Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
March 30, 1975
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

Vol. 5 No. 13

Convene People's

Par I ament Now

scare of the abortive Long
Procession, The Tapia
Council of Represent-
atives has advanced a
Plan for National Peace.
On Sunday March 23,
an emergency meeting
charged the Tapia Execu-
tive to publish a concrete
project for a National
Conference of Citizens.
The advertisement
duly appeared in the
morning papers on Wed-
nesday and Thursday of
last week and is repeated
on the centre pages of
this Issue of Tapia.
The big question now
being asked is just who
is going to call the Con-
ference? The reply is ,
very simple one. .ICheO
the nation has to be
called together, that is
obviously a political task.
If political leadership
on behalf of the entire
nation is not provided by
the Government, then
the country must look
Obviously if the Govern-
ment could willingly call

such a Couterence, there
would be no constitutional
crisis and therefore no need
for the Conference in the
first place.
The constitutional crisis
exists precisely because both
the Government and the
Opposition are afraid of
losing ground if we assembled
a properly functioning Parlia-
Why else would the Gov-
ernment have failed to make
any reasonable concessions
on the matter of electoral
reform be Fore the 1971 elec-
tions and why would such
a large sece-on of the opposi-
tion have refused to pay any
serious attention to the
matter constitution
The ,h ;'ince of any frame-
,work wi i',n which quite
o"di :ry .-.ito; disigree-
meati ca, be p-acefluli
resolvedd is clearly attributable
to irresponsibility on the
part "of tie whole of the
0iiationl .:.dership.
Every '"'nm'mniity. politi-
cal or iniusiial dispute is
iioVW ;;. o,,':;sio;i for con.ron-
tation and crisis and a step
towards ci'iii war.
Those (-, us who appreci-
ate the cii rent danger must
realise that the time has come

to act and to strike out on a
different course. The road of
reci-ring confrontation is the
road to self-destruction.
There is no way to be
sure in which a Conference
of Citizens can be called into
existence tomorrow to pro-
ceed with an amicable dia-
logue on the fundamental
Such a reasonable solution
has to be shown to be the
collective political will of the
vast majority of the citizens.
AMore than the political organ-
izations and leaders, the
general population must see
the struggle for power in the
context ol thie national good.


The constitutional crisis
will persist so long as the
interest of the parts take
priority .over the interest of
the whole and none of 'the
contending parties feels tbl,"
to agree on rules of give and
The constitutional crisis
will -id when the large
miajotiiy whose safety and
security depend on some
iranmework of national con-
sensus, speak out with a
decisive political voice.

Sustained conflict and
strife is a licence for gangster-
ism, a paradise for the privi-
leged elites. Upheaval means
shortages, hardships, violence;
it validates profiteering and
police brutality and it perpe-
tutes punishment for com-
.mon people.
Those who would dismiss
the Conference of Citizens
should bear these facts in
mind. If we are not willing to
strive for a peaceful solution,
we are not ready to found a
The upheaval has come
because Independence has
shown that the institutions
inherited from .the colonial
era are hopelessly out of date.
The upheaval has persisted
because our habitual political
responses have been unequal
to our new demands.
The upheaval will be over
only when we take up our
beds to walk.
Whenever that moment
comes, we, the sovereign
people of Trinidad and
Tobago, will find ways and
means of assembling the
sovereign people of Trinidad
and Tobago in all our reput-
able organisat'ons.
In Tapia we think that
moments coming soon.

We have done Well

LAST Monday a mor-imig
paper in one of them
water-wash stories on the
front-page listed Tapia
among the candidates for
a new merger of sundry
opposition parties and re-
ported that on Sunday
gone, we were locked in
tense deliberations. They
too lie. A complete fabri-
cation. On both counts.
Just plain wrong.
In the first place, the
unity which we in Tapia are
seeking is an enduring! alignment
of all those forces, wherever
they are, in the.old national
movement or the sw, which
,are resolved to demolish the
'iniquitous regime' of Doctor
'Politics; and from that it fol-
lows inevitably that we must
avoid like the plague any kind
of shotgun marriage of fish
and fowl.
The unity that we in
Tapia seek is not a marriage of
convenience which comes
simply from the head but a
marriage of love which the

[rench so aptly call a marriage
de coeur, one which comes
equally from the heart.
In the second place,
Tapia is not locked and cannot
ever be locked in anything at
all. The shackles in which some
would have us bound have ever
since been ruptured. So long!
And now our freedom cup is
flowing over.


In the past year, we have
done well even if, as always, we
could have (done better. We
have spread into the localities
even further than before and,
where we were, our roots have
surely deepened. At theecentrel
where the performance is a test
of local strength, Tapia has
held the spotlight to our
credit. If we are to trust the
reporting of The New York
Times,. persons not necessarily
sympathetic to our political
aims still feel that we have
"improved debate in Parlia-
ment." And one senior Trini-

dad & Tobago diplomat feels
that we are "the country's
Needless to say, a news-
paper Editor told the Times
that Tapia was a dead party,
was "a spent force." I don't
know which newspaper editor it
was you can guess yourself
which twin had the Toni but
I suspect he was only trying
to put goat mouth on we.
Well, the Yankees could
not afford to buy that nancy
story; they are dealing in power
and they have therefore to be
very clinical about facts. "Tapia
has significant possibilities that
are hard to assess." Doubtless
that is their view hard to

Hard? You think it easy?
Tapia is not a party or a move-
ment summoned here thi.
morning in response to some
cfinny's magical gimmick.
We are here today, we
are all here today, precisely
because we have all assessed
the chances. Tapia is not a
passing crowd or passing cloud;
we have never whipped up any
indignation and excitement,

we have

mobilised our people

W- are assembled here
in calm, committed, calculation
-- in answer to the call of
permanent, professional, politi-
cal organisation. Not industrial
not cultural, not religious not
intellectual, not military, not
even electoral, all of these
have or could have their place
in Tapia but our rapier thrust
is political organisation a
movement built to last through
all the seasons, to treat all the
problems, to face all the battles
and to win the campaign at
the endL


We are not a vast multi-
tude not yet but we are not
a front-to-back or a back-to
.ron. party hoping to assemble
a crowd and then to organise
No Tapia is organisation
fist, crowd after. So welcome
all. Supporters, friends, associ-
ates and members, welcome
all. We have done well.

