Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00160
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: May 4, 1975
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00160

Full Text

30 Cents

SUNDAY MAY 4, 1975

Lloyd Best

Michael Harris

A I .. ]

"THE next time around
the crossing will have to
be extremely swift." This
was the reply given by
Tapia Secretary' Lmoyd
Best to a question posed
by a member of the
audience at the Tapia
meeting in the San Fer-
nando Town Hall last
Thursday, 24 April.
The questioner had asked
how long would the Tapia
method of mobilisation take.
Best went on to state that
because people were so brutal-
ised by the present economic,
social and political conditions
they could not be expected to
undergo the pressures and
sacrifices of intense political
ferment for any long period
of time.
So that any movement,
Best argued, which succeeded
in winning the confidence of
the vast majority of the
people must be organised and
prepared to deal swiftly and
suonarily with the present
regime e.
"This is why the sequences
of mooDisation are so impor-
tant". Best then warned.
"When the spotlight falls on
you you cannot rehearse and
the big mistake of all these
movements that have so far
challenged the Government is

that they have played for the
:onnfrnntation before they
organiset themselves politic-
The Tapia Secretary had
been the last of three speak-
ers who had addressed the
large audience on t the
"Lessons from the Political
Crisis in Oil and Sugar."
The first speaker was
Mickey Matthews of Fyzabad.
Matthews reiterated the argu-
ments put forward by Tapia
in support of the wage claims
made by the Oilfield Workers
Trade Union against Texaco.
Matthews stressed the Gov-
ernment's incompetence and
negligence in collecting the
revenues from Texaco which
the Country had a right to
For this reason he said the
O.W.T.U. had a right to
attempt to collect the bread.
But Matthews stressed that
once the Union had accepted
the responsibility for collect-
ing the bread they were duty
bound to appraise the country
of their plans for spreading
the money throughout the
Their failure to do so,
Matthews argued was a griev-
ous error, particularly since
by raising the ante from 80%
to 147% they were in fact
giving notice that they had
entered the political arena
ind the stakes in that arena
were far higher and demanded
_f them an approach which
could win the support of all
sections of the population,
Main Speaker for the night
was Tapia Campaign Manager
Michael Harris. Harris began
his long address by sounding
aln ominous warning. "I say
loid and: clear," lie cried to
Ile uin'IItiv(; audience, thatt
il] II is iln danger, nll
niinmisl:ikably clear and imnuli-
rcingly v 'p:' n: danger."
I lIrr s went on to explain
llii in Ilis opinion the coun-
ivy slod hliicatened by the
Npt'. lic o(a d military dictator-
ship which will soon move to
snuilloutl a;nd siangde the few

freedoms the people have
He went on to argue that
the strategy pursued by the
U.L.F. over the last few weeks
had ,been .-extremely ill-
advised and irresponsible
precisely because it succeeded
in giving the Government the
"golden opportunity to
accelerate thl entrenchment
of a military dictatorship ."


The Campaign Manager
went on to say however that
the development of the
Dictatorship had its roots
deep in the history of the
Government and its philos-
ophical and technical in-
ability to break free from
the disastrous economic
policies which it had

SUDDENLY Caiman Hill
is a big television attrac-
tion. Two Mondays ago
TTT went tip behind St.
El izabeth Gardens and
God back to show the
Minister of Imposture
turning the sod for the
laying of a new water-
The story made news
in both the daily papers.
The turpentime has work-
ed again.
But you think that
Caiman Hill now off the
cross? Not a chance; it's
all a sham and bramble in
response to the new
political pressure.
The villagers have told
Tapia that the bore of
the water-line is so tiny
that not a single house-
connection will be pos-
There will just be one
pool me-one standpipe in
the valley. Another case
ol'-small mercies. Will the
guava season never end?

advanced as well as in the
Constitutional and political
structures which characterized
our political system.
"The essence of a dem-
ocratic society", Harris ex-
plained, "is such a
distribution of power among
the institutions of State and
between the State system and
the wider political system
that no one institution
obtains such an inordinate
degree of power that it can
emasculate and destroy the
other institutions."
In Trinidad and Tobago
he argued this was clearly
not the case. For constitu-
tionally and politically the
Central Government, (and
within the central Govern-
ment, the Prime Minister)
completely dominated not
only the other institutions of
State but most of the

institutions in the entire
political system.
Dictatorship therefore, he
argued, was always a possibil-
ity given our Constitutional
and political system. If the
Government had been slow
in taking the necessary steps
in this direction it was be-
cause they operated for a
long time under the delusion
of popular support.
When however 1970 re-
vealed the painful truth there
was no longer any attempt to
hide the "systematic, organ-
ised and ochestrated attempt
to shackle the population in
After the address by the
CampaignI Manager, the floor
was thrown open to questions
from the audience and a
lively discussion period ensued
with most of the members of
the Tapia National Executive
on hand to answer questions.
Tapia Reporter

Editor's note: The full text
of Michael Harris's address
will be published in the next
issue of Tapia.

Spotlight On

Caiman Hill

---- -~--U-~I"

Vol. 5 No. 18


C Gocking

that the English-speaking
Caribbean is being
recolonised and he wants
to warn us about it.
He identifies the new
colonisers as Latin
American nations and
names them Venezuela,
Mexico, Brazil and
Colombia. He is right. In
addition, he represents
the Caricom position as
being not only vulnerable
and dangerous but
pathetic also; and so it is.
He claims that the islands
of Martinique and Guade-
loupe are outside and exempt
from the new colonising
process. He attributes this to
the French presence.
But the former British
territories from which the
British presence has been
withdrawn are wide open to
Latin-American re-colonisa-
tion in the form of political
and economic penetration.
The reasons are that British
withdrawal has created a
power vacuum and the West
Indian Federation, which
could have gone some way
towards filling that vacuum,
has dissolved itself and its
fragments are being sucked
into the orbits of the new
colonial powers.
Dr. Williams' remarks now
take on a note of deep
despair, of almost utter hope-
lessness and helplessness. A
fortnight ago he told a public
meeting in San Fernando:
"We produced a lot of plans
for the Caribbean, for Carib-
bean integration through, our
greater oil resources ..... All
these things we announced
with a flourish; all these things
we put on television with a
bang; all these things that we
voted money for . all
He continues:
"We talk about Caribbean
food; suddenly I hear we are
getting that in some arrange-
ment with Venezuela. We
talked about aluminium; we
hear that this country has
arrangements with Venezuela
..... the Caribbean Develop-
ment Bank ... We
suddenly hear all sorts of
people coming in Venezuela,
Puerto Rico ..... We are
trying to develop something
about shipping here in the
Caribbean; the next thing we
hear is Mexico with shipping."
Feeling something of the
contempt of Latin America
and the world outside, he
reminds us that they "used
to call us a lot of black
people -.- colonies of British
Much of this, of course, is
a repetition of what was
more carefully and clearly
stated in his address as
Political Leader of the PNM
in 1973 when he announced
his retirement into private
life. For example, he said
"Venezuela has always re-
garded us as a bunch of
colonials in British colonies."
"The Argentine Press makes
the same comment."
"Brazil... undoubtedly re-
gards us in the same light."
"Cuba has always regarded
herself a Latin-American
rather than a Caribbean
"The prospect of the emer-
gence of a series of mini-
Haitis, with so many Papa.
Dois in real control a
scatter of weak, importunate,
a-moral, one-man ruled
mini-states." (a quote from
the London Times of August
28, 1973).

SUNDAY MAY 4; 1975-

UI i

"One state seeking to fill the
vacuum is Venezuela."
(another quote from the
London Times)
The difference between
1973 and 1975 is that the
cloud on the horizon that
was no bigger than a man's
hand in 1973 is now in 1975
assuming more ominous pro-
portions. The Latin-American
nations, it would seem, are
preparing to move in with a
vengeance. They are moving
in to destroy our own Caricomn
efforts in aluminium, food
petro-chemicals, shipping.
Dr. Williams correctly des-
cribes these fields as "services
that have been left in foreign
hands, foreign metropolitan
hands" and which "through
our greater resources in oil"
we have been planning to
supply ourselves in co-opera-
tion with our Caricom
This is a very serious situa-
tion, requiring careful con-
sideration, with a view to
introducing, as West Indians,
such correctives as we can.
But "Why pick on Trini-
dad, and why pick on the
islands of the West Indies"?
And Dr. Williams suggests an
answer: "One reason why
they pick on this area is that
the islands seem to want
I think this answer is also
true and it suggests a correc-
tive build a West Indian
Dr. Williams, as Political
Leader of the PNM, is carded
to address the General Coun-
cil of his Party on the Re-
colonisation of the West
Indies. We can probably
expect an elaborate account

and documentation of the
re-colonising process. That
would be in order.
What would be more to
the point, however, would be
an examination of why we
find ourselves in this position
and, arising out of this, some
answers as to what steps we
should take to correct the
situation, if possible. Certain
things stand out beyond
(i) We had every right to
know that this re-colonising
process would take place. As
far back as 1948, at the
Conference of the American
states at Bogota "Latin-
American nationalism was
highly vociferous, the Vene-
zuelan representative going
so far as to claim the Guianas,
Trinidad, Curacao, Aruba and
Bonaire for his country."
(W.L. Burn: The British West
Indies, London, 1951).
(ii) "At Havana in 1940,
Argentina and Mexico desired
to go further and put an end
to 'colonialism' in the Ameri-
cas." (Burn op. cits)
(iii) West Indian states-
manship, if we can use such a
term, took no account of
these forces working in the
Western Hemisphere when
Jamaica decided to leave the
Federation and Trinidad and
Tobago decided to follow
suit in spite of an appeal to
place itself, on its own terms,
at the centre 'of an Eistern
Caribbean Federation which
could have supplied the
nucleus for a larger nation to
come. History is going to be
hard on those- who presided
over the liquidation of the
West Indian nation.
And if we are to place

