Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
February 23, 1975
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


25 Cents




Lloyd Taylor
IN a gathering of truly
large proportions, African
and Indians met at
Skinner's Park, San
Fernando to cement a
movement which may
eventually unsaddle
foreign capital in oil and
sugar, and usher in a new
era of self-determination
and national pride.
The movement which they
launched is the United Labour
Front. Basdeo Panday des-
cribed it as .''e birth of a
mighty baby. The Front was
received with deep joy and
warm approval on the part of
the 20,000 or so workers who
turned up to meet in free.
dom's call.
The day Tuesday February
18, 1975, 'was bright and
sunny. Shaffiat All, OWTU
member and Chairman of the
mammoth meeting, called it a
time for a Union.O-Rama
bringing together The Oil
Field Workers Trade Union,
the All Trinidad Sugar Estates
and Factory Workers Trade
Union, the Islandwide Cane
Farmers Trade Union, and
the Transport and Industrial
Trade Union led respectively
by George Weekes, Basdeo
Panday, Raffique Shah, and
Joe Young,


The need for unity was
stressed by all speakers, unity
along racial, industrial and
political lines, and by the end
of the day's proceedings
unity emerged as the domi.
nant theme,
The workers in oil are
holding out for their 80 per
cent wage increase from
Texaco. In sugar, the union
is demanding, among other
things, a $50m share in the
profits for 1975, and again in
1976. With these funds they
hope to purchase Caroni's
The cane farmers are
insisting on the repeal of Act
I of 1965, and on recognition
for the IFCTU by Caroni Ltd.
Neal and Massy were called
upon to conclude their
negotiations with the Trans,
port and Industrial Workers'

The United Labour Front
is expected to act in concert.
According to George Weekes,
it is "one for all and, all for
one." Texaco Incorporated,
Caroni Ltd., and the Govern-
ment have all been given a
one week ultimatum to settle
all outstanding grievances,
failing which the Front would
hold another mass rally to
consider what next.


In the meantime the
workers were asked by the
leadership to return to work
in order to demonstrate the
high standard of discipline
within the rank and file of
the Front, However, sugar
workers are expected not to
grind farmers' cane until
Caroni Ltd. recognizes Shah's
Cane Farmers Union,
Shah has himself called
on his farmers not to cut
cane and not to set too high
h pes on the recent High
Court decision against Act I
of 1965, Success, he stressed,
was yet to be attained. They
had nothing to worry about
since those farmers who cut
cane would have to suck it
themselves. As far as he was
concerned, anything could
happen when the Court of
Appeal heard their rival,
Shall also reminded them
that the Court's decision in
their favour was granted
against the background of
their militant action without
which it may never have been
In the meantime, the
ICFTU would hold out for
the final interim payment for
last year's crop, the increase
of die first interim payment
for 1975 from $30 per ton
to $40 and the removal by
Government of the Export
Levy on the profits of the
sugar industry,
The success of these com,
bined efforts of labour was
seen. to demand great
sacrifice and struggle by all
workers, as well as inter-
racial solidarity between
Indians and Africans,
Panday pointed out that
sugar workers in Reform and
Forres Park were on the
breadline refusing to grind

farmers' cane until the recog-
nition of ICFTU
Vernon Agimudie, Presi-
dent of Sugar Industry Staff
Association, said it was the
first time that we were,
witnessing the unity of oil
and sugar.
Richard Jacobs of WIGUT
saw it as a demonstration
that the working class had
seized the reins to lead the
people of Trinidad and
Tobago. "Never again shall
the capitalists reign,", he
Joe Young recalled Eric
Williams' proud boast in his
book Inward Hunger, that his
greatest achievement had
been to thwart the bid by oil
and sugar to .unite in the
turbulent year of 1965 when
the I.S.A, was passed. The
struggle, he argued, could not
be limited to a call for better
wages and working condi-
tions. "Out of this assembly
a permanent working class
political party must be
Raffique Shah who was
greeted with loud cheers
wanted the reactionaries, re.
ferred to as informers and
stooges, to note that if "they
stand on the wrong side of


W Mlil 'k.'m n "4 M
Answering Freedom's Call
the might of the thousands
they'll be crushed. "But they
were not simply out to crush
anyone. It was only that the
assembled multitude came like
a steam roller rumbling down
the hill,
Basdeo Panday saw the
birth of "the mighty baby"
as having come after 37 years
of struggle in the womb of
the working class movement

since the rise of T.U.B,
Butler. "You have. now
launched into a new phase of
struggle," he observed, "If
you hold strong there can be
no doubt this baby vil grow
into a giant,"
Shaffiat Ali saw the
occasion as one which was
going to change the political
face of Trinidad and Tobago.
Continued on Back Page-



NOW that the industrial pot is
boiling over, the old question has
come up again. Should the
Unions form a party? Should
Labour enter politics?
The answer given by some
Union leaders is that the people
must decide; but we all know
that the people can only decide
in the light of information and
direction provided by the leaders.
In Tapia we have never had
any doubt that Unions and com-
munity organizations must form
the basis of valid political
organisation. Any crowd of

individuals in the square is bound
to end up as a Doctor Party,
incapable of implementing the
programmes we need to bring
radical reconstruction.
Now before us are these two
important questions. Will the
rank and file of the Unions agree
to form a political party when
allegiance are so divided? What
successive steps must be taken
to accommodate these divisions?
This week's Tapia starts a
public discussion towards the
answers to these difficult ques-
tions. (Now turn to page 2).

L~I c- r ~P~PePIPI~-~L --C. ~--~ 1

~ c~LTI~L~~ ~L I mow

Vol. 5 No. 8

ON Tuesday last the all-day
rally organised by the United
Labour rront came off at Skinner
Park in San Fernando and was in
the words of George Weekes an
"impossible dream".
By any standards the rally was
a huge success. Thousands of
people, most of them members
of the four major unions involved
came out to spend the day listen-
ing to a battery of speakers who
stood on the gaily bedecked plat-
form mounted in front of the
main stand.
It did not need any special imagina-
tion, for the occasion to remind those
present of the days in 1970 when
equally large crowds of people braved
the sun and rain to come out and
demonstrate our conviction that it was
time for a change and for a new order
in Trinidad and Tobago.
Many of the faces on the platform
at the rally were the same as in those
hectic days and much of the rhetoric
was the same.
There was George Weekes urging
the crowd to raise the clenched fist
with the cry Power to the People. And
this time there was also Raffique
Shah, always the military man, speak-
ing once again of Generals and Soldiers
The similarities with 1970 should
not surprise us. By its very nature a
revolutionary situation will always
bring recurring periods of intense
excitement, when crisis crowds will
asseble in their thousands over some
specific issue or issues.


But now that the lessons of 1970
have been learnt, we all understand
that it is never enough simply to
assemble the mammothcrowds in the
Equare. Equally important is the
capacity to channel the massive ener-
gies and desires and commitments of
those who gather, into a formidable
instrument for change, into a striking
force capable of winning and con-
trolling the power of the State.
Unless this capacity is there, the
massive crowds of today could as
easily disappear at the moment of
crisis s they did in 1970 to await
another issue and another time when
we will emerge again with our hearts
and hopes in our hands. So that while
we can agree with Shah when he says
that the workers of 1975 are not the
same as they were in 1970 we must
also point out that this is not the
critical issue.






