claim and some-
times justifiably, that other costs
continue to rise, e.g. freight.
To eliminate profiteering will
require a policing machinery which is
unavailable in the Civil Service as
presently constituted.
Moreover, it will be a waste of
valuable manpower to limit it to the
boredom of cross-checking invoices
and bills of lading.. The avenues for
evasion would be legion;
Linking ours to the US
dollar is also to run the risk of
similar fluctuations of the $TT in rela-
tion to the health of the American
The solution lies not so much in
the juggling of exchange rates but in
the promotion of a diversified econ-
omic structure based on a dynamic
export policy and the support of an
import displacement policy.
The fact is that the trade policy
of the present Government is contra-
dictory: in the light of its policy of
dampening inflationary pressures on
the consumer, by a subsidisation pro-
gramme, there should have been an
early break with the pound sterling
and a revaluation.
The gain to speculators in such a
revaluation, as hinted by the Prime
Minister in his Budget Speech, is no
rational reason against revaluation. In
fact, the inflow of speculative money
must have increased since In
that period 'in the face of one thin
the inevitability of such revenue
revaluation. over the
The inner logic of the Th
political regime may no sense
explain the delay in any it is
official announcement. increase

The continued de-
valuation of the TT
dollar increases the paper
worth of Government
revenue, much of which
comes from petroleum
taxes paid in US dollars.
This allows the Govern-
ment to present a rosy
balance-of-payments pic-
ture and also to announce
billion-dollar budgets.
This increase in
dollar incomes is in no
way linked to the real
purchasing power, because
of inflationary prices in
the metropolitan coun-

T los.Is -

d0 a

ud t

* .r ...

And you

know t

They soy


a fool

and his


other words, it is
Lg to say that the
from oil doubled
last year.
at statement makes
e, however, unless
related to the
d price of imports

and locally produced
goods over the same


Trinidad and Tobago
is living in the fool's
paradise believing that we
have an excess of revenue
- a bottomless pit of
The reserves of
Petroleum and Natural
Gas are estimated at 10
to 20 years' supply,
assuming reasonable rates
of depletion. This
assumption may be
ill-founded since the
multinational corpora-

tions .- ,o are in charge
of exploitation, have
their own long-term plans,
in no way consistent
with national aspirations.


The capital require-
ments of the Smelter
plant and other down-
stream industries, have
been estimated at billions
of dollars and there has
been talk of borrowing
on the international capital
The false security of
the oil bonanza can leave
Trinidad and Tobago
many years behind our
Caribbean neighbours
like .Guyana, Jamaica,
Barbados, and for a much
longer period, Cuba, all
of whom have been forced
by foreign exchange
shortages, to take tne
belt-tightening decisions

on limiting imports and
promoting increased local
Jamaica has established
foreign exchange quotas
for all sectors of the
economy and recently
ruled that the import
quota for cars has been
filled for the year. So no
more car imports till 1977.


Our "scrunting" neigh-
bours may be making the
short-run sacrifices which
will put them ahead of
us economically and poli-
tically, in the next 25 to
50 years.
That, to the .PNM
politician, may be the
long-run of Keynes, when
we are all dead. But
unless we can put in
office politicians with a
somewhat longer vision
than the next general

elections, then economic
progress, basic to political
stability, will not come.
To some extent, the
present economic and
political "backwardness"
of Spain. vis-a-vis other
Western European coun-
tries, can be put down
to Spain's prosperity as a
mineral-rich country in the
16th and 17th centuries
based on the exploitation
of the gold resources of
the New World.

Neighbouring countries
like Britain had to under-
go an Industrial Revolu-
tion. Far-fetched as it may
seem, this may be one
of the factors which
allowed Spain to retain
the politically destabilis-
ing rigidity of a reigning
To solve the unemploy-
ment problem, this
country must increase
the quantity and range
of exports and increase
local production at the
expense of imports.
To make exports com-
petitive, it may be neces-
sary to devalue as this
will make our currency
cheaper to other countries.
To increase local pro-
duction at the expense
of imports, it may be
necessary, in addition to
outright import bans or
quotas, to provide a price
incentive. Devaluation
will increase the price of
imports vis-a-vis local


This country's petrol-
eum revenue is paid in
US dollars; it is the
"dollar area" with which
we are increasingly con-
ducting most of our
international trade. De-
valuation will increase the
converted value of this
revenue, subject to the
price increase of imports
and local products as
already mentioned.
It may be a question
of establishing multiple
exchange rates with a
lower rate for essential
imports. It may be a
question of linking, not
with the US dollar, but
with Special Drawing
Rights created by the
The fact is that the
Trinidad and Tobago
economy requires deep-
seated reforms which no
simple revaluation or
link with the US dollar
can sole.
Revalue, Yes! But also
introduce a wide-range
of economic measures to
increase employment
and incomes and ensure
greater equality.
Later for that.


SUNI)AY, APRilT I4. 1976



LAST December, I toyed
with the idea of sending
to the PTSC a suggestion
for the New Year.
My suggestion when
adopted would have
solved the problems of
thousands of people like
myself who depend on
It was a simple recom-
mendation: the PTSC
should shut cown. send
home their workers with
full pay, and announce
that they had found it
impossible to run an
effective and efficient bus
That move would have
several benefits.
It would remove the
sight of PTSC employees
liming in the terminus
whole day, prevent us
from wasting time at the
bus stops and get those
dirty buses off the road
where they shutdown all
the time.
How cynical and re-
signed we people are!
Day after day, the
travelling population will
wait for hours for buses.
They know that when
the buses come the seats
will be sure to be of
fibreglas, and dirty.