IT is strange that the Prime
Minister did-not feel able to
attend the Commonwealth Sum-
mit Conference now in progress
in Kingston, Jamaica. Where
better to make a play at a time
when the recolonisadion of the
English-speaking Caribbean is a
wolf at our door? What can we
hope to gain by giving priority to
the ECLA meeting in Port-of-
Spain and the OAS Assembly in
Washington D.C.?
Admittedly, we are the
hosts of the ECLA meeting and
the big item on the agenda is
the vexed question of multi-
national corporations. Yet, the
Prime Minister could still have
gone to Kingston and returned
in time to De host provided that
his homework had not been left
till the very last moment.
In a word, the reason for
the Prime Minister's curious
absence from Kingston has
nothing to do with the conveni-
ence of his book of appoint-
ments. It is simply that our
Caribbean and foreign policy is as
usual in a shambles and the best
way to mask the utter confusion
is to blow up the ECLA Con-
ference out of all proportion.
For Trinidad and Tobago,
the matter of corporations re-
duces to a simple issue of
deciding to take up our beds and
walk in relation to the produc-

confidence in Dr. Williams'
analysis, we are only at the
beginning of the process of
"I am absolutely satisfied that
the recolonisation that is going
on is not going to stop merely
at the manipulation of the
political apparatus."
"I will go no further. I will
not be more specific because
some of you will not be able
to think where I think it is
going to stop."
(San Fernando Address)
I know that people will
say that Dr. Williams is a
politician and he must have
some political motive for
saying these things at this
time. Be that as it may, his
analysis is nevertheless correct
for it is nothing more than
what we had every right to
It is a situation we must
bend our energies to correct
if we aspire to West Indian
nationhood some day. And
West Indian nationhood is the
key and the place to begin is
the Eastern Caribbean and
In many ways we are a
very sophisticated society but
in other ways we are in-
credibly backward. One such
field is that ot hemispheric
and international affairs.
For two or three years,
off and on, I have been
trying to get hold of full
reports of the Conferences
of American states in Havana
in 1940 and Bogota in 1948
and without success. I have
enquired everywhere where I
could reasonably expect to
find those reports even the
Ministry of External Affairs
about two years ago or so.

tion and marketing of oil. For
that no country in the world is
better placed than we are; we are
literate, technically sophisticated
and small enough to have an
infinity of creative options.
The only stumbling block
to progress is a Government and
a leadership which in nearly 20
years has hardly built a library
let alone establish the Techre-
tariats we need for oil and the
climate of self-confidence we
need to take-off for glory.
Williams is totally incom-
petent to meet the needs of our
time. His mad obsession is with
the impotent analysis of imperial-
ist design. Action that would
rally us to save ourselves has no
place whatsoever in his scheme
of things.
To understand the world is
quite o.k. To change it is a
different thing. For that you
need the capacity to work with
your people whether in Trinidad
or Tobago or the whole West
Indies. You neea to be able to
practise diplomatic intercourse
on a basis of equality with other
The tragedy with the Prime
Minister is that he understands
only controlled participation and
sadly both for him and for us,
both at home and abroad, the
days for that are long since

One agency referred me to
another agency in Washing-
ton but I have never got
round to it.
We have accused the British
of trying to build Federation
and West Indian nationhood
from above but that is pre-
cisely what West Indian
leaders have done also. The
people have never been
brought in. We have also been
pre-occupied with economics
and constitutional mechanics.
Dr. Williams' recently pub-
lished "A New Federation for
the Commonwealth Carib-
bean" errs in the same direc-
tion, and this in spite of the
last section of the work where
he says: "In the final
analysis a new Federation is
perhaps less a constitutional
than a psychological one." He
cannot resist describing
"identity" as "that much
hackneyed contemporary
The omy possible correc-
tive to the Latin-American
process, I repeat, is the build-
ing of a West Indian nation.
It is a psychological matter,
as Dr. Williams says. But
Tapia develops the concept
more fully and more satis-
"Tapia proposes to work for
Caribbean integration at several
levels. Not only will we pro-
mote regional economic inte-
gration but we will aim
at the creation of an Eastern
Caribbean, a West Indian and
perhaps even a Caribbean
nation state, to be achieved in
successive stages.
"The motivation needs to be
grasped 'because it discards
the orthodox economic argu-
ment. No matter how necessary
it is for markets to expand
and for freer trade to develop,
it is for another reason that
West Indians hunger, for
Caribbean integration. We are
impelled to come together by
the rootlessness and personal-
ity dislocation we have
suffered .....
"As the African learns that
the West Indies is the only
place outside Africa where it
is feasible to achieve Black
Power, and once he achieves
that power and wins his confi-
dence back, he will adopt a
philosophy to convince the
minority peoples that areason-
able place for them is assured
Without this assurance to
minority peoples the objective
o a new and humane society
becomes an impossible one."
"Tapia's regional policy
aims to pave the way for such
assurance." "Our first step
will be to draw the Eastern
Caribbean countries together.'
In this context the Indians
assume a position of equal
magnitude with the Africans.
"What is required in Trinidad
and Tobago and I would
add the Eastern Caribbean con-
sidered as a unit is a
certain amount of cultural and
psychological space for each
of the two ethnic groups
within the larger confines of
a wider and commonly- shared
national identity.
"Socially, the idea of solidar-
ity between the two dispos-
sessed groups Negroes and
Indians must be pervading.
There can be no future ..
without such solidarity."
(Perspectives, pp. 34, 40)
This philosophy must be a
commonplace of the national
consensus. It must be in-
troduced into and permeate
the education system at all
levels. Those who exploit
race for any ends, political or
otherwise, must be branded
as enemies of the state, esi-

Continued on Page 5.

Freedom and

Repression in the

National Media

Lenny Grant

The limited freedom of the
Trinidad and Tobago com-
munications media has been
diminished even further as a
result of the events of the last
two months.
Officially directed censor-
ship and slanting of the news
have taken over in 'the state
owned media. The clear official
aim is to repress free expres-
sion, and this aim has shown
itself in the banning from the
air of the voices of political
and trade union leaders; the
promulgation of the "editorial
policy" for 610 Radio and
TTT, in the cessation of the
Newsmakers programme and
in the dismissal without stated
cause of two senior and
prominent journalists.
The intended effect of these
actions has been to intimidate
and demoralise those journal-
ists who would resist the
control by the government of
the means of publicity. And it
was in furtherance of this
policy that working journalists
were attacked and generally
obstructed in the performance
of their duties by policemen in
San Fernando on March 18.
The meaning of all this is
that the state of crisis in
which all the national institu-
tions have for several years
been engulfed has now come
to a head within the media. It
has been apparent in the years
since 1968 that a certain
amount of ferment was taking
place within the news media.
Citizens could not have failed
to notice the movement of
staff in and out of the different
parts of the media. An un-
conventional press had a thriv-
ing existence for a time; and
all told in the last seven years

at least four newspapers were
started of which only two
now remain, and some three
or so occasional publications
have ceased to appear.
The significance of all this
for free expression is that the
avenues have been progres-
sively shrinking while the
Government's control of the
only television station and of
one of the two radio sta-
tions has tightened.
In the years since the PNM
Government acquired 610
Radio and TTT little has
been done to improve the
quality oT the service or to

Our coverage of


is unsurpassed anywhere

for focus and point.

Keep a breast of the

real currents in the

Caribbean Sea.
Effective from March 23, 1975.

Trinidad & Tobago
Other Caribbean
North America
United Kingdom
Western Europe
Bound Volumes 1973
Bound Volumes 1974

$15.00 T.T.
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24.00 T.T.

upgrade the skills jf the
journalists in the stations.
Instead. the Government has
installed at 610 and Television
House managerial regimes
which are remarkable for their
lack of vision, imagination and
competence, and for their
insensitivity to public opinion.
This observation is not to
be associated with the argu-
ments for private ownership
of the media which are being
advanced by persons whose
stewardship as private owners
and managers of sections of
the media has had little to
recommend them. The state,
to be sure, must have an
interest in the media which
are, after all, public utilities,
and cannot exist merely for
the enrichment of this or that
group of foreign or local
business interests.
Nor do the media exist to
be mere mouthpieces of an
official line regardless of
what party holds political
The problem at the core is

- IP1B~~l

the sustenance of the media
and the provision for the
country of an adequate level
of service. The questions in-
volved here are m:.ch more
important than whether or not
colour TV is feasible.
There has to be a new
definition of the role and
possibilities of the national
mass media in an independent
Trinidad and Tobago. This is
something quite differentfrom
the hysterical "editorial
policy" hurriedly bestowed on
TTT and (10 by the new
Chairman of the Board. It
involves ar appreciation of
national goals and aspirations,
the inculcation of values
appropriate to our own situa-
tion and the practical applica-
tion of the principles thus
distilled in the wide areas of
publishing and broadcasting of
all kinds.
With the role of the media
thus enhanced, it follows that
there must be, expansion of
the services and a concerted
program ime of training and
developing suitable staff. How
are we for example to plan
the coverage of world news,
or even regional news, from a
perspective that is acceptable
to ourselves? Then there are
the rich possibilities for Carib-
bean and even Latin American
co-operation in mass media
It seems at the moment that
the state alone is equipped for
or would accept the responsi-
bility to develop the mass
media along such lines. The
quality of our press, radio
and TV is a matter of too
great importance to be left
to the whimsical generosity of
This is not to rule out
private initiative in the
development of the media, at
least as long as that private
initiative is truly national. The
state indeed could by guaran-
teeing co-operative common



By Buying At


T. T.T. Chairman Jimmy Bain
"managerial regimes which are remark-
able for their lack of vision, imagina-
tion and competence and for their
insensitivity to public opinion. "

Back Issues Available
Overseas Deliveries Airmail. Surface Rates on Request
Postage Extra on Bound Volumes.

Tapia, 82,St. Vincent St. Tunapuna,
Trinidad & Tobago, W.I. Telephone 662-5126.

services, for example, provide
the conditions in which a lively
journalism could flourish.
There still remain questions
of control and the dangers
inherent in such a system to
free expression. And it is here
that the need to organise the
state along different lines
become obvious. The need
for a widely representative
body like the Tapia-proposed
Senate to oversee the state's
involvement in the media im-
mediately comes to mind.
Such a body could: appoint
boards of management which
could more appropriately re-
flect national feeling than do
the Boards of TTT and 610
The single most crucial in-
gredient in the establishment
of the media along such or
similar lines is the role of the
journalists themselves. The
present crisis has shown the
weakness of their representa-
tion either by their profes-
sional association, JATT, or
through the union which is
recognized in all the stations
and newspapers, the UCIW.
The UCIW was instrumental
in the dissolution of Radio
Trinidad's Current Affairs Unit
last year when the union pres-
sed for the dismissal of Alfred
Aguitqn and Astra DaCosta.
This year it lifted not a finger
to save the disbandment of
the 610 Current Affairs team.
Without any doubt, the UCIW
has lost any credibility it once
might have had as a means of
organising journalists.
The prime need is for
journalists to get together on a
serious basis in defence of
their own interests and for
the promotion of a kind of
system and society in which
their own potential can find
fullest expression. This is
something much more than
the press-release and letter-
head kind of operation which
so often passes for professional
organisation here.