THE Tapia House Publish-
ing Company announces
the publication of Partici-
patory Democracy, a Book-
let written by Dr. C.V.
The Booklet is a com-
panion piece to Democracy.
or Oligarchy, a 1973 pbblica-
tion in which Dr. Gocking
explored the constitutional
choices open to the Wooding
Commission before that body
e reported.
Now in Participatory
Democracy, the discussion is
extended to embrace the
Wooding Report and the
Prime Minister's celebrated
response in Parliament on
December 13 and 17 last.
Subtitled A Constitutional
Imperative, Lis second book-
let dissents from the positions
taken by both Dr. Williams
and Sir Hugh and puts a case'
for wide popular involve-
ment in the processes of
Dr. Gocking writes with a
persuasively warm detach-

THIE Tapia Team intre
Senate is to raise matters
concerning the Govern-
ment's failure to deal
responsibly with the
current industrial ad
political crisis.
This was decided at
a follow-up meeting held
last Wednesday at the
request of House Leader
Roy Richardson and
attended by Denis
Solomon and Lloyd Best.
Mr. Richardson told Tapia
and DLP representatives that
he had written seeking to see
the Prime Minister but had
had only i1 limie-wasting
telephone reply from the
Minister of National Security.
At a first meeting last
week, Mr. Richardson had
been charged to request the
Prime Minister to call a joint
sitting of the Houses of
Parliament to discuss the
The Government opted to
call off the sitting of the
Lower House carded for
Tuesday March 18.


25 cents


THE increasing awareness in the
Federal Public Service of the need
for staff development and train-
ing is to my mind one of the
most remarkable developments
that have taken place in this
country in recent years.
For years, the Federal Civil
Service spurned staff training for its
senior officers. Training was regarded
as being good enough only for the
junior and intermediate staff. Th"
senior officers were regarded as being
above training. This attitude, thank
goodness, is now changing. No organ-
isation however large or small that
fails to internalise staff development
and training can survive for long as a
dynamic, effective, and efficient
Each Ministry or Department
and each Unit within it is hierarchically
organised. It is one of the main
characteristics of hierarchic control
that each authority in the hierarchy
controls the level immediately above
it. Theoretically, the subordinate has
a "zone of acceptance" within which
he will accept the authority of the


The class and hierarchic struc-
tures of the civil service have of course
presented and still present innumer-
able problems to an effective, efficient'
and dynamic administration. There are
conflicts among the general service
class particularly between the meln-
bers of the administrative class and
the general executive class. But these
are nothing compared with the con-
flicts existing between the administra-
tive class and the professional class.
The reasons for these conflicts are
It is usually from the administra-
tive class that permanent and deputy
permanent secretaries are appointed.
It is these, with other members of
the class, who work closely with the
members of the Government in policy
formulation and in framing pro-
grammes. They are responsible for the
overall co-ordination of the activities
of the technical divisions. Accordingly,
the members of the administrative
class have come to occupy a pre-
eminent position vis-a-vis the other
classes. They regard themselves and
are so regarded as the corps d'elite of
the civil service.


The hierarchic structure of the
civil service poses yet another set of
problems. Theoretically, hierarchy
should be the mainspring of control.
It should lend to what has been
termed a process of creative tension.
But in practice it has not always
facilitated the type of effectiveness
and dynamism that I have earlier
referred to. In fact, it has tended to
reduce the administrative process to a
A former distinguished civil
servant, T.M. Aluko, in his novel
Kinsman and Foreman drew attention
to the ineffectiveness of the hier-
archical structure of the civil service
when he made a Principal Engineer
speak to a young inexperienced
District Engineer as follows:
"When you are a little older in the
Civil Service, you will learn the
wisdom of never allowing the ball
to remain dead in your own half of
the field. You play it first to your
immediate subordinate. When he
plays it back to you assuming he is
not a fool or an imbecile you play
it to your immediate superior ....
or sideways. A game of musical
chairs, if you like to' look at it
another way. The man without a
chair when the music stops loses."

The fact that this series of
induction courses is being run not just
for newly recruited administrative
officers but jointly for them and the
newly recruited professional officers
is a development which is bound to
weaken the class consciousness and
conflicts. inrough common training
will develop mutual understanding and
respect. Afterall, the senior administra-
tive and professional classes jointly
constitute the higher civil service.
I hope however that the common
training will not be limited to induc-
tion courses. For one fact which is
often ignored is that senior professional
officers have always had considerable
administrative responsibility which is
bound to grow with the increasing
concern of government for social and
economic development. They should
therefore be given management train-
ing along with their counterparts in
the administrative class.


But the acquisition of manage-
ment skills through training by all
civil servants, particularly the higher
civil servants, is only one element,
in developing an effective, efficient
and forward looking administration.
No matter how well equipped an indi-
vidual is in modern management tech-
niques and skills, unless he possesses
the right type of human qualities and
the right type of attitudes; he will be
fa from being an effective and effi-
cient public officer.
What are these human qualities,
you may ask? First,a civil servant
must be highly motivated. He should,
theoretically, have been attracted to
the civil service because he wants to
render public service selflessly and
honestly. But if, as is often the case,
joining the civil service was a Hobson's
choice for him, he should cultivate the
sense of commitment to the Service
in general and to the objectives of the
Department in which he serves in
A high sense of motivation and
commitment needs to. be buttressed
by a high sense of purpose and direc-
tion and integrity. No Administration
manned by corrupt officials can be
effective and efficient.


Third, a civil servant, particularly
the higher civil servant, must always
be aware of his fiduciary relation to
the government he works for and the
public he serves. In other words, there
must be a relation of trust between
him and the government on the one
hand and between him and the public
on the other.
Administration is smoother and
more efficient if the people have
confidence in their civil servants. The

vast majority of people find it easier
to accept and to place their confidence
in civil servants of high moral calibre.
Civil servants need to remember
always that they are the trustees of the
Government and the public.
The misuse of public property
and Government secrets and confi-
dences, the abuse of powers and
duties bestowed upon individuals by
Government, and the misuse of govern-
ment time are breaches of trust. Not
only is time the intangible property of
Government but so also are secrets and
powers and duties. And as civil
servants you must avoid all conflict
between your duties and your interests.
A person in a fiduciary position should
not put himself in a position where his
personal interest and his public duty


Humility is another quality
which a higher civil servant needs to
cultivate. More often than not there is
the temptation to be arrogant, to blow
one's trumpet, to develop an attitude
of 'but for me this or that, could not
have been done or achieved'. A higher
civil servant must scrupulously avoid
such a temptation. If he fails, he will
destroy the trust of government in him
as an adviser, and the confidence of the
public as an objective, impartial techno-
crat whose main interest is to render
public service honestly. A dedicated
civil servant will sooner or later get
public recognition and appreciation for
a job well done. He does not need to
clamour for it.


