Citation

Material Information

Title:
Tapia
Place of Publication:
Tunapuna
Publisher:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
October 26, 1975
Frequency:
completely irregular
Language:
English
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
Genre:
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )

Notes

Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

~SFIR _~! N'rlTcs'vE
'Al,

SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975

A

WHEN a Government is as
inefficient and incompetent and
insensitive as the present Gov-
ernment is, then its whole
existence is one long, never-
ending, chain of crises.
When a Government is so
totally lacking in ideology and
perspective, as the PNM Govern-
ment is, then it cannot have any
priorities, or rather, its priorities
are determined with each new
crisis, that comes with each new
day.
When a Government lacks
the moral authority to commit
men to its plans and programs
on the basis of common principles
and common beliefs, then it has
no other choice but to pay for
their services in hard cash.
And above all, when each
new crisis dictates a new priority
and a new program, the Govern-
ment is forced to look for
scapegoats to pin yesterday's
failures on, at the same time as it
looks for a new set of men to
solve today's crisis and to carry
out today's plans.

ZIG-ZAG POLITICS

So that it is no surprise that
Williams has launched his vicious
attack on some top Civil Servants.
It is no surprise that he has
accused "an ambitious minority
of Civil Servants" of wanting to
Takeover the country.,

Such a method of procedure
is inherent in the system of
pragmatic day-to-day, zig-zag
the flesh of those whom it pays
to serve it.
And Williams' "execution"
of his adherents did not begin
in 1975. The Siberian roll call is
a long one and it is by no means
confined to Civil Servants.

IMPENDING COLLAPSE

What is different in 1975
is the swiftness, the extent and
the ruthlessness of the execu-
tions.. And this aspect is only
explained by reference to the
impending collapse of the Regime
as a whole.
The crisis which has held
this country in grip over the last
fifteen years is fast mounting
to a revolutionary climax. And it
is no longer possible to patch
each manifestation of the crisis

with a new change of plan
announced with a grand hurrah.
The only option now left
to Williams is to scruttle the
entire ship, to clear the burning
decks and to start all over again.
What we have been witnes-
sing these past few weeks, as
Williams methodically massacres
all those around him, Ministers,
Civil Servants, and Party people,
is a desperate attempt to save
himself, to be reborn again in a
Baptism of blood.

NUMEROUS SACRIFICES

dejected "mea culpas" (which
are never his but everyone else's)
his numerous sacrifices on the
altar of a newly discovered need
for accountability, are all an
attempt to win from the popula-
tion sympathy for his plight,
before the lengthy tabulation of
To take before, before be-
fore take he. That is the plan.

And in its execution he will take
whatever steps are necessary.
And the greater the urgency,
the more mountainous the
rubbish heap of sin, the more
numerous will be the list of
those sent out to the Siberian
wastelands.

DIET OF PAIN

But our country has lived
for too long in sin, too long
have we wandered in the wilder-
ness, for too many years have
we believed the empty promises,
hoping against hope that we had
not loved in vain, learning only
by our bitter experiences and
our constant diet of pain, that
we must admit our past mistake,
clear the blight from our path
and move on.
Soon Williams too will get
the message. For it will be done
unto him as he has done to so
many others. There is a place in
Siberia for those who fail. So let
it be with Caesar.

Vol.5 No. 43

The Siberian Rollcall

Party Ministers Public Servants

C.L.R. JAMES WINSTON MAHABIR MAX IFILL
ELTON RICHARDSON LEARIE CONSTANTINE SCOTTY LEWIS
DeWILTON ROGERS DONALD GRANADO RALPH REMAIN

EDDIE TAYLOR A.N.R. ROBINSON W. ANDREW ROSE
IRWIN MERRITT KARL HUDSON-PHILLIPS EUGENIO MOORE
IVAN WILLIAMS DODDERIDGE ALLEYNE

FERDI FERREIRA CECIL DOLLY

.30 Cents

PAGE 2 TAPIA SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975

Political

ethods

"THE men who now occupy the
crease of Government, must now
declare their innings closed.
Otherwise we go have to run
them out, or thief them out, or
even shoot them out." This was
how Tapia Secretary Lloyd Best,
speaking last at the meeting held
in Diego Martin last Tuesday,
began his statement.
Hitching up his pants, with a
characteristic motion, Best continued
by saying that the country had lived
these nineteen years, these nineteen
guava seasons of frustrations and
futility, in a political and spiritual
wilderness.
Now, he said, all over the land,
up and down the country, in the East,
in the West, in the North and in the
South, in the Churches and the Rum-
shops, all over the land there was one
cry on the lips of people. The time had
come to put an end to the misery, it
was time for a change.
And the Government, crooked
till it bend, must now have its own
Watergate,'they must meet their
Waterloo or, if it comes to that, we
will have to waterline they backside.

TALE OF WOE

Taking up where the previous
speaker, Denis Solomon, had left off,
Best turned to the issue of the Public
Service. He said that the whole attack
on the Public Service, and on the
istration, was an attempt, by Williams,
to take before before before take he.
But as far as he, Best, was con-
cerned the real problem has nothing
to do with inefficiency, incompetence
or insensitivity, though these exist.
Nor did it have to do with an "ambi-
tious minority of Civil Servants.
There was a minority which we
had to get rid off and that was the
minority of elites, the oligarchy feed-
ing off the fat of the land while the
vast majority of citizens awoke each
day to fight another battle for survival.
He did not have to recount, he
told the crowd, the dismal tale of
woes which the people of this country
had to face day in and day out. No
water, no lights, no hospital beds, bad
roads, traffic jam morning, noon and
night. It was a tale we all knew and
knew well.
So the question is how do we
put a stop to it? He could agree'that it
was a time for a change but the
question was what change? People
wanted to know by what possible
means they could ensure that all the
corruption and bobol and incompe-
tence and insensitivity would not
manifest itself in any new Government.
So that to answer the question
it was necessary to look back over the
past and see where we went wrong.

And the point is that the corruption
and insensitivity did not arise because
the men in the Government were
necessarily bad. They might be, but
the fact remains that the corruption
was inherent in the political method.
He was satisfied, the Secretary
went on to say, in spite of all those
who said that the people of this
country were lazy and stupid and
backward, that at every stage of the
game the people of the country had

POLITICAL PARTY

He would be the first to grant
that when the present Government
came on the stage in 1956 they made
a difference. He could say that, since
he was not afraid to give them their
due. And when at every election
choice in putting them back.
But, said Best, it had always
been the best of a bad lot of choices.
Because the political method which
this country was accustomed to was
that of overnight political parties.

Williams, he said, had let his
bucket down in 1955 and nine
months later the PNM was in power.
But, cried Best, it is impossible to
form a Political Party in nine months.
A political party was not a chile. A
political party was a complex organisa-
tion requiring, plans and programs and
ideology and men and requiring, above
all, permanency.

TWO PILLARS

Such an organisation could only
be built through a long and painful
process of walking up and down the
land, finding the men, getting to know
the people, how they think, what
they wanted, and then by formulating
plans and policies designed to take all
these things into consideration.
And this is why, Best explained,
Tapia had spent the last seven years
roaming the wilderness. And we had
now reached the point where we could
come to the country and put forward
our proposals and to put forward the
men tested by those long years of
labour, The Tapia plans, said Best,

rested on two main pillars. Economic
reorganisation, and Constitutional re-
form. Under economic reorganisation,
the first step was the localisation of
our resources.

LOCALISATION
been going around investing greater
and greater sums of money in all
kinds of industries. They had invest-
ments in Oil, in sugar, in hotels, and in
a whole host of manufacturing indus-
tries large and small. They also con-
trolled all the public utilities.
But none of these massive
investments had changed the lives of
the standard of living of the vast
majority of the citizens. And while the
Government had been promising for a
long time to divert itself of its holdings
and to distribute the shares it held to
the public, this had not happened yet.
And the reason it had not hap-
pened, Best continued, was that all
these .investments in all these indus-
tries gave them control over the econ-
omic livelihood of greater and greater
numbers of citizens. It gave them
patronage.
When Tapia spoke of localisa-
tion, on the other hapd we meant
more than just nationalisation. Tapia
localisation meant taking control from
the foreign hands and putting it in the
hands of the people in the localities
so that the people not only had a
share in the income generated by the
a voice in the decisions affecting the
industry.