SUNDAY- MAY 4, 1975

SUNDAY MAY 4. 1975

Police A d This article was first published
Politics A d of a series which ran from Augi
6, 1969.
Next week Tapia will public
by Dr. Selwyn Ryan on the subj

Performance i

In The Public Service

THE Civil Service and the
Teaching Service need
badly to be liberalised.
Traditional employment
practice has driven rich
entrepreneurial and politi-
cal talent into these
services. Continuing plan-
tation economy has"kept
them there not least
because the terms of
pensions, leave, promo-
tion, etc., have accorded
them more respect and
more dignity than they
ordinarily could find in
the private sector until
very recently.
Yet these entrepreneurial
and political interests have
survived and this has gotten
us the worst of two worlds.
Among some, political and
entrepreneurial initiative has
been bottled up by the pro-
fessional rules, formal or
informal. Morale and perfor-
mance have suffered in con-
sequence. Among the others,
political initiative has been
driven underground but it
continues to express itself
covertly and against the pre-
vailing rules.
Chalky has since immortal-
ised this response. Its effect
has been to promote invidious
comparison and further to
demoralise the Public Service.

The proposal here is that
teachers should now be em-
ployed on terms similar
to those of the private sector.
This would become feasible if
leave, pension, insurance and
other benefits were standard-
ised and accorded to the
entire working population.
The present level of national
income (1969), standing at
the high figure of $1200 per
hpad per year, readily admits
all this.
There is a powerful case
for treating Headmasters dif-
ferently. The difficulty which
this might pose with promo-
tion could be solved by creat-
ing career grades of Senior
Masters who would be paid
salaries appropriate to their
status but would agree to give
up administrative responsibil-
ity in exchange for their
political freedoms.
As part of the scheme, the
Primary, Secondary, and
Technical School Services
should be integrated. Teachers
would then be free to move
to any level of school, once
they were qualified. Pay
could be related to merit,
regardless of the particular
level of affiliation.
As to the Civil Servants,
liberalisation needs also to

take the form of offering
some employment on terms
similar to those of the private
sector. This is required at the
top and at the bottom of the
service but not really in the
At the bottom, the same
considerations apply as with
the Teachers. It is largely a
matter of allowing employees
to express their views without
any restraints other than
those dictated by decorum
and good sense and imposed
on them by the law; of per-
mitting them to take part-
time work and to hold two
jobs if they wish; of creating
a climate of freedom sym-
pathetic to private initiative.


In the case of the top
civil servants, there are some
additional considerations.
The repeated attempts to re-
organise the Service have
resulted in more confusion
than ever.
Much of this is due to the
fact that neither the political
parties nor the senior execu-
tive grades of the service
were prepared for the tasks of
responsible government.
The British had no insight
as to the disorder they were
leaving behind. They left a
gaping hole for skilled techno-
crats, well integrated into the
apparatus of decision-making
and clear as to their function
and status.

In the context, our inde-
pendent government has had
to create this new class which,
coming fresh from the Univer-
sities, has assumed a crucial
role. The technocrats stepped
into the shoes of the old
departmental heads who used
to be brought out by the
Colonial Office.

In doing so, they were
vested with a high status
both by inheritance and by
the competence they were
presumed to have. But by
then, the rules of Service had
The old bureaucrats of the
Civil Service had become the
Permanent Secretaries, the
Heads of Departments and
Accounting Officers. This
naturally set the stage for
What is more, policy-
making at the political level
demanded technical expertise
of a kind to which few politi-
cians had had any private
access. The Ministers were
therefore encouraged to take
favoured and politically sym-
pathetic technocrats under
their wings.

The latter soon became
tagged as "party men", sus-
pected by their colleagues as
being the informal bosses of
the show. Inevitably, the
stigma rubbed off on the
whole class and served to
poison relations with the
In this context, the class
of Permanent and Assistant
Secretaries tended to lose
their confidence. As the
formal lines of authority
became obscured, they hesi-
tated to make decisions and
to assert their natural rights.
This lent a false justifica-
tion to charges of incompe-
tence which were largely
without foundation. There
ensued a furious struggle be-
tween the technical and
administrative grades and in
the wash, there began a
surreptitious erosion of the
responsibility of the Perma-
nent Secretaries as the
responsible agents of the
Ministers' policies. This has
surely been a contributory
factor to the re-emergence of
immorality in public affairs.
Contrary to the mauvaise
langue, the disorganisation of
the civil service is not'due to
political interference but tc
the imperatives of rational
and intelligent government in
the post-colonial context.
Political interference exists
but it is a consequence, not a
cause; it is a symptom, not
the disease.
In this respect, it is like
immorality in public affairs.
That exists too; but it is
partly the price of political
support when moral authority
is lost and partly the inevit-
able result of an erosion of
the responsibility of the
accounting officer class.


These problems are soluble.
But they await an administra-
tion which commands both
the analytical power to
understand them and the
technical resources necessary
to insulate the civil service
from party politics.
The founders of the inde-
pendent state were bound not
to have those resources; that
was what the colonial condi-
tion had been about. But had
they had any moral or intel-
lectual insight into the siti.a-
tion, they would surely have
seen that at least a partial
solution lay in choosing the
appropriate kind of state
to be established in 1962.
Had they foreseen rather
than stumbled upon the exi-
gencies of positive govvrn-
ment after the British fiasco.
they would have appreciutcd
what re-organisation of the
civil service 'meant. They

would have anticipated the
impact of the new class of
technocrats and experts.
The real and most damag-
ing charge against these
founders of the Westminster
Civil Service in Trinidad &
Tobago is their failure to
grasp the significance of the
colonial legacy and to master
thedynamics of change.


It is a failing wnich recurs
in many facets of public
policy. It is the main defici-
ency which a new movement
must make good. In the final
analysis, it is on this, rather
than on any of the petty
issues so dear to crowd-
mongering jumbies, that the
next political round will turn.
The proposal needed to
remedy the weakness in the
Civil Service follows naturally
from the analysis given above.
Let the technocrats be em-

played on terms similar to
those of the private sector.
Let all the politically-
inclined bring their politics
into the open. This would
strengthen the political
parties, it would restrict the
Doctor-leaders; it would raise
the level of discussion in the
Lower House.
Equally important, it
would relieve the stress on the
small class of administrators
and technocrats who must
continue to serve essentially
on Westminster terms.
Those technocrats whc
took their risks in the open
market would, of course,
divide politically amongst the
competing political parties.
Those who chose the Opposi-
tion would find plenty of
room to manoeuvre if propos-
als for assuming national con-
trol of the economy are
accepted as part of the
schemeof an entire national

n the Express as part
ust 28 to September

sh the recent address
ect of "The Teacher

Lloyd Best

I~C ------ -i-T~i


.SUNDAY MAY 4, 1975


Rhetoric To Fill The Entire Canal

AS the date for the
publication of the new
canal treaty draws nearer,
the political atmosphere
in Panama grows corres-
pondingly tense. For a
considerable period poli-
tics have been kept on
ice, while the future of
the country's most
important resource has
been discussed behind
closed doors on the Isla
Contadora. There is a
growing indication that
the treaty (see Vol. ix,
No. 7), when published,
will satisfy no-one. The
major hurdle still re-
mains, as it always has
been, the United States
congress, but General
Torrijos himself may find
his reputation somewhat
diminished by the
eventual text of the
In recent declarations he
has been extremely careful
not to raise false hopes,
indicating that 'the United
States colonialist presence' in
the canal zone will only end
'partially' three years aftef
the treaty is signed. Although
police control and postal
services will in future be run
in the zone by Panamanians,
the defence of the canal will
only be taken over by the
Panamanian national guard
'gradually'. Panamanian main-
tenance and management of
the canal is postponed for
the distant future.
In these circumstances,
General Torrijos is in con-
siderable need of solidarity
from his new-found friends
abroad. The Cubans can be
relied upon to describe the
treaty as a victory for
Torrijos, and part of this
week's summit conference
was spent soothing the wor-
ries of his Latin American
colleagues about its possibly
adverse consequences for,
their own maritime trade. The
meeting, attended by Presi-
dent Carlos Andres Perez of
Venezuela, Alfonso Lopez
Michelsen of Colombia, and
Daniel Oduber of Costa Rica,
could hardly have been more
successful from the Pana-
manian point of view.
A letter was sent to
President Ford of the United
States expressing 'deep con-
cern at the dilatory way' in
which negotiations about the
canal have developed over
the past eleven years. A
similar message was sent seek-
ing support from all Latin

American presidents. Panama
agreed that after the treaty
was signed, benefits would be
granted to Costa Rica and
Colombia, including transit
for their nationals, goods and
armies, free of taxes, duties
or tolls. President Lopez, the
first colombian president to
visit the country) since the
nation was established,
offered to abrogate the
Thomson-Urrutia treaty of
1914 a treaty signed by
Colombia and the United
States which purported to
give Colombia certain rights
over transit in the Canal
Zone. Finally, the visiting
presidents agreed to lobby on
Panama's behalf for its elec-
tion to the seat on the
Security Council about to be
vacated by Costa Rica.
General Torrijos, of
course, is an old hand at
securing international sup-
.port. In March 1973, he
welcomed the entire Securit.
Council of the United Na-
tions to Panama, in a
theatrical yet effective ges-
ture, which brought fame and
significance and expres-
sionsof solidarity to his
country almost overnight (see
Vol. VII, Nos. 11 & 12).
Since then he has strengthen-
ed his reputation as a radical
military nationalist, second
only to General Juan Velasco
Alvarado of Peru. On a trip
to South America last year,
he was enthusiastically wel--
comed by young Peronists in
Buenos Aires. In Peru itself,
he was greeted as a soul
brother. He recently set the
seal of his leftist respect-
ability by recognizing Cuba.
Is this reputation justified,
or is General Torrijos just
another caudillo employing
revolutionary nationalist
rhetoric to mystify the people
while he uses the time to
line his pockets and those of
his friends, under the benevo-
lent and tolerant eye of the
United States? Both on the
traditional Right and among
the revolutionary Left, the
latter has become the accept-
ed view. It is likely to be
heard increasingly in the
coming months, at a time
of economic recession, and
at a moment when the
publication of the new canal
treaty will re-awaken the old
nationalist debate, effectively
monopolised by Torrijos over
the last few years. The right-
wing has already tried to
adopt a 'more-nationalist-
than-thou' policy, criticising
the secrecy over the negotia-
Rumour has it that Torrijos