Fifth, to be effective a higher
civil servant needs to be courageous, to
offer advice without fear or favour, to
avoid sycophancy. This is perhaps the
most difficult of them all. It is too
tempting for a civil servant, in order
to safeguard his position, to tailor his
advice to the known views and pre-
ferences of his political or military
Indeed, in every large organisa-
tion, business or civil service or mili-
tary, one of the great difficulties is
getting proper discipline and loyalty,
while at the same time avoiding the
encouragement of yes-men. No doubt,
in an organisation where the sycophants
not only thrive but prosper as far as

the advancement of their career is
concerned, it might, on the face of it,
seem foolhardy to be courageous in
tendering advice.
A government therefore has a
responsibility to discourage tailor-made
advice. I should perhaps add that
being courageous does not involve
sequestrating the right of a govern-
ment to determine, in the last resort
what shall be done by the civil

Another quality most urgently
needed is self-discipline. One good
example is a hundred times better than
a score of precepts. Junior officers can
only learn from their superior officers'
examples. There is too much "do as I
say and not as I do" attitude in our
public service. Some senior officials
expect their subordinates to be
punctual, dutiful, obedient, loyal,
tactful, and diligent in the discharge
of their work when they themselves
habitually come to work when they
like, delay files unnecessarily in thei
in-trays, undermine the authority of
their own superior officers and are
anything but tactful.


I could go on enumerating these
human qualities. They are necessary
not just for civil servants. But because
of the special responsibility of a civil
servant, it is important that he must
possess them in abundance. As young-
men and women who are just begin-
ning your public service career, you
must cultivate all these qualities.
Some of them each of you will no
doubt possess. Others you may lack.
This is to be expected since no one is
perfect. You do however have the
responsibility of acquiring those that
you lack.
And here specially designed
training programmes can help. The era
of folk wisdom where excessive reli-
ance was placed on God-given charac-
teristics is gone in many societies.
Nowadays leaders in different facets of
any modern society are more man-
made than naturally made. The most
effective leaders in any sphere have
had to train themselves to acquire
these qualities or be consciously
trained by their employers.
I hope therefore that all our
management training programmes will
have a three-fold objective: (i) the
acquisition of skills and information
required for particular jobs; (ii) the
acquisition of understandings and
insights about group behaviour and
and motivation; and, (iii) the skill
and ability to develop the leadership
potentials of subordinates.


No government can be success-
ful unless it is served by an efficient,
effective and dynamic administration.
And no civil service can be effective
and efficient, much less forward-
looking unless the majority of its
members, particularly those in the
higher echelons, not only possess
technical mastery but also display
those personal qualities which I have
enumerated. And my list is far from
being exhaustive.
I am always amazed at the very
scanty attention given to the contribu-
tion of civil services to the fall of
Governments either democratically
or by violence. And yet there is a high
degree of correlation between an in-
effective and corrupt government and
an ineffective, inefficient, corrupt and
backward-looking administration. Of
course, you may argue with a large
measure of validity that a Government
gets the Administra ion it deserves!


IN 1970 workers in the sugar
belt had planned a march to
join their counterparts in Port-
of-Spain on April 22. On the
night of April 21 we of Tapia
held a public meeting in Diamond
Vale. The atmosphere was
charged with tension as it is now.
At 12 o'clock that very night the
State of Emergency came into
force, and scores of people were
detained in pre-dawn raids.
Panday and Shah have indicated
that the sugar workers and cane
farmers may be coming to Port-
of-Spain this week. I hope that
history does not repeat itself.
Two weeks ago there was rumour
of a State of Emergency. It is said that
the Minister of Labour was calling for
it. It is felt that the Bill was drafted
and actually printed. It is just that the
Cabinet was out of the country, and
nothing could have been decided. Who
is so brave as to say aye when the
Doctor may say nay. Even now they
may be in trouble. Supposing he
said, "don't you know that the policy
is that oil and sugar must never come
together." When messiahs lose their
charisma it is customary for them to
go into the wilderness for 40 days so
that God can give them the master
Today is passion Sunday, a day
of prayer for the workers. Next will
be Palm Sunday. The first is un-
clenched, the palm is waved in peace.
We-are not even demanding the whole
bread. We pray for bread, peace and
justice. The cynics say, what can the
workers achieve by prayer? But I
think that with a contrite heart in a
penitent atmosphere we may be better
able to search our souls, in moments
of self-negation we may be able to
discover those weaknesses that lurk
within us, that prevent us from win-
ning the struggle.
Sisters and Brothers, we welcome
you to this our 5th Annual Assembly
held for the first time in Port-of-
Spain. Seems as though all the country
bookies are coming down this year. It
has taken us five years of building, and
still we are getting competition from
the Cricket. But the struggle goes on;
the fight to the finish continues.


We have had pitched battles
before, and we have had our victories
and defeats. When the brothers tried
to block the buses from rolling in '69
they were beaten back brutally. Clive
Nunez was almost murdered with
licks. We remember the cry of Joe
Young as he was thrown into the
Black Maria, "We shall overcome,
In '70 we marched and marched,
crushing the poui underfoot. We had
long days. We almost commanded the
sun to be still. Yet humpty dumpty
did not fall, and the walls of Jericho
did not crumble. We huffed and
huffed while the chain smoker behind
the dark googles puffed and puffed.
In '71 we stayed away from the
election, 70% of us, as a vote of no
confidence not merely in the Govern-
ment but also in the entire electoral
system with its jerrimandered bound-
aries and its voting machines. But
instead of striving to restore confi-
dence in the State by reforming the
constitution and emancipating the
people (once it comes from above it is
emancipation. Liberation comes from
below, from the people themselves)
the Government became more and
more intransigent. In totalitarian
fashion it has used its total majority
in the House of Representatives to
subvert the rule of law, and to abuse
its control of the administration.
Nkrumah did this. He eventually fired
the Chief Justice who refused to with-
draw a judicial decision. Here, three of
our most independent judges, Fraser,