MACO -SENATE

The Tapia Secretary then went
on to outline for his audience the
Tapia proposals for Housing, full
employment, National Service all
those measures which, he said, would
spread the wealth of the land far
beyond the narrow oligarchy which
now controlled it and into the pockets
fo the little people everywhere.
Turning to the question of Con-
stitutional Reform, Best said that
STapia's proposals rested on a few very
simple planks. In the first place Tapia
was proposing to take some of the
Power which one rested with the
Chief Executive and to put it in the
hands of institutions controlled by
the people.
For this reason Tapia had pro-
posed the Big Maco Senate as a place
where the representatives of a vast
number of community interests could,
under the cover of Parliamentary pri-
vilege, voice their opinions on any
conceivable issue affecting the nation.
Tapia also planned to institute a
genuine system of Local Government,
covered by one of the earlier speakers.

TAPIA CAKE SALE

Saturday Ist November:

Outside Valpapark

Supermarket

For

.,,, j

SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975

The Public Service Crisis:

A Test of Statesmansh, i

Problem of Accunt abiiy,

"NO country can be
governed by one man or
by one man and his dog.
A country must govern
itself." This is how Tapia
Chairman Denis Solomon
assembled last Tuesday
Diego Martin, to hear a
team of Tapia speakers.
Solomon's topic was the
present acrimonious relation-
ships between the Civil Ser-
vice and the Executive,
highlighted, two weeks ago,
by the Prime Minister's blister-
ing attack on some of the
highest ranking members of
the Civil Service.
Going on to explain what
he meant by his opening
remark, Solomon told his
audience that in any dem-
ocratic and properly governed
country there must exist a
series of balances amongst
the institutions of state.

WATCH DOG

The Executive, he said,
must be balanced by the
RepFesentatives, the Repre-
sentative must be balanced
by the Civil Service, the Civil
Service must be balanced by
the Courts, and the Police and
the Preb and so on, so that
each institution serves as
watchdog of another while
itself being checked by yet
another.
But when such a situation
does not exist, and people
believe that a country can
be governed by one man and
his dog, there are always
people around who are quite
willing to fill the role of dog.
And the main criterion for
the job was the same quality
which one looks for in a dog,
and that is absolute fidelity.
From the beginning there-
that Civil Servants could not
be allowed to become in-
volved in political activity.
And he knew that he could
do so because the Civil Service
was composed of people who
were likely to support his
Govermnent's policies.
Later on, however, it be-
came quite apparent that
what the rule of non-participa-
tion in political activity really
meant was non-participation
in any activity that was
undertaken in opposition to
the Government and its
policies.
From the beginning there-
fore the main requirement
which Williams and the Gov-
eernment demanded of the
"vii Service was loyalty and
q esence, not initiative or

drive. And this is the reason
why Williams has been so
hostile to any and all recom-
mendations which sought to
introduce some measure of
greater organisation into the
Service.
Indeed Williams himself
had called for many of the
reports and recommendations
the Civil Service and which he
subsequently always ignored.
He called for them because
he recognized that the Civil
and inefficient.
But he rejected any recom-
mendations for greater organ-
isation because greater
organisation was incompatible
-with the absolute control
which he wanted to wield
over the Service.
The J. O'Neil Lewis report
on the reorganisation of the
Civil Service, which William
himself had called for, was an
excellent report containing
many worthwhile recom-
mendations.
One of these recommenda-
tions was a diminution in the
area of the influence of the
Cabinet. Williams himself was
the volume of memoranda
which the Cabinet has to
consider. Yet he found the
Lewis recommendation in-
tolerable and banished its
author to a diplomatic post

AWARENESS

So, Solomon went on, if
there is inefficiency and in-
sensitivity in the Civil Service,
the reason is not a lack of
talent, for while there were
many incompetent people in
the Service, there were also
very many nighly competent
one.
Nor was the reason a lack
should or could be done to
rectify the situation. This
could not be so since there
were many worthwhile reports
simply gathering dust on the
Prime Minister's desk.
The reason, Solomon stres-
sed, for the inefficiency on
the Service, was the lack of
political atmosphere which
encouraged individual initia-
set out to create an atmos-
phere of hostility and suspicion
to any manifestation of talent.
And it is with this in
mind, Solomon urged, that
we must examine Williams'
Convention, which in itself
was unconstitutional, that an
ambitious minority of Civil
Servants were : trying to

"takeover" the Service.
In the first place Williams
charges were foolish and
irresponsible on two grounds.
First, Solomon pointed out,
the idea of a Task Force to
run a special project, outside
of the normal routines of
organisation, is one which is
acceptance in most of the
countries in the world.
Secondly, Solomon con-
tinued, whether or not the
Civil Servants was a feasible
and workable one, it was
their role and duty as Civil
Servants to offer advice to the
Executive.
And it was the role and
duty of the Executive, of the
or to reject these suggestions
but at all times to make sure
that they kept coming.
to publicly Castrate the Civil
Servants in a most irrespons-
ible and mendacious way.

WORTHLESSNESS

But more than irresponsi-
bility Williams' actions repre-
sented the heights of worth-
lessness. For one of the
instruments Williams always
uses to beat the Civil Service
with is the Constitution.
Not only does Williams
behave as though he were the
only person capable of inter-
preting the constitution but
he gets away with it because
at the fundamental level he is
the most unconstitutional of
all.
Because, Solomon explain-
ed, all this could only take
place against a background of
public ignorance. The defini-
tion of a corrupt Government
that he subscribed to,the Tapia
Chairman told his listeners,
a vested interest in maintain-
ing public ignorance.

PROCEDURES

The fact is, he declared,
that no Civil Service proce-
dures are ever sacrosanct,
sary as new developments
occur and new situations
need to be resolved.
So that in fact tension is
absolutely necessary to a
dynamic Government. The
Civil Service must be con-
scious of its power and seek
to exercise it to its fullest,
and so too must the elected
officials. But underlying the
tensions there must beia basis
of faith and trust.
The test of statesmanship, .

as distinct from mere politics,
is whether a Government can
exercise its power at the same
time as it increases the fund
of faith.
And the problem of in-
creasing that fund of faith is,
in the final analysis, one, not
of efficiency but of account-
ability.

The A a.,d, C'ir'mi w :
on to say tcha;. -ev" s'-;'c2
proposals f r tl. re.igauisa-
tion of tl;e Ciil Service.
which today d-ere 'as st.il
no need to tIange, because
the whole question of::ccount-
ability -rf any institution of
state was a constitutional one.

Our coverage of

THE REGION

is unsurpassed anywhere

for focus and point.

Keep a breast other

real currents ni.

canbbean Sea.