From Page 2.

gaging in un-West Indian
activities, and a menace to
our future.
Over and above this must
be equality of treatment and
opportunity for all minorities
whIl are West Indians like
anyone else, no more, no less.
This has been the experiment
being worked out in the
laboratory that is the English-

speaking, Eastern Caribbean.
This is the meaning of our
history if that history has any
meaning at all.
We are evolving the 'novus
homo'. This "soul force", as
Martin Luther King would
call it, is the only thing that
can unite our diverse peoples
and our scattered lands and
oppose resistance, effective,
we hope,,to the recolonising
of the area.

has interests in some of the
more than 50 national and
foreign banks that take
advantage of the country's
liberal banking legislation.
Yet he lives modestly enough
in his beach house at the old
Rio Hato air base. A more
accusing finger can be pointed
at his ministers, many of
whom are involved in lucra-
tive dealings in the com-
mercial and agricultural sec-
tor. What little political
struggle takes place in the
Panama of Torrijos, after
nearly seven years ofpersonal-
ist rule, involves those
ministers who have ambitions
to replace Demetrio Lakas as
the country's President

The two principal rivals
are Nicolas Arditto Barletta,
minister of planning and
political economy, and
Gerardo Gonzalez, minister
of agricultural development.
Arditto Barletta is an econ-
omics graduate from Chicago
and former senior bureaucrat
in the OAS while Gonzalez
is an agricultural economist
with a past reputation as a
leftist. The former is sur-
rounded by the cream of the
country's intellectual elite
while the equipo of the latter
is less distinguished, both
technically and politically -
though in better shape than

that of a third contester for
power, the minister of educa-
tion, Aristides Fuentes Royo.
Each minister controls his
own pet project: Gonzalez's
ministry, for example, is in
charge of the massive hydro-
electric project at Bayano.
This, the largest engineering
.project in Panama since the
construction of the canal,
involves damming the river
Bayano. The work is being
carried out by the Yugoslav
firm, Energo Project, em-
ploying some 200 Yugoslav
workers. The project will have
an eventual capacity of 300,
000 kilowatts, and is being
built at a cost of 70 million
dollars. Cuban technicians
are involved in advising on an
afforestation scheme associ-
ated with the Bayano project.
Oil exploration is in the
hands of the trade and indus-
try minister, Fernando Man-
fredo. Panama imports all its
oil from the United States
and Venezuela. The oil bill
went up from 28 million
dollars in 1973 to 80 million
dollars last year. It is expected
to be even higher this year,
in spite of half the money
due to Venezuela being re-
cycled into development
loans. Recently, a 5 million
dollar exploration contract
was signed with the Panama.
Exploration Company' a sub-
sidiary of Texaco. The drill-
ings are to be made in Chiriqui
lagoon, a bay on the Carib-
bean between Laurel point
and the Valiente peninsula in

the province of Bocas del
Toro. The company has al-
ready begun work on a
drilling platform. While the
existing refinery at Colon is
sufficient for present needs,
a contract was signed last
year with a Yugoslav firm for
the construction of a new
While much nationalist
rhetoricflows out of Panama,
it is still inextricably located
within the United States'
orbit. Last month in Colom-
bia, finance minister Miguel
Sanchiz Corro, boasted
proudly of his hope that
Panama would remain a great
international financial centre,
and unveiled details of his
own pet project: the construc-
tion of sugar mills providing
sugar for export.
Defenders of General
Torrijos claim he does not
know the half of what is
going on and this is
entirely possible. He is a man
reluctant to waste time on
the routine of government
business. But he also may be
keenly aware of what is pos-
sible in Panama. A measure
of nationalist rhetoric and a
limited degree of social and
economic reform may, given
Panama's geographical posi-
tion, be all that can be
hoped for.

(Courtesy Latin
America Magazine)


Literature nmc

Lloyd King Economics
Gordon Rohlehr
Victor Questel George Beckford
Denis Solomon Norman Girvan
Cheryl Williams Owen Jefferson
Derek Walcott Clive Thomas
Wayne Brown Maurice Odle
William Demas
Roy Thomas
Havelock Brewster
Alister McIntyre

James Millette Lloyd Best Vernon Gocking Dennis
Forsythe Fitz Baptiste Vaughan Lewis

Phone 662-5126 or visit our office at
82-84 St Vincent Street Thnapuna.

I sl -~I L _

- I


MR. President, we are faced here with a
proposal for an amendment to the Industrial
Relations Act which comprises essentially two
parts. One of them is an apparent liberalisa-
tion, albeit of infinitesmal scope, and the
other is an intensification of the generally
repressive tenor of an act that is a disgrace to
the Statute books of this or of any country.
Its existence and its form are symptomatic of
the mess into which government policies have
thrown the industrial relations and internal
political relations of this country.
If we are to consider the amendment to
the Industrial Relations Act, it is necessary
first of all to look at the Act and to consider
its intentions, its effects and the conditions
of which its shape and its very existence are
What were the conditions under which this Act
was passed? Government have admitted, in the pass-
ing of the Act, as they admit in the proposals for the
passage of the amendment to the Act, that the Act
and the amendment abridge the constitutional free-
doms laid down by the constitution of Trinidad and
Tobago in sections (1) and (2), in which these rules
and freedoms are supposedly enshrined. Therefore
Government in their proposal for the amendment, as
in their proposal for the original passage of the Act,
invoke section 5 sub-section (2) of the constitution,
which requires a three-fifths majority.
But at the time when the Industrial Relation,
Act was proposed and passed, the Government of
this country held one hundred per cent of the
seats in the lower house of Parliament on the strength
of twenty-eight per cent of the votes of the elector.
ate of this country. Therefore under .the terms of the
Industrial Relations Act which they were seeking to
pass, if the People's National Movement had been a
union applying for registration as a majority union,
or even as an authorised minority union, it would
not have had the hope of a snow ball in the Inferno
of having such registration certified by the Certifica-
tion and Registration Board set up by the Industrial
Relations Act.
This does not mean that there cannot be a
minority Government or even a Government which
enjoys the support only of the minority of the
population. After all, these are things which have
happened and the suspects that on any given issue
the number of people of the population that support
a particular government at a particular time is
something that is not entirely determinable, even
though in this case in 1971 it was determined beyond
all shadow of a doubt.
But to think that a minority government must
now attempt to bring in legislation, and particularly
legislation that relates to large masses of people, and
in fact to the entire working population of the
country this is where the madness lies. The idea
that a Government, first of all with such manfestly
tenuous support from the population, and secondly
in the face of overt and expressed opposition from
so many quarters should attempt and insist on the
passing of a bill of such depressive' scope is madness.


Labour legislation of this kind is, paradoxically,
possible only when it is not needed. Even the experi-
ence of Britain and Australia, where Industrial
Relations Acts albeit of far less repressive scope than
this bill) exist, proves this point. In Britain it has not
worked because the labour unions were against it.
In Australia it has worked. Partly because it is
very, very mild in its provisions, and partly because
the labour experience, or the experience of the
relations between organised labour and government
in Australia, has traditionally been such that labour
was fully associated with its passage. In this country
I need not say that this is very, very far from being
the case. It is absolutely ridiculous to imagine that by
any kind of legislation whatever you can impose strict
laws on large bodies of people who reject them
entirely, quite apart from the fact that they may also
be rejecting your right to pass any legislation of any
There must be agreement on the general direc-
tion and the general purposes of legislation of this
kind, otherwise the result is bound to be greater and
greater confrontation. The legislation is bound to
lead either to a greater degree of repression or to the
increasing disrepute of this law and of laws of every
kind, or both. And in fact that is exactly what has
happened. Because not only has there been increasing
repression, of which this amendment is the latest
examples, but in fact the bill has had absolutely none
of the effects which it set out to have.
Quite apart from the mo..ity of these pur-
poses, the effects have been zero. Because we have
had, instead of strikes, go-slows and sick-outs and

SUNDAY MAY 4, 1975

Immor C

withdrawals of enthusiasm etc, etc. And the ironic
thing is that government for want of any other re-
course has joined with the militant unions in the
attempt to find circumlocutions and euphemisms to
describe the kind of indistrual action that has been
going on in spite of the explicit prohibitions in the
The Government, I think, was the inventor of
the phrase 'mass consultation.' I do not remember
what it was that they called the BWIA strike which
took place on the very day that the Governor-
General was putting his signature to the Industrial
Relations Bill. They said it was something like a
show of solidarity on the part of the BWIA pilots with
their colleagues in the rest of the world against
hijacking. It was a strike. Government knew it was
a strike, but they found it necessary to invent some
kind of a phrase to tell the ignorant population of
this country that what they saw before their eyes
was not taking place.
So the effect of the bill, quite apart from its
morality, has been so poor the bill has been so
ineffectual -that government have found it necessary
to vie with unions in the search for euphemisms to
describe what is going on. And of course, is it any
wonder in this context that there should be so much
nonsense talked, on both sides of the battle-field,
about the so-called religious march which took place
a few weeks ago the question of whether it was a
religious march or not. I do not see how any such
nonsense, can contribute to the improvement of
industrial relations or to the furtherance of any sane
industrial policy in this or in any other country.