And Change

Malone and Georges have since left
the Bench. Look at the Duffus report
on Grenada, and you see the influence
of Fraser. Here an attempt is being
made to reverse the decision of,Mr.
Justice Braithwaite regarding the con-
troversial Act 1 of '65.
What the population has not yet
realized is that both Caroni Ltd. and
the Government are guilty'of contempt
of court because Justice Brathwaite
has not only ruled certain sections of
the Act unconstitutional (and he ought
to know. I understand that he had a
hand in drafting it when he was in
the Legal Department) but he has also
given reasons why his judgement
should take immediate effect.
Now it is a very dangerous situa-
tion for the King and his Attorney
General to find themselves in when
they purport to hold themselves above
the law of the land. Because when the
people have right undisputably on
their side so that they can claim the
privilege of the protection of the court
as Cromwell did, things might come
to a head as indeed they did in
England in the time of Strafford and
But to come back to the
Empire Day election. Democracy,
according to Locke, the philosopher
of Civil Government, requires that
there be majority rule. However, there
may be minority Governments. In the
election of'56 the PNM did not emerge
with a clear majority. They won 13
out of 24 elected seats, but the nomi-
nated elements were still there. The
Colonial Office was so co-operative
with the popular movement then, in a
way that it had not been with Butler
before, so confident were they that
their interests were safe under the
trusteeship of Williams and the PNM
that Sir Edward Beetham, the Gover-
nor was able to approve of a constitu-
tional contraption whereby two nomi-
nated members Merry and Alexander
were put under the direction of the
PNM. This partnership was to become
curiouser and curiouser. In retrospect
one wonders whether the direction was
not the other way round; whether the
No-Deals Party of '56 had not in fact
made a deal with the Colonial Office
with Oil and Big Business, to allow
them to continue their neo-colonial
policy in return for facilitating the
PNM's right to rule.

'To accept this view is to under-
stand why Sir Harold Robinson, ex-
planter of Woodford Lodge and the
Royal Agricultural Society continue
their strong influence on agricultural
policy; why the Secretary of that
Society is still being paid, I think,
from the consolidated fund; why the
Chairman of the Central Marketing
Agency is invariably a representative
of that Society, and why the Society
in an issue of its journal could refer
to the people's demonstrations of '70
as reminiscent of animal behaviour. To
accept this view is to understand why
the Chamber of Commerce is allowed
its mark-up inflation; why Badger and
Texaco can coerce the Government-
to declare a State of Emergency to
imprison the citizens of this country.
The point that I do not want to
lose sight of is that even with a
minority Government it is possible to
have majority rule, Government of the
people, by the people and for the
people as long as the franchise is wide
and representative enough, and as
long as 50% or more of the electorate
participate in the election. But that
was not the case in '71. The Govern-
ment is clearly illegitimate and without
moral standing. It functions behind
the mask of legality.


When the Government called the
State of Emergency '71 to frustrate the
Wooding Commission and to muffle
public discussion it strove to entrench
itself behind a wall of reressive legis-
lation. The IRA was the moat which
formally cut it off from the popula-
tion. Some of our more idealistic men
and women, perceiving that thahe
country was in a state of seige with
itself, took to the hills and launched a
guerilla offensive at Matelot. Some of
them are rotting in prison, forgotten.
Beverly, only 17 whom I visited at
home a few days before she fled told
me that she was framed. Shot in the
breast and neck she fell in freedom's
name bearing tCe promise of genera-
tion. The phase of armed resistance
came to an abrupt end with the am-
bush of Harewood down by the river-
side, fittingly at St. Joseph where just
over a hundred years ago Daaga was
hanged. But I tell you that the struggle


has been sanctified by the blood of
some of these martyrs, and we will
have to be careful to ensure that the
Cordon Sanitaire of legislation behind
which the Government now hides does
not become -. Gordion Knot of self-
entanglement from which it cannot
Every day the army of the
people draws closer and grows more
formidable. A terrible beauty is born.
No longer does it consist of student
and unemployed hot-heads and rebel
soldiers. Doctors, and lawyers and
housewives and fishermen, and wood-
cutters and- taxi-drivers, and now the
oil and sugar workers. We are
approaching the final solution.
The drum beats louder, louder
the echo deep inside grows
clearer, clearer.
I see a creature rising from the
water whose eyes are torches of


Violence and resistance! That
has been the history of the Caribbean
from the beginning. Lloyd likes to
remind us of the relatively little known
uprising led by the Dominican boy,
Enriquillio in Santo Domingo in 1519.
Bill Riviere, another Dominican, has
drawn up an extensive list of similar
encounters. We tend to remember
only the major ones Berbice under
Cofey Accra and Accabre; 1763; Haiti
under Toussaint, Dessalines and
Christophe 1791; Morant Bay,
Jamaica under the Bogle Brothers -
1865; St. Joseph under Daaga i
1865; St. Joseph under Daaga in
Fyzabad under Butler in 1937.
Violence and resistance have
been regular features of life in Trini-
dad and Tobago since the time of
Picton: The crowd in the square has
always been the People's Parliament.
Always it is Carnival and Canne
Brulles. With regard to the last few
years if asked about the February
Revolution the answer is Which One?
February 26, '70 or February 18 '75?
And invariably these mou'neents fail
to clutch victory for the people be-
cause of personal rivalries. There tends
to develop a maximum leader who

Continued on Page 6








PAG 4 TAI SUNDAY ?i4' r '

When we come to tackle the basic issue of
nationhood, nothing but the .frankest and fullest.
discussion will suffice. There can be no obstacles to
free expression; none can have special advantage.
This means that whoever chairs the deliberations
must do so with complete impartiality, tact and
firmness. Though it would be nigh well impossible to
find any man entirely free of connections o; interests,
it should not be too difficult to find candidates of
sufficient stature, public-spiritedness and breadth of
vision to whom the job may be entrusted. We would
suggest as suitable candidates Solomon Hochoy,
William Demas and Lloyd Braithwaite.