The commitment of the crowds'in
1970was no less than the commitment
of the crowd at the rally, and the crowd
in 1970 were as loud and as sincere
in the pledge to stand up and resist
any attempt by the forces of reaction
to strangle the movement for change
by incarcerating the public leaders.
Our failure to do so in 1970 was
not a failure of courage or of com-
aitment. It was a failure of direction.
Emerging from the wilderness, we knew
not what to do. So that the fault, if
there was a fault, lay in the fact that
at that time we all lacked the experience
which we now have after the last five
years of pressure.
Now we all know that the critical
dimension in all such climax situations
will always be the extent to which the
work of organisational politics has kept
pace with the momentum of agitation,
The question at any such moment-will
always be how concrete, how clear
and how wiedspread are the political
structures, the political programme and
the political leadership.
It was left' to Basdeo Panday, as
much a politician as a unionist, to
raise the fundamental question at the
rally on Tuesday. He was the one who
after reminding the assembly of the
similarities with 1970, spoke of our
failure then as a failure of politics and
called for carrying the struggle into
the political arena.
But even Basdeo Panday put the
whole issue into too simple a frame
when he spoke of the alternatives as
being Conventional Politics or Armed
Revolution. In the first place that
Conventional politics which Panday is
talking about is an important part of
the whole edifice of government and
politics which we are seeking to de.

For Conventional Politics is but a
shorthand desenption tor the old and
discredited patterns of messianic, one-
man leadership, overnight election par-
ties, and politics devoid of the partici-
pation of the people.
On the other hand, given the im-
mense resources of the Government,
no type of armed revolution can hope
to succeed unless it secures the involv-
ment of the large majority of the
people. And toget such involvement
the task of political organisation and
mobilisation are absolutely necessary.
This is the lesson that was paid for
with the blood or our Guerillas. If
people do not see a Government
superior to the PNM then no platform
of agitation, by itself, will command
their allegiance to any armed struggle.
At the end of the rally the question
uppermost in the minds of all those
who attended was what next? How do
we proceed from here? In a sense, this
is the same question which was posed
in the People's Parliaments of 1970
when we all were asking what is the
plan? And it is the same question which
had been posed at the gathering of
opposition forces at the office of
Joe Young way back in May 1969
before the full fury of the Revolution
finally burst upon us in February.
We do not believe that we can make
the same mistake today. In 1969 we
felt that we could demolish the govern-
ment with one "knockout blow". Now
we must be aware that nothing would
please the government more than a
chance to pose as upholders of peace
and security and to paint those of us
in the new movement as anarchists
and lawbreakers,
Some politically naive people believe
that Williams is going all over the

world on a last tourist trip before he
quits. We must be more serious than
that. We must understand, as Williams
clearly understands, that in a conflict
situation, the best policy of those in
power is to do nothing and let the
opposition make the mistakes.
The opportunity is still with us
at this stage to lay the foundations of
a solid national organisation capable of
taking up the reins Government and
moving the people of the country
forward. Clearly what is needed now
is machinery, permanent professional
machinery to harness all the resources
of opposition to the old regime which
have proved their seriousness in the
course of the political struggle.
It is plain now that any move.
ment aiming to give valid representa-
tion to the vast majority of the people
must embrace a variety of political,
industrial, intellectual and cultural
forces, each necessarily having its own
prior organisation and leadership to
which its supporters and participants
give their particular allegiance.
In fact, these are required con-
ditions to insure against the emergence
in any such national organisation of
any one-man Doctor. This is the one
and only way in which democratic
political organizations are formed, not
simply summoned up by magic to win
the coming election or to agitate for
some sectional triumph.


Some of the foundations for
such a national organisation are
already clear to the naked eye;
amongst them are the resources of
the United Labour Front. These
resources must now be put to use in
ways that will bring benefit to Labour
over the whole of Trinidad & Tobago.
This is not the time and the place for
anyone to pronounce on what these
uses must be.
But we are certain that the first of
three key elements in any national
organisation must be a daily newspapers
through which the entire country can
be informed of the views of the new
Secondly, some regular avenue for
the collaboration of the participant
forces; and finally, the development
of some machinery for continuous
work in the field.
The February Revolution has once
again reached a highpoint. The de-
cisions taken in the critical days and
weeks ahead will determine the course
of our nation for the next fifty years.
Neither History nor the people will
absolve us if we fail this second time



All ah We

Little Carib Theatre

Thursday Feb. 27


3M sm I .I



I -

" ,.-',., ...... :

You always

wanted her to



o makes it easy -
and an ideal

Gift too.



I ---




Statement by Civil Liberties Action Council

Free press

in trouble

WITHIN recent years the
Government of Guyana
has instituted measures
and acted, directly or
indirectly, in ways which
appear designed to secure
for itself a monopoly of
the mass media. This
view is supported by
statements from Govern-
ment spokesmen who
have sought to define the
role of the media in
underdeveloped countries
as consistent with such
Government monopoly.
T Thus the G.I.S. news of
June 19, 1974, reported on
an address on Press Freedom
given by Mr. K. Nascimento,
Minister of State, as follows:
"Concluding he said, that in
the circumstances, the right
to own and publish a news-
paper, equally.with that of a
broadcasting station, ought to
be in his opinion, subject to
national scrutiny through the
machine of government."
The consequence of this
trend has been the effective
suppression of news, views
and comments which, even
by implication, may be
critical of government

Apart from earlier efforts
to suppress opposition pub-
lications by intimidation of
printers or by use, or threat
of use, of libel laws against
publishers which led to the
demise of the monthlies
Ratoon and Liberator
more dramatic demonstra-
tions of the government's
intention followed the
fraudulent election of July,
The removal ofUlric
Mentus as Editor of the
Sunday Graphic followed his
exposures of the election,
Similarly, through pressure
on the Church, Fr. Harold
Wong, who was equally un.
compromising in his condem-
nation of the 1973 election,
was replaced as Editor of the
Catholic Standard.
Rickey Singh, regarded by
some as the country's leading
political analyst, was ulti-
mately forced to resign his
position with the Thomson-
owned Guyana Graphic after
a period of harassment and
The honest and objective
writings of these journalists
inevitably drew attention to
the ills of the society and to
the government's failures and
For sometime now the
Government has exercised
almost absolute control of
the news media, except for
the opposition PP.P. daily,
Mirror. This has been
achieved through government
ownership of the Chronicle,
a daily newspaper, and of the
Guyana Broadcasti g Service
(GBS), one of the two local

radio stations.
The other radio station,
Radio Demerara, is under
effective government control.
As an instance of the latter,
the journalistHubert Williams
was axed in early October
from the panel of com-
mentators on the Radio
Demerara, is under effective
Demerara programme,
"Analysis" because his inde-
pendent posture-did not find
favour with the regime.
The government, in addi-
tion, through its Ministry of
Information, is able to engage
in relatively massive propa-
ganda efforts.
Government's moves to
ensure monopoly "df the
media have been further con-
solidated by the enactment
of legislation in February,
1972, subjecting newsprint,
printing materials and print-
ing equipment to general
import licensing.
Through the use of this
weapon, the Mirror was
forced to suspend publication
on a number of occasions;
applications for licences are
frustrated and as a conse-
quence the paper has suffered
in terms of quality of print
and in size.
More recently, in late
September of this year,
Government acquired the
Guyana Graphic, whose in-
dependence in any case had
long ago been eroded. The
political significance of this
act is obvious when one con-
siders the perilous state of
the nation's economy which
has forced severe cut-backs in
social services.