Daily, they put up
with the style-making of
taxi-drivers Not a, word-
of complaint.
The authorities con-
tinue to show a complete
disregard for roaduisers
with WASA the major
Still, the tolerance
continues, unexhausted.

'People complain in
private. But their actions
show that this state of'
affairs has become part
of their lifestyle. They
accept it and cannot
change it.
Why haven't passengers
demanded clean buses,
running according to
published schedule?
Is it that bus corm-

nmuters are the very old,
the very young, the very
poor and the idle?
This resignation is at
the root of many national
ills, particularly transport
People lack self-confi-
dence, which leads to
resignation. Hence there
is no sustained pressure
on the authorities.

Scene from black US ghetto ofa kidni in which "A Rlisin In The Sui" is set.

A D"L I Ti i

A Raisin In The Sun

PORT-OF-SPAIN theatre-goers, will
get another piece of the action
next weekend when the Lorraine
Hansberry play A Raisin In The
Sun is put on at the Little Carib by
the Theatre Arts Company of
Trinidad (The Act).
The ACT calls it the company's
first major production of the 1976
theatre season.
The play will run from Thurs-
day, April 8 to Sunday April 11, at
the Little Carib, then for one night
at the Naparima Bowl, San Fernando,
on Wednesday, April 11.
A Raisin In The Sun was pro-
duced in Trinidad before by the


Company of Players. That earlier
production sold out before the
opening night.
The all-black play has been even
more successful in the USA where it
won the New York Drama Critics
Circle Awardfor the best play of
1960, and it also has the record of
being the longest-run black play on
Fourteen years after its original
production, A Raisin was revived on
Broadway in 1974 as a musical where
it is still running.
Two cast members of The ACT,
Zennie De Silva and Heather Jacobs,
saw the musical while in New York

People see the solution
as buying a car, which it
is not. But it is also an
admission of defeat.
They join the clamour
for more roads, but are
extremely cynical about
the announced road-
building plans of the
Which takes people
right back to the resigna-

tion accepting the
status quo.
The most immediate
political -task remains,
therefore, that of winning
your self confidence. That
can only be won when
you realise that you are
important and that your
participation is import-
ant. Only so can we get
rid of this feeling of

play at Little Carib

in August 1975.
Zennie will play Mama in the
production opening at Little Carib
next week, and Heather Jacobs the
role of Ruth Younger.
The ACT claims to have an
entirely new cast and company which
includes Peter Smart (Walter Younger)
Celia Georges (Benetha Younger),
Casilda Joseph (Ruth Younger),
Finbar Ryan (Joseph Assagai), John
Smith (Mr. Linder), Garnet Craigwell
(Bobo), George Murchison (Everette
Brown) and Gregory Francis (son
of Ruth and Walter Younger).
Director and Producer: Gabriel


- .-.--.-.. I,


PS Ste phens


Tank Top Jerseys


Available at the House Ring 662-5 ,26

26a Raininar St. Morvant



Fix t ures

( t; ,_ .4 ( P'
ASA [/O(R MRi.KI1.



No role

like that of



the flag

flag to wave.

Kitchener" has won the
title of Road March king
again. He did it this year
with a lilting and rousing
piece called "F 1 a g
Woman ".
In continuingg his win-
ning streak Kitchener
proved himself to be the
artistic master of an age
who has mellowed with
time and experience.
For his winning calypso
is not only a thing of
sheer musical beauty from
the viewpoint of melody
and rhythm. It is also a
work of poetic elegance,
in that it projects the
flag woman as a symbol
of her sex.
And how well he does
it! Where would the
world be, where would
society be without its
womenfolk? They are
indispensable. So Kitch-
ener opens his song:
You have no band without
a beautiful flag woman,
You have no band without
a capable flag woman...
There goes the finest
tribute that can be paid
to the fairer sex. Woman
is a must.
Why? He explains that
the music will have no
soul, the rhythm will lack

The music of .. this
calypso is as refreshing
as the dramatic appeal in
the power of its words.
No band of course,
without its beautiful flag
woman. She is what the
drum major or conductor
is to a military brass
So that the flag woman,
and for that matter,
woman has a vital role in
the Carnival setting.
In the language of the
calypso, take your flag'
woman off the scene and
the band would fall to
pieces. It would lose its
direction like "a ship
without a compass."
Woman here is cast in
the role of a guide and
leader. Moreover, the
flag woman is projected
as a figure of beauty -

1nc;11.1 ty of Ilu- nI rIl n .- iqi- '. .

tlnV intrii I: ji) m1)"i' 1.1 t m
oI ha r imilnileof. .te. o.
But in 1 lb c i n t1.' \,=t.
1 C 1 i'l'l l'l I : I',. ,.J I ltit l ,
fascina ting p anorama of
tlhi pn -,-". nnrr.t i l" ,- j p, r",,
I 1 '., .th. ,- ..1 [ .. 1 _. l ',

. j. ein g.
e erg1 e clear niy no band.'
beauty. it follows a ..,.-s a
related prerequisite nodrd
and emblem of the whole
fascinating panorama of

her picturesque role
emerges "clearly no band
without its flag waving
beauty. It follows as a
related prerequisite no
society without vital
roles lor its wonien.