Secondly, if we are to consider the amendment
that is before us we must consider the political
context in which the original Industrial Relations
Act was proposed and passed. And that political
context was very simple. It was passed during the
course of a State of Emergency, during which public
meetings were banned, during which the most
vociferous opponents of the bill were held in prison
without trial. Even so, there was great criticism from
those people who were left on the scene against the
proposals made in the bill. The only place where there
were no criticisms was Parliament, and this speaks
volumes for the representative nature of Parliament
at that time.
What were the purposes of the Government in
the passing of the Industrial Relations Act? If we
want to find the most charitable interpretation of
these purposes we have only to look at the
"Perspectives for the New Society "which in the sub-
heading says: 'PNM's bold, new, dynamic and revolu-
tionary philosophy for the decade of the 70s.'
In the section of this historic document entitled
'Trade Unionism and. Popular Participation in the
Economy' the following philosophy is enunciated.
"Trade Unions constitute an important instrument
for popular participation in the economy."
Tell that to Mr. Panday!
'They protect the worker against the abuse of
authority by the employer. They bring dignity to
labour degraded by centuries of slavery and indenture.
They ensure that the worker directly employed in the
enterprise can share in its gains."

Tell that to Mr. Panday!
"They also represent the nuclei of popular power over
both the economy and the political process."
Fancy saying this and at the same time trying
to pass a bill where all the workers including many
members of the Trade Union Congress let us not say
all the workers but the majority of the workers are
against the proposal.
"They can instruct the worker in the skills of organisa-
tion and group decision-making".
In spite of the fact that you are removing by
legislation every possible area in which such organisa-
tion and decision-making could bring any kind of
'The difficulty with the traditional European and
North American conception of trade unions when
applied without modification to the Caribbean en-
vironments is that trade unions in privileged sectors
(such as oil, bauxite and Government) can share in



Den is












I R.A.

the productivity gains of their employing enterprises
often at the cost of darnage to other groups among
the masses such as the rural agricultural population,
the unemployed and the under-employed, and the
less privileged workers in less privileged establishments.
In other words, trade unionism practised in the
metropolitan style can add to the distortions and
irrationalities of the inherited economic and social
system rather than eliminate them. It should be
emphasised that those observations are not an "attack"
on trade unions or trade union leaders; they merely
constitute an attempt to analyse objectively an
important aspect of our peculiar economic system.
There are two ways out of this dilemma. The first
is through the imposition by government fiat of a
more rational wage and salary structure in both the
Public and Private Sectors. This invites totalitarianism.
It must therefore be categorically rejected. This,
naturally, does not apply to minimum wage scales in
occupations where workers are not unionised.
The other, and infinitely more preferable way, is
through a mixture of moderate governmental influ-
ence .
Moderate governmental influence the Indus-
trial Relations Act.
based on consultation with Labour and
Business) on wage and salary determination; appropri-
ate government price and fiscal policies; and a more
active participating role of the unions in economic
While this is the most charitable statement of
the purpose behind Government's industrial policy
that one can find, unfortunately, however, Govern-
ment have not always been of that view. Let me
quote from the 1961 Election Manifesto of the
People's National Movement:
"Freedom of collective bargaining between employer
and employee without Government interference".
This is one of the planks of the platform. Then
as late as March 1963 Dr. Eric Williams said:

(That is, I presume, the ISA )
"This is to stop all those idiots all over the place who
say that Government must step in to interfere in the
relations between employers and employees or that
Government must pass laws to ban strikes etc."
Dr. Williams made that statement in an address
entitled "The future of the West Indies and Guyana"
delivered at Queen's College, Guyana, on March 13,
Now let us see how the bill went about protect-


SUNDAY MAY 4, 1975


ing the relations between employer and employee and
eliminating and restraining Government's interference
in the bargaining process and so on and so forth. Let
us just take a few examples from the bill as it was
If a worker strikes in contravention of the
Industrial Relations Act he wil1 lose his job unless his
employer agrees to take him back. He can be charged
with criminal conspiracy. If a union calls a strike in
contravention of the Act its officers can be prosecuted
for criminal conspiracy or wilful interference with
the employer's business, or for other offences. If a
union calls a strike in an industry where strikes are
forbidden it will lose its recognition as a minority or a
majority union. It can be fined $10,000. Its officers
can be sentenced to 12 months in jail plus a fine of
$500 a day as long as the strike continues. Its
officers will be disqualified from holding office for
five years.
S If a person gives financial help to a worker of
a union engaged in a strike contrary to the Act that
person can be fined five thousand dollars and
sentenced to 18 months in jail. The union can be
fined $5,000. Union officers can be fined $2,500
and sentenced to one year in jail. If a worker engaged
in a strike contrary to the Act receives financial
assistance, that worker can be fined $250 and be
given three months in jail.
1 shall not go into all, the provisions relating
to the establishment of the Recognition and Certifica-
tion Board, the definition of a "worker", which is
one of the things which is being intensified in this
amendment, or to the fact that there is no appeal
from the decisions either of the Board or of the
Industrial Court, which in any case is not required to
follow the normal legal norms of evidence and of
procedure and so on and so forth, which incidentally
is also being intensified, not in relation to the tribunal
but in relation to the Recognition and Certification
So this is how the Government in the IRA
attempted to carry out the grandiose policies with
regard to freedom of association and the non-
interference with bargaining between worker and
.employer and so on which they enunciated, albeit
with decreasing intensity, over the course of the
years. As a matter of fact, if one traces the state-
ments on matters of freedom and so on, as the

Government become more and more embroiled in
the problems of protest and opposition to their
policies, one sees a distinct intellectual, one might be
almost be inclined to say physiological, degeneration
of the cognitive processes.

And of course the Act fails. It fails in its
intended effect, the day of the signature, as I recall,
there was a BWIA strike, which of course was not
called a strike; it was called a demonstration of
solidarity with under-privileged pilots all over the
world and on the Monday following there was a
strike at the Hilton Hotel. Notice that these are
both Government enterprises.
Now we have here an amendment seeking first
of all ostensibly to liberalise the possibility for a
union to represent two bargaining units within the
same industry, and secondly an intensification of an
already existing clause in the Act, clause 23 (6),
which says as follows:
"No order or other determination of the
Board in any matter brought before it under this

Act -
(a) shall be challenged, appealed against, reviewed,
quashed or called in question in any court on any
account whatever;
(b) shall be subject to prohibition, mandamus or
injunction in any court on any account whatever."
And as I understand it I may be wrong -
this existing clause forbids the questioning or chal-
lenge of the decisions of the Recognition and Certifi-
cation Board in any court whatsoever, and the
amendment seeks to extend this to the administration
and the manner of carrying out of the orders of the-
Board. No wonder Texaco withdrew its objection.
The other objective of the bill, albeit it appears
to be a liberalisation, that is to say the one that
enables a particular union to represent two different
categories of workers in one industry, is in fact also
endowed with a hidden purpose when one considers
the actual objective situation to which its passages is
designed to apply. That is the situation of the OWTU
and its desire to represent the monthly paid workers.
I daresay that the Government hope that to
allow the OWTU to represent the monthly paid
workers would be to dilute the militancy, the
enthusiasm etc., of the ordinary workers of OWTU.


West -Indian Social Sciences Index

n New World Moko Tapia Savacou

1963- 1972

Subject and author entries in one alphabetical sequence
Comprehensive coverage of all articles
Supporting cross references

Professionally prepared by a librarian at the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine,
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I think that this is something that in itself is doomed
to failure, quite apart from being an example of
So the ISA and the IRA and this amendment
are steps along a road which a Government com-
mitted to the industrial policies of the PNM must
inevitably tread. In fact this road began not with the
ISA; it began with thp Mbanefo Commission of
Enquiry into subversive activities in the labour
movement; the ISA followed by the IRA and now
this Amendment.
It should be noted in passing that the ISA had
three objectives, two of which were definitely
honoured much more in the breach than in the
observance. These objectives were the control, the
rationalization, of prices, of profits and of wage
increase. Well, certainly the attempts have been
made to regulate wage increases, because that is of
course the entire purport, the entire tenor of that
and subsequent legislation namely, to make indus-
trial action so difficult, so costly that wage increases
will be few and far between.
But the other two objectives, that of the regula-
tion of prices.first of all. This objective was served
first of all (very belatedly) by the setting up of a
Prices Commission, and of course a Prices Commis-
sion which has turned out to be completely ineffec-
tive. And the question of the regulation of profits -
well, that was a shot that was just not on the table in
the first place; and everybody knew it.
In this connexion I might draw your attention
to the statement made by the National Joint Action
Committee, I think it was yesterday or the day
before, to the effect that it was all very well to
liberate supplies of motor fuel by using the Army;
but what about liberating supplies of butter which
are being hoarded by retailers against price increases?
Then in the panic of the February revolution
of 1969, 1970 and 1971 the Government moved from
the threat of the Mbanefo Commission, from the
little stick of the ISA, to the club of the IRA. The
dwindling support of the Government in the popula-
tion at large, the increasing lack of confidence in
their capacity to govern the country and particularly
to induce a stable climate of industrial relations; in
other words, the increasing failure of their industrial
and all other policies, led of course to increasing
pressures and therefore to the most repressive and
the most politically unrealistic of this series of bills.
Because the Industrial Relations Act, of which this
amendment is merely the latest intensification, is a
piece of colonial legislation.
The Government talks about conciliation; the
bill is supposed to be a bill to set up machinery for
imposed conciliation against the wishes of people
who feel conciliation, in specific instances, is com-
pletely impossible. It talks abbut conciliation, but
the effect of this bill is proof Government are not
interested in-real conciliation, because the kind of
conciliation that would be necessary, in order to
establish an industrial climate in this country which
would be effective in the context of any kind of
development, is the kind ot conciliation which
Cont'd on Pg 9

(From Labour Challenge)

ON FEB. 3 the federal
government issued its so-
called Green Paper on
Immigration and called for
a wide-ranging "public
discussion" about Canada's
immigration policies. The
green paper claims to seek
"the widest possible cross-
section of opinion" in the
Immigration minister
Robert Andras has said
that the document con-
tains "no definite recom-
mendations" and that
government policy will be
determined by the public
response to it. Andras and
the green paper authors
also claim that Canada's
present immigration policy
is "loose", "liberal", "rela-
tively open" and "non-
These claims are a fraud.
At the same time as it calls
for a "public discussion"
on the green paper, the
government is implement-
ing major cutbacks and
restrictions on immigration
to this country. The policy
has already been determin-
ed and .the first steps