Trinidad & Tobago Si 5 .GO T.T.
CARICOM Area 25.00 W.I.
Other Caribbean 17.50 U.S.
North America 21.00 U.S.
United Kingdom 11.20 U.K.
Western Europe 14.00 U.K
Bound Volumes 1973 20.00 T.T. Bound Volumes 1974 24.00 T.T. Back Issues Available Overseas Deliveries Airmail. Surface Rates on Request Postage Extra on Bound Volumes. Tapia, 82,St. Vincent St. Tunapuna, Trinidad & Tobago, W.I. Telephone 662-5126. TAPIA PAGE-31 Oppose ion Unity must Go beyondthe TAPIA Administrative Sec. Allan Harris opened the innings at the public meeting in Diego Martin last Tuesday night and in a marathon spell which last some seventy-five minutes sought to deal with the important ques- tion of Opposition Unity. He began by saying that all over the country at this time people were certain of one thing and one thing only, that the time had come for a-. change. And it was in the context of this attitude that the call by so many people for opposition unity had to be interpreted. As far as he was concerned the call for opposition unity not only testified to peoples' determination to kick out the present iniquitous regime but also pointed to the fact that they could not perceive, on the political stage at the present moment, any viable organisation which could replace it. But, Harris went on, we must bear in mind that the. question of opposition unity is not new. At every election in ou; recent history we have seen desperate attempts by certain opposition forces to achieve some sort of merger. FRAGMENTATION These attempts however have always resulted in over- night coalitions which have been too- manifestly opport- unistic to be trusted and too weak to survive intact any important decisions. In any case, the Tapia Administrative Sec. argued, he did not feel that the present fragmentation of opposition forces in the country was necessarily a bad thing. Indeed, as far as he was concerned, the fragmentation was a symptom of the country's search for a new basis of politics. The type of politics which has existed in the country over the past twenty years, he pointed but, was founded on one thing and one thing only, Race. And if the present regime has been able to stay in power these past twenty years, it was because they always manipulated the racial fears of the people of the country. He was not saying, he stressed, that when the PNM came to power in 1956 that they did so on a platfonn of race. Indeed this was not so at all. For in those. early Years the PNM pledged itself to abide by "the spirit of Bandung", the spirit of Afro- Asian solidarity. But the factsremains that many Africans saw in the new movement a vehicle for the advancement of the race. And by 1958 the PNM had overtly abandoned the spirit of Bandung and were making blatant appeals to people's racial prejudices. Harris reminded the audience that 1958 was the year that the PNM lost the Federal Elections here in Trinidad and that in anger over this defeat Williams publicly castigated the East Indian population of Trinidad as "a bunch of recalcitrants." APANJAAT By the elections in 1961 the racial foundations of political mobilisalion were truly entrenched. The PNM had become the party of the African population and the \ DLP the party of the Indians. In the elections o' that year the PNM appeal to the Africans was very simple, if they did not vote for them, "the other side" was going to take over. The politics of 1961 were the politics of Apanjaat. with a vengeance. But the country has grown in wisdom since those days, Harris felt. Everybody now recognized that the politics of race was bad politics and that bad politics inevitably leads to bad Government. The first major sign that the country was ready to repudiate the politics of race came in the Black Power Movement of 1970. The signifi- cance of that period, he stressed, lay in the fact that thousands of young urban Africans were marching up and down the land, in protest against a Government that kept in power by presenting itself as an African Govern- ment. But if 1970 was the mani- festation of the Africans' rejection of race, 1971 showed that this opinion was shared by the Indians as well. For in the elections of that year the PNM in an attempt to once again per- petuate the so-called two party system on the basis of race resurrected Bhadase Maraj and got him to lead a Party in the Elections. But the Indian population joined the call for a boycott of the elections, and in so doing, firmly repudiated, not only Bhadase,but the racial founda- tions of the past. Now, Harris explained, the country, having repudiated the politics of race, was faced with the task of finding or forging some new basis of politics that could take its place. This is no easy task, Harris warned. The country today must find some system of Government and politics .which was designed to aid all the citizens regardless of race. The solution to this problem, he said, can only come through the long and painful process of careful analysis and evaluation of ourselves as a people. And this is precisely what the last seven years has been all about. Thelong and drawn out crisis which we have had to face over these years is the political expression of a people searching for an answer, a people struggling to break free from the bonds of the past. OVERNIGHT MERGER In that process there have been those who have been striving to create political parties which are alignments of men and organizations on the basis of common interests rather than on the basis of race. This is why, Harris cried out in a voice which rang through the stillness of the Valley air, this is why Tapia is not interested, and has never been interested, in any marriage of convenience, in any overnight merger of opposition forces. For Tapia there had to be a new approach, a new device for sifting the opinion and interests of the various politi- cal forces and for coming to some common understanding. And this is why Tapia has been calling for the past seven years for a Constituent Assembly. For a Constituent Assembly is the only conceivable forum in which all the existing political and community interests could come together, before the eyes of the nation to say where they stand of the fundamental questions before the country today. CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY Tapia has therefore, always called upon the Government to call the Assembly, thereby giving them the opportunity to rise above the narrow parochial interest of their own survival, and to demon- strate that they put the interests of the country before those of the party. But, in addition, Tapia has also tried to foster that Assembly by its participation, in any occasion, which it felt, had even the remotest possibility of turning into the Constituent Assembly. This is why in 1970, during those fearful days of repres- sion and States of Emergency Tapia participated in the Assembly of Free Citizens. This is why later on we parti- cipated in the Union of Revolutionary Organisations. And this is why we went to fhe Wooding Commission in Arima. Above all, it was in this quest for the Constituent Assembly, that we answered the invitation to enter the Senate, and there gave the Government the last opport- unity to summon on its own initiative, the valid leaders in the country, to speak for all those people they represent. And all these attempts, Harris admitted, Tapia had not been successful. Every effort had been blocked by either the Government on the one hand, or by the other opposition forces on the other. Now however we were in a situation where everybody realises that the coming elec- tions were the most crucial in this country's history. And so the whole issue of opposi- tion unity was back in the headlines. Tapia had once again responded to a call to partici- pate in talks. We 'ha put our position to all the groups and indeed to the entire country. We envisaged that the opposi- tion forces could -come to some worthwhile understand- ing by seeking areas of joint action on specific proposals. TIME FOR CHANGE We had suggested to the groups the various issues which we could reasonably Iget together on at short notice. Radio and Television time for all political forces, auto. .atic registration, the reintroduction of the Ballot Box and the vote for 18-year- olds. In addition, Harris told the crowd, Tapia had indi- cated that we were prepared to attend any properly con- stituted meeting of opposition forces which got down to a discussion of the fundamental issues like constitutional re- form, economic reorganisation etc. Winding up his long and vigorous address, Harris told his listeners, "I have faith that before many moon's we shall see a new national movement sweeping this land, one that embraces not only the political forces but all the community groups." Then holding out his arms in a gesture of appeal to the crowd, Harris ended by'- crying, in a voice by then tinged with hoarseness, "It is Time." Alan Harris selected to be chairman of the steering committee on joint opposition action. PAGE 4 TAPIA SUNDAY OCTOBER 26,.1975 SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975 Council of Representatives takes Position on Critical Issues LAST Sunday cadres from all over the country gathered together at the Tapia Headquarters in Tunapuna for, what turned out to be, a long and hard day's work. The occasion was the monthly meeting of the Council of Representatives which brings together members of the National Executive and delegates from the communities. The attendance at last Sunday's meeting was notic- ably increased, marking both the importance attached to the matters on the agenda and the rapid growth of Local Tapia groups during the past few months. The main item on the agenda was a paper prepared by Michael Harris on Con- stitutional Reform within the group and on the organisation of the campaign for the coming elections. Discussions of these two matters took up the entire Section of the Council during Sunday's meeting. post-lunch period as members examined clause by clause the various proposals made in the paper. The paper contained pro- posals on such major areas as the selection of candidates for General and Local Govern- ment elections, the establish- ment, role and function of Constituency Parties and on the procedure for membership ship. Also generating much dis- cussion was the question of the formation of a Parliamen- tary party, its right and obligations within the frame- work of the entire organisa- tion and on the selection and nature of its officers. The Council finally decided to set up a committee to prepare a final draft of the Constitution to he brought back to the next monthly ' meeting of the Council. The committee is chaired by Michael Harris and includes Junior Wiltshire, the Secre- tary to the Executive, together with Dennis Pantin and Arnold Hood. Two other items came in for intense discussion at the meeting. The first was the issue of the Public Service and the attacks made against some of the top Civil Servants by the Prime Minister. The Council, on this issue, gave its approval to a state- ment presented to it by Secretary, Lloyd Best, for public release. The statement, (printed in full on this page ) calls on the Parliament to impeach the- Prime Minister for his breach of Public Service security and also calls upon the Public Service Association to institute an investigation into all the circumstances sur- rounding the accusations made by the Prime Minister. SELECT COMMITTEE The other item of major discussion was Tapia's appear- ance before the Joint Select Committee which is at present involved in taking evidence from members of the public on the Draft Constitution. The Council agreed with a date proposed by Denis Solomon and also made deci- sions on the nature of our participation and the delegates who will be appearing. On the issue of the Cam- paign proposals the Council set up a Comrhittee of four to bring back a final draft of proposals for ratification and implementation at the next meeting. The committee consists of Lloyd Best, Beau Tewarie, Angela Cropper and Billy Montague. The next meeting of the Council takes place on Sunday November 2, one week before Tapia celebrates its seventh anniversary with a "Birthday Party Assembly" at the Headquarters in Tunapuna. AT its monthly meeting held in Tunapuna today, Sunday October 19, the Tapia Council of Representa- tives decided: - 1. to call on Parliament to impeach the Prime Minister for: a) disclosing to the Convention of a political party papers and records which properly belong to the internal files of the Public Service. b) deliberately misleading the people as to the condi- tions under which Mr. Dodderidge Alleyne, the Permanent Secretary to the Prime Minister, in April 1973 signed an agreement between the Gov- ernment of Trinidad and Tobago and the French Petroleum Agency ERAP. 2. to call on the Auditor General to satisfy Par- liament: a) that he has properly attempted to unravel the mystery concerning the conditions under which the Economic Adviser to the Prime Minister, Mr. Eugenio Moore, came to believe that he had been endowed with the authority to cause to be carried out works on the Stadium at King George V Park. b) that he did enquire of the Prime Minister if the latter did in fact give Mr. Moore the instructions to carry out these works. c) that if he did not so enquire, he sought instead to establish whether or not the Prime Minister did or said something which could reasonably have led Mr. Moore to believe that he had been given instructions to effect those works. 