band in (he complex Car-

which every woman has a
flag to wave.
She must be there,
leading, coaxing, en-
couraging, first and fore-
most in the basic unit of
the family, then in other
areas of society, such as
the village group, the
trade union, the com-
munity welfare organisa-
Still, for all that, the
calypso does not merely
proselytiise on the virtues
of womanhood; If that
were its express objec-
tive, it would fail.
For all the potency
of its symbolic content,
the calypso remains as
earthy and frivolous in
its melodic texture and
its lyric style as Carnival
The central weakness
of "Flag Woman" lies
here. It looms as a para-
dox on our artistic hori-

zon. Society seemingly
abhors double standards.
The flag woman *as
standard bearer is symbolic-
ally portrayed at one and
the same time as innova-
tor of, progress, inspire
of great art, and seductive
Waving sexy,
Send them crazy,
Woman, woman, move yuh
To a lot of people
anyway, this is the source
of strength in the calypso.
The contradictions of its
meaning give it appeal at
Carnival time, when all is

gay and wild abandon.
And the double stand-
ards in the language of
the calypso may just be a
happy mingling of the
serious and the light-
hearted, the ribald and
But when all is said and
done, "Flag Woman"
would find a niche in any
society, in any age,as a
work of art and enjoy-
It projects feminity as
a force of moral rectitude;
it mirrors the mad, mad
world of sex in the seven-

Society is the great

band in the complex Car-

nival of life .. in

which every woman has a




We've got what you
neqal at minimum oOst,


Citizens Advice Bureau

Tapia P.O.S Centre
Cipriani Boulevard Phone: 62-25241

PA G I -, 5 '1 AN A

PAGE --apa~c- 6- TAI SUNDAYe APIC--- r

IGhanaian woman


social value

Dr. Florence Dolphyne,
who teaches linguistics at
the University of Ghana,
is vice-chairman of the
Ghana National Council
on Women and Develop-
ment, a body created in
1975 to advise the gov-
ernment on all issues
affecting the welfare of


Q. Women in Ghana
are equal in law, but in
practice, as in many
other countries, do not
various factors make for
A. Some of the things
that make women
unequal in Ghana are
related to the traditions
of our society. One is the
institution of polygamy
under which a man can
have three, four or five
wives. In this sort of
situation, the status of
the woman cannot be
equal to that of the
Also in some parts
of the country marriage
systems require the young
man to provide a certain
amount of money or buy
various things before he
marries and this is some-
times construed to mean
that the woman has been
bought and is therefore
an inferior partner in the
Q. But can't polygamous
marriages be banned
by law?
A. I don't think it
would be advisable
at this moment to legis-
late against polygamy.
For one thing polygamy
solves a problem for
many women, because a
fairly rich man can
provide comfortably for
two, three or four wives.
Also women tend
to marry much earlier
than men and, therefore,
even though there are
about the same number
of men as women, more
women are ready to
marry, and so you have
T h e authorities
realize that if they
abolish polygamy out-
right it will simply revive
in an unofficial form
where you have one
official wife and several
other women living in
extra-marital relationships.
One of the reasons
why men, even when
they are not very rich,
still go ahead and marry
several women is that
they are not always held
fully responsible for their
But if they were


obliged to
their wives
and made

register all
and children

responsible for them, the
economic pressure alone
would tend to minimize

In times of

Q. You are responsible
at the UNICEF
office in Quagadougou.
Upper Volta, fo, : id
programme c( ring
seven drought-affic ted
countries of the Sahel:
Chad, the Gambia, Mali,
Mauritania, Niger, Sene-
gal and Upper Volta.
What are conditions like
at present in these coun-
tries, particularly for

A. The women's burden
was certainly heaviest
during the terrible catas-
trophe we suffered.
Among the worst hit by
the effects of the drought
were pregnant women,
nursing mothers and
children under five who
make up part of'what we
call the "vulnerable
Conditions are a
little better since it
started raining and our
efforts are now being
directed to a rehabilita-
tion programme for the

land, livestock, environ-
ment and the people
themselves. We advise
families on how to
balance their diets, help-
ing them as much as we
But this doesn't
mean the emergency is
over. We still face many
problems, the most worry-
ing of which is the high
rate of infant mortality.

Q. Just how high is it?
A. Fifty per cent of the
children die before
they reach the age of
five. It is not uncommon
to meet a woman who
has had nine children of
which only one or two
have survived.
The primary cause
of infant mortality is
malnutrition of all kinds,
as well as infection and
inadequate hygiene in
regard to water and living
arrangements. Most often
the afflicted families have
no idea of how to prevent
illness and malnutrition.

polygamy. in
Q. What are the most
important problems soc
facing women in Ghana hig]
today'? oft
A. The first thing the imp
women ot Ghana tha
need is education. Not req
just formal education, dec:
but general education, wot
so that they can' learn
to discount prejudices pow
which tend to treat them deci
as inferiors. We consider deter
that much of the appa- of f
rent inequality between if
men and women in wor
modern Ghanaian society cien
is due to the high level real
of illiteracy among they
women. sent
Functional literacy bod
programmes can help top
them to improve the skills the
they already have and to
acquire new ones, thereby mer
making them more econ- pro-
omically independent. vocal
There should be a mus
big campaign through the men
news media and other care
means to educate parents and


Even the better off don't tha
know the rules for a chi
balanced diet. car
Q. So what counts most pro
for the women is to
acquire the knowledge Q.
needed to protect their
families? mei
A. Yes, to save the A.
children and to
lighten their daily burden. pily
And when I say burden I
mean a plethora of tasks frui
ranging from housekeep- tam
ing to working in the nut
fields and including the:
fetching wood and water, frui
doing the marketing, and for
selling fish when they are in t
not obliged to stay with a gast
sick child at a traditional hon
healer's or a maternity front
and infant protection the
centre. beii
Unhappily, we suffer Hea
from a lack of public very
health- facilities; where trad
they do exist, women poe
often do not know how
to avail themselves of som
them or else they may effe
be miles from a centre wiv