While the green paper was
being tabled in the House of
Commons, immigration officers
in Montreal proceeded with
deportation actions against
1,500 Haitians who are
threatened with arrest, torture
or even death by the brutal
Duvalier dictatorship if they
return to Haiti. Despite wide-
spread public protest, Andras.
has refused to halt the depor-
High officials in the Haitian
.government have stated publicly
that they consider the Haitians
in Canada to be "subversives",
"troublemakers" and "com-
munists." The Canadian gov-
ernment is well aware of the
fate that. awaits the Haitians
who are forced back, yet it
continues the deportations.
The green paper calls for a
"discussion" while hundreds of
Haitians are being deported
back into the arms of the
Duvalier dictatorship. This is
the real immigration policy of
the government. For several
years they have been imposing
growing restrictions on immi-
gration. All of these restrictions
are directed most sharply
against immigrants from Third
World countries.
As the Anglican and United
churches put it in a brief to
Andras more than a year ago:
"Since 1972 it has become
very difficult indeed for all but
Europeans to enter Canada."
In October, 1972, the gov-
ernment revoked the right of
visitors to apply for landed
status in Canada. This prohi-
bited the entry of tens of
thousands of people who were
coming to Canada to apply for
immigration status in order to
avoid the two, three and even
four year backlog in their own
countries. On Jan. 1, 1973,
employment visa regulations
were introduced for the first
time in Canada. according to
the. government "to protect

Jamaicans wuai at

the Canadian labor force
against the unwarranted use of
foreign labor, and to introduce
an additional measure of con-
trol over the long-term visitor."
As a result of this, in early
1973, the right of foreign
students to work was with-
drawn "unless they qualify for
employment visas." According
to the green paper this will
"quickly reduce" by "attrition"
the number of foreign students
in Canada.
In 1973 the government set
up a temporary migrant labor
system. More than 3,000 farm
workers came to Canada under
the "Caribbean Seasonal Work-
ers Program".in 1973. In June,
1974, the government signed
a similar agreement with
Mexico which, in the words
of the green paper "has been a
traditional source of temporary
harvest labor." Workers from
the Antilles and other Third
World countries come to
Canada on a similar basis. These
workers come to Canada with-
out their families. They are
paid the minimum weekly
wage of just over $70 out of
which they often have to pay
part of their transportation
costs. They are denied access
to social services such as health
care or education, despite the
fact that they must pay in-
come tax and unemployment
insurance deductions. They
cannot apply for citizenship
rights in Canada and must
leave the country as soon as
their temporary jobs are ended.
On Aug. 15, 1973, the
government amended the Im-
migration Appeal Board Act to
sharply restrict the right of
appeal. Under this amendment,
visitors are denied the right
to appeal a deportation order.
The 1,500 Haitians who
arrived in Canada after Nov.
30, 1972 but before the'pass-
ing of this amendment in
August, 1973, are the ones
immediately threatened with
deportation back to the
Haitian police state.
In February, 1974, the law
was changed to require that
"before visas may be approved
for either, independent or
nominated applicants some
solid indication must exist that
their occupation is in demand
in Canada." In October they
added new restrictive require-
ments which deduct points
from a potential immigrant
"unless the applicant shows
evidence of bona fide arranged
employment." In addition, "it
must be established that no

ronto airport fbr immigration hearings.

Canadian Green Paper On

Immigration Policy

Building A Colour Bar

Canadian citizen or permanent
resident is available to fill the
After all. tlis, while, large-
scale deportations are already
underway, the government has
called for a "public discussion"
on Canada's immigration
policies. This claim to imparti-
ality is a complete fake.
Obviously they don't need such
a discussion to arrive at a
policy; they are already imple-
menting it. The real objective
of the green paper "discussion"
is to encourage the spread of
racism in Canada. They cynic-
ally veil their real intentions
with claims of impartiality.

For months before the
official release of the green
paper there were calculated
"leaks" to the press designed
to stir up racist sentiments.
Last October, the Toronto
Globe and Mail reported exten-
sively on an earlier. "secret"
Cabinet draft of the green
"The confidential document
expresses concern over the
rapid increase of immigrants
from outside the traditional
feeder countries of Canadian
settlement .
"The new immigration
raises questions about 'the
absorptive capacity of Cana-
dian society,' according to the
green paper, and challenges
Canada's big cities 'that have
been obliged to absorb signific-
ant numbers of people with
backgrounds and cultures un-
familiar to the majority of
their established residents'."
In response to the wide-
spread media coverage of this
racist document, a delegation
of Caribbean ambassadors and
high commissioners pleaded
with Andras last fall to "put a
cap" on the national, debate
on immigration to prevent the

Canadian Immigration Minister Robert A nd,.,s

stirring up of racism in cities
like Toronto. A Toronto
Chinese community worker
protested in October that CBC
was stirring up race hatred with
its extensive immigration re-
The government's real views
on immigration were spelled
out by Liberal Member of
Parliament Peter Stollery who
told the Toronto Star in
October.: "My feeling is that
the government is cutting back
because we are being swamped
by applications from non-
white countries."
Richard Tait, chairman of
the green paper study, expres-
sed the view in a speech last
-year that: "We are now accept-
ing a great many people from
cultures which are very, very
different from ours. .. The
influx of people from otlier
races is one of the questions
we must come to grips will.
How quickly, in leriii of
social harmony, can we ;IfolTId
to let this happen?" On Scill:

24, Tait told the Globe and
Mail: ... we have to make
sure we get it right as to who
we want to come."
When the fihal version of
the green paper was released,
Time magazine pointed to its
"clearly implicit ... concern
over the rise of non-white
immigration." Time went on
to quote a senior federal
official: "What this means in
plain language is that we are
worried like hell about the
influx of colored people and
want to clamp down."
The Globe and Mail, reflect-
ing the interests of big business,
says that the green paper
"skirts delicately around the
question of race." This is a
cover-up. It refers to the fact
that the green paper uses
phrases such as "novel and
distinctive feallmes"" when
they really mean ;Black. Brown
anidl ollihe noI-w-vl ilmml i-

( oillinltld over

SUNDAY MAY 4.-1975
'-. *.-' r T. r:


From Piage 8

One se'ctioi the il' c'II
pape scaniis the i..'ist hi,-tori
of Canada's iinnigration pol-
cies. At the time of World Wat
11. the paper sa s: "British. amd
Amlericanl imnmierants were tlhe
most favored. Northern Euro-
peans were accepted if no one
else was available. Non-whites
were not welcome." What do
the green paper authors think
of this history? "The main
policy contributions of the
1914-45 period," they write,
"were the introduction of the
concept of sponsored immigra-
tion and the use of the visa
to control immigration at
source." They applaud the
"development of the selective
The racism is reflected
everywhere. For example, in
the campaigns to publicize
Canada abroad.
"In the peak years of 1966
and 1967 the Foreign Service
conducted extensive advertising
campaigns in France, Britain,

Belgium, Germany, Italy and
the Netherlands," says the
paper. But, "even in periods
of high promotional activity
Canada does not promote
migration in developing coun-


The rotteness of this racist
immigration system Is reflected
in the corruption that pervades
the immigration department.
On April 14, 1973 the
Montreal. daily Le Devoir re-
ported on the widespread
practice of immigration officials
demanding sexual favours in
return for status in Canada.
Last November, the CTV
program W-5 interviewed
former immigration official
Mark Koss who charged that
all immigration officers are
racist. "Generally speaking,"
said Koss, "the attitude of the
working level in the depart-
ment is pro-European and anti-
non-white People who
come from Black countries,
from Africa, are automatically
suspect because of the color
of their skin."
Immigration officers often
seize "illegal" immigrants at

From Page 7

Government are unwilling to
attempt at any cost; and
instead, they substitute,
under the name of concilia-
tion, a bill which is a model
of repression among legisla-
tion of its kind.
In other words, not
only is the bill repressive, it is
also ineffectual and above all,
it implies a structure of
foreign ownership, or at best,
of worker-management dicho-
tomy to whose perpetuation
the Government is committed,
in spite of the expressed
wishes of practically the
entire population of this
country. In other words, it is
proof that Government is,
lock,stock and barrel, in the
service of foreign ownership,
in particular, and of capitalist
ownership in general.
The question is whether
these amendments and the
bill to which they are sup-
posed to be attached, are
t'oing to be permitted to

their homles or places of work
and hold them inicomlmunicado
in iail untill they are shipped
out of tile country. A few
weeks ago a young man broke
Ilis leg wlile trying to escape
from the second floor of the
Hotel Strathcona in Toronto,
which has been turned into a
detention center for deporting
The green paper authors
attempt to justify racist immi-
gration policies by linking them
to the needs of Canada's
capitalist economy: "Whatever
their immediate purposes,
immigration decisions make
indelible imprints on all aspects
of the nation's character .
In the long run it is impossible
to disentangle the significance
of the labor market and econ-
omic impact of immigration
from its social and cultural

consequences." In other words,
in the long run it is "impos-
sible to disentangle" the needs
of the capitalist economy and
a racist immigration policy.
Immigration minister Andras
defends the racist attack on
immigrants by arguing that
"immigrants are applying and
arriving in increasing numbers
at a time when employment
levels may well be uncertain,
when housing is scarce and
expensive, and many social
services are strained to the
critical point."