3. to call on the Public Service Association to set up an investigation into all the cir- cumstances surrounding the Prime Minister's change: a) that the country had come to a take-over by a small minority of ambitious technocrats. b) that the administration of the country had become inefficient, incompetent ahd insensitive with special reference to: i) construction of schools; ii) distribution of houses and; iii) settlement of outstanding financial claims by the public. 4. to call on the Heads of Departments con- Scerned to come forward and protect the future ot the Public Service by providing, within the ethics of their profession and the boundaries of the law, hand evidence oft v'hat actually occurred in the matters raised by teh Prime Minister about the con- duct of certain senior civil servants. to call on the Public Accounts Committee to open or to re-open all the issues which have been raised by the Prime Minister's statements to the country in this regard but which have not been determined to the satisfaction of public opinion by the Auditor General's Report or the subsequent interventions and comments by interested parties including the Public Service Associa- tion. In making these calls for a comprehensive clean- ing of the public stables. Tapia wishes the public to note how heavily this matter of public administration bears on the question of constitution reform. In the deliberations of the Select Committee and further stages in settlement of the constitution crisis, special attention must now be paid to:- a) Appointments with Special Reference to: i) the power of the Prime Minister and the politi- cal branch of the administration and,; ii) greater independence of the Public Service Commissions. b) Parliamentary Committees as indispensable watch- dogs on the performance of the Executive with reference both to Ministerial Responsibility and proper functioning of the career civil servants. c) A reformed system of Local Government capable of relieving the Central Government of virtually impossible responsibilities ouch as the payment ot pensions and the distribution of national housing. d) An expanded Senate which would: i) create a forum for wider public accountability. ii) provide an agency where opinion on the per- formance of the Government and the State could be aired under the protective cover of Parliament and therefore with ample informa- tion and with due decorum and restraint: The Call For impeachment i J..; TAPIA PAGE 5 PAGE 6 TAPIA WHEN Pablo Neruda wrote 30 years ago in his "Canto General" (General Song) that "Jehovah reserved the juiciest lands of America to United Fruit", he never imagined that the banana companies would begin to be questioned even by the United Nations. In discreet diplomatic language Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim alluded to the fact that for a long time the banana growing nations have served as a source of enrichment for the developed capitalist countries This was deduced from the disclosure made by Waldheim last year in stating that the "terms of the banana trade as compared with manufactured goods worsened by close to 61 per cent between 1954 and the last quarter of 1973." The underdeveloped countries have likewise failed to feel the effects of the technological innovations made by the transnationals to cut their costs and boost their profits without any social responsibility. The FAO's director for tropical agriculture, Alberto Viton dropped a bomb when he said that banana prices were higher 10 or 20 years ago. Viton stated at the international banana meeting held in April in Abidjan, Ivory Coast, that while the prices in the producing countries were deterior- ating, the costs of production had increased 30 to 100 per cent. Although bananas account for just 0.2 per cent of all the merchan- dise involved in world trade they constitute the main source of foreign currency for a group of countries and colonies in Africa, Asia and Latin America. For Panama the figure is 57.3 per cent, Honduras 42.5, Ecuador 46.9 though its recent petroleum exports have lessened that dependency. in Costa Rica,Guadalupe and Somalia the proportion is from 27 to 30 per cent. In the producing countries one- fourth of the labor force is engaged in the banana industry, with daily wages ranging from 70 cents to 2.50 on the plantations run by latifundists or independent proprietors associated with the companies. The wage paid by the foreign firms ranges from one to 3.20 a day. In both cases the averages are dramatic indicators that point up just how cheap labor is in the underdeveloped coun- tries. Three corporations based in the United States United Brands (the old United Fruit), Standard Fruit .(owned-by Castle and Cook) and Del Monte wield the strictest control over the 400 million 46-pound crates of bananas exported annually by Latin American countries. The United States, with 6 per cent of the world's population, mani- pulated virtually all the 34 million tons exported by the underdeveloped coun- tries in 1973. Of that amount 58 per cent came from Latin America, 28 per cent from Asia and 11 per cent from Africa. In the case of the French colonies of Martinique and Guadalupe, about 30 French firms control the marketing of the 160,000 tons pro- duced by the two islands. France also plays a key role in the banana trade of the African countries in the franc zone. The transnationals,, some of I which have been operating in Latin America since early in the century, such as United Fruit, possess 88.5 per cent of the banana marketing and distribution system. Their control is especially marked in the transport sphere. The producing countries have a share of under 1 per cent in freight operations. The rest lends itself to accounting acrobacy by the transnationals, which present inflated accounts to the gov- ernment when it is time to pay taxes. The Compania Bananera Atlan- tica, a transport line owned by United Brands, takes charge, for instance, of the 450,000 crates a week produced by Costa Rica in the season, and covers the transport needs of other Central American countries. The situa- tion is similar in Jamaica or any other exporting nation. In reality the ship- ping lines of the transnationals have become the merchant fleets of the banana countries. THE MULTI-NATIONAL In numerical terms it is agreed internationally that United Brands handles 35 per cent of all world banana exports; Standard 25 per cent; and Del Monte 10 per cent. The three are on the list of the 500 biggest United States corporations published annually by Fortune magazine. This means that the three cor- porations had an almost majority share of the profits of the world banana business, estimated at three and a half billion dollars in 1974 A few examples suffice togive an idea of the influence of the companies in the producing countries. In Ecuador, Standard Fruit accounted for 25 per cent of the export marketing in 1970. The South Ameri- can country heads the list of exporters in Latin America with annual exports of 70 million40-pound crates, that is, 20 per cent of the continent's produc- tion. In Costa Rica the proportion of foreign control in marketing for export leaps to 85 per cent and is shared evenly by Standard and United In Panama, until last year, when the government of General Omar Torrijos took steps to change the situation, United rule supreme. It possesses more than 35,000 hectares in Panama and exports 30million crates a year. The production of the United States neocolony of the Philippines, an important Asian supplier, is owned by Standard. In 1970 it controlled 90 per cent of exportable production, about 760,000 metric tons. Del Monte and United accounted for the rest. These scandalous facts led UNCTAD experts to state in a recently published report that it appears that the bananas exported from the Central American countries and the Philippines are the patrimony of the foreign corporations. The situation is reflected in the decapitalization of the producing countries and higher profits for the corporations. According to United Nations figures, the producing coun- tries receive just 11 per cent of the total value of banana sales while 89 per cent goes to the corporations. The UNCTAD experts estimated that for every crate of bananas sold at 593 (1971 prices) the producers earn 70 cents while the corporations obtain three dollars. Once the unripened pro- duct is purchased, the jobbers, ripeners and retailers that is, the various branches of the corporations Once again increase prices in the importing countries. High prices made bananas prohibitive for many consumers in .the United States, Western Europe and Japan. The New York retail price was 17 cents a pound in 1970,while it has since risen to 45 cents and more. UNCTAD specialist Frederick F. Clairmonte places the gross profits of SUNDAY O( BANANAS IS B - - : L I I--- z C DBER 26, 1975, BUSINESS the ripening subsidiaries of the cor- porations ta 19 per cent, while the supermarket chains make 32 per eent.' The policy of some Latin American countries of obtaining econ- omic benefits separately from the rest of the region's raw material producers has favored the aggressivity of the corporations. To a large extent Panama pro- moted the elimination of that barrier when on March 8, 1974 seven Latin American countries officially expres- sed their interest in setting up a Union of Banana Exporting Countries (UBEC) to defend the purchasing power of the fruit on the international markets. If these seven countries were to forge a common policy their negotiat- ing power in regard to the trans- nationals would be enormous, since they account for slightly over 70 per cent of world exports.At the seventh meeting of UBEC ministers in Panama on April 7, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras and the host country ratified their participation. The Panamanian government has maintained for the longest time the dollar-a-crate tax agreed to by the UBEC last year on the exports by the corporations from theproducing coun- tries. Other countries that joined UBEC, such as Costa Rica and Hondu- ras, cut it to 50 and 25 cents respec- tively and then made further adjust-' ments. on the taxes. Guatemala and Nicaragua, giving way to pressures by the corporations, never enforced the tax. Colombia slightly increased prices and Ecuador, the region's biggest exporter, has maintained an ambiguous position in regard to UBEC, claiming that its crop is in the hands of local producers. The establishment of UBEC led to the "banana war" begun by the corporations in April and May 1974. It included suspending their exports from several producing countries, and other coercive measures. At that time, Newsweek maga- zine, generally well informed on the intentions of US corporations, dis- closed that the banana companies were "angry and ready to break with the UBEC." To attain that aim they engaged in plotting that ranged from the assassi- nation of General Torrijos and changes of government in some Central Ameri-- can countries, to the bribing of high- level officials such as the United Brands case in Honduras and trans- ferring operations to other sources