1 young girls on the
d for girls to take
'antage of the educa-
nal facilities available
the country.
In our traditional
.iety, women were
lhly respected and
en participated in
)ortant decisions. Now
t education is a basic
uirement for. such
visions, the role of
men has declined.
But the degree of
wer people wield in
ision-making bodies is
ermined by their level
formal education and
there aren't enough
nen who are suffi-
.tly well-educated, we
ly can't insist that
y should be repre-
:ed on decision-making
ies. So education is a
priority in Ghana at.
However, it is not
ely a question of
hiding literacy and
national training; there
st also be improve-
Lts in sanitation, child
, nutrition and home
family life.


t could look after their
ld, provide maternity
e or help them deal
h health and food

But you still have
your traditional re-
dies and practices.
Some of them are
excellent, and, hap-
y, are still alive.
Such food as the
it of the baobab and
narind trees and cashew
s, among others, have
rapeutic qualities. The
t of the ditakh bush,
example, is effective
treating diarrhoea and
;ro-enteritis. These
ne remedies, made
,m local produce have
added advantage of
ng cheap. The World
.lth Organization is
y interested ifi this
litional pharmaco-
On the other hand,
ne practices have bad
cts. Thus village mid-
es cut the umbilical



P s~ss~l~s~sed$lll~L L CI --L ~aq r -el r I 'I I




Next Sunday

April 11,1976

at SWWTU Hall,P. OS.



of the


!ALczLl ['IA

TAPIA'S 10-YEAR PLAN IIvan Laughlin)





s,women suffer most

cord with instruments
that have not always
been sterilised. Or the
been sterlised. Or the
woman gives birth lying
on the bare ground or
even in the fields.
In such cases puer-
peral or tetanus infection
is not uncommon. There
is certainly a need to
study traditional practices
and to do so would not
require much in the way
of funds or personnel.
Q. How do you see the
A. The time for theoriz-
ing is past. 1975 was
a year for research and
planning. 1976 should be
a time when the lessons
of I n te national
Women's Year are brought
to bear on the condition
of the rural masses.
Action is possible at
all levels. We who have
had the good fortune to
receive a modem educa-
tion are a privileged
minority among African

What is now needed
is to redirect part of our
knowledge to aiding rural
women in matters of
health and hygiene,
domestic economy, edu-
cating their children and
why not? taking part
in public life, first at
village, and later at
national level.
We have the cadres
- teachers, midwives,
physicians, social workers
- and we are equipped to
bring about some changes
within the family. But,
as I said, we must go to
the villages and discuss,
together with the women
there, what is good and
what is bad in our tradi-
Whatever our field
of activity, all of us are
in touch in some way- or
another with women,
children and young
people. We can help to
change their living condi-
But this cannot be

done unilaterally. We
must co-operate with
men also, so everyone
concerned understands
the situation and is moti-
vated by a similar desire
for change. Otherwise,
one is bound to fail.

Marie Toure
N'Gom is a Sene-
galese nutritionist
whose work in
the countries of
the Sahel region
brings her into
contact with
thousands of
African women.

10.00 M.


-- i-i r r- --- --I SIIR~IIC~""-SP~4~""I~--~--- r I



PRIME MINISTER Malcolm iFraser and his newl1, elected conserxati\c UsIralian igo-
ernment are already showing signs of moving to the both in domestic and foreign
affairs far too fast and much too far. Buti it is in foreign itffair s that the move is most
disturbing and most pronounced.
As some commentators and more than a few voters noted during the election
campaign, foreign affairs did not rate highly in the programme or speeches of any of,
the competing parties. Yet within days of being elected to power Prime Minister Fraser
has returned Australia to a position in international relations unoccupied since the days
of the late Harold Holt who in 1966 publicly interpreted his government s foreign
policy to mean all the way with LBJ LBJ being the then US president Lyndot,
Barnes Johnson.
It is not just the reaffirmation of unshakable friendship 'vith, the USA lhat

Australia's new conservative
Government of Prime Min-
ister Harold Fraser has been
proving more pro-A merican
than the USA itself in
some ways. Apart from a

distrust of detente and a fear
of Russian ambitions in
the Indian Ocean, Fraser's
regime is also moving closer
to both Chile and South

distinguishes Prime Minister
There is also what looks
like a failure on Fraser's
part to properly interpret
President Ford's own
mind on foreign affairs.
It is true that the ex-
change of messages be-
tween the Australian
prime minister and the
US president do have a
kind of endearing quality.
In his message of con-
gratulations to Mr. Fraser
dated December 18, Ford
said: "Americans continue
to attach great import-
ance to the warm friend-
ship and close co-opera-
tion between the United
States and Australia and
to the Anzus alliance
which symbolises the
basic identity of our
values and objectives."
A little stronger and
much more definitive
than the congratulatory
message from Britain's
Prime Minister Harold
Wilson who could only
refer to "traditional friend-
ship". and nothing so
definite or concrete as an
Anzus alliance.


Even the appointment
of a new US ambassador
to Canberra in the form
of a lightweight, non-
specialist businessman is-a
sign that Washington
believes there is no longer
the need for a trouble-
shooting type like the
last ambassador, Marshall
It is back to business
as usual for Canberra and
Washington with no aspir-
ing social democrats
breathing a new spirit of
nationalism and dreaming
of independence and
equality in foreign rela-
In a- worldwide radio
broadcast made via Radio
Australia, Prime Minister
Fraser just a week after
his election victory made
it clear that his govern-
ment "would follow a
more pro-American line
in the United Nations and
a pro-Israel line in the
Middle East."
He even went further
and dumped the Whitlam
policy on Diego Garcia
and the Indian Ocean. He
supported the US estab-
lishment of a naval base
on Diego Garcia and
added: "It was just not
realistic to suggest that
the Indian Ocean can

Fraser's stance from that of cx-primc minister Wlitiam.