SUNDAY MAY 4, 1975
Faced with a growing dis-
illusionment in the government

and the capitalist system,
which are unable to provide
the basic needs of the majority
of people, the government is
trying to turn immigrants into
scapegoats for the depending
economic and social crisis.
But, as the green paper
itself documents, immigrants -
especially those from the Third
World are among the hardest
hit victims of the crisis. After
three years in Canada, immi-
grants have an income that is
only 84 percent of their
Canadian counterparts. They
are the last hired and are dis-
criminated against by the
bosses because of their "lack
of Canadian experience." They
are the first and hardest hit by
the housing crisis, paying a far

higher proportion of their in-
come' to rent than other Cana-
dians. They are denied access
to many social services and
they are discriminated against
at every turn. This is doubly
true if they are non-white.
Immigrants form a pool of
cheap labour for the bosses and
by maintaining their low wages
and second-class status, the
employers put downward pres-
sure on the wages of all
The green paper defends
Canada's privileged, imperialist

position in the world, a position
that depends on maintaining
the exploitation, degradation,
poverty and starvation of
millions upon millions of
people in the Third World.
"Canadian policy must be
shaped," says the green paper,
"to a world situation where
motivations to migrate are
bound to rise rapidly, in which
the source of migratory pres-
sures will be distributed more
and more unevenly, and where
powerful forces will work to
increase the magnetic attrac-
tion a country in Canada's
favored position exerts on
people in less privileged coun-
What right does Canada
have to deny millions of starv-
ing people the right to come
to here? It was the Canadian
government which ordered
IMMNM S- --Z -4

and other non-white victims
of its imperialist robbery.
Canada's racist immigration
policies point clearly to the
need to abolish Canadian ind
world capitalism and establish
a planned, socialist economy
on a global scale. Instead of
plundering underdeveloped
nations, a socialist tanada
would make all of its resources
and technology available to
help rapidly overcome the
backwardness of less-privileged
countries. The development of
world socialism would abolish
all national boundaries and
national privileges and provide
all of the world's people with
unrestricted freedom and
Under the guise of calling
for a "public discussion"
around the green paper, the
government is continuing and


Frunn high.
running high.

wheat production to be cut
back while hundreds of mil-
lions of people face starvation.
Canadian companies and
banks make hundreds of mil-
lions of dollars every year from
their plunder of Third World
The Canadian government
sends aid and gives diplomatic
support to the most reaction-
ary and barbaric regimes such
as Duvalier in Haiti and
Pinochet in Chile. And now
the government is slamming
its doors on the Black, Brown

U --~-prrsm~ UcIas ~

continue to lead the country
in the direction in which lthe
bill itself and its predecessors
have been amply proved to
be leading the country.
Certainly, my view is that as
long as a Government comn-
mitted to thie kind of policy
of industrialization and of
industrial relations thti the
PNM is committed to. remains
in office, then continued
degeneration and continued
confrontation even to the
point of civil war are inevit-

Therefore, the question
is, can we remove the Gov-
ernment? That is a something
that is not going to be solved
in Parliament. As a matter of
tact, I. not only as a Member
of Parliament, but out of
human concern for my col-
leagues in Parliament, cer-
tainly hope that the lines of
Robert Browning are not
applicable to this institution
the lines which say:
77is /he Last .Judgment't
fire' must cture ('11 hi 'ipla'.
(ah'i '?7 its ,A ,'iS ,' ,/ (10 si .N

prisoners free. "
Let us hope we can
escape the fires of political
judgment which legislation
of this kind is continually
stoking in this country.
The way in which I see
conciliation, and a useful,
calm. tranquil. productive
climate coming about is by a
complete restructuring of
ownership and control of
industries, and in particular.
of the ownership of those
industries which are at present
in the hands of mulli-

increasing its attack on immi-
grants. This attack is not only
a threat to immigrants, but to
all working people and to the
women's movement, students
and oppressed nationalities in
Canada whose own position
will be weakened if the govern-
ment succeeds.
All those who support
democratic and civil rights
have a responsibility to speak
out in defense of the Black,
Brown and other non-white
immigrants who face exclusion
from Canada under the grow-
ing restrictions.

national corporations. All this
wittun the context of con-
stitutional reform. This is
the only way in which confi-
dence and purpose between
and among Government and
the population, labour and
the population, and Labour
and Government.in industrial
policy can be brought about.
Thle specific proposals
that the Tapia House Group
have to nlake are mai\. But
in particular they ielate to
annual wage bargaining
carried out under thle direc-
tion of the legislaulle. Of
course, it need not be said. a
drastically reformed legisl.a-
ture. specifically a Senate
with adequa te represeinti.ion
in it of Industry. L.ibouii.
Local Go\ernment :1ad so
So what 1 would like to
call upon this Ilouse to do. is
not to pass tllts amendlmenI.
but to iepe.l the A\ct itself:
and hopeful \\C e tma.\ find
llhat to\i 'in eii int i\ e\ein u-
,a!\ u{>tlbCe icpealed. Thank
\ t1. Mi. Plesildeit.


The Green Paper has unleashed a storm of protest; tempers


immoral and

repressive act



Ir'llPB~s~l~la~- ---e~a~r-ws~-'

THIS year was by far the most successful domestic
season for West Indian cricket since the inauguration
of the Shell Shield series.
There was no test series during the year and the
stars had all come home to compete after a successful
tour of India and Pakistan. In addition, for the first
time too, the home crowds were going to see our

brilliant new test players
The cricket was exciting
there were many close
matches, and the large
crowds that turned up
were amply rewarded.
What better cricket could
one want than the battle
for Ist innings between
Jamaica and the Combined
Or the equally close
one between Jamaica and
Guyana; or Trinidad's
marathon innings at Jar-
rette Park to save defeat?
Or the exciting photo-
finish between Trinidad
and the Islands, or, the
victory of the Islands over
Barbados after conceding
1st innings points?
Out of it all emerged the
Combined Islands as undoubt-
edly the best all round team
in the competition. They
played the best cricket and
won the championship (whe-
ther the West Indian Cricket
Board formalises it is a differ-
ent matter and really it is the
board on trial here).
Frank Worrell had said
many years ago that the
nucleus of the West Indian
team would come from these
islands in the. future. I am
not sure what prompted this
remark but Worrell certainly
knew what he was talking
It was in the early 50's
that the West Indian Cricket
Board started paying close
attention to the Islands'
players. Everton Weekes, on a
coaching mission, arranged for
the young Vincentian batsman
Alfonso Roberts to continue
schooling at Q.R.C. and play
cricket here.
Roberts toured New Zea-
land with the West Indies "B" .
team in 1955 but never really
made it at the highest level.
But cricket continued to
flourish in the Islands, their
own inter-island competitions
both at School-boy level and
in the senior league being
always keenly contested.
One kept hearing names of
good players Gresham from
Grenada, Bam Bam Charles
from St. Lucia who had
skittled out the touring Aus-
tralians in 1965 and always

Andy Roberts and Vivian

SUNDAY MAY 4. 1975 -



Irvine Shillingford.
When in the 1960's the
West Indies were frantically
looking for a partner for
Hunte, the Combined Islands
always felt that they had the
ideal man but he was never
given a chance.
It was not until Mike
Findlay's tour to Australia in
1968 69 as deputy wicket-
keeper did the Islands next
get their chance.
Then on the short tour of
England in 1969 a familiar
name but an unknown player
in the rest of the Caribbean,
Shillingford but Shillingford
the opening bowler not
Shillingford the opening bats-
man was named as well.
From then on the rise was
rapid Andy Roberts we
heard was young and strong
and fast he was sent to Alf
Over's school and then we
heard that Hampshire (where
another great Antiguan player
Danny Livingstone had been a
fixture on the side for so
many years) had signed him
In his qualifying year
Roberts gave stern warning of
things to come and at the end
of last season (his first full
season) not only did he top
the averages; not only had he
taken more wickets by far
than anyone else, but for a
fast bowler had bowled an
incredible number of overs as
Simultaneously, another
Antiguan, surprisingly to us in
the other territories, had been


signed up for Somerset and
by the time his first full
county season was complete
there was no doubt that
another West Indian batting
star had arrived Viv
The tour of India finally
put the seal on the worth of
these two players. But in both
cases the ability was recognized
by foreign talent-hunters and
"thereby hangs a tale".
So the Combined Islands,
the Cinderella team of West
Indian cricket came on the
scene in the 1975 season with
the most exciting side. -
The two Shillingfords were
still there. Then there was

Mike Findlay the amiable
captain, test wicket-keeper and
a batsman of solid defence;
seasoned performers such as
lim Allen, Norbert Phillip and
Corriette; the composed young
opener Sebastien, the left-arm
spinner from Nevis Elquemedo
Willette, the fastest bowler in
the world Andy Roberts and
the batting success of the India
tour Vivian Richards.
They did not disappoint -
they took first innings points
from the powerful Guyanese
team, and showed their fight-
ing spirit by beating Barbados
outright after losing on first
They had a long hard battle
for first innings points with
Jamaica again showing their
fighting spirit and the courage
of their lower order to put
their heads down and fight.
By the time they arrived
in Trinidad, they had triumph-
ed over all the other teams.
Trinidad on the other hand
had lost all her previous en-
counters but none the less she
was playing at home with
three spin bowlers who knew
how to exploit the Queen's

Berniard .)m'',it / ii /iJ ig pa'itsqua..re 1m1tic gatitc 2gaitist III,. 6',nbihiaJ bd /s/al

Baldwin Mootoo reviews the 1975 Shell
Shield Series and talks about prospects

for the future


ri" -. :

Get your Bargains & Gifts

For Mother's Day

62 Queen St P O.S.

'-~~ --- I I

Il i 11i ntci i, nitm k history
.1 inlci o :ihlc iim Iicli. but in
thle c'\,itcI neii t ol its after-
math nio one paused to analyst
the cricket. The Islands were
undoubtedly the better team
and they should have won
easily but for somewhat in-
different captaincy and care-
less batting in the 1st innings.
I will never understand why
after only three overs after
lunch on the first day with
Trinidad reeling at 124 for 5

. ^"-^w., ` ii~f

Lawrence Rowe
overcoming his problems

and two new batsmen (includ-
ing newcomer Ramkissoon)
Roberts was taken off the
firing line.
Then in their turn at the
crease carelessness by their two
most dependable players Shill-
ingford and Richards cost
them first innings points.
Everybody expected too
that Findlay would really have

used Roberts more in the
second innings by the time
he came on with the second
new ball the batsmen had
settled in and were much more
difficult to dislodge.
The final day saw the
needle finish the Islands
pushing for 283 runs in some-
what even time and Murray
(with superb captaincy) carry-
ing the game to them a
fitting climax to the season.
In the process the Islands
showed that their batting re-

Deryck Murray
superb captaincy.

sources went beyond
Richards and Shillingford and
for Trinidad Imtiaz Ali
showed the ability to bowl
under pressure which is always
remarkable for a back of the
hand spinner.
What of the rest of the
cricket? From Jamaica, there
was the batting of the two
youngsters Chang and Dujon

SUNDAY MAY 4, 1975
and the continuing progress
of quick bowler Holding. But
much more important and
encouraging was the return to
the game by Lawrence Rowe
and the progress he has made
with his eye problem.
From Guyana, the predict-
able batting of Lloyd, Kallie-
charan and Fredericks, the
success of fast bowler Matthews
(he aggregated 20 wickets in
the season) and the improve-
ment of young off-spinner
Adjodha Persaud.

