Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
December 29, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

tute 162 EAST 78 STREET
n. NEW YOt N. Y. Y. rr

T pie OldYers fete

Farm d

9 pm. ill...



Sydney & Paula Williams


Orchard VENUE
El Farm

t o --

Churchill Roosevelt Highway
Princess Margaret Highway




THE FORECAST of 1975 Budget strategy made
in the Tapia White Paper was hopelessly wrong; we
confidently expected Mr. Chambers to deal wi :
the fundamental causes of our suffering. Instead,
Santa Claus has delivered a stocking-full of tinsel,
trinketry and toys. The Government take them-
selves far"f ss seriously than we iJl Tapia do; they
have lost the will to fight.
Thd obvious intention of the i9/5 Budget, to
borrow a phrase from one morning pkper, is "to satisfy
most people". Knowing full well tha after 18 years of
political mis-education, the
economic elites in the Cham-
be would still be looking at
the Budget in terms of a fix-
up for an individual here and
a fix-up for a little group
there, the Minister of Finance
duly delivered "a budget for
After the horrors
which brought on the un-
finished revolution of 1970.
people know instinctively
that this Budget is the biggest
bramble of all. At the best uf
times it is extremely difficult
for a Government to be all '..
things to all men. Invariably,
plans must choose to help
this section of the community
at the expense of that; bud- '
gets must deal with some Mr. George Cham
problems and some sectors
and some regions while struction till after the
others must waiting the queue. upheaval. And now sud(


And now when the
international economy is in
crisis, across-the-board con-
cessions are simply impos-
sible. In 18 years of Christ-
mas, the PNM Government
has blown no less than $6
billion in the course of three
stridently cocky development
plans. And yet according to
official figures, tht effecthas
only been to widen the in-
equality gap between the
have-nots and the haves, td
double the rate of unemploy-
ment and, if we are to
believe Perspectives for the
New Society, to leave the
drive for economic indepen-
dence and national recon-



on an expenditure of $1200m,
we are to have a miracle
budget to assuage our every

Never happen. Charis-
matic politics you might
have, charismatic economic
is an even more definitive
illusion, successful only
among those whose hurt has
been so long forgotten that
they are willing to risk
enchantment again. In the
Trinidad & Tobago today,
after the 1973 Budget rescued
56,500 taxpayers and the
1974 Budget redeemed
67,000 taxpayers, the country
will be more wary than ever
of the tax reliefs designed to
reduce payments "by every
tax-payer in the country"
(Budget, p.102) and by the
measures which "will confer
benefit on 120,000 taxpayers
. with the greatest empha-
sis on those at the lower ena
of the income scale." (Budget,
How can Mr. Chambers
be so exceedingly generous
when he reports that with the
exception of petroleum,
"domestic production con-

tinued its sluggish rate of
growth during 1974?"
(Review of the Economy,
p.24). Wien the unemploy-
ment rate has increased since
1973? (Review, p.15). When
"the relative position of the
large mass of unorganised
labour must have worsened?"
(Review, p.22). And when
the All Items Price Index
has been rising progressively
"from 2.5% in 1969/1970 to
3.5% in 1970/1971, 9.3% in
1971/1972 and 14.8% in


1973." And when "the level
of prices has continued to
rise at an accelerated rate?"
(Review, p.20).
The only conceivable
effect on which the Govern-
ment can be counting is the
effect of the announcement
itself, conveniently made
during the deliriously
drunken season. Come Easter,
people are sure to be bawling
again. It looks very much as
if the Budget is a not-so-early.
election kite.


As you sow so shall you reap

Michael Harris

AND so it came to pass
that in the year which
the ancients call "Maxi-
mus Scruntus", the year
of greatest hardship, the
King sent his Grand
Vizier into the Public
place bearing tidings of
great joy unto all the

And the Grand Vizier said
unto the multitude, "Oh my
people we have beheld thy
suffering and in our bounti-
ful goodness and mercy we
have seen fit to extend some
of our riches unto thee."
Thus saying, he proceeded
to bestowupon the multitude
cheaper cars, cheaper fridges,
cheaper stoves and even
cheaper raiment. He also
granted tax concessions to

all and sundry,increased pen-
sion to the aged as well as to
retired members of the
"royal" public service.
And when the Grand
Vizier was done, it was seen
that none in the country
had been forgotten, there was
something for everyone. And
the multitude were exceed-
ingly glad that their suffering
Continued on Page 2

25 Cents

, j/ //''

-- I -- I I LII---II


TIME: 12.00 a.m. FRIDAY 27TH DEC. '74


Si 19



From Page 1
had been eased and they sang '
Hosannas in the highest.
And the Grand Vizier,
seeing their transports of joy,
reported to the King that
the time was ripe to call the
election. And so they did.
And the people, filled now
with greatest confidence,
crucified them, one and all.
Verily, my brethren, I
say unto you: that which
you now, that also shall you
Paul to the Politicians.
I left the House on Friday
after the Budget speech a
curiously disappointed man.
My disappointment, I realise,
stemmed from several factors.
It is not that I did not
expect the Government, with
its eyes on the next election,
to produce a Budget laden
with goodies, but I must
confess that deep inside I
wished for something more.


In addition to the goodies,
I had hoped to see some
attempt to come to terms at
last with the fundamental
problems, some attempt to
recapture that spirit of
1956. Alas only trinketry
-anrd gimmicks.
What the Budget served
to :demonstrate conclusively
was the complete moral col-
lapse of the Regime. What
Jis.Budget se-ved to demon-
strate is theefact that this
Government is motivated
simply by a malignant cynic-
ism, a soulless and mani-
pulative pragmatism which
admits no nobler vision, no
flame to lighten our darkness.
Most fundamentally of
all, the Budget has served
to demonstrate that the only
view that this Govemment
has of us as a people is one
of unrelieved contempt.
This Government has
asked itself one question,
How much would it cost to
buy and bribe this country
one more time? The Budget
contained their answer. Not
only is their contempt
demonstrated in the fact
that their bribe was not
really very substantial. Our
birthright it seems, comes


There was also a touch of.
foreboding to my disappoint-
ment. For the injection of all
that extra spending into the
economy unaccompanied by
any serious measures to
combat the persistent plague
of inflation is merely going
to reinvigorate that inflation
which will feed like a tape-
worm on the incomes of the
The gifts bear in their
tails a vicious sting which
few may be able to see. But
the fact is that the Govern-
ment must know this and
the fact that they can know
it and still do it shows what
little regard they have for
the suffering of the people
in this country.
Their sole obsession now
is survival for five more

years. Arid having fed the
inflation they certainly can-
not wait until it takes its
full toll and devastates our
pockets. The election can
now almost certainly be
predicted as being no more
than months away.
And yet I had to ask
myself the question .wny
was I disappointed? I ofall
people should have under-
stood the desperate straits
to which this Government
had come, I of all people
should .have known that
wit their backs to the wall
their survival would be their
sole concern. Not the people,
not the country.
More than anything else, I
,now recognize, that budget
is also a testimony toTapia's

failure to lift the Govern-
ment out of its condition of
moral purulence, to inspire
them, by our precept and.
example with some renewed
sense of humanity, and in
so doing to lift the perspec-

, .

" we do not agree






j 1

bk. i

i '


tives and the politics of the
Country at large.
The result of our failure
is that the political confron-
tation which shall soon be
upon us in its fullest force
threatens now more than ever
to reduce life in this country
to a Hobbesian State of
Nature, poor, nasty, brutish
and short. So having failed
to save the Government we
have no other option now
but to look to save ourselves

and with ourselves the coun-
And finally I know that I
had hoped, against all reason,
that the Governiiiet would
have tried for something
nobler, not in order to suc-
ceed for this is impossible
- but simply to give the
Advocates of mercy after
their fall the opportunity to
say on their behalf this at
least; that in their final hour
they did try.

i t j

with this completely. '

Cfristlas is onf' for Ckristians

we also do not agree with this completely.

Cfristmas snu OI f on .

ce fera4te/ on 25th eceiner

*.. we most certainly do not agree with this.

SThe National Commercial Bank invites you to think

Christmas throughout the year, and to



The NationaI Conmmercal
of Trinidad & Toh.igo LiI
IndependIence Siuare. Ridgc'%ood Pla/a .Arima.
~E~i~i~l ~ ~rATIL Biiilding. klara%.d RKd..

so shall you reap


Books...Pamphlets...Tapia selections

Phone 662-5126 or visit our office at
82-84 St Vincent Street Tunapuna.

Be your Christmas self at all times.

- --.,=-.



Trinidad & Tobago

Public Gallery Paper No. 3 of 1974


(Part 1 The HAPPY BUDGET "1974 )

Laid before the People on the 20th December, 1974



Tapia House Printing Company 82-84 St. Vincent Street, Tunapuna Trinidad & Tobago, West Indies. Telephone 662-5126.
(Price: Donation to Tapia Campaign Fund)


I -

Public Gallery Paper No. 3 Part I PAGE 2


jumping up in steelband

1. There is only one economic question which our people arc putting to Mr.
Chambers in regard to his 1974 Budget. And it is this: what has the PNM Govern-
ment beemi doing with the billion-dollar revenue with which the Good Lord has
seen fit to bless this country? According to the official projections, we expected a
tax-take of S923.5mi. In practice, the figure will be pretty nearly S 1,500m. if we
are to judge by the report from the Governor of the Central Bank revealing that
takings up to the end of October amounted to S1,200m. (See Trinidad Guardian.
Dec. 19')
lb What have the Government been doing with the oil bonanza? -Has
Mr. Chambers been paying off the National Debt? Has he been buying back from
Texaco, AMOCO, Fed Chem and the multinational giants, the birthright of our
economy and control for the little people? Has he been promoting the celebrtaed
people's sector through diversification of agriculture and industry and by cretaing
the space for the vast multitude of the Indian and African people at long last to
address their creative enterprise and imagination to the task of winning our manhood
back from the depredations and devastations of our unique plantation history?
2. Or is it that the economic managers in Trinidad House have been concen-
trating their attention on relieving the burdens that have been weighing the
country down? Have theybeen grappling with the runaway inflation? By sub-
sidies, by controls on merchants' margins, on business profits, on.dividend distri-
bution? By incomes policy, wage restraint, wage discrimination in favour of the
70% of our households who fall beneath the national income average? By compul-
sory savings schemes? By efficient State control of the retail, wholesale, and
import distribution of strategic goods such as household items, basic foods, drugs
and educational supplies?
3. Has there been any attempt to force down the rate of unemployment as a
means of closing the inequality gap? And if so, have the methods chosen helped
inflation or wasted foreign exchange by increasing money to spen., without
increasing the supply of services and goods? Have the chosen methods added'to the
dignity of our people and increased our capacity and.our commitment to national
:-econstrctitn? Or have they degraded further our attitudes to-work?
4. What has the Government been doing with the money? that is the
crucial question. Have they been expanding the welfare sector? Improving the
hospitals and the clinics, the roads and the buses, the availability and th'e con-
sistency-of supply in electricity, in water, in telephone communication? Has there
been any marked thrust towards more comprehensive and more relevant education
and schooling, towards better, cheaper and greater housing ardc neighbourhood
amenities such as washing-machine and home-work centres, sporting and cultural
facilities, and genuine community development overheads?


5. Or is it that the revenue has been used for an inordinate build-up of our
international reserves which is the same as lending to other countrise? And if we
have been lending abroad, to say, the World Bank or the Inter-American Bank 0o
the Caribbean Development Bank; or, if we have been holding our assets in the
money and capital markets of the world, what has been the strategy behind it'? Is
it that we have been avoiding further fuelling of the inflation at home by restricting
excess liquidity in the Treasury and in the commercial banking system? Have we
therefore, moved to tighter control of the financial system through action on the
part of the Central Bank?
6. Is it that we have been building up a stock of investment funds in the
short-run the better to be able to finance the colossal reconstruction and develop-
ment projects in the resource-based industries such as petrochemicals, fertilizers,
aluminium and sponge-iron? And/or, are we aiming to buy over earning assets on a
long-tenn basis in the industrial metropolitan coun tries along lines already' charted
by some of the West Asian oil-producing countries? Will tllese assets give us bonds,
equity shares, control of enterprises through the medium of direct investment?
7. And if this is the way we are thinking, have we fully considered ite
alternative pursued by neighboring Venezuela, of securing total control of ihe life-
line industries at home? Is it that implementation of such a policy is blocked by
the attitudes of Texaco and Grace, of Chase Manhattan and Barclays. of Thompson
Newspapers, Lever Bros, Carib Beer and the swarm of foreign companies which are
here to make our National Income perhaps 20%/ less than die (Goss Domestic
Product when the latter is more exactly calculated than has been the official
8. These are the issues that Trinidad & Tobago will be weighing aftei Tapia is
through with tie Budget. We know that they boil down to one very simple econ-
omic question what the devil PNM doing with lle people moneyy? EIqually Ihey
raise the most fundamental political query as to die paity and thc leader in the
country to which we must now entrust the mandate.
9. The People's National Movement has ruled lthe count iiNfoi well ni',h '20
years. They may find it convenient to forget, but the coountly will' riememCber lhiat
they came into office on the crest of an oil boom which gave out peopIle enough
self-confidence and optimism about the future to resolve to dismiss the old ic'iime.
In the first 14 years of dieir stewardship, after ticee suidCent I:ve Ye1i Dev'\elop-
ment Plans, this administration bought tde coun1Ity o tdie bItinl of a1 n1111i\


(Part 1-The "HAP

conf rotation by achieving unemployment, inequality and frustration on such a
scale that the youth and the blacks, the disadvantaged and the dispossessed
ignited the tinder-box of their desperation into the unfinished revolution of
February 1970.
10. 1he golden opportunity of the current oil bonanza therefore marks a
Second Coing obviously in more ways than one. In evaluating the options of
this second chance, we need more than any other thing, a perspective on the old
society, the better toassess.
the legacy of problems we inherited from the old plantation economy,
the errors we made from 1956 to 1970 that led to the revolutionary
the appropriateness of the competing perspectives for the new society that
have appeared since the tuning-up first began in 1968,
and above all. at this particular moment when the 1975 Budget is coming, the
pointers to a correct judgement which are to be found in the confusing record of
11. \When Mr. Chambers was done with his Budget of 1974, Dialogue, the
Government's official weekly at the time, commented on the "happy Budget"
which "will be talked about for a long time." "This Budget represents", we were
told, "a landmark in our political and economic history." Mr. Chambers promised .
policies and measures designed to achieve six objectives.
12. (1) fuller employment;
(2) diversification and reconstruction so as to expand the food supply and to
.increase national participation in the economic life of the country, particularly the
: resouirce-based and encrgy-using industries;
t4) an increase in i e output of basir welfare services in me ionm of addi-
tional amenities and facilities urgently needed by the people;
(5) reductions in the cost of transportation and manufacturing as the thrust
towards cushioning consumers against sharply rising prices; and finally
(6) the redi -i bution of income in favour of thehave-nots, the pensioners and.
the rural common try in particular.
(13) Tlhe Budget strategy employed by Mr.Chambers to effect these laudable
objectives, pointed to by the People's Parliaments in 1970, was to advance three

Jlr~ 1 ~ -9b~Cb--L ~IP~C~



Cuba has utilised the technology of the Western world for solving some of her problems Augustin Diaz Cataya, Composer of 'La


By Lloyd King

ONE of the things that the Cuban Revolution
has revealed with a kind of blinding clarity is
that the capacity to criticize the old bourgeois
order is not a guarantee that adjustment to a
different order will be easy. For example, a
standard criticism, often bitterly delivered,
that the state treats with indifference appeals
by artists for facilities, may lead in a new
order to a revolutionary State providing such
facilities theatre houses, printing presses,
salaries, financing for journals.
Any new socialism will set out to be in some
sense a return to tribal notions of society. But a
tribal society demands a number of preconditions.
There. must be an agreed community of values and
assumptions, a whole series of ritual acts through
which the spirit 'of community is expressed. In such
'a society, Lhe artist's first duty and interest is to find
a form and image of the tribe's most cherished values.
When the artist in the Caribbean is urged to
recover his "native tradition", he is being urged to
return to "folk roots". He may of course be as
strongly, if not more strongly, rooted in Western
literary book culture.
This is the situation of Carpentier's chief
protagonist in Los pasos perdidos as he ventures from
New York to a settlement in the Amazon basin in
which a new society is being attempted. If his
journey enables him to recover something of the
elemental body language of his childhood, his
Western education puts him in the position of
having a set of critical responses to the business of
shaping the new society, which introduce some
tensions into the communal set-up. His enthusiasm
for the aim of community in no way dulls his
critical reflexes.


The narrator turns out to be one of three men
who in some sense generate ideas within the com-
munity. The other two are the Adelantado, the
leader and chieftain whose aim is to set up a
socialist-type settlement in which capitalist exploita-
tion and accumulation will be outlawed, and who is
willing to be pragmatic. about other things; and a
priest, Fray Pedro de Henestrosa, who has a doctrinal
base from which to advocate that certain norms be
imposed on all members of the community.
If without pressing the parallels too far, we
transfer the scene to post-revolutionary Cuba, in
which the Priest becomes the High Party official, we
can discuss some of the problems which arise when
the new tribal society is attempted.
I should like to examine the so-called "Padilla
Affair" as an example of how the artist can get into
difficulties in the new tribal state.
Heberto Padilla is a Cuban poet who was
arrested, kept in custody for one month and released,
after which he issued a public "confession" of his
sins in a former role as dissatisfied writer and intel-
lectual. In the process of his own confession, he also
called upon a number of other writers to step up and
confess their own sins of thought and word against
the Revolution.
Numbers of well known Latin American and
European writers sent a joint protest at what they
considered the unfortunate treatment of writer and
an act of psychological over-kill on the part of the


Cuban National Security Branch. It was suggested
that the tone of Padilla's confession roused memories
of Stalinist days in Russia.
1Te Cuban reply was hostile and included
attacks on Latin American writers who claimed to be
socialists but lived as comfortable ex-patriates in
Europe instead of opting to live in their own coun-
tries and facing up to the hazards of their beliefs.
The harshness with which Cuban officials
reacted to criticism of their handling of Padilla was
due to a number of factors. The chief factor was the
American blockade and the C.I.A. inspired acts of
sabotage against Cuba which included the ill-
conceived and idiotic Bay of Pigs fiasco, by means of
which the State Department had hoped to find an
excuse to invade Cuba.
3 .

The blockade exposed Cubans to tremendous
hardship, shortage of food-stuffs, medical supplies,
etc., and opened them to seeing themselves as conti-
nuous objects of aggression. This aggression included
psychological warfare and propaganda. This sense of
being besieged not only strengthened the spirit of
militancy within Cuba but reinforced the need for
tribal solidarity. Criticism was interpreted as an act
of betrayal, as providing ammunition for imperialism
and the C.I.A.
To see the situation of the writer in Cuba in
perspec tive, we must understand what were conceived
of as the bases for tribal solidarity in Cuba. These
would have included:
(a) a commitment to Marxism-Leninism as a
basis on which to have a vision of society.
(b) a high valuation on Spartan living which
derived from the hard, athletic existence of the 26th
of July guerrilla movement, and was ideologically
related to the notion of harmonizing manual and
intellectual labour in the Revolutionary era.
(c) an uncompromisingly hostile attitude to the
U.S. and to gusanos, or Cubans who did not support
the new order or actively worked to sabotage its
(d) the obverse side of this hostility was of
course an attitude of solidarity with the political
leadership and its choices.
(e) an attitude of disgust and revulsion towards
homosexuals (and it would appear that a certain
number of Cuban artists were homosexuals and
were sent to correctional camps)
(f) recognition of the importance of the pea-
santry, agriculture and the primary educational
needs of the socially-deprived under former regimes.
(g) the need to promote solidarity activities
in order to foster the success of this package of
revolutionary aims.
The view from above, at least from the
members of the Cuban Communist Party who were
beginning to influence the direction of events, if
only because they were the only group with coherent
organization and set of ideas to offer to Fidel
Castro and his 26th of July men,would have tended
to be that Marxism-Leninism was offering a set of
beliefs in terms of which men would be able to
understand themselves and their society and seek to
live by a common morality. What was perhaps hoped
for from artists was some expression of the content
of the new social order in symbolic terms.
What is true of the Cuban Revolution is what
has been said of the Mexican Revolution of 1910,
namely that it really had no intellectual precursors.

Cuba had no serious history of the politics of
participation and all too few examples of men and
groups bringing the excitement of fresh hopes and
vision. It is quite evident that Fidel Castro discovered
his perspectives as he went along, and that his choices
gave direction to the Revolution.
In the initial moments cultural activists were
both financed and given a free hand by the State to
organize magazines, put on plays and so on. There
could be no complaint about the facilities provided.
Among the most active personalities of this period
was Guillermo Cabrera Infante, who edited the
journal Lunes de Revolucion.
One has the impression, if only from reading
the remarks of Cabrera, that some of the "cultural
men" conceived aspirations which were less than well
related to certain facts of their society:
(a) a high illiteracy rate connected more
generally with neglect of the countryside,---- -
(b) the need for a national effort related to the
increasing pressures being applied by the U.S. State
Instead they seem to have thought that their
contribution to the Revolution should consist in
making Havana into the liveliest, most cosmopolitan
center in Latin America, with the freest possible
flow of ideas on art and culture.
What is more worthy of note is that no writer
seemed to have been so fired by the shift in social
vision, the new purposes proposed for the society as
to produce a work, either journalistic or artistic,
which could in any way match the sense of excite-
ment that was generated in so many quarters by the
new regime. The most vivid work of the early sixties
was Che Guevara's Memoirs of the Revolutionary
Struggle. In most cases the theme of stories and
novels was the old order, with writers of bourgeois
origins looking back in anger and disgust, indeed not
without guilt, at bourgeois parents, and their selfish-
ness or utter lack of a sense of responsibility.


If we glance at the three works which up to this
moment have attracted most critical attention and
acclaim-Jose Lezama Lima's Paradiso, Carpentier's
El siglo de las luces, and Cabrera Infante's Tres
Tristes Tigres,-not one of these works has the
Revolution as its context.
I have always felt it a great pity that our
writers in underdeveloped areas have seldom been
tempted to try out some equivalent of the more
popular brands of writing, by which I mean detective,
or adventure, or spy stories or science fiction, which
stress action, movement, tension, excitement; which
operate in terms of popular mythologies and both en-
tertain and sell message.
One has the feeling that some version of this
kind of writing would have served the purposes of
the Revolution very well indeed. What more vivid
modem scene for plots about the overthrow of
dictatorship or foiling the designs of the C.I.A.
than the Cuba of the fifties and sixties. But of course,
those of us who take to writing all wish to be taken
as "serious" writers, about whom "serious" criticism
must be written and whose names must sooner or
later end up in histories of literature.
In the Cuban case, it is also clear that as
members of the Cuban Communist Party began to
move into positions of responsibility, they began to

Continued on Page 6



From Page 5

question the "open" liberal artistic environment
which they would have long associated with deca-
dent, bourgeois contexts, and would have pressed the
concept of "committed" writing. The first well
known incident which brought a clash of interests or
orientation to the surface took place in 1961, arising
from a dispute about the showing of a documentary
film P.M. and leading to Castro's Words to the
Seen at a distance, the issue itself seems
curiously trivial. P.M. was a documentary filmed by
Saba Cabrera Infante about night life in Havana. One
senses a certain political insensitivity in the film
maker, who seems to have concentrated on the
gaiety of night life in Havana, on the "calypso
mentality" so to speak of Cubans, leaving out all
reference to the new sense of seriousness, responsibil-
ity and national effort which the Revolution had
introduced. After a first showing, the film was sup-
Guillenno Cabrera Infante, the brother of the
film maker, has represented the affair as the repres-
sion of artistic freedom by the creeping totalitarian
forces in Cuban life. He has maintained that when
Fidel in a meeting with artists pronounced his
Words to Intellectuals: (Within the Revolution every-
thing is permitted, against the Revolution nothing)
his intention was not to be open-handed with the
artists, as has always been argued, but to threaten
them towards the conformity which the cultural
Party hacks wished to enforce.
Subsequent to this Great