Hariold 1-raser

ijLx i1k] U

p I A

become a zone of peace
where no warships sail."
Washington acknowl-
edges the nod of obeisance.
Only one week later was
announced the visit late
in January 1976 of the
most influential delegation
of American congressmen
ever to visit Australia.
Obviously, with such a
compliant government
now ruling in Australia,
Washington is going to
allow no grass to grow
under the feet of the new


The delegation will be
headed by two leading
senators Republican
Griffin and Democrat
Hollings. They will have
with them at least another
dozen specialists in
American military and
foreign affairs policies.
That one of them,
Democrat Senator John
Culver of Iowa, and
Senator Hollings too,
have given special atten-
tion to Diego Garcia may
suggest that Canberra is
not fully clued on U.S.
foreign policies and may
not have fully grasped
US detente intentions.
It was Culver who
recently sponsored legis-
lation delaying further
development of the Diego
Garcia base and allowing
for further discussion

between the US and
Soviet Union on the posi-
tion in the Indian Ocean.
He has argued: "If
there isn't an arms mora-
torium in thle Indian
Ocean it will become
another confrontation


It is anti-Sovictism
that lies at the very
foundations of Mr.'Fraser s
foreign policy. On the
Indian Ocean he said:
"Russia is the major
power that has been
pushing and thrusting in
the Indian Ocean."
As he has repeatedly
given assurances of his
intention to continue the
development of relations
with the People's Republic
of China, it is interesting
to note his reference to
Peking and the Indian
Ocean when he added:
"In this respect I have
shared a number of"
China's concerns."
It is this determined
anti-Soviet foreign policy
of Mr. Fraser's that has
caused the influential and
b a I a n c e d Australian
Financial Review to
express concC'ern for future
Recently the paper
warned Mr. Fraser: "It
would he a retrograde
step in an otherwise (quite

reasonable series of foreign
policy initiatives if this
concern were to pIll us on
one side in the struggle
between the two com-
munist giants for ideol-
ogical supremacy." It
observed: "None of
Australia's major allies,
including the US lhas
seen fit to take such a
As Mr. Fraser had
earlier admitted his wor-
ries -over detente in the
words: "I'm still sceptical
about detente Many
people have been using
the word detente as
though all the strategic
problems would suddenly
disappear I. I spoke to
a very senior Australi:ni
diplomat on one occisionl
who said that as a resull
of detente Russia hidiln't
behaved any diIffcreintly
over the Middle I ast."


It is nat ilral lth t i n li is
pursuit o' suich ;I line Mr.
Fraser has the w\hole-
hearted suppoilt olf i!l
the right-winlg forces firom
tlie fascist-lype Wor!,kers
Party to tie Ntlionail
Civic Mociment \\ Inch is
the political mouthpiece
of the RoIIIll C('atliolic
But lie is also recCi\ ing
their nod of apprpo:il oir
the hints lie has gixlen on
a 'change in atll iiiide

towards relations wit-h
South Africa, moves in
which direction haxe
already been imade.
There is also the pro-
mise that relations with
Chile are going to he
substantially impro\exd.


As the economic think-
ing of both Fr:iser amidl
his treasurer carCe 11mutch
inf'luencedl by US econ-
onmist Milton Friedinun.
it is in no w\ayl\ peculialr
or remarkable that the\
should bhe thinking in
terms olf I rienca\\l ol
tlle Chilcan connectionl,
Ior r1-iedtma1in has been
amonillst the aicldisers to
the Pinochct dicatilorship.
It is therefore clear
clear that the link between
fascist Chile and liberalia"
Australiia ;\ill soon be
No more than three
\eaIrs 11Io tlhe inel\h
elected \\'lhittlmin gorn-
I lenit hiadl gi\cn ni\\
iopes cfor ;a lorel ilic -
pendlcnl Iforcigln IpoliIe
;iild one ich woil Id
help Sti el tlhiell th c orc',
1 01 pc :l1e .llil I''cdltoill
e\crv lirclc.
It is ccrl a1inl\ not cn-
e roir'ging- to reI lisc
cu lr:ili:i i 1 to i alioe thatl

:iO ; o l ioappe;irl's to Ie'
ic'\eltine to tlite l:i\,s 01
ltie cold \\ ii m I'r f ii\l / !!

51 ~1)~!

Gol,-/l Whillum




ASCRIA group pickets bank in Cooperative Republic capital.

leader of the Opposition
party in Guyana, the
PPP, has requested pro-
tection from the "right
wing" of his own party,
following the decision to
adopt a policy of "critical
.support"' towards the
ruling PNC.
Guyanese Foreign Af-
fairs Minister Fred Wills

Bar B

told this to a TTT inter-
viewer recently.
Mr. Wills said that the
PPP had split into three
wings the left wing
was totally in favour of
"critical support" for the
PNC. Dr. Jagan belonged
to the centre tendency
which advocated support
for "progressive" measures
of the PNC Government,


Lion's Civic Centre
Circular Road

Special Bonus

3 PRIZES: $50 $25 $20

Get your tickets at:

Pyramid Drugs,
2C Mucurapo St.,
San Fernando

San Fernando Centre
8 Mon Chagrin
San Fernando

P.O.S. Centre,
22 Cipriani Blvd.