of supply. Costa Rica banana industry re- presentatives announced in May of last year that Standard Fruit increased its purchases in Ecuador from 320 thousand to 640 thousand crates a week, during the most tense days of the "banana wars" with the aim of splitting the producing countries and fomenting suspicions among them. OCTOPUS The stranglehold of the corpora- tions over the world banana economy is today a concern of the FAO at a time in which the capitalist recession is striking harder than ever at the balance of payments of the producing countries. FAO's tropical products department undertook at the Ivory Coast meeting to provide support for the consolidation of an association of producing countries. The banana dollar is losing pur- chasing power as the prices of the the foods, fertilizers and farm machi- nery exported by the industrialized capitalist countries, where the banana companies, are located. The banana exporting countries, whose diets are basically grain foods, saw an increase in the price of rice of 308 per cent between 1972 and 1974, that is, from 99.4 dollars a ton to 405 dollars. US wheat underwent increases of over 70 per cent before the increase in oil prices. From 109 dollars a ton in 1972 the price rose to 320 in August 1973. Powdered milk went up 158 per cent, from 266 dollars a ton in 1971 to 688 the following year. In the first months of 1974 the increase was 238 per cent, with the price up' to 900 dollars. In fertilizers phosphate went from 65 to 106 dollars a ton between September 1971 to October 1972, while urea leaped from 45 to 72 dollars. While the inflationary spiral reached intolerable limits in the indus- trialized capitalist countries, the price paid to the banana producers fell by 30 per cent between 1954 and the final quarter of 1973, according to United Nations data. The quotation set by the cor- porations for Central American bananas in 1973 was the same as in 1961: 65 dollars a ton. But South American bananas sold at 58 dollars, 33 per cent less. The French Caribbean colonies - Martinique and Guadalupe sold the product at 28 per cent less than in 1961, a drop from 136 to 97 dollars. In Africa the French firms paid 11 per cent more for Ivory Coast bananas, but 41 per cent less for the Somalian fruit. The Philippines, supplier to the Asian region, underwent a price drop of 24 per cent in under three years time. Standard Fruit cut the price from 94 dollars in 1970 to 71 dollars in 1973. The control of the world banana economy by the global corporations makes it vital for the producing coun- tries to take an active part in all stages of the process. They also need to act together in order to forge effective policies of self-defense. At present the producers lack the technical-economic apparatus that would permit them to obtain accurate information for drawing up their strategy. Due to these circumstances and the lack of unity am ong the producers, TAPIA PAGE-7 the corporations have found it easy to set production and price policies forl: their exclusive benefit. The absence of an organization to protect the produc- ing countries explains the fact that supply continues to top demand, to the detriment of prices. Between 1969 and 1973, world banana production increased 35 per cent, from 26 million 153 thousand tons to 34 million 978 thousand, despite the price cuts. Different approaches have been taken to alleviate the critical situation" of the producing countries. They range from co-ordination of exports, distri- bution of markets and quotas to a greater share in the productive sphe e for the producing countries. However, some of these attempts, proposed by international economic agencies, leave intact the role played by'the corporations in the most lucra- tive phase of the business: distribution and marketing. At present, the transnational are more interested in the control of marketing than in directly managing the plantations. This accounts for the willingness on the part of some cor- porations to sell their lands in Centra America. Guatemalan economist Mario Monteforte Toledo has said that with this strategy the corporations "free themselves from all the tax, labor and political problems inherent to their direct presence in the producing nations." In view of the neocolonial strategy promoted by the corporations, the banana countries today need more than ever to co-ordinate their policy for the defense of their natural re sources, if they wish to attain success in their bid for economic independence. (P,,ensa LUtitla) _ ~ __ (~ ~_1~1 - --- ~n~ 3fl9yy~ The Dominican Republic, A Goldmine for the Multinationals SINCE April the Domi- nican Republic has become the largest gold producer in Latin America, and the third biggest in the entire western hemisphere, after the United States and Canada. This sudden transforma- tion of the country's mining status was brought about by the opening of Rosario Dominicana's Pueblo Viejo mine in Sanchez Ramirez province LAER III, 17). The company, which is 80% owned by Rosario Re- sources and Simplot Industries, both of the United States, has now applied to have its original 752 hectare concession increased to 6,753 hectares. The Dominion government has set up a commission to study the application, which has provoked widespread pro- tests from all shades of political opinion in the Republic. The granting of the conces- sion to Rosario Dominicana, in which the Dominican Republic's central bank has a 20% stake, was hotly opposed when it was made in May 1972. Nationalists were arguing that the country should con- trol its own gold production and use it to strengthen its reserve position. The gold from Pueblo Viejo is exported to Switzer- land in the form of ingots mixed with silver, and refined there by Valcambi, a company owned by the Swiss Credit Bank of Zurich, which also handles marketing of the gold through London. The central bank's policy has been to give the com- pany a free hand, and it is known to be strongly in favour of granting the exten- sion request. The governor of the bank, Diogenes Fernandez, said in April that the goldfield was , larger than the concession area, and steps were already being taken to enlarge the area under exploitation. This casual mention at the opening ceremony of the mine's processing plant was the first time this subject has been broached in public; the formal application was pub- lished in the newspapers a few days later. Other sectors of the gov- ernment, such as the minister of industries, Guido D'Ales- sandro, and the director general of mines, Carlos Eligio Linares, are also in favour of extending the con- cession, but insist that the conditions should be more favourable to the Dominican government than those of the original contract. The jubilant statements made by Rosario executives after this agreement was signed a company report in mid-1973 said the 'success and security' of the enterprise were assured suggested that the United States stake- holders were well satisfied with the deal. SLEEPING PARTNER In April 1973 Robert Reininger, president of Rosario Resources (and of Rosario Dominicana), was confidently predicting that the mine would soon be the second largest in the western hemisphere. Three months later he announced that -exploration work was producing 'encourag- ing results' in the Los Cocos area, adjacent to the conces- sion. In November he revealed that new gold and silver deposits had been discovered. The processing plant then under construction was there- upon increased in capacity from 6,000 tons per day to 8,000. In other words, thorough exploration and preparatory work had already been going on for well over a year before the application for an exten- sion to the concession area was made public. Under the concession con- tract) the Dominican central bank acts as a sleeping partner in the venture, merely receiving a 12% dividend in dollars or in gold; if it chooses gold the value is calculated not on the basis of production costs at the mine but with reference to the prevailing price of gold on the world market. Dominican industrialists, represented by the Associa- tion de Comerciantes e Indus- triales de Santiago (ACIS) have been in the forefront of the protests against the con- cession. They claim the necessary technology and resources for developing the mine could have been easily obtained on the open market, without any need for a concession at all. Nationalist businessmen are well aware of the full extent of the resource that is being given away. HUGE RESERVES. A British engineer esti- mated iast year that the mine had sufficient reserves to produce 1,000 ounces of gold and 3,000 ounces of silver a day for the next 25 years. An ounce of 90% pure gold canbe extracted from every eight tons of rock, and 0.75 ounces of silver can be obtained from every ton. Gold and silver oxides - predominate in. the surface ores, but' lower down there are also unspecified but pre- sumably large reserves of copper and zinc sulphates. The greater part of the investment, which was fixed by Rosario in May 1974 at just over US40 million,
was to be raised in loans from
Dominiacn banks.
S The first stage (US $18 million) was to be obtained from the Banco de Reservas de la Republica Dominicana (US$9 million); Royal Bank
of Canada (US $6 million); and the Banco Popular Domi- nicano (US$3 million).
A further US $142 million was to be raised for the second stage from the Banco de Reservas and other com- mercial banks. Rosario's own capital contribution was set at US$3.4 million, the same as
Simplot Industries. The cen-
tral bank, for its part, would
be contributing US $1.7 million. The foreign shareholders in the company were also gua- ranteed free convertibility for obtaining equipment, inputs and for remiting profits. According to Dominican law, only the central bank was permitted to export gold, against the Multi-nationals. but in November 1972 a new law was passed specifically to change this. In July 1973, a little over a year after the concession had been granted, the Presi- dent's technical adviser, Julio Estrella, said the terms were too generous, considering that Rosario was contributing little more than the technol- ogy. He also said the state should have some participa- tion in the by-products of the operation, such as cobalt and platinum, about which the company has never given any details. Soon there was a chorus of voices raised against the concession, including aca- demic economists and a number of political parties, notably the Movimiento de Conciliacion Nacional and the Partido Quisgueyano Demo- cratico. The latter party pointed out that the government had little possibility of checking on the composition of the alloys exported by the Rosario company. In November 1973 a gov- ernment official, Marino Vinicio Castillo, admitted that the government had done badly out of the con- tract. Finally,at the end of 1973, the Programa para un Gobierno de Dignidad Nacional, drawn up by a wide coalition of parties from communists to conservatives, and led by Juan Bosch, undertook to 'recover' the mine from Rosario Dominicana without more ado. The latest weapon in the hands of Rosario's opponents is the allegation that it is polluting the environment with cyanide, which is used in the extraction of the ores. The mud produced by this process is dumped in a special deposit constructed by the company at an alleged cost of US$4 million, as the com-
traces of cyanide.
Critics say fish and animals
in the vicinity have begun to
die off, indicating that the
water is of high toxicity and
that there are leakages.
Four children died in
February after drinking from
a nearby river, but the
promised investigation by the
ministry of health was never
published.
amQng the local population,
and their complaints reached
the senate in December 1974,
where the president of the
tors to 'stay well in' with
Rosario.
Recommendations by the
Comision contra la Contami-
nacion Ambiental last year
for stringent checks and safety
precautions have brought no
apparent results.
The central bank estimates
that Rosario's profit remit-
tances over the next ten years
will amount to US $86.4 million; other sources claim they will be much greater. In any case, the return on an initial outlay of US$6.8
million by the two foreign
partners is certain to be very
handsome indeed, even with-
out the proposed extension.