We propose that the Conference be held at a
venue in downtown Port-of-Spain, which is easily
accessible to the delegates, and where the delibera-
tions would be equally accessible)to the public and
to the national communications media. There are a
number of suitable venues and those we have in mind
include the Seamen and Waterfront Workers Trade
Union Hall on Wrightson Road; Queen's Hall near to
the Savannah or a venue close to Woodford Square
such as Trinity Cathedral, an appropriate Chamber in
the Red House, or the auditorium of either the Town
Hall or the Public Library.

I edia[]

LAST Tuesday's confrontation between the
police and the United Labour Front once
again threw our nation into a fearful crisis.
For a bleak moment Trinidad and Tobago was
haunted by the spectre of a general shutdown
with all the needless hardships, senseless frus-
trations and violent responses that were sure
to follow.
Ever since the Transport Strike of 1969,
confrontation and crisis have become a recur-
ring decimal and every genuine Trinagonian is
now praying for the return of dialogue.

The longer we delay in tackling the
fundamental causes of the crisis, the greater
thr risk of a slide into civil war. Every suc-
ceeding confrontation further erodes our civil
liberties and threatens the entire social fabric.
No segment of the national leadership
can honestly refuse to face the central pro-
blem since no segment of the national leader-
ship is entirely free of blame.

Perhaps the greatest benefit of the National
Conference would be its educational value. It could
speed up tremendously the process of political
education by exposing the options open to us
clarifying for each other where we stand on the
issues. It is imperative, therefore, that the discussions
be disseminated as widely as possible by the mass
media.. Provision must be made for live and un-
censored broadcast by radio and television, and for
complete transcripts of the proceedings to be made
available speedily to the media and other agencies of
public education.

Sir Solomon Hochoy Mr. William Den

] iIl... II -

Since the onset of the national crisis, two
major issues of national reconstruction have emerged.
They are the burning questions of Economic Re-
organization and Constitution Reform. These issues
lie at the base of most of the controversy and conflict
generated in recent years. We propose that the
National Conference address itself exclusively to
On the issue of Economic Re-organization,
there appears to the two major questions with
appropriate sub-divisions:- 1) Bread, Peace and
Justice, and 2) Popular Participation.
We propose, therefore, that the Conference
deliberate on the following:






On the issue of Constitution Reform, there
appear also to be two major questions:- 1) Political
Representation, and 2) Fundamental Rights and
We propose, therefore, that the Conference
deliberate on the following.



Quite clearly, for the Conference to succeed in
its objectives, it must embrace the multiplicity of
divergent interests and opinions in the nation as
represented in all their reputable organizations. This
is so precisely because the task now is to settle the

national framework, the rules by which the nation lives.
and in this regard what is important is not the size
of any particular interest group, but the fact that it
exists. In deciding representation at the Conference.
therefore, we believe that extra care must be devoted
to encouraging the smaller and less vocal minority
Secondly, among the multiplicity of interest-
groups, it may be necessary to anticipate certain
bcoad areas of shared concern. We propose that the
Conference should acknowledge this by defining ten
"estates" or categories into which groups may fall.
In total we anticipate an Assembly with an
absolute maximum. of 300 delegates appointed as

2) LABOUR 40
8) YOUTH 20
9) SPORT 30







RCH 30,1975

At the heart of the problem is the
absence of a Parliament in which competing
interests could meaningful participate in
national decision. Our very first step must be
to solve this problem.
One way of doing so would be simply to
call an election. But until agreement is reached
on such matters as proportional representa-
tion, the voting machines and the constitution
of the new Parliament the most likely result
of an immediate election might well be a
campaign marked by enhanced conflict and
strife especially since many electors have been
too frustrated to register.
The nation must therefore be called
together now to reach some agreement on
these basic matters. At an emergency meeting
of the Council of Representatives of National
Tapia, held at Tunapuna on Sunday, March
23rd, 1975, a decision was taken to propose
a Temporary Parliament in which all voices in
the country would find reasonable represent


PNM -5 places ULF
DLP 5 places WFP
DAC 5 places NJAC
UNIP 5 places URO
WINP -5 places NEW BEGIN-
UPP 5 places NUFF
UFP 5 places Tapia

- 5 places
- 5 places
- 5 places .
- 5 places
- 5 places

- 5 places
- 5 places
- 5 places

Trinidad & Tobago Labour Congress 20 places
Council of Progressive Trade Unions 20 places

Chamber of Commerce
Southern Chamber
Tobago Chamber
Trinidad Manufacturers' Association
Businessmen's Association
Shipping Association
Employers' Consultative Association

Inter-ejligio'us Organisation
Other Religions


- 7 places
- 3 places

Law 2 places Academics
Medicine '-2 places Agriculturists
Engineering 2.places Farmers
Architects' ,- 2 places Fishermen
Surveyors 2 places Economics
Teachers 2 places & Statistics
Journalists 2 places Accountants

- 2 places
- 2 places-
- 2 places
- 2 places

- 2 places
- 2 places
- 14 places

City Council
Borough Councils
Village Councils
County Councils

- place
- 2 places
- 7 places
- 7 places
- 3 places

Theatre 1 place Music Bands
'Dance 2 places Drummers
'Calypso 1 place Artists
Steelband 1 place Writers
Brass 1 place Other
Parang 1 place

We further expect that each of these categories
would settle its own composition, disputes over the
allocation of places being adjudicated by the Chair-
man in his absolute discretion. We also attempt to
identify the particular interest which belong to each
of the categories or estates.
The important consideration is that the net of
representation be spread as wide as possible so that
the{ 300 delegates would provide a fair sample of
national opinion in relation to all the fundamental
If we succeed in achieving such a sample, very
little importance would attach to formal voting. The
decisive element in the whole exercise would be the
impact of opinion-leaders on the national conference
and the effect which that would have on the forging of
genuine political alliances, and therefore of lasting
political parties.

they could be composed of people chosen from the
floor for their individual suitability.
The cardinalprinciple would always be to find
"means of distilling the national consensus" the effect
of which would be to bind the nation and therefore
to set .firm moral and political guidelines for the
Government of the day. In the case of Constitution
Reform and matters of State policy, such political
agreement at the Conference with the governing party
present would then allow the national consensus to
be subsequently taken to Parliament for possible
ratification in a climate where public opinion is
patently clear. In this way the National Conference
would assume the status of an informal Constituent
Assembly while Parliament retains its full sovereignty
and continues to operate according to the due
process of law.