Adults: $6

Children $3


reserving the right to
decide wiich was or was
not "piogressive."
Th 1 ilght -ing of Ilhe
party w as sayig to J gan:
all thesc years you have
been leaching us to hate
these peoDle ai.d now, you
:;tc aya i,;?, suip, ort.
As for ,". Wills'
ruling party the PNC,
while Dr. Jagan was talk-
ing about critical support,
"We are watching him."
Any splinter in the
PPP would be advantage-
ous to the PNC since
opposition fragmentation
always helped the party
in power.
The PPP could give or
withhold support, but the
Guyanese Government
was continuing with its
policies anyway.
Mr. Wills criticised the
PPP for its boycott of
Parliament since the last
General Elections. Dr.
Jagan changed his posi-
tion, Mr. Wills felt, since
discovering that in 1905,
Lenin had stated that
boycott was not a useful
political weapon.
On other issues. Mr.
Wills also denied the
presence of Cuban,
Chinese or Russian troops
in Guyana. He accused
the international press,
mentioning TIME maga-
zine in particular, of dis-
torting the facts.
The Guyancsc Foreign
Affairs Minister admitted
-that. Cuban .planes had
refuelled in Guyana but
said he was ignorant of
the presence any troops
on these planes.

Guyana has supported
the MPLA in Angola
since the policy of his
Govermenr wa;s to rip-
port any Mue cen:it
opposed to apartheid and
white minority Govern-
ments in Southern
Turning to the Heads
of Governments meeting
in Trinidad, Mr. Wills
said that his Government
was calling for support
to liberation movements
in Africa, including
financial assistance for
the purchase of arms.
The support would not
be simply for peaceful
means, Mr. Wills stressed,
in apparent reference to
the policy of the Trinidad
and Tobago Government
to provide scholarships
to the liberation move-
ments but no financial
assistance for the pur-
chase of arms. ( D.P.))

Laid low's

i.asterne Main. I m,!.. LL V!'!tr!/C
S/ar to To7 an sina -'c
Galvanise, Cement.
Blocks, Tiles,

anese cricketer extraordi-
naire, and former West
Indian player and Captain,
will never wear his nation's
cricket colours again be-
cause he took coaching
assignments in South
Guyana's Minister of
Foreign Affairs and Justice
Mr. Fred Wills disclosed this
in a recent T.T.T. inter-
Mr. Wills was answering a
query by interviewer Wilbert
Holder on the recent ban
on Barbadian cricketer,
Gordon Greenidge, from
playing in Guyana.


Mr. Wills explained that
his Government's policy
was not to ban such cricket-
ers from Guyana but from
playing there. They could
come on holiday or business.
The ban was in the
context of the opposition
of the Guyanese Govern-
ment to the apartheid
regime of South Africa
where the majority black
population is being utilised
as cheap labour for the econ-
omic benefit of a minority
white regime.
This strict measure, Wills
said, was in contrast to the
generally open policy which
the Guyanese Government
has adopted on entry into
the mainland country.


He noted that his Gov-
ernment has even allowed
entry to Caribbean citizens
who- are not -allowed into
their own countries, in
obvious reference to the
ban on Stokeley Carmichael
by the Trinidad and Tobago
Mr. Wills admitted that
the ruling of his Govern-
inent was a controversial
Hc felt that CARICOM
countries in which tourism
played a major role had to
be more careful in the inter-
pretation of immigration
rules than Guyana where
there was no tourist industry
of 1i 1 significance.

,San FernandoI

- '-=




the saddest facts about
our little country, to my
mind, is the extent to
which we lack a sense of
history, a love and rever-
ence for the glorious
traditions of pomp and
pageantry an affinity and
respect for those higher
and nobler realms of
national life.
To some extent of
course this is understand-
able. After all we are a
young country. Our his-
tory, they tell us, has
thus far been composed
mainly of the profane
and the forgettable rather
than the spectacular. And
our heroes, those few we
might identify, never
seemed to have stood
astride their times quite
like the heroes of other
Yet I believe that one
of the least obvious but
most regrettable features
of the new constitution
is that it effectively
serves to nip in the bud
one of the the most,
central features, of any
national pageantry, our
own Royal Family.

I for one have been
observing the progress of
Sir Ellis Clarke since he
assumed the post of
Governor General and
over the years it has
become apparent that the

Ladies and





man was growing in
royal stature. It became
obvious the Sir Ellis had
finally found his true
niche in life as the nether
extremity of royalty.
One recalls fondly his
recent attempts to por-
tray himself as the benign
and gentle father of the
nation, existing above the
unsavoury realities of
partisan politics, a friend,
confidant and adviser to
all who would approach
One recalls the circum-
stance of his tour of the
provinces in which the
citizens turned out in
their numbers to welcome

and adore him. One
recalls also his recent
addresses to the nation.
I can still in my mind
hear his voice, emanating
over the airwaves like an
extremely soothing balm
of piety and unction to
a troubled nation.

But it was not only
Sir Ellis who contributed .
towards giving us our
first true .royal family,
embryonic though it was,
aborted though it is.
Lady Clarke, too, helped.
Her gracious willingness
to be the First Lady in

every social activity
testified to her love of
country and to her
recognition of her res-
ponsibilities to nation.
Blessed were we as
well that the family
happened to contain a
charming daughter who,
(would we ever be so-
fortunate again), goes by
the sobriquet of Margaret.
Maggie for short. And
Maggie lives true to her
name, winging in ever so
often from foreign lands
with an entourage of
charming friends, to
participate in our national
festivals just as if she
were one of us.

But it is to Sir Ellis
himself that most of the
credit must go. Nothing
so convinced me of his
innate proclivities to
royal distinction than
the way he recently
handled the requests for
an audience by the
United People's Front
on the question of the
New Constitution.
Sir Ellis informed his
petitioners that even
though he was in bed
stricken with an attack
of "the virus", (com-
moners get "jaws".
Royalty gets "the virus"),
he with commendable
selflessness would receive
a delegation in bed, and
while he would not be
able to speak he would
consent to "nod" or "not
nod" as the case may be.
I ask you: would have
Queen Victoria stricken
with the vapours been as
But Sir Ellis also pos-
sesses one absolutely
essential requisite of
royalty. Physical strength.
For less than a week after
he had sent this message
to the United People's
Front, he had recovered
from the vapours, sorry
the virus, sufficiently to
go out to sea to start the
Governor General's Boat
And now poor man he
is off to England to say
goodbye to our Gracious
Queen. But perhaps all is
not lost. I for one hope
that it will be a case of
"The Queen is gone.
Long live the President."