Latin America
Economic Report

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SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975

PAGE 8 TAPIA

TAPIA PAGE 9

SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975

sme A 3

Government throwing good money after bad;

A Habit of

Lloyd Best

Incompetence!

MR. PRESIDENT, the
Government have only
recently shuffled a pack
of jokers and now they
are following this up
straight down the line by
-"raffing" the kitty. I
looked at the document
that attempts to explain
is going to see whether I
could satisfy myself on
the validity of this new
trick and I must say that I
am profoundly satisfied.
I notice that under Head 8,
the expenditure is for "Inci-
for "The Independence
"Gratuitous Expenditure";
tions", I would say displays.
The most interesting thing of
all is under Head 27 which
Travelling and Oiling" Does
that mean greasing?
I am beginning to under-
stand the character of the
in this country now that I
am forced, being in Parliament,
to scrutinize details of finan-
cial management.

FIVE-YEAR PLAN

It seems to me that this
$68 million that we are attempting to add to the appropriation for this year is good money but I can under- stand the reason why at this juncture Government would wish to throw good money after bad. Somebody told me the other day "since they win this lottery with the oil bonanza, like failure gone to their heads. They drink four cents rum and get twelve cents drunk; they spending like they mad." I do not mind. My only problem is that when I look at the character of the admin- istration on which the Gov- ernment have themselves been commenting in recent times, I ask myself; can they spend it even if they had it? We have no five-year plan; we are simply whistling in the dark. We have no Throne Speech, we do not know what the programme of legis- lation is ;nobody knows where the country is going and we are told that the country was about to have been taken over by a small clique of technocrats, so much so that the administration is incom- petent, inefficient and insensitive. How, therefore, can the Leader of the Senate come to us in the light of all of this and ask for more "bread"? " I tried to look a little more critically at the details of this documentt to see whether I1 could discern what design lies behind the new demand and V: to me\it does not make any sense whatsoever. I look, for example, at the extra appropriation for Public Utilities and I notice that it is only$198,000 at a time when
you go home at 7 o'clock and
you have to eat with flam-
beau; you take up the tele-
phone and call Ivan Laughlin
and you get Carl Tull or
someone else.
You go to the hospital
and as they say nowadays, it
is "stone thy pillow, earth
.thy bed." You go to the
Post Office and they have no
stamps; none of the utilities in
the country is working, not
one, yet only $198.000 is allocated. FRESH ELECTIONS Local Government, on the other hand, is getting more than that although we have just seen that it is living on borrowed time living on- borrowed time and still living high,$2.4 million.
We know that we are on
the threshold of the fresh
elections which are due on
the latest date, September 17,
1976 by my reckoning, so
that we ought to be getting
ready and yet 1 see the sum
of only $328,000 for that. Somebody must be hoping to bet on the very last card. Housing looms extremely large in the months ahead yet only$1 million.
The Ministry of Finance,
on the other hand, gets $49 million which of course, is a figure influenced by what the Statisticians call "compensat- ing entries"because the actual figure for increase in emolu- ments is more than the increase in appropriation amounting to$56 million, a
figure which confirms the
complete absurdity of Gov-
einment's incomes policy.
They have failed to fit the
question of wages into some
reasonable context, given the
data that I put before this
House last time on the ques-
tion of income distribution,
and the worsening in the
picture, not to mention the
impact on the whole income
structure being exercised by
mounting prices over the
recent past.

MORAL AUTHORITY

Other countries of the
Commonwealth like Jamaica,
are exercising all their energies
to grapple with the problems
of inflation and real income.
This government simply
because they have no moral
authority in the country -
are simply allowing the ques-
tion of wages and prices to
drift. So much so that the
figure given in this new
appropriation for pensions of

$23M to my mind in no way comes to grips with the needs of the time. It is the oldest statement in the economics of income distribution that the people who suffer most in times of inflation and rising prices and unstable economic con- ditions are fixed-income people in general, and pen- sioners in particular. I have had many representa- tions from pensioners, in every category, that some- thing be done about them. I am glad to see that a step in the right direction is being made so far as the policemen and firemen, if I remember correctly, are concerned. I would like to urge the Government, through the Leader of Government Busi- ness, that the issue of pen- sions requires much more serious treatment than that. I can see why the Govern- ment are devoting their atten- tion urgently to the protective services at this stage. When I was younger seven or eight years ago I. was rash enough to promise that one of these days we- would assemble a colossal multitude in the public place to deal with what it has to deal with. The paper of the governing party then in existence, now defunct noticed the impor- tance of what I was saying and immediately reported it on their front page, or on their centre-spread I think it was and they noted that Best had said that when such a multitude had assembled in the public place one of two things might happen. One is that the Govern- ment might resign or two that the Government might employ harsh or brutal measures to disperse the multitude, as Napoleon said, by a whiff of grapeshot. Musing on this, only recently, I realized how rash I was because I forgot the third and most important option which I would like now to enter into the record. Itis that when that multi- tude assembles they might well take the third option which is to snatch our free- dom back. MONEY & GUNS In that context, I could understand why the Ministry of National Security, right frbm the horse's mouth, has now become the Ministry Number Two after the Ministry of Finance Money and Guns. We understand that and Tapia are planning for it. Then there is, of course, one or two other items like education. I notice that$3M.
are being put aside for that.
I do riot think it is enough to
save them.