Alvin Ka

Keith Boyce -still powerful'

Young Bacchus continued
to bat well also although he
never really made a big score.
But the batsman of the season
was Fredericks he was
always in the runs and always
His career best 250 at
Kensington Oval was hailed
by all as batting of the very
highest quality. Yet, his 91 in

90 minutes at Bourda against
Trinidad was probably the
attacking innings of the season.
Every Trinidad bowler was
spanked to every corner of the
field and those who saw it
said that Bartholomew was
subjected to an onslaught that
could not possibly have been
more severe.
Fredericks climaxed the
season by captaining the Guy-
ana side successfully and well
in Lloyd's absence there is
a lesson here about leadership
which we in Trinidad could
Barbados was probably
over-all the most disappoint-
ing side. Collis King's perfor-
mance with the bat was very
encouraging and Holder bowled
very well indeed.
But David Murray who had
batted so well in India and
Nolan Clarke who had pro-
mised so much the year before,
disappointed. So too did
Padmore with the ball.
From the Islands, other
than the two stars, the general
improvement of Corriette was
apparent, as was that of
Willette. He bowled very well
indeed, is doing a lot more
now, spinning the ball more
and varying his deliveries well.
In the Trinidad camp the
batting of Larry Gomes was
outstanding. Like all the other
Trinidad batsmen however, he
is terribly scared of good fast
bowling and it was embarras-
sing to see him trying to
negotiate Roberts his first
movement was one of with-
drawal so different from
the ease and time with which
he played the other bowlers.
One hopes that he will get
over this for he shows all the
other qualities of a test player.
Ramkissoon was the other
encouraging batsman on the
Trinidad side. Coming in for
only the last match he was
very lucky to have entered the
arena just as Roberts was
taken off in both innings.
Nonetheless, he came in at
difficult periods and put his
head down and played sens-
ibly. Although he looked

stodgy ana rusty in the lirst
innings he served the team
In the second innings he
came into his own in the
first part of the innings he was
content to play a secondary
role while Julien got on with
the runs.
Once Julien left the scene
he took charge and even Andy
Roberts with the second new
ball was now being negotiated
well. He has certainly shown
the fight and temperament
which seem to be lacking in so
many of the recent young
Trinidad batsmen.
In bowling, Imtiaz Ali is
now bowling as a seasoned
campaigner. He is quick in the
air and off the pitch and is
always willing to try something.
Jumadeen bowled consis-
tently well throughout the
season and was so often called
on to tie up an end but his
competition is now greater
than before with the improve-
ment of Willette.
But we must not forget
that Trinidad is the weakest
of the teams. Once more one
has to ask why in the territory
where more people are, per-
haps, playing cricket than any
other do we remain so weak.
I am sure that the talent is
there. I am sure that we have
strong, fast young men who are
willing to work hard; and
young batsmen with the
potential of a Worrell or a
Carew or a Kanhai or a Chicki
And I am convinced that
the closed structure of our
cricket organisation has a great
deal to do with the fact that
these players are not being
When will we learn from
the Guyanese (experience -
remember they were the weak
team of West Irdian cricket
until Berbice burst on the
scene and their whole structure
So the season was great.
Cricket remains the game of
the Caribbean. If our stars
come home the crowds will go
to the games.


In Aranguez


4th Round

THE following are the results in detail of 4th
round games of the P.Y.M.C.L. which con-
cluded on Sunday April 20, 1975. There was
a 'tie' on Ist. innings in the Metro vs Illinois

1 .

Alley Kats 175 for 6 dec. and 75 for 0;
V. Rampersad 35, B. Alladin 74, C. Hayewood 24,
M. Ragoonanan 4 for 50, C. Samai 3 for 60.
Happy Wanderers 147. S. Ramdial 51,
B. Roopchand 35, B. Dookhan 36, N. Ragoonanan
23; C. King 3 for 20.

Illinois 140 & 107 for 5: T. John 85 and
49, K. Gordon 24 & 23, R. Williams 5 for 58, J.
Mannie 3 for 53.
Metro 140: J. Mannie 41, R. Williams 19
n.o., F. Khan 5 for 48, N. Joseph 2 for 20, T. John 2
for 33. (Tic on 1st innings).


Glamorgan 172 for 7 dec.: A. Kassim
52 n.o., M. Ali 23, I. Ali 23 n.o. L. Grant 6 for 36.
Riversdale 176 for 5: L. Grant 65, R.
Snaggs 52.


El Socorro South 105 and 50 for 8. B.
Ramnath 59; C. Ganpat 10 for 67, A. Mannah 4 for
Mallick 210 for 5 dec.; C. Ganpat 64, R.
Ramesar 57 n.o., C. Paria 55.


Melbourne 156 for 6 dec. & 55 for I.
F.Ali 50 and 33 no., B. Lalloo 50; A. Kurjah 2 for
Superstars 149: K. Suraj 38, R. Deonarine
30 n.o., B. Lalloo 3 for 28.

Bamboo Grove 201: V. Singh 29, G.
Rama 27, A. Madoo 26, R. Ramrattan ?'; S. Dickson
3 for 58.
San Juan P.S.S. 142 and 52. J. Hackett
63, B. Roopnarine 44, R. Sieunarine 5 for 44, V.
Singh 6 for 25. (Bamboo Grove won outright).

Spoilers 59 and 91. D. Jaglal 21, K.
Sookoo 18; L. Lewis 5 for 18. S. Jones 6 for 24.
Lower Mt. D'Or. --69 & 73 for 5: K.
Prescott 44, R. Dey 22. N. Ali 8 for 42.

I~--c I II I I' I --' II I

-- __ I_ I .... .. ... '

Calling ll writers

teedets & publishers

* Are you interested in books and magazines with a
Caribbean flavour?
Are you a writer whose concerns are with the
Do you publish books about the Kegion?.

IF SO ...
Please correspond with us. Let us know who you are,
what you are doing, and what kinds of reading matter
you are interested in.

WE ARE ...

The Readers, Writers and Publishers Associa-
tion a non-profit organisation. We shall send you a
Newsletter every quarter or so, which will contain
information we think you may need and for which
you have asked.

To bring readers, writers and publishers in the Region
closer together. To help each other to read and write
about ourselves. To encourage publishers and their
agents to give us the kinds of materials we want.
Write. to us now, enclosing a self-addressed
envelope. Our address:

Erna Brodber
Pear Tree Grove P.O.

ppm .., It=-


Vendors Send Petition

TAPIA Secretary Lloyd
Best has written a letter
to the Chief Executive
Officer of the St. George
County Council on behalf
of the i'aapuna Market
The letter, signed- by
some one hundred mart
ket vendors expresses the
major grievances they
are experiencing. Among
other request the vendors
are calling for:
1) -An enquiry into the
2) An end to harassmer
by the Patrol
3) Fairer administra-
tion of the Market
4) Early Extension of
the Premises.
The text of the letter

SKindly permit me to draw
your attention to the distress

currently being experienced
by a large number of market
vendors in the Tunapuna
Market. These vendors are
insisting, on their right to be
allowed to work for an
honest bread; they have no
other employment but to sell
goods in the market and
they feel strongly that the
service they are providing is
welcome by many tax-paying
Representations have been
made to me to the effect that
the vendors have a number of
valid complaints some of
which I find to be of inordi-
nately long standing. I list
them below.
1. The Tunapuna Market
has become impossibly res-
tricted in relation to the
increase of population and
the volume of traffic. This is
the fundamental problem and
the source of most of the
conflicts and the quarrels.
In the last 25 years, the
national population has more
than doubled and the Tuna-

puna population has grown
even faster so that the area
now served by the Market
probably contains something
of the order of 80,000
Yet the size of the official
market compound has re-
mained virtually unchanged.
In these circumstances, mer-
chandising has spilled out
onto the streets in every
possibly direction and vendors
have had to contrive every
manner of makeshift arrange-
2. The pressure of space
and the inadequacy ofphysical
accommodation have led to
increased competition and
riv:hiy among vendors and
have increased opportunities
for, irregular behaviour on the
part of market administra-
;3. The more immediate
complaints of vendors are
(i) Those *ho are -selling
on the streets are nevertheless
being charged market dues
by the administration and are

'being harassed by the market
patrol and told to clear the
free way. On Sunday morn-
ings, it has now become the
custom to hose down the
streets at an unreasonably
early hour and to drive the
vendors away by drowning
their merchandise.
(iii) The market administra
tion seems to have broken
down to such an extent that
often the market is not
opened or closed until long
after the scheduled time.
This has increased public
interest in the street services
and led to an intensification
of rivalry amongst the
vendors and between those
installed inside and those
camped outside. Inevitably,
openings have been created
for favouritism and. corrupt
practice. Spitework has be-
come a way of life at least
in the minds of most of the
people involved.
(iii) Apparently, there are
some vendors, who by paying
bribes to market.administra-
tors maintain--a close-knit

control )of lie majority of
the stalls inside the market
compound. It is also alleged
thai tlhey prompt the inarket
patrol to harass the vendors
on the street. Moreover, when
street stalls are torn down,
the materials are summarily
confiscated to the great cost
of poor people.
I assure you that these
grievances are not by any
means groundless. I fully en-
dorse the vendors' demand
for an official investigation
and for action to' relieve
their distress. I sincerely hope
that such action will be
speedily undertaken in order
to avoid what is becoming an
exceedingly explosive situa-
It seems to me that the
ultimate responsibility lies
with the Ministers of Planning
and Local Government who
must both be pressed to
provide market accommoda-
tion equal to the demands of
the tax payers in the Ward of
I append a list of the
vendors who have made re-
presentations to me on these
matters. The list of signatures
is not by any means exhaus-
tive; I am reliably informed
that up to 300 people are
directly involved.





Wrightson Road

Port. of .Spain




May 11th 1975

Chairman's Report
Treasurer's Report

Secretary's Report


Syl Lowhar

Angela Cropper

Lloyd Best



The National Crisis -

Elections To National Executive

Returning Officer.
Arthur A well