GOVERNOR-GENERAL, j% I ty Motors, this morning.
Sir Ellis Clarke, has made a ,.. a S new car The motor company
*dramatic change from his cleared the car through
old "Princess" to a new Limited, Port-of-Spain, is Customs a few weeks ago
black Daimler limousine "a believed to be the only one and services it before taking
^ow ft d" the ."o

San Fernal


8 Mon Chagrin Street

* Bookstore
* Information
* Downtown



* Reading Room

* Meeting Place

* Regional Headquarter

* Donations of
* furniture $ Equipmen

Contact Beau Tewarie 662-3920


I- % L- i 'u I r I I ltA

'jU N ,II AII\iL t ',I



about non-involvement in politics
but it is equally necessary that
they play a positive part as
counter-structures to the State
machine. The sustained attack on
organised labour which we have
witnessed ever since the middle
1960's has had one design and
one design only: to deprive poli-
tical opposition of counter-
organisation in a context where
widespread nationalisation of
industry and State expansion
have endowed officialdom with
enormous control of jobs and an
everincreasing power of bribery,
corruption and ,terror.

Unions at the base; that is
number one. Number two, we
need the active involvement of
Black Power. The validity of
Black Power, the absolute neces-
sity of its presence in any
properly constructed alternative
to the old regime, lies in its pre-
occupation with the cultural
revival. Without a sustained con-
.cern with the things of the spirit,
political movements invariably
go awry. That is the lesson of
20 years.
The ultimate cause of our
misadventure is certainly the
lack of cultural and moral
.groundings, the palpable lack of
self-knowledge and self-confidence
on the part of the people, the
worst excesses being displayed by
the leaders. That is the issue which
Black Power has raised and it is
inconceivable that we, should
now proceed without that Move-
ment; the gate should be opened
wide for it. That is Number
The third ingredient of a
reconstructed alternative must
be the Presbyterian community,
perhaps a surprising candidate
for mention here. In Trinidad &
Tobago, this community straddles
the urban worlds of San Fernando
and the Eastern Corridor and the
rural world of the Sugar Belt; it
contains a critical segment of
the leadership of the country,.
often confused and equivocal but


TAPIA'S Central Campaign Com-
mittee will meet this Saturday,
April 3, 1976, at 1 p.m. at the
Port-of-Spain Centre, 22, Cipriani
Boulevard, Port-of-Spain.
The members of the Committee
are Lloyd Best, Ivan Laughlin,
Beau Tewarie, Lloyd Taylor,
Michael Harris, Allan Harris,
Billy Montague, Angela Cropper;
Junior Wiltshire and Hamlet
The meeting will be chaired by
Lloyd Best.

always possessed of vast poten-
tials. No section of the com-
munity has been more tortured
by the enduring upheaval and
consumed by the feverish quest
of ourpeople for identity and
manhood. A party which begins
from the resurgence now appa-
rent in Central Trinidad and
which hopes to embrace the
whole universe of dispossessed
and disadvantaged citizens in our
country, will necessarily have to
dialogue with the Presbvterians.

So much for the tributaries
to the single stream. Some
would prefer to dwell onthe
obstacles and the hurdles if only
because these do exist in great
abundance. Among them is said
to be the question of ideology.
Yet, when ideology is distinguish-

ed from ideological rhetoric, the
problem is far less 'acute than it
seems. Much of the action pro-
grammes is sheer orthodoxy; tlhe
issues that may divide us funda-
mentally have not even been
raised so far. The distinction
between capitalism and socialism
is largely a headline distinction if
we are genuinely interested ini
the status of the little person as
against the Coinmissars and the
Captains of industry and the
State. However useful it may be
in protecting the brokers of
power and in masking struggles
for personal power, much of the
current ideological conflict,
especially in victim-countries
such as ours, is sheer useless


If we took a decision to
service the needs of this country,
'le ideological discussion will
.only now begin and present
party alignments would make
little sense. If there is a clinical
1 onesty about our degradation
arid a genuine passion to amelio-
rtiLe our condition, it is good
Let thai we could discover
Sighly compatible ideological
Another much vaunted pro-
blem is the problem of leader-
ship, again largely a re21'm of
illusion and confusion 't is
fashionable to explain the frag-
mentation in the county not as
the necessary consequence of a
shattered old regime, as an
inevitable feature of the transi-

tion to a new political order, but
as an ugly competition among
w would be Prime Ministers. Mani-
festly, that is nonsense or worse,
the view fails to provide an
explanation of the existence of
"followers" as well as leaders.
Many groups exist because
, the vast multitude have been
cut loose from the lifeless ortho-
doxies of racial politics and must
now find their individual way- in
freedom; there has been wide-
spread switching from movement
to movement in the brief cros-
sing since the Revolution first
broke in 1968 with Rodney. As
we find clarity. Or resign our-
selves to frustration, the field
has been narrowing progressively