Education is a total mess.
It is a complete scaldal, and
not even the "fudging" of
the programmes of Tapia can
save this Government can
retrieve them from the morass
in which they now find them-
selves.
It is said in the creole
'you can give them as much
plan as they like but corbeaux
cannot eat sponge cake'.
to deal with this issue I
reminded this hon. House
that no serious government
could come before Parliament
in a country that is properly
organized where the sovereign
people in all their reputable
organizations occupy the cor-
ridors of power and present
these flimsy pretexts for the
vast expenditures on which
they are proposing to embark,
especially at a juncture when
the vicissitudes of economic
life are such that none of the
aggregates that figure in the
accounts of the nation are
stable for more than a month
or two.
Petroleum prices have
risen. Petroleum outputs are
at a high level higher than
ever before. Government
revenue is up on the evi-
dence of the report of the
report of the Central Bank.
Reserves are now at colossal
figures too large even to
Continued on Page 10

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$5.00 (U.S.). L 1.50. I I -Mm-p- - ~P~p~a~l~--v ~ll~~ip~-~dSl~p~ 6~pl~C. PAGE 10 TAPIA Exciteet grows a- Big C r Tapia t A BIG-MACCO crowd turned out last Monday to the Tapia Meeting in the Burnley Club Hall at Cochran. Village Guapo. Supporters, associates, members and cadres assembled from the whole of the district from Sobo, La Breato Point and outside the , clubhouse there were , even more people than there were inside. "" Organiser of the occasion, - Esmond Phillip, sat unosten- tatiously beside the platform. Arnold Hood At the back sat brother Barclay who would move a vote of thanks to Loyd Best the Chair fo and the Tapia Team to a explained th deafening ovation, development People came trom Vance Our Mov River as from Vessigny, from 1968 whin up the road and down. Host Group split Kelvin Elder said that he Millette wer wanted to welcome them and UNIP. individually and collectively. "We have Arnold Hood,bright young take the pow star from La Brea, thet,,took that it useless -A Habit of Incompetence From Page 9 improved. hitcrest rates are dropping. The money supply is up. Public spending is increasing wildly on the evidence; I have it here but I am not going to bog you down. It is no point casting. peals before the swine of the Government. They have no interest in economic plan- ning. For years now they have abandoned any attempts whatsoever to come to grips with the aggregates. They have gone so far as to surpress the exercise in national accounts with which '=3 r~~`" ~C~. 'I! ,j r:i i~ P! 3'; ?' La-~c ~t '7i,~*1 )ochran Government if the Movement does not enjoy the real sup- port of the people." We have come here tonight full of self-confidence but in all humility. It is up to the S people of Cochran to judge. :' -' j Tapia, Hood continued, is not afraid of crowds; we are patiently assembling our famous 80,000. Tapia insists on a large number of indoor meetings so that those 80,000 can come to the People's S Parliaments knowing this time S exactly what they supporting. Political education, Arnold concluded, meant a blend of d, youngster. our views and yours. As if the meeting wanted to show that it stood behind the local boy, r the night and animated discussion went for he origin and two hours from 9.30 to 11.30. of Tapia. one hour formal, the other ement began in informal. the New World Tapiamen from outside into two and left the area with full hearts. it off to Moko Behind, not only were Cochran and Burnley Hall plastered always aimed to with Tapia posters but the ver but we know political excitement was ;s to control the throbbing in every breast. this House"-- the'Minister in the Ministry of Finance the Ministry Of All The Talents which we have had four or five times over in the last 20 years, with all ,the super- technocrats, and super-Perma- nent Secretaries and so on - when the Minister of Finance comes before this House, I expect him to 'present us with materials that intelligent men could come to grips with. I therefore, have no use for anything that the Minister has said here today. He is not serious, it is quite clear. He has done it once and you could say it is an accident. The second time it is a more serious business ... clearly a habit of incompetence. They have no intention of coming to grips and I therefore we in Tapia - are going to oppose this bill; as indeed we are going to oppose them here, there, and everywhere. Thank you. this-country could 'proceed on its economic life not in the dark but in the light. So I am not going to spend any time in making economic analysis for; the Government. Even ,if mtey were interested they do not have the administration on their side to use the evidence. The administration, let me tell them,is on our side they had better understand that. The point I am making is that in a context such as this where more than ever we need economic reporting, economic analysis, economic interpretation, the Minister of Finance comes before Parlia- ment or his alter ego in THE BEST PLFCE TO BUY BOOKS ANY KIND OF /' Ste hens h~*1i .-J BILLY MONTAGE, newly elected' at last S.u:-:C.'s Council meet- ing as Tapia Campaign Manager for South Trini- dad gave a brilliantly clear statement at Cochran of the need for political involvement. When Tapia was born, he said, a lot of smartmen thought PNM was going down and felt they could seize power without work. But Tapia replied that the days for smartmen done. "We decided to plant a mustard seed; we know our people wanted a- movement to grow and the movement has been growing for seven years." In a soulful cry for all the people to become involved, Billy described a movement for political, education, in- volving educational program- mes, involving plans for real control of the life-line sectors. "We say we have taken over Trintoc, that we own Tesoro but has village in the oil belt got more jobs? I feel we could have organised in a better way." Why do we have no Faculty of Petroleum Engineering at day- of Smartrman .- :- .^ -' ,'-'-' . .. .. . Billy-Montague, southern campaign manager. the University of the West Indies? asked the old Trinidad quarter-miler and hurdler, now the owner of a small oil-contracting business. Local people need high- powered men in oil, he added. We do the hard work so we are the people who should' share in the earnings." We need technical educa- tion and political education, Billy Montague concluded. "We need anew movement to implement sound plans. And everybody must become involved every man-jack must take a side, to bring. that movement into power." JOIN THIS FuENERATION OF THINKiERS Oo Of people who know how to cope with rising PRICES Buy BASIC Buy KIRPALANI'S KIRPALANI'S NATIONWIDE S-wVL AYrl3~ OCTOBER 26, 197 I^IY~g~--^li.i.~--~p~-L---- _ ?------------- -- i ) t$

,6rve

SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975

TAPIA GROUP FOUNDED

IN LAVENTILLE

ANOTHER mile-stone in
the unrelenting forward
march of Tapia was
struck with the founding
of new Laventille based
regional Tapia unit on
Thursday. -October 9,
1975.
Tapia-Laventille, as it is
cutrently called, was given
the breath of life by a signifi-
cant band of Tapia cadres and
to a call for solidarity and
for a more determined
effort, both of which are
needed to spread the spirit of
Tapia all overthe land.
Hamlet Joseph, otherwise
known as Yaxee, gave the
the burning need to found a
new unit of Tapia, and went.
on to argue that the string
of repressive legislation passed
by the Government since the
1971 Elections signalled the
emergence of a dictatorship.
Such a dictatorship, he
felt, was sure to develop, if
we were not organised to

Keith Smith

engage it from now. He
called on those present to
come forward to avert the
impending doom.
Lloyd Taylor who spoke
next pointed to the need for
an organisational nexus to
harness the participation of
the large number of party
members who are scattered
widely throughout the area
between Belmont and Mt.
Hope.

.Hamlet Joseph

He argued for the setting
up of a Pro-tern Executive
Committee, the acquisition
of a centre for meetings and
cultural activity, and for
finance to equip the organisa-
tion with the wherewithal for
sustained and permanent
political activity.
Taylor went on to point
out that it was necessary for
power and responsibility to
be passed to all the little

Lloyd Taylor

people within the organisa-
tion, as it is indeed the
expressed purpose of Tapia
to do for the entire country.
After some discussion the
meeting finally decided -tp
nominate a Pro-tem Com-
mittee. Those selected were:
Chairman Keith Smith,
Secretary Lloyd Taylor,
Treasurer Ernest Massiah,
Press Secretary Michael
Parris.

Earnest Massiah

The Education Sec. Anslem
De Couteau, Recording
Secretary, Selby Alfred,
Research and Propaganda
Secretary Charles Maynard,
Field Co-ordinator Hamlet
Joseph and the Welfare
Officers are Ronnie Grant
and Jean Daniel.
The Unassigned members
of the Executive were: Julie
Barrington, Neville Maynard,
George Toby and Densil Grant.
This new regional unit
National Executive members
Syl Lowhar, Beau Tewarie,
Community Relations Secre-
tary, and Lloyd Best who as
formed an installation cere-
mony in which he gave to all
the old Tapia hands their
due worth as always.
The Group's campaign
thrust is currently being
carried out in the six or seven
constituencies lying between
the area outlined above.