A Customs (Amendment)
Order, 1974, made under the
Customs Act was recently
promulgated to take effect
retroactively from May 1974.
This Order was designed to
impose a ban on the impor-
tation of a broadsheet,
Dayclean, printed in Trinidad
for four opposition groups in
Guyana, and led to the
seizure of 10,000 copies of
this publication.
What this means is that
the government, having al-
ready with its licensing and
other restrictions, seriously
curtailed freedom of expres-
sion, has now empowered a
Minister to ban printed
matter which he, in his
discretion, deems undesir-
This provision has already
been abused in the case of
the publication, Dayclean,
and we fear it will be invoked
in future to deny Guyanese
access to reading material of
their choice, even that which
originates in CARICOM
Under the Order the
Minister may ban -
"Any printed matter which in
the opinion of the Minister
for the time being assigned

Forb-e: ,i-urham, Prime Minis,
responsibility for public safety
and order is prejudicial to the
defence of Guyana, public
safety or to public order."
This Order is in effect a
reactivation of the iniquitous
Subversive Literature Bill
which was piloted through
the Legislative Assembly in'


THE eight Guyane
opposition leaders have
been allowed to return
to Cayenne by the French
authorities after their
spell in jail in France.
Embarrassed at the flimsi-
ness of the evidence
collected, the French
government is now ex-
pected to drop its plans
to try them for subver-
sion, although it is
keeping them under close
surveillance in Guyane.
Before they left Paris last
week, they held a press
conference. Denouncing con-
ditions in Guyane and
accusing the authorities of
using "Gestapo methods" in
dealing with the recent
unrest, they warned that the
present influx into the terri-
tory of ex-colonial whites
with positions of power was
creating a "pre-Rhodesia
They spoke of the almost
total economic neglect of
Guyane by France, constant
electoral fraud, and the
presence in the territory of
some 1,500 troops and
police, including a regiment
of the feared Foreign Legion
and a special anti-guerrilla
force in other words one
agent of repression for every
three of the country's 52,000
The most prominent pro-
independence group in
Guyane, the Mouvement
Guyanais pour le Decolonisa-
tion (Moguyde), to which
many of d,_; detainees
belong, appfcd:id '-. the rest
of the woi:', -~articularly
other Thi -d World and
neighboring Latin American
and Caribbean peoples, for
support in their struggle for
independence and the "com-
plete and rapid" liquidation
of colonialism in Guyane.
Commenting on French
President Valery Giscard
d'Estaing's recently-proclaim-
ed intention to step up
development of Guyane and
other French possessions in

George King Minister of Trade

colonial times (1952)'
We have had with us since
1962, censorship of films of a
political nature. The legisla-
tion governing this was
directed against the showing
of films produced by Granda
Television, which exposed
the electoral fraud of 1968.

order to give France a large
stock of raw materials in the
face of growing Third World
militancy, Moguyde ,said it
strongly opposed "the
development of Guyane for
other people's profit."
Moguyde's leaders have
also met with the Archbishop
of Paris, Cardinal Marty, to
complain about the blatant

These various acts and
measures instituted by Gov-
ernment constitute aviolationi
of the right to freedom of
expression which is entrench.
-ed- in the Constitution of
Guyana, and a violation also
of the Declaration on Human

racism practised by the all-
white French Roman Caholic
clergy in Guya ne.
On the question:of elec.
tions in Guyane, Moguyde's
present position is that it will
not participate in them be-
cause representatives elected
from Guyane are powerless
in the context of the French
state and its various represent-
ative bodies.

Our coverage of


is unsurpassed anywhere

for focus and point.

Keep abreast of the

real currents in the

Caribbean Sea.

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Back Issues Available

] Tapia. 91, Tunjpuna Rd, Tunapuna, Trinidad & Tobago, W.I.

G uyana



7-.7" 75e~a -~

ECONOMISTS from the time of Adam Smith
have always been fascinated by the economies
of large scale and market size. This preoccupa-
tion for size has been inherited by modern
development economists, some of whom now
treat size as a casual factor of development.
Small countries, they argue, will find develop-
ment more difficult than large countries. At
the Conference on Problems of Small Develop-
ing Countries held at the Centre for Multi-
Racial Studies in Barbados in 1972, none of
the papers considered size as anything else
but an impediment to growth. This is quite
incredible, since we might observe empirically
that-some large estates, such as India and
until recently China, are very poor, while
some small states, such as Switzerland,
Holland and Luxembourg are quite rich; and
that in the Third World a country as small as
Barbados is relatively very much wealthier
than large countries such as Ethiopia, Upper
Volta, Botswana, Liberia and many others.
The critical importance of the natural resource
base of countries, as a factor of development is also
very much stressed, this again in spite of the fantastic
growth of Japan, a nation which is forced to import
overwhelmingly the major portion of its raw
materials, and in spite of the fact that many countries
abundantly endowed with natural resources, remain
far less developed than countries which have hardly
any natural resources at all.
A striking example of this attitude nearer to
home is the distinguished President of the Carib-
bean Development Bank, William Demas, who finds
it necessary to explain the growth of small European
territories in terms of their, association with the
larger countries in the vicinity. He simply cannot
bring himself to explain their mature development in
terms of the internal dynamics of their own econ-
omies. Demas is also very concerned with the limita-
tions of natural resources base and population size.
These factors he contends, stand in the way of the
achievement of self-sustaining economic development
by small nations. (Of course, a lot depends on how
"self-sustaining growth" is defined).
Dependence has been the dominant theme in
Caribbean economic literature over the past decade.
Some times there is a suggestion that this dependence
is among other things a function of small size. One
concern of Demas is that the small Caribbean nations
are forced by considerations of cost and scale to
import technology from metropolitan countries. In
this respect Demas reveals a tendency of Caribbean
economists to think of research in terms of high-
powered laboratory equipment and large teams of
high priced scientists. The comment of the late
Norbert Weiner is instructive:
We are bringing up a generation of young men
who cannot think of any scientific project
except in terms of large numbers of men and
large, quantities of money. The skill by which
the.French and the English do great amounts
of work with apparatus which an American
high-school teacher would scorn as a casual
stick-and-string job, is not to be found among
any but a vanishingly small minority of our
young men.

If Caribbean
would address


to real rather than'
imaginary problems, the
importation of foreign
technology would not
seem so problematic.