Where voting is required, we propose that each

estate be allocated a bloc of 100 votes.
On certain matters of paramount concern, the
Conference may wish to establish select committees
and invest them with powers of decision. In some
circumstances these committees could most appropri-
ately be all-party political committees, while in others

Syl Lowhar
Augustus Ramrekersingh
Mickey Matthews
Lloyd Best
Paula Williams
Angela Cropper
Ivan Laughlin

Allan Harris
Lennox Grant
Michael Harris

Denis Solomon
Alston Grant
Hamlet Joseph
Baldwin Mootoo
Volney Pierre
Sheilah Solomon

Arthur A twell
Dennis Pantin
Beau Tewarie


National Youth Council
Students University
Students Teachers
Secondary Pupils


- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place

- 5 places
- 2 places
- 2 places
- 2 places
- 9 places

All Fours


Housewives & Women's Groups
Parent-Teacher Associations
Rotary, Lions, Jaycees

Mr. Lloyd Brathwaite

Y, m'EN

- 2 places
- 2 places
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 6 places

- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 1 place
- 12 places

- 2 places
- 2 places
- 2 places
- 9 places
- 3 places
- 2 places





Sdisregards the ethic of co-operation.
SThis breeds undermining distrust and
intrigue: 'Eventually we are saddled
with despots worst that those we have
had before. Take any country of the
Caribbean today, and the outstanding
examples stare you in the face.
Now it is not enough to say that
they are prisoners of their policies or
that their mobilisation was too swift
though 1 am sure that these factors are
important. 1 believe that there is some-
thing accumulated over the centuries
in the psyche of the colonial personal-
ity which makes him respond in an
authoritarian manner whenever he or
she comes in sight of power. It is like
the instincts of the beast at the taste
of blood. This is why crowds appear
and disappear at will; why organisa-
tion is so difficult; why leaders of
great promise disappoint. It behoves
us all to search our souls to identify
what that something is.
I saw this situation demon-
strated at the oval when Pele was
coming. A massive crowd restless as
hell. And there was this mounted
policeman, symbol of the authoritarian
personality driving his horse wreck-
lessly through. If any .one hand had
pulled him off he was finished, yet
the crowd scampered away. Williams
may retire and come back. He may
cuss his entire Cabinet. He may criticise
the Multi-national Corporations and
then invite them here with a vengeance.
When he talks no damn dog bark!
There in the Oval were the two evils
in all their starkness Drives for
personal power and the colonial fear
of the rough-shod of the master.


It was a source of great comfort
and inspiration to me to see in this
week's issue of Tapia that Dr. Gocking
is also showing some concern for these
questions. Work is one thing, the
motivation, another, Speaking of
Williams and Wooding, and their
incapacity for the task of fundamental
change, Gocking says:
C.L.R. James in his Beyond a
Boundary has vividly described the
effects of a colonial education such
as his generation received at Q.R.C.,
excelle-.t though it was in its own
"It was only long years after that I
understood the limitation on spirit.
vision, and self-respect which was
imposed on us by the fact that our
masters, our .curriculum, our code
of morals, everything began from
the basis that Britain was the source
of all light and leading, and our
business was to admire, wonder,
It was a great tradition but
"The old order changeth, yielding
place to new;
And God fulfills Himself in many
Lest one good custom should corrupt
the world."

The philosophy and practices of
Crown Colony government, with its
doctrine of the incapacity of "lesser
breeds"to manage their own affairs,
planted feelings of insecurity and lack
of self-respect and self-confidence
even in the very ablest. Indeed,
paradoxically enough, it was the
ablest who were most affected,
exposed, as they were, and with the
ability to absorb metropolitan values.
Deep down, therefore, in the souls
of these two able men lurks the
inability to quite free themselves
from feelings, responses, rationalisa-
tions, attitudes woven into the very
fabric of their beings from earliest
youth. Whatever their intellects may
tell them to the contrary, deeply
ingrained instincts and feelings
persuade them that their erstwhile
fellow colonial subjects lack what it
takes. They lean heavily on the con-
servative side at a time when there is
need for innovation and faith in the
people's ability to meet the challenge
of the times.
Wooding and Williams can therefore
only with great difficulty essay to
play the role of leaders along the
path to participatory democracy, in
the modem post-colonial era. Their
difficulty becomes all the greater
when they are called upon to move
from the plane of thought to that
of responsible action. What is more,
their very integrity becomes their

That is a most insightful piece of
writing from a man who has remained
remarkably youthful in mind despite
his age. It reveals many complexities.
But if you grasp it you will see why
Williams has to be attacking and des-
troying everybody, finishing them of.
Men of proven ability such as Wooding,
Georges and deLabastide are seen as
nincompoops because they have a
different viewpoint. Take Lushington
Bowen, deceased Chairman of TTT.
Williams had that goodly man in the
doghouse for years as his Permanent
Secretary, not being talked to, getting
no work on his desk. He got his heart
attack, curiously enough, about the
day after the instruction that Shah's
should be banned from the media. The
suppression of the James report on
TTT was already bad enough, but this
was carrying the vendetta to the limit.
These are the great oaks that




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the British spoke about, that they
planted in the colonies when they
knew that they had to leave. Fell these
great oaks, they said, and chaos
follows. The chaos of which they
speak is Participatory Democracy be-
cause all those little people have been
deprived of sunlight would also
become men of light and leading.
We have to search our souls
because '75 is not '70. The thousands
of workers in Oil and sugar have real
interests to defend. These industries
provide a livelihood for them and
their children, and they will shed
their flesh and blood if necessary.
They have no vague notions about
the people deciding. They know that
they are the people, and they have
already decided. Their ideology is very
clear. They know that they need to
be part of a national political organisa-
tion to weild State power. They do not
dismiss a political party as conventional
Williams has always recognized
that the day Sugar & Oil combined to
transform, this economy the regime
would be at an end, so in his auto-
biography his proudest boast is that
he prevented these forces from
coming together. To achieve his pur-
pose he has had to declare several
States of Emergency, and to enact the
ISA, and now the IRA. But the pilot
project, the test-piece of the IRA has
really been Act 1 of '65. These have
been the modern Combination Acts
by which the movement which made
riot in the '30s was kept in check.
This was his responsibility under the
partnership arrangement of '56. I
notice that certain politicians are
rather silent these days. They may
disclaim responsibility for the IRA
which was passed in '72. I would be
interesting to hear what they had to
say or did not say in '65.
Today the Black Power move-
ment does not have to march to
Chaguanas and Caroni to ensure that
Africans and Indians must unite.
Caroni is coming to town. There is no
talk about black and white and
bourgeois and proletarian. The high
salaried members of the Petroleum
Staff Association and solidly in the
ranks of the workers. Weekes himself

has had to pay tribute to those white
people who are rallying with the
The trade union movement is
also being united. The Congress has
come out against Texaco and in sym-
pathy with the workers. They have
also criticised the Minister of Labour
for mishandling the situation.
And Tapia is in a position to be
heard. It is a completely different
When the movement in sugar
started in Orange Grove over the issue
of Hunte and Tello Tapia was very
much involved with the workers,
.,calling for grass-roots leadership and
localisation of the industry.