Trintoc in some Big Big Trouble

TRINTOC is in pain
since the Government
take it over, Lloyd Best
told, a Diego Martin
crowd last Tuesday night.
"All the tanks are full of
fuel oil and they don't
know where and how to
market it."
The Secretary was explain-
ing how the State sector has

been "reaching into every
corner of the economy to
strangle the people and
squeeze out our lifeblood."
Half of the jobs in the
country, he said are now in
State control making the
people afraid of victimisation
and rendering it almost impos-
sible to create a viable politi-
cal alternative.
It was all politics and no

ment was a shambles. While
Tesoro and Amoco were
blatantly exporting crude,
TRINTOC was desperately
short of that raw material.
Tapia understands that part
of the problem is just bad-
blood between Tesoro and
TRINTOC. But the main
problem was that the AMOCO
crude in the old Shell

Refinery produced far more
kerosene and aviation spirit
than the TRINTOC market-
ing outfit are able to sell.
Since the beginning of
June, there have been no
fewer than four shutdowns
at the refinery in Point,
passed off on the public as
due to maintenance problems,
but due in fact to sustained
operation far below normal
capacity.
At the moment everything
is at a standstill and the
workers are so demoralized
that an explosion could come
at any old'time.
Best told the audience
that he did not wish to go
into the scandal economics of
oil because that would take
a whole new meeting.

_ _r

Laidlow's

Hardware
Eastern Main Rd.. Laventille
(Near to'Trotman street)
FOR
GRASS ROOTS PRICES
IN
HARDWARE
Galvanise, Cement,
Blocks, Tiles,
Pipe-fitting,
Points
etc, etc.

--'--- r-

Ibulletin

FOR
TODAY

When a person is receiving Sickness

or Maternity Benefits, no National

Insurance Contributions are due for

the period.

Forfurther information

D0 JOSEPH LENNOX PAWAN
-*-'S.:,- JD PUBLISHED BY THE TAPIA HOUSE PUBLISHING CO. LTD., 91 TUNAPLJNA RD., TUNAPUNA TEL: 662 I

Invites You

To

Our

th

IVE

ELE

On

Sunday 9th November

at the

TAPIA HOUSE

St. Vincent St. Tunapuna

From

2pm- -6pm

~i~ ..." L
\\~ ~~b~CLS~;~i~s~aFislauP---

'3BER 26, 1975

the ripening subsidiaries of the cor-
porations ta 19 per cent, while the
supermarket chains make 32 per eent."
The policy of some Latin
American countries of obtaining econ-
omic benefits separately from the rest
of the region's raw material producers
has favored the aggressivity of the
corporations.
To a large extent Panama pro-
moted the elimination of that barrier
when on March 8, 1974 seven Latin
American countries officially expres-
sed their interest in setting up a Union
of Banana Exporting Countries (UBEC)
to defend the purchasing power of the
fruit on the international markets.
If these seven countries were to
forge a common policy theii negotiat-
ing power in regard to the trans-
nationals would be enormous, since
they account for slightly over 70 per
cent of world exports.At die seventh
meeting of UBEC ministers in Panama
on April 7, Colombia, Costa Rica,
Guatemala, Honduras and the host
country ratified their participation.
The Panamanian government has
maintained for the longest time the
dollar-a-crate tax agreed to by the
UBEC last year on the exports by the
corporations from the producing coun-
tries. Other countries that joined
UBEC, such as Costa Rica and Hondu-
ras, cut it to 50 and 25 cents respec-
ments on the taxes.
Guatemala and Nicaragua, giving
way to pressures by the corporations,
never enforced the tax. Colombia
the region's biggest exporter, has
maintained an ambiguous position
in-r regard to UBEC, claiming that its
crop is in the hands of local producers.
The establishment of UBEC led
to the "banana war" begun by the
corporations in April and May 1974.
It included suspending their exports
from several producing countries, and
other coercive measures.
At that time, Newsweek maga-
zine, generally well informed on the
intentions of US corporations, dis-
closed that the banana companies
were "angry and ready to break with
the UBEC."

To attain that aim they engaged
in plotting that ranged from the assassi-
nation of General Torrijos and changes
of government in some Central Ameri-.
can countries, to the bribing of high-
level officials such as the United
Brands case in Honduras and trans-
ferring operations to other sources of
supply.
Costa Rica banana industry re-
presentatives announced in May of
last year that Standard Fruit increased
its purchases in Ecuador from 320
thousand to 640 thousand crates a
week, during the most tense days of
the "banana wars" with the aim of
splitting the producing countries and
fomenting suspicions among them.

OCTOPUS

The stranglehold of the corpora-
tions over the world banana economy
is today a concern of tie FAO at a
time in which the capitalist recession
is striking harder than ever at the
balance of payments of the producing
countries. FAO's tropical products
department undertook at the Ivory
Coast meeting to provide support for
the consolidation of an association of
producing countries.
The banana dollar is losing pur-
chasing power as the prices of the
the foods, fertilizers and farm machi-
nery exported by the industrialized
capitalist countries, where the banana
companies are located.
The banana exporting countries,
whose diets are basically grain foods,
saw an increase in the price of rice of
308 per cent between 1972 and 1974,
that is. from 99.4 dollars a ton to 405
dollars.
US wheat underwent increases
of over 70 per cent before the increase
in oil prices. From 109 dollars a ton in
1972 the price rose to 320 in August
1973.
Powdered milk went up 158
per cent, from 266 dollars a ton in
1971 to 688 the following year. In the
first months of 1974 the increase was

238 per cent, with the price up to 900
dollars.
In fertilizers phosphate went
from 65 to 106 dollars a ton between
September 1971 to October 1972,
while urea leaped from 45 to 72
dollars.
While the inflationary spiral
reached intolerable limits in the indus-
trialized capitalist countries, the price
paid to the banana producers fell by
30 per cent between 1954 and the final
quarter of 1973, according to United
Nations data.
The quotation set by the cor-
porations for Central American bananas
in 1973 was the same as in 1961: 65
dollars a ton. But South American
bananas sold at 58 dollars, 33 per cent
less.
The French Caribbean colonies
the product at 28 per cent less than in
1961, a drop from 136 to 97dollars.
In Africa the French firms paid
11 per cent more for Ivory Coast
bananas, but 41 per cent less for the
Somalian fruit.
The Philippines, supplier to the
Asian region, underweiit a price drop
of 24 per cent in under three years
time. Standard Fruit cut the price from
94 dollars in 1970 to 71 dollars in
1973.
The control of the world banana
economy by the global corporations
makes it vital for the producing coun-
tries to take an active part in all stages
of the process. They also need to act
together in order to forge effective
policies of self-defense.
At present the producers lack
the technical-economic apparatus that
would permit them to obtain accurate
information for drawing up their
strategy.
Due to these circumstances and
the lack of unity among the producers.

TAPIA PAGE 7
the corporations have found it easy to
set production and price policies for.
their exclusive benefit. The absence of
an organization to protect the produc-
ing countries explains the fact that
supply continues to top demand, to
the detriment of prices.
Between 1969 and 1973, world
banana production increased 35 per
cent, from 26 million 153 thousand
tons to 34 million 978 thousand,
despite the price cuts.
Different approaches have been
taken to alleviate the critical situation"
of the producing countries. They range
from co-ordination of exports, distri-
bution of markets and quotas to a
greater share in the productive sphe e
for the producing countries.
However, some of these attempts, \
proposed by international economic
agencies, leave intact the role played
by'the corporations in the mostlucra-
tive phase of the business: distribution
and marketing.
At present, the transnational
are more interested in the control of
marketing than in directly managing
the plantations. This accounts for the
willingness on the part of some cor-
porations to sell their lands in Centri
America.
Guatemalan economist Marij
Monteforte Toledo nas said that with
this strategy the corporations "free
themselves from all the tax, labor and
political problems inherent to their
direct presence in the producing
nations."
In view of the neocolonial
strategy promoted by the corporations,
the banana countries today need more
than ever to co-ordinate their poiiw'
for the defense of their natural -
sources, if they wish to attain success
in their bid for economic independence

I WiK

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