The truth is that if Caribbean scholars and
scientists would address themselves to real rather
than imaginary problems, the importation of foreign
technology would not seem so problematic. This
point is well borne out by the performance of the
Ibo scientists during the Nigerian civil war. Indeed, a
characteristic of modern technology is the ease and
swiftness with which it can be transferred. Our pro-
blem in the Caribbean lies in the selection of the
appropriate technology to suit our peculiar situation,

and in this foreign scientists cannot help us very
The emphasis on size and resource base is even
more remarkable since the theory of economic
growth, as it has developed over the past two decades,
has pointed more and more to the conclusion that
human and institutional factors are the most impor-
tant variables in economic development. As my friend
Lloyd Best once said to me in a conversation which,
I am sure,he does not recall: "Britain did not develop
because shehad iron and coal;iron and coal developed
because they had Britain."
To be fair to Mr. Demas, he does in a later
piece recognize that "human resources are pemaps
the key element in autonomous development". He
"One can implement programmes for localisa
tion or nationalisation of key sectors of the
economy, one can encourage greater self
reliance and one can attempt to encourage
development from below through small and
medium sized farms, small industries and co-
operatives. But without know-how in technol-
tgy, management and organisational capacity,
these efforts are likely to prove futile."
What Demas is saying, without even being aware of
it, is that the theory of autonomous economic
development is in fact a theory of the development of
a nation's technological and managerial capacity, and
that all other factors, such as size, natural resource
base, foreign trade, foreign aid, etc. are merely the
parameters of growth,
Over the last three or four years, I have been
very much wrapped up in the problem of the econ-
omic development of Barbados, which is an exceed-
ingly small nation but one which is certainly in the
top fifty per cent of the world's most prosperous
nations by almost any measure of economic develop-
ment currently in use. Over this period, I have come
to recognize that they are also substantial economies
of small scale. For example, most utility services
work better in Barbados than in Trinidad or Jamaica,
leading to substantial external economies for Barbad-
ian business enterprise, primarily because Barbados
is smaller. I have become equally impressed in recent
years with the diseconomies of large scale. In a recent
trip to Tanzania, the large lumber of small settle-
ments separated by long distances of unpaved road-
way, helped me to understand for the first time why
large countries with a generous natural resource base
and relatively small populations could find develop-
ment such an uphill task.

If economic development
is fundamentally a human
process of change, then
the dynamics of economic
development must be
sought in the capacity of
its people to adopt the
appropriate attitudes.

In the most highly developed countries,, the
diseconomies of large scale take on an even more
frightening complexion. Some years ago while I was
living in New York City, a now famous blackout
occurred leaving the city in darkness for over an
hour. The most alarming feature of this event was
that the system had failed in Canada and that the
engineers in New York City for about half an hour
did not have a single clue as 'to what had happened,
The system had become so complicated that the
engineers who had constructed it had been over-
whelmed by the sheer size and complexity.
If economic development is fundamentally a
human process of change, then the dynamics of
economic development must be sought, not in the
size and natural resource base of a nation, but in the
capacity of its people to adopt the appropriate
attitudes, and in their will to take the decisions
needed to effect economic development. In the long
run, the supply of all natural resources is either
infinitely elastic or else infinitely substitutable. The
only scarce resources are the skill, imagination and
will-power of the human being; the rate of return
from these resources can only be obtained if the
efforts of the people who possess them are carefully
co-ordinated and channelled in the desired direction.
Far from being a casual factor of growth, this
paper would argue that large size increases the
problem of economic management and that economic
development is much more likely in a country of
comfortable size than in one of a very large size. An
explanation of the economic development of the
USA and the Soviet Union demands far more appeal
to special circumstances, than the economic develop-









rent ofHolland, Switzerland orSweden. By the same
token, the economic development of Barbados is
much more probable than the economic development
of Liberia or the Upper Volta.
The fact is that small economies are more
manageable than large economies. As Peter Drucker
reminds us, size determines complexity:
In social organizations ... growth in size soon
requires disproportionateincrease in complexity
and more and more specialized organs. Soon
organs have to be developed that take care of
the "inside" that is, organs that inform and
direct the increasing mass and "feed back" to
it from the increasingly remote outside the
results of its own "inside "activities. The larger
any body, physical or social becomes, the more
its energy will be needed to keep the "inside"
that is its own mechanisms, alive and function-
The point to be made if that small countries
are manageable in a way that large countries are not.
Except in times of war or under horrendously
repressive regimes, it is almost impossible for the
ruling class of a large country to achieve national
-goals -with any degree of certainty, It is very possible
for small countries like Switzerland and Sweden to
achieve national economic goals with great precision
indeed. The same is eminently true for Barbados. It
is for this reason that the managerial approach is
recommended for small countries, especially for
countries of under one or two million people, as are
most of the Caribbean territories,
In speaking of the size of business, Peter
Drucker goes even further to say that some operations
are, in fact, unmanageable, The US Department of
Defense, he cites,"is so big that it defies control" and
he recalls the famous remark of the first Secretary of
Defense, James Forrestal, "The peacetime mission
of the armed services is to destroy the Secretary of
Defense." Hospitals beyond 4,000 beds or so, he
adds "are clearly too big for effective management
and decent patient care."
As a matter of fact, there are some people who
would argue that the economies of large countries
are also ungovernable. One of Milton FI'edman's
arguments in favour of a constant increase in the
money supply is that since economists do not know
what the right quantity of money should be at any
point in time nor when they should switch to a
higher or lower rate of growth, they should simply
maintain a constant.rate of increase, 1 cannot accept
this argument, since if one picks the wrong rate one
is doomed to error for all time. If one fiddles around,
there is a possibility that experience will improve
one's art of management. But Friedman is right at
least in recognizing that in an economy as large as the
USA, attempts at precision are quite ridiculous.

IADV 12 1O7C









All three aspects of the managerial approach
described above lend themselves to implementation
in the small country. It is easier for small countries
to make decisions; it is easier for them to formulate
and carry out programmes, and their social and
economic systems are simple enough to be understood
and moved in the desired direction,
Decisiveness is especially a function of clarity
of objectives. It is easier for Barbados to make a
national decision than for the USA. In the first
place, small size generally leads to the emergence of
homogeneity, and even when there is heterogeneity,
there is a tendency for diverse groups to develop a
capacity for accommodation. (The situation in small
Cyprus is a special case, because of the continued
interest of external powers. Were the Turkish and
Greek Cypriots left alone, they would probably work
out an accommodation within a few generations,)
In the small country the number of special interests,
whether based on racial, geographical, linguistic,
religious or other factors, tend to be reduced. The
intimacy between persons in the community, although
leading to various uncomfortable situations, is an aid
to unanimity.
Size also makes change easier to achieve and
since decisions involve change, small countries are
likely to be more decisive and capable of change. This
is because in the large countries the odds are that
much larger blocs of capital and other types of
commitment will most likely have been sunk into a
previous decision than can be the case for small
countries. For sometime now the US motorcar
industry has known that changes were needed in the
industry to meet foreign competition and to meet
emerging ecological requirements. Unfortunately, so
massive is the commitment to the conventional US
motorcar, that the industry is most reluctant to
change. It is the small car manufacturing countries
which are setting the pace 'Again, it would be far
easier for Barbados to switch from oil to, say, natural
gas as a major source of energy, than for Britain to
switch from oil to coal.
But more than anything else, the process and
implementation of decisions can be swifter in the
small country than in the large and diverse. The
Swiss make decisions about the need to expell alien
workers by a simple referendum; Idecisions of this
nature would involve a horrendous legislative process
in the USA. Besides, the enforcement of the decision
is much simpler in a small country, Escapees from
prison in Barbados have a much tougher time than
their counterparts in the USA.
Secondly, the likelihood of success of a pro-
gramme is greater in a small country than in a large
country. For a long time I did not fully understand
why the Family Planning project in Barbados was so
successful. One day I visited the Headquarters and