We argued that it was not merely
the question of Hunte and Tello but
the question of management also. We
said that the sugar workers and the
80,000 in Tacarigua must have a stake
in Orange Grove. If the ideologues
pretend not to know the difference
between Localisation and Nationalisa-
tion, the workers do. They want to
share in the profits of both Caroni and
Texaco. It is Localisation vsNationalis-
ing because Caroni is 55% Govt.
I notice that NJAC is calling
on the Government to nationalise
Texaco. Well, Williams is planning to
do just that not as a progressive
measure but as a means of birtfking
the workers' struggle.
I was down in the South on
Friday. For the first time since the
refinery started the flame was not
burning. But that flame is now burn-
ing in the breast of every man and
woman on the picket line in the
sugar belt and in the oil belt. The
flame of freedom is alight, and we are
carrying the fire to the enemy. So
let the police occupy the gates with
their dogs! let the regiment patrol!
let the battleships weigh anchor in
the harbour!
On this sacred and solemn day
for workers all over the country I
want to end with this prayer for
bread, peace, and justice that we take
full control of our resources, especially
of oil and sugar for the benefit of us
all. Amen.

Ui-L' l.IAIiS

Phone: 62-32176, 62-38372
99-101 EASTERN MAIN ROAD, L'tlle.

Our Prices Are Unbeatable Anywhere

Si~'IDAY MARCH 30, 197S.



And Change
~~ I 1'1 1 '|.. --

v -

In Trinidard & Tobagoa






SO YOU want to be a
revolutionary. Well you
came to the right place.
This school has graduated
some of the top-notch
revolutionaries in the
country today. Why do
you want to be a revolu-
tionary? You look like a
bright boy. Let me say
right away that a stu-
dent revolutionary is not
the .same thing as a
student of revolution.
In fact the less you
know about real revolu-
tion the better. To much
knowledge tends to give a
man ideas. And that
could be a bad thing for a
professional revolutionary
Well the first thing you
have to do to become a
revolutionary is to declare
yourself one. Of course you
don't just stand up one
morning and say I am a
revolutionary. If you do that
nobody go take you on. You
have to play it smarter than
that. The easiest method is to
become a marxist.
No man you don't really
have to read the man. The
important thing to remember
is that the world is divided
into workingclass and
bourgeoisie. And all who you
want on your side are worlang-
class and all your enemies are
There are a few other
little things to remember. Foi
example as a professional
revolutionary what you fight,
against is the bourgeois,
reactionary, fascist, neo-
colonialist, imperialist world
order and what you are fight-

ing for is the liberation of the
people in a socialist state.
You must always repeat these
things no matter how often.
What? No! Never never try
to explain what you mean.
That is only going to get you
in hot water. If somebody ask
you for example what you
mean by "the liberation of'
the people in a socialist state"
all you have to do is say
something like "true freedom
only comes under socialism."

But you must try never to
get into any debates. Some
people who don't understand
anything about being a revolu-
tionary are going co expect
you to know all what Marx
said You have one answer to
anything they say. Tell them
they don't really understand
what the man was saying.
That is going to send them
back to their books which is
where they belong anyway.
Or if anyone tries to criticise
what you are saying just tell
them that you don't argue
with capitalist stooges. That
will shut them up tast.
Ounce you have declared
yourself a revolutionary and
have learnt to repeat the
important ideological state-
ments, the safest way to
proceed is to look around for
an established revolutionary
and attach yourself to his
There is no problem with
this if you say all the right
things. Just remember not to
come on too strong at first.
If you adopt this method
then you have to build your
reputation slowly. Of course
if you are ambitious and
want to move very fast to the

top then you should proceed
in another way. This is much
harder though and the risks
are greater.
What you do in this case
is to start your own group.
At first and probably for a
long time you are going to be
the only person in the group
but don't worry. T- : impor-
tant thing is that you are a
revolutionary leader. In this
capacity you must make sure
you comment very loudly
and radically on everything
that happens.
At some stage some smart-
ass journalist is going to seek
the views of your party on
some issue and then you have
it made. At this point you
have become an established
revolutionary yourself and
can either wait for other
revolutionaries to join you:
group or you can bargain fo.
a merger with another group


For an established revolu-
tionary leader, alliances are
the breath of life. The rule
of thumb is the more the
merrier. In fact you should
seek to make and break
alliances as often as possible
without compromising your
publicity value.
There is only one thing
you have to be careful about
and that is not to form any
alliance with any group or
individual that's really serious
about taking control of the
country. Nothing could be
more dangerous for a revolu-
tionary than this.
Remember that as long as
you are out of power you
have the right to attack

without any responsibility for
proposing solutions to any-
thing. That is not your busi-
ness. Remember that all your
status and prestige comes
from being opposed to what-
ever is in power. Good, bad
or indifferent it does not,
matter. So be extra careful
not to get involved with
anyone who is not interested
in permanent revolution.
No,it's not really a dangerous
career. At least itdepend's on
how you play the game. For
example one student of mine
has become famous for his
ability to be in the forefront
of any situation until it is
ready to boil over. Whenever
that happen he can always
But he is really good, for
whenever things cool down
he comes back and says how
the authorities tried to get
rid of him because he was a
dangerous man in the situa-
tion. He is so good that
the people believe ftim. He
has done this for years now.
But sometimes it may be
necessary to court a little
danger. It all depends on the
image you know, the image.
That is the important thing.
But if you try to place
yourself in a situation like
that you have to be very
careful so it wont go too
far. A few cuff and kick and
you call that George. A dead
revolutionary only useful to
give other revolutionaries a
platform to climb on. That