With Distin action

down. Ano now that the constitu-
tion crisis has made the choices
clearer than ever, the final
polarisation is certain to come,
eliminating superfluous "leaders"
in the process. The problem of
leadership will solve itself; in a
revolutionary situation only the
historical necessary can survive;
that is another natural law of
The real obstacle to pro-
gress is, if anything, phony
analysis, useless propaganda and
ritual interpretation of the
objective situation. There is a
marked tendency for the Opposi-
tion forces to swallow its own
propaganda. It is often repeated
that we are the Government and
not the Opposition because we
won 72% in the last elections; or
that the Government is akin to

the Ian Smith Rhodesian regime.
In practice, support for the
Government is nothing like 28%
-which would be quite respectable
if it were correct. And whatever
their percentage, the Govern-
ment controls publicity, patron-
age and police all of which
weigh the scale heavily against
the Opposition. We must entity
these advantages, point them out,
and fortify our people to work
for the establishment of effective
counter-structures rather than to
win easy gratifications from false
In practice, the Government
have gotten into power as the
valid voice of black people; they
have remained in power largely
because black people have con-
sidered them the best of a wicked
lot. The race question is there-
fore an extremely complex one.
Consciousness gained from the
experience of betrayal has now
opened, a window on multi-racial
politics but a backlash could
come at any moment if we were
not completely honest in posing
the problems. Clearly, this is not
a, Rhodesian syndrome but one
of entirely Caribbean-making. We
must tell our people exactly
that, instead of copping out
with deceptively false analogy.
When finally, our people
recognize their own condition
enough to dispense with self-
indulgence, the old regime could
no longer bribe or cow us. All
the evidence is that we are near
that bribery.
The out ward visible sign of
our final emancipation will be
the emergence, in all its power
and all its glory, of one, single
and unique political party, the
valid voice of Trinidad and





THE question everybody in Trinidad and Tobago today
has to ask is where do stand?
"Each and everyone of us has to ask ourselves that
question", ,Tapia speaker Michael Harris told a meeting of
striking workers outside the Usine Ste. Madeline sugar
factory Wednesday.
Harris, the second speaker at the meeting organised
by the United Labour Front, said: "We can hold fast to
our ideals and our principles if we ask ourselves where
do we stand? Do we stand with the forces of the old
regime or do we stand with the forces of the new move-
ment committed and. dedicated to taking our people from
the morass of PNM inequity and into the future?" "

The Governor General
had put his signature on
the new Constitution,
Harris said. That Con-
stitution had been
"rushed by the PNM
regime through Parlia-
ment in the record time
of two weeks in spite of
the protest andd the defi-
tance of the United
People's Front, of the
lawyers and other profes-
sional organizations."
S But it was not surpris-
ing the Government had
behaved in this way. Way
back in 1969 Dr. Williams
had made that intention
clear when he said during
the Bus Strike it would
be "d fight to the finish".


And in the 7 years since,
-. : -said, "have we not
seen exactly what he
meant by that? Step by
the step, the Goverrnment
has introduced the most
oppressive legislation this
country has ever had in
its history."
So that the struggle in
1976 was now at an end.
"But it is not going to be
easy. Eric Williams is not
planning to give up power.
Eric Williams is not going
to resign. By hook or by
crook or by blood if
necessary he will hold on
to nower."
Harris said Opposition
forces were not only
facing the Government
but also the Press, "which,
in the two weeks that
the United People's Front
has been going round the
country rallying people,
has sought to suppress
all information as to our
activities to keep our
brothers and sisters in the


But mtne eightt
finish has reached
climax and in the

to the







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events leading up to the
Constitution crisis from
1958 when the two-year
old PNM Government
was defeated at the
Federal elections. And
from that point on the
Government had moved
to bolster itself in power,
including the attempt to
introduce the Public
Order Act which had only
been withdrawn when
people stood up and
said, no!
But from now on, Dr.
Perot said, it was going
to be "PNM versus The
The United People's
Front meeting was opened
by Richard Jacobs of the
United Labour Front.
Jacobs told the workers
they had now arrived at
"the high point of the
Workers, he said, were
now moving beyond tilhe

few weeks ahead we shall
be moving from crisis to
Caroni had closed
down in support of the
struggle, Harris said, "but
I look forward to the
day when every school,
every factory will be shut
and the sound of silence
will prevail the silence
of the funeral as we bury
the PNM regime and the

silence of rededication
to building our country.
Victory shall be ours!"
Dr. Ivan Perot, leader
of the Liberation Action
Party (LAP), also told
the meeting March 30,
1976 was a "dread day, a
terrible day" on which
the Governor General had
.signed the Constitution
Bill. '
He dated the series of

WH F,.,,-.RE

D O,

Sugar workers assemble at Mon Chagrin Street in 1974

_ _---L---^-~-----~---P--D---l~~


strn Ygle for wages and
better working conditions.
"Now we're struggling
for our proper Constitu-
tional rights We are
here because we are fun-
damentally dedicated to
that society in which
those who labour hold
the reins."

It was a painful struggle
he said. But that struggle
was now "fundamentally
The United People's
Front had been brought
together "to achieve the
overthrow of Eric Wil-
liams", Jacobs said. "And
the issue that has united
us is this fascist Constitu-
A letter allegedly
written by the U.S.
Embassy to Dr. Williams
was later read to the
meeting by Dr. James
Millette. Dr. Millette said
Dr. Williams had pro-
mised to issue a statement
"and of course he will call
it a fraud but "the reason
Williams is doing what he
is doing is because the
CIA is telling him what
to do."

ACT1. 1965

* The letter contained
advice to Dr. 'Williams
on how to deal with the
United Labour Front, the
planned demonstration
of March 18, 1975 and
also suggested various
restrictive measures
against the Press.
Dr. Millette told the,
workers since the date of
the letter (March 2, 1975),
the Government had
banned the voices of
ULF leaders from the air,
the EXPRESS had
changed its editor and
the GUA -")AN" had
been b tu>ih under local
The ULF spokesman
also said there were a'.
least three outstanding
issues involving cane-
farmers Act No. 1 of
1965, restrictions against
farmers' canes at the
scales and the sugar levy
which could result in a
strike at any time and he
was certain of support
from tlh,, workers in
sugar. (R.A..)