was shown a-map of Barbados covered with pi
flags. In fact, there was hardly any more space le
for pins. These pins, I was told, represented visits b
family planning working groups. It is not such
simple matter to saturate the Indian countryside
with the birth control message and the Indianl
continue to multiply and to starve. Also the
conceptalization, measurement and evaluation of
performance can be more precise in a small country
than in the large, and should improve the effective
ness of the planning process.
Thirdly, as has been suggested above, the
systems,both social and physical, in small countries
are both more comprehensible, more manipulable
and more predictable in the consequences of their
operation. Frequently, simple strategies can result in
far reaching consequences. For example, the building
of a single deep water harbour, the improvement of
an airport or the construction of a few miles of
highway, can have economic consequences out of all
proportion to the difficulty and costs of their con-
struction. That we in the West Indies have not used
more of these types of strategies is a measure of our
reluctance to break with our past. Let me offer one
caveat, Just as it is easy for good and far-reaching
decisions to be made in small countries, it is also easy
for disastrous and far-reaching decisions to be made in
small countries. For this reason good and able men
and women are even more needed among us.
Because the economies of small nations are
highly manageable, their national decision-makers
can respond swiftly to their environment and
reallocate resources rapidly as the states of nature
require, Indeed, this is the crucial case for the inde-
pendence of even the smallest nations. Only when
the decision-making is in the national interest will
rapid and creative responses to the world situation
be forthcoming, Englishmen will never respond with
as great concern to factors affecting the welfare of
Barbados as will Barbadians. That is not their
In commenting on the success of small nations
like Switzerland and Denmark in achieving economic
independence in spite of heavy dependence on
foreign trade, Demas appeared for moment tohave
recognized this important capability on the part of
small nations. This situation is possible, he suggests
"where economic decision-making in the country is
in the hands of nationals" and when the nationals
making the decisions are "constantly responding to
changes in the external trading environment by
constant acts of creative innovation." But it did not
occur to him that it was the small size of Denmark
and Switzerland which facilitated the creative

*a U




A feasible strategy emerging from our discus-
sion above will contain the following elements:
1. The small nation must view its population a
its crucial resource; any natural endowment or
characteristic shall then be viewed as a state of
nature. Such states of nature determine the
direction of economic development; they are
not seen as casual factors of growth.
2. Because the population is the crucial resource,
the development of the individuals in the
society shall be a major element in the strategy.
3. The sustenance of economic, legal and social
subsystems which support the economic
activities of the nation shall be a major
4. The development of the managerial skills for
the co-ordination of national economic
activities clearly shall be required.
In short, small countries not only can but must be
managed than big countries,
It would not be enough tor the politico.
economic establishment to adopt the managerial
approach to economic development; other changes
would also have to take place in the other subsystems

of the society for the full benefits of the proposed
approach to be realized. Fortunately, in small
societies these measures are not too difficult to
identify and, once identified, practical measures for
their implementation are quite feasible if there is a
modicum of political will and determination.

* Ur I

The following six requirements collectively
constitute a necessary condition for the success of
the managerial approach. I should warn that this
judgment is based primarily on my experience in
Barbados, However, I believe that it is substantially
applicable to the rest of the Caribbean as well;
1. Management must be recognized as a distinct
skill quite apart from skills such as medicine,
engineering, accounting, etc. Management must
also be seen as universally relevant, applicable
to the operations of schools,hospitals, churches
or any other co-operative human undertaking,

2. The "managerial ethic" must pervade social
and economic organization. The managerial
ethic may be described as the synthesis of
attitudes necessary for the successful operation
of a co-operative enterprise. The two elements
most crucial to the Caribbean situation are the
acceptance of personal accountability for
operations falling within the responsibility of
an individual. The second is a tolerance on the
part of superiors for the errors of those sub-
ordinates who have the courage to make
decisions. Management, like the art of marriage,
can only be learned through practice, and if
no operational errors are made, nothing is
learned from the exercise,
3. Successful management requires access to
reasonably accurate and, above all, timely
information. Most data in the Caribbean is
compiled out of habit, rather than with any
intention that they should be used for decision-
making. In this respect, the possibilities of the
computer deserve fuller exploration. The
crucial implication of the computer is not a
reduction in the number of employees but the
timely provision of information which even an
excessively large number of employees could
not achieve,
4. Research programmes must be problem or
decision-oriented. There is a tendency in the
Caribbean to view research as an exercise in
the abstruse rather than the urgent exploration
of situations with a view to the solution of
problems or the arrival at important decisions.
There is, in particular, the need to transform
knowledge into action to bridge the gap
between science and useful technology.
5. It must be recognized that development plans
cannot be carried out unless the institutions
e established to carry out various functions, do
actually carry them out. There is a special need
to reappraise the structure and operations of
statutory bodies. Too frequently statutory
institutions are run psdepartments of Govern-
ment and never achieve the autonomy which
they require to make them effective organiza-
tions, As Professor Galbraith succintly puts it,
... .Autonomy is the only administra-
tive arrangement that is consistent with the
effective corporate being".
6. But the most important implication of the
managerial approach is that people must per-
form if institutions, and ultimately, the society
can perform. The essential task of management
is the development of the appropriate attitudes
and skills in the work force. For, as someone
has succinctly put it, Skill + Attitude =
Performance The managerial approach
requires performance in every sector of

But the most important
implication of the man-
agerial approach is that
people must perform at
institutions, and ulti-
mately the society can

Size also makes change
easier to achieve and since
decisions involve change,
small countries are likely
to be more decisive and
capable of change.

I mw

THE tourist dollar! Ever multi-
plying, ever pyramiding its
effects, always more of them
potentially there to be tapped.
So say the Ministers of Tourism'
in any part of the world where
there is sea, sun, scenery and
sand for sale (carefully noting
the benefits to the local peo ile,
of course). The farmers and, the
average citizens of these tourist
meccas are likely to offer a very
different view. Perhaps a law of
diminishing- returns, much
broader than any purely econ-
omic law, has already crept into
the industry.
International tourism is being
packaged and sold by those who are
best able to cash i.n on the money
which it generates; the affluent bank-
ers, developers, realtors, hoteliers and
transporters, all of whom have profited
handsomely from the spread of
tourism to the poorer parts of the
Furthennore, tourism has been
easy to sell because at first glance it
offers quick relief from the economic
ills of poor countries desperate for
foreign capital, for jobs, and for a
new stimulus for their dependent
economies. What country or province
struggling with the bleak reality of
underdevelopment in today's inflation-
ridden world would not, at first sight,
welcome the tourism package, the
panacea which offers jobs, higher per-
capita income, roads, airports, elec-
tricity, telephone and sewage and
It is perhaps the latter, the
glamour of it all, which has given
tourism its greatest boost. Politicians
who are flattered by the appearance
-of conveniences which resemble those
of the rich world tend to forsake die
real needs of the poor of their own
countries for the glamour offered by
the tourism package.
International tourism has mush-
roomed lately, to the delight of the
big league businesses which promote
it. In 1973, 200 million tourists spent
approximately 17.4 billion dollars, a
figure which represents close to 7%
of the world's trade. Developing
countries have gathered in some of
that money at their cash registers, but
only roughly 20% has remained in
those countries. What has it cost
developing countries or provinces to
embrace the glamourous international
tourism package?
The tourist is usually attracted
to an area by massive and expensive
advertising. He is offered a package
which includes friendly natives, sand
and surf and a sun which always
shines. The reality is often different.
No one can control the sunshine.
When the people are taught to regard
the visitor as an object for profit, they
are no longer so hospitable. Some
governments are awakening to the
fact that sustaining the fantasy of
tourism is indeed a costly business.
It is becoming clearer that the
impressive statistics indicating rapid
inflows of cash, are not so impressive
after all. The cash taken in soon goes
out to pay for imported food which
the tourists demand. Much of the rest
goes to pay the advertising bills and
to fatten the bank accounts of the
foreign owners of tourist services.
A country can often prove that
tourism has swelled its gross national
product. But it is obvious that the
benefits flow uphill to the rich, leaving
the rest of the people to grapple with
the inflation and the scarcity of food
which results when a country turns its
eyes from its farmers, fishermen and
working people to feast on the delights
of tourism.


Tourists' Grenada

Tourists' Tobago

The Caribbean



The Caribbean has had a long
experience of large scale tourism
promotion.. For years it has been
described as a tourist paradise. At
first tourism seemed a way to earn an
easy dollar while at the same time
accelerating the development process.
But by 1969 the honourable J.F.
Mitchell, Premier of St. Vincent was
already saying TO HELL WITH
PARADISE! His claimed that the
tourism is a way to grab the easiest
dollar. He claimed that the tourist
dollar alone unrestricted is not worth
the devastation of his people. He had
come to the conclusion that "A
country where dfe people have lost
their soul is no longer a country -
and not worth visiting." Mr. Mitchell
went on to describe the kind of
tourism which would suit his people
Tourists who wish to participate in
a different experience which the
Islands, villages and small hotels can
offer. This includes appreciation of
the countryside as it is, a taste for
local food which is tied to the menu
of the small hotel, a tourist who buys
the produce of the people but does
not buy out their way of life. This
visitor would like the Islands for
what tiey are in themselves and he
in turn with his real interest in dte
way of life of dte Islands, would
appeal to the people of St. Vincent.
For after all, tourists trying to escape
the problems of ite big cities must
recognize that the Islands also have
their problems. Mr. Mitchell states:
"Perhaps one myth that needs
to be exploded is the idea of the
Caribbean Paradise. Let us face it,
there is no paradise, only different
ways of life. Not that Paradise has
been lost, or destroyed but that it
never existed, neither here nor in the
Pacific. Each day, every living soul
must fJce the problems of his own
existence. The problems of New York
or Toronto may not be the problems
in the Grenadines. The North Ameri-
can trying to escape a big city problem
like air pollution may not recognize
the West Indian's problem of lack of'
opportunity in a small island. But it is
a problem just the same and a serious
The influence of tourism on St.
Vincent's agriculture is negative. Its
first effect is the inflation of land

Tourist F

prices. The demand for beach land
'and valleys within 20 miles of the
coast drives up fthe prices. The fanner
who is not accustomed to such large
sums of money sells out, not realizing
that his money is deflating in value
daily. Many farmers end up as workers
for those who have bought their land
after speculating on the resources of
the local people and making use of
loans and mortgages from local banks.
Many a tourist was attracted
-to St. Vincent because of its agricul-
tural activity, because of the beautiful
scenery of the different shades of
green of the variety of crops, spread
throughout tle sloping countryside.
When the face of the Island changes
the tourist is also shortchanged.
Agricultural land must remain as
agricultural land. That is the first rule
of life and livelihood for the Islands.
Jamaica is probably the island
of the Caribbean which has been
hardest hit by Canadian affluence.
Alcan of Canada which owns 48,000
acres of Jamaican land has 4,500
tenant fanners fanning 20,000 acres
while Alcan itself farms 10,000 acres.
Side by side wiit Alcan's investment,
Canadians take up good agricultural
land for hotels which import much of
their foodstuffs, and the lawns and
swimming pools of die hotels make
heavy demands on the water supply.
Canadian tourist promoters have it
made in die Caribbean. Their Miami
beach type of hotels which pay low
wages to die workers can rake in S50
to $75 per person a day in season.
This type of Canadian operation can
be found in Antigua and Barbados,
St. Lucia, Granada and St. Vincent,
Several. more of the same type of
hotels are under construction. Cana-
dian real estate has a similar list of
crimes. EP. Taylor's plan for a city of
100,000 people near Nassau Bahamas
including 5 golf courses, serves as a
grave reminder of what Canadian
pillage looks like. Taylor's develop-
ment company made 1.1 million
from his land before lie ever erected
a building.
Ken Eaton, a Toron to developer,
has a housing development in Mont-
serrat, which is comprised of 780
.unit housing sub-divisions situated on
200 acres of good agricultural land.
The population is 80%Canadian, die

Is Nice


location is a Canadian ghetto enjoy-
ing lower taxes and no death duties
for residents. The taxes for the deep
water harbour, roads and shopping
facilities necessary for the people of
Eaton's enterprise did not come from
Canadian pockets.
The Canadian elite in the Carib-
bean is also racist. This is evident
from the wages paid to blacks, from
the style of life and from the attitudes
towards the people. Furthermore, its
business endeavours create unemploy-
ment while the profits return to
Canada. The jobless have to leave
home and as is tie case with 10,000
or more black girls who have come to
Canada to seek employment, there is
work for them in Toronto and
Montreal as domestic servants. Their/
lot is not pleasant. Racial discrimina-
tion is a common experience for this
group already uprooted and given the
work nobody else wants. Meanwhile
Jamaica, as Bruce Garvey points out,
contains within its bosom two different
life experiences.
"There is no shortage of filet
mignon in the swank hotel dining
rooms here.
"Calypso and steel bands beat
in the warm tropical night as waiters
lay out heaping tables of chops, steaks,
lobster and salads fbr the poolside
barbecues that are on almost every
hotel's events schedule.
"But 'out there' beyond the
hotelfences, it's different.
"While thousands of white
tourists gorge and tan and tango to
the Caribbean rhythm, squalid black
Jamaica throbs to a unemployment
and despair that could lead finally to
bitter racial resentment."
The programme of attracting
foreign investors, the easy-dollar
salestalks of tourist promoters and
the cheap labour supplies guaranteed
by Caribbean governments have all
but failed. Little money stays in the
Islands, The Canadian, American and
other non-resident investors are hard
to get rid of once they arrive. They
will tell you that they are doing the
people of the Caribbean a' favour by
buying up die land. The people of the
Caribbean are seeking a way out and
some of tie violent incidents which
have already occurred against rich
whites, maybe indications of the
way they will have to take.

HOW does one contribute to
"international understanding and
friendship" between peoples? In
reply, as a tribute to the great
man whose memory we com-
memorate together today, please
allow me to recapitulate this.
When I came back to Delhi in
1958, as an envoy of General de
Gaulle, I had not seen Mr.
Nehru since he had taken office.
I was, therefore, prompted to
ask him what had appeared to
him the most difficult respons-
ibility in governing the destiny
of a nation. "To create a just
state by just means", he replied
with a smile. May what I am
going to say now not prove un-
worthy of that smile!
The very first negation of all
that Nehru had wanted to prevent
would obviously be an atomic war.
Almost all works relating to the
threat of a world war are 'based on
our knowledge of the last one. But
we do not find those conditions
prevailing now.
Since 1936, there has been a
threat of war. At least one country,
Germany, thought and proclaimed
that its destiny depended on the war.
It was most unlikely that-a war led
by one of the most industrialized
countries of the world would remain
a localised affair; it was most unlikely
that the pact between Hitler and
Stalin would last,


The present situation is quite
different. There is no Hitler on the
scene now. And for the time being,
an agitator who would consider atomic
war as one of his aims would not be
able to come to power. Paradoxically,
world peace is not ensured by a
desire for peace but because for the
first time war can destroy mankind.
Do not forget that during the
cold war right up to the events of
Cuba, peace was threatened that
is the least one can say about it on
many an occasion. Negotiations have
prevailed. Why? Because two groups
of atomic scientists, led by the
greatest amongst physicists, went up
to President Truman and M. Stalin,
and declared that "they were no
longer to be held responsible for the
consequences of a nuclear conflict".
This meant that for the first time, a
species, the human species had be-
come capable of destroying the entire
planet, and once triggered off, incap-
able of arresting the process of
The warning was all the more
solemn since the text had been
countersigned, in America as well as
in the Soviet Union, by the very
people who hpd just set up the latest
thermo-nuclear bombs. And this text,
which affirmed that these bombs were
henceforth capable of destroying the
earth had been submitted to Truman
by the great scientist, Albert Einstein,
who, years earlier, had written to the
King of England that it was possible
to make the atom bomb.


At least till the end of the cen-
tury, armed peace will not lead to a
world war. Except in the event oT
madness, and human folly cannot be
ruled out. This threat of destruction
of the earth is, however, infinitely
more effective than conventions and
agreements have ever been, because
these conventions have never been
able to bring together all the nations
whereas atomic death knows no
dissiden ts.
Since the birth of human his-
tory, wars have been born of rivalries
and conquests. These still played a
role in 1945. But and I draw your
attention to what is going to follow -
it .is no longer so today. The United

States invented the atom bomb to
destroy their enemies, but the catas-
trophe which would destroy mankind
would not only destroy enemies but
would destroy all men. That is why
all men will have to unite against this,
at least negatively. The bomb...was a
weapon; limitless catastrophe is a
It is not the only destiny; the
birth of similar destinies, related to
the first one, appears to be one of the
characteristics of our age. Universal
disintegration cannot be born out of
a desire for disintegration as such; the
first atom bomb carried the seeds of
disintegration within it. We know all
about atomic fall-out, the next cen-
tury will know all about the fall-out of -
the human power. The 19th century
lived with the certitude that science
would not have any side effects. Our
century knows that anaesthesia echoes
dynamite, the atom echoes penicillin,
and the drama of youth echoes the
conquest of the moon. It was thought
that the power of the human species
would go without ransom; that science
kept on being free because it had not
yet presented the bill. We cannot
ignore any longer that science has
almost presented its bill. Minor
scourges, for example, the shortage
of drinking water, will be added on
to the age-old scourges of famine and


Will a century of television
tolerate such a situation? Those victim-
ised by it will no longer be willing to
tolerate it. Are all attempts to oreanise
our world, even partially,only illusory
then? That is what was said about the
establishment of the church on the
eve of the "council of thirty", that is
what was said about free education in
1850. No, famine unlike death is not
stronger than mankind. For the simple
reason that, just as in the case of
technological fallout, it is not the
result of a conscious will.
There is never a war without a
conscious desire for war; whereas
scourges, the bills of sciences, are not
desired by anyone. The drying up of
German rivers for that matter) cannot
be attributed to a Gennan conqueror.
With or without Europe, the greatest
threat which will weigh upon mankind
in the 21st century will not be
limited to any national dimensions.
Let us get this straight. When
we speak of obstacles encountered in
limiting the sovereignty of a European

nation, it is not to Europe that this
nation is unwilling to delegate its
powers. It is unwilling to delegate its
powers to the most powerful nation,
whichever it be, because all the others
tacitly feel that Europe will be
created for the benefit of this powerful
That is why most of the viable
fedeAtions did not come into being
around a major power but against a
common enemy; the war of the
English colonies in America against
the British troops (who it happens,
were not English) greatly influenced
the constitution of the United States,
Now, neither Europe nor the third
world will find themselves militarily
confronting a common enemy, but
the third world, later, and Europe,
even earlier, will find themselves
confronted by the enemy which is a
technological fall-out, a sequel to*


With an unexpected conse-
quence; the co-ordination against this
common enemy will not result from
the debates of an assembly but from
the nature of the defence, and not by
choice but by the force of circum-
stances. This federation will not be
formed around the most powerful
nation, but it will be formed around
the most urgently threatened nation.
Groups and alliances are not without
their conflicts, but these conflicts
come to the fore after a victory. The
most urgent, the most imperative,
measures, will not be imposed by
contested principles but by an un-
contestable necessity.
It has been said that imagina-
tion always lags behind in the case of
war. We know for a fact that whatever
happens, future war will not resemble
the last one. It is possible that the
huge federations of the 21st century
will not resemble either the conti-
nental empire of Rome or the mari-
time empire of London, or the
Helvetian confederation or the
United States of America.
But it seems that we areforever
wanting to govern a civilisation by
the laws of its predecessor. The social
order of the war is as primitive as the
social order of any given nation a
century ago. Towards 1600, Europe
(admirably) invented the projection of
diplomacy through royal marriages;
games of chess (chequers) played for
three generations; diplomats did
match making for the grandchildren
of sovereigns, For which grandchildren
are we working? What are the means
at our disposal for the policy of
survival of our civilisation?


In principle, they are the
political and social means of parlia.
mentary democracy. We speak of
these means as if they were the
techniques of our times, whereas
they have hardly changed since the
18th century. Effective though they
were in establishing republics and
constitutional monarchies, they are
not so in the running of international
organizations. We have seen it happen
with the league of nations, and today
we see the same with the UNESCO,
whose methods would be incapable
of running a provincial theatre; in the
case of the United Nations also it is



Gandhi's Impact

On Values

the same; its methods would be
incapable of controlling even the
conflict of a distri office.
As if happens, there do exist
some methods that are more effective;
all those that are used by man. to
fight against a common enemy such
as malaria, cancer, pollution. Those
used today by science in any world-
wide action against a scourge.
There can be no method with-
out an aim; and there should not be
the rivalry of powers. To identify a
political enemy means war, the non-
recognition of an enemy means idle
talk and confusion. Man cannot unite
against nothing. The enemy exists
today for some of us, in ten years it
will be for all. This enemy is the
entire range of technological fall-out.
The defence of man against new
threats of unlimited magnitude wil
serve, if not to unite us, at least to
show us the way by which unity can
become a reality.
Democracy calls for methods of
action, but it does not propose them.
But the organisation of empiricism is
one of the unexpected successes of
modern thought. Not only several
important biological discoveries (for
example penicillin) are empiric but
even more so is the organisation of
scientific research in a manner which
insists on immediate broadcasting of
the discoveries; which puts at the
disposal of brain chemists discoveries
which are useless to cancer specialists
but which manage to modify the
chemistry of the brain. We are in the
same boat as those chemists, except
for a fact that we are called upon to
create by ourselves the organisation
which will bring to our notice the
discoveries made by cancer specialists.
But no such organisation exists.


We have to create an institute
of international methods of action
responsible for bringing together the
various techniques used in the non-
political spheres for a common,
important. and limited action by
different nations; and we have to
study how these methods can be in-
corporated in the fields covered by
your charter essentially in the field
of fostering a rapprochement between
peoples. At least let's make a start.
Like a tug which leads a steamer out
of port, and then leaves it to voyage
on its own.
Such an organisation will come
into being only if a great nation takes
charge of it and I think that India has
to be that nation. This institute will
not by definition, have any executive
powers and will be more like a council
of scientific research, more so than
the UNESCO. And the funds required
for its first year's functioning have
been found; the funds will be provided
by the amount of the award presented
to me.
Why India? Because Gandhism
is the single example in the world of
revolutionary thought which has
triumphed without shedding any
blood, I am aware of the nuances
implicit in this assertion. It hardly
matters; I am not instituting a role of
honour, I am just emphasising a$
characteristic, Usually we find ethics
without revolution or revolution with.
out ethics, Gandhism brought about
an ethical revolution, and that is the
hallmark of its glory.
(Courtesy Indian & Foreign Review)

Edward Brathwaite


Cultural diversity and integration
in the Caribbean


w *

H o I'

TION of Trinidad and
Tobago and the Trinidad
and Tobago Society of
7Architects announces a forth-
coming Workshop entitled
"Planning Library Buildings"
which is due to take place
in Trinidad from February
23rd to 28th, 1975.
This workshop is being
organised by the School of
Library and Information
Science, University of
Western Ontario, with Mrs.
Margaret Beckmanu, Chief
Librarian, University of
Guelph and Mr. Stephen
Langmead, Architect as the
workshop team.
Dr. Alma Jordan, Librarian
University of the West Indies,
St. Augustine is liaison
officer and a great deal of
planning has gone into this
venture which is extremely
important and highly relevant
in the light of the present
disrupted Public Library
Service in Trinidad and


The workshop will:-
1. Examine approaches to
the planning of various kinds
of library buildings, public,
academic and special,
2 Consider in detail
library functions, their rela-
tionships and implications,
space requirements and plan-
ning methodology,
3. Analyze the need for
flexibility for continuous
changing library requirements
to accommodate new and
developing technology,
4. Finally to determine a
suitable model for future
library buildings comparable
with local conditions.
Participants to this work-
shop will include Senior
Professional librarians, pro-
fessional architects, and
representatives from the
Ministry of Education in-
volved in school library
building planning,
The Canadian Interna-
tional Development Agency
(CIDA) is responsible for
funding the overseas team.

General ssei easily
'v^P^ ^^^- ^BB~ ^B^^ ^^fi^B*B -^y-sf

For POSMarch

TilE Tapia Annual Gen-
eral Assembly will this year
be held in Port of Spain.
The venue chosen for this
first ever Assembly in the
nation's capital is the Sea-
men and Waterfront
Workers' Hall on Wrightson
The decision was taken by
the Tapia Council of Represen-
tatives at its last monthly
meeting at the Tapia House,
Tunapuna, last Sunday 16th
February. It was also decided
that the Assembly should be
held in two sittings on Sunday
March 16 and Sunday April 13.
At the first session the theme
will be "The Coming General
Elections" to be followed the
second time round by the in-

Rama has been an-
aounced by the Tapia
Fund Raising Com-
mittee beginning on
Saturday March I at
Valparlk Supermarket
and -li-Lo Maraval. The
sale will spread to
other centres through-
out North, South,
Central and East Trini-
dad at dates to be


general public is
to purchase a wide
of cake. swweet-

bread and creole contec-
tionery all made at home
and with love by Tapia
Members. associates and
friends who wish to help
by contributions of cash,
materials or finished items,
are requested to leave a
message for Pat Downes
at the Tapia House, 82,
St. Vincent St, Tunapuna.
The telephone is 662-51 26.
Also involved in the
arrangements are Paula
Williams at 662-3750;
Angela Cropper at 662-
3029; Linda Krogh at



ternal elections to the Tapla
National Executive for the 75/
76 term.
SPreparations for the Assem-
bly have begun with a circular
inviting Tapia people to set
aside the March 16 date.
Members, associates, friends
and supporters of Tapia are
expected to come together to
take stock of the political situa-
tidn barely more than one
year before the next elections
are due.-
The Council will meet again
on March 2 to approve the
resolutions and constitutional
amendments to be considered
on March 16.
The speakers at the Assembly
are to be announced later and
the full Agenda wili Lo pub-
lished in Tapia

Massive Laboul H
"VI"v^ fa ^,^ ^^ "a "ai-j.

From front Page

It was a great day for the
neglected and the down-
trodden referred to generally
as "Black People." And the
scene was reminiscent of that
fateful Wednesday in Febru-
ary of 1970 when thousands,
apparently all of a sudden.
appeared on the March to
Shanty Town or of that day
when N.J.A.C. led a march to
Caroni urging in the headlines
of a banner: African and
Indians Unite!


But if it was similar, it was
different. For Indians and
Africans had actually met.
The agricultural and the
industrial worker had joined
in a mighty forgathering of
people, of old and of young,
of Indian and of African, and
of men and several hundreds
of Indian women.
This was not simply the
black, urban, unemployed. It
was an assembly of those who
turn the wheels of industry
and of those who culture the
soil. It was a general strike in
That initial coming toge-
ther, as perhaps the most
striking feature of what was
undoubtedly an historic
occasion, was described by
George Weekes as "the impos-
sible dream," And after a few

minutes at the rostrum, he
urged the multitude to stand,
and tojoin hands, elapsed and
held high above their heads,
and led them all into a moving
rendition of a song with the
We meet today in freedom
And raise our voices high
We join our hands in union
To battle or to die.
A big step forward for the
two major peoples of this
country, a small advance for
the nation of Trinidad and



IsaOH t*


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