reminds me never miss out
on a revolutionary funeral,
Well that is about all I
have to tell you. You on your
own now. If after a while you
find that the revolutionary
life too hard for you, don't
worry. What you could do is
embark on a nuisance cam-
paign. Attack the Government
morning, noon and night on
any damn thing.
Eventually they going to
try to get rid of you. The
first thing they will do is
offer you a bribe. Youmust
refuse the first offer ancdleep
on making noise. Then they
will offer you a big job. Take
it and keep your ass quiet
But if you really like the
revolutionary life then after
a while the thing to aim at
is becoming the Fountain-
head. Now the Fountainhead
is the highest position a pro-
fessional revolutionary could
reach. When you reach that
position all other revolu-
tionaries must pay homage
to you. You don't even have
to be on the scene.
In fact it is wiser not to be
on the scene. And once every
six months you make a state-
ment saying that you are
monitoring the situation and
you give some advice. But
that position is taken at the
moment, so son,if you want
to be the Fountainhead you
have to wait a long, long
time. (M.H.)




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~4~i~-~~-cmPr~arrr;rc_;~--;~ _II ~

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I~ -




Lennox Grant

FOR its spirited response
to police attacks on work-
ing journalists last week,
JATT, the Journalists
Association of Trinidad
and Tobago, must have
earned a rise in its
credibility rating among
journalists and the pub-
That is an unqualified
gaiti. Journalists must be
seen to have an organisation
capable of vocal defence of
their interests. More im-
portant for -journalists,
though, are the lessons in-
herent in the whole issue.
For the moment, let us
isolate one that only when
ORGANISED can journalists
hope to repudiate the in-
stitutional and individual
prejudices against those of
their calling.
Let JATT therefore seize
the initiative to embark on a
membership drive at this
time; strengthen the organisa-
tion, and embark on vigorous
programmes aimed at raising
the self-image of journalists
and, consequently, their
status in the society.
Because the assault on
journalists in San Fernando
last Tuesday revealed more
than anything else the galling

contempt the police not
unlike many' others have
for people who work in the
The Commissioner of
Police has predictably denied
knowledge of any attacks on
journalists. He has not denied
that the beatings took place,
at least not outrightly. But
he has by association of the
complaints with two "un-
founded" reports4,lft the im-
pression that i-e .hole thing
is a libel on the police.
So there will be no public
inquiry into the incident, no
redress for the injured unless
some one of the reporters
concerned brings an ill-advised

suit against his alleged, gas-
masked, police assailant.
One .wonders what those
reporters who have made the
reporting of crime into the
serialized saga of the ex-
ploits of individual policemen
like Senior Supt. Randolph
Burroughs must have felt,
hearing about their colleagues'
For a routine raid on a
bush-rum still somewhere in
the Central Range, every

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for focus and point.

Keep abreast of the

real currents in the

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Trinidad & Toba#6, W.I. Telephojie 662-5126.

policeman iro1m constable to
senior superintendent gets
mentioned by name. Credits
are normal just for being "on
the scene of the crime".
Who knows' how many
promotions must have been
facilitated -in this way? How
much gratification must have
been brought into the hearts
of remote-stationed police-
men by the sight of their
names in print "starring"?
in the "starring" roles of
"crime-busters", organised
into these melodramatic
"Flying Squads" and what
have you.
Well, the police get their
man, and the journalists get

their story as the police
want them to get t and print
Skepticism about a stoly
from the police "blotter" or
any idea of double-checking
with other sources is unheard
of, traditionally regarded by
editors as treasonous or -
the cardinal sin politically
So it turns out now that
the police who have long
used the media sedulously
for the promotion of their
own interests whether
these interests are laudable
ones like crime prevention
and public relations, or selfish
ones like personal career ad
vancement presume to tap
up cameramen taking shots
for the media, and dare them
to do something about it.
Demonstrators do not
carry cameras as a rule. And
any oil or sugar worker tak-
ing pictures of the police
actions would intend to have




his shots published for wider
circulation than the family
There is no denying that
the journalists were attacked
because they were journalists
who dared to want to show
up the police in an unfavour-
able light. Remember the
Pele incident in the Oval
1972: it was those damaging
shots on television and in
newspapers of policemen con-
ducting themselves unprofes-
sionally (let's all keep our
cool) that had forced the
government to set up an
No such chance this time.
The film was all exposed to

sunlight, cameras taken away,
photographers gun-butted.
The outcry from JATT,
:s of time of writing, has
whose m:n- were recently
visiting newspapers to learn
the techniques of producing
their own Police newspaper that newspaper
is established, it will have the
highest paid staff of any sec-
tion of the media in this
country. One of the interest-
ing stories behind the news
of thepolice attitude towards
journalists is that a raw police
recruit some of whom were
reportedly deployed in San
Fernando last Tuesday -
draws comparable, if not
better, pay than senior re-
porters in the media.
The day may well be at
hand when policemen, enjoy-
ing increasingly better condi-
tions of service, are putting
a lower price on the gratifica-
tion to be had from publicity
in the media.

Not so the skeleton staff
who have to man the various
media newsrooms on Sun-
days. Until better can be
done (and when, Oh God, will
that be?) they still have des-
perate need of their police
sources to get out that all-
important "lead" story.
Look how it happens: the
media, unable to produce ade-
quate amounts of other kinds
of material because of its own
internal weaknesses, give dis-
proportionate play to such
crime news as is willingly
supplied by those policemen
who want their names in the
... papertY's
The- result is that the
public's mind is prepared to
accept the unceasing increases
in the strength of the Police
Service. The policemen can
always point to the published
evidence of their valiant fight
against the "crime wave" to
strengthen their claim for
better and better conditions
of service.
Picture then the confron-
tation: young policeman with
SLR in hand; young news-
man camera in hand. Why,
considering all the circum-
stances, shouldn't the young
policeman think his job has an.
infinitely greater social value,
and that to the extent a re-
porter makes it harder, that
reporter is just a damn hum-
That is a question not for
policemen but for journalists
to answer.




S!1 I I1 j 2-- "
only when organised can journalists hope to

repudiate the institutional and individual

prejudices against those of their calling.
L r ilI -'--- ......... 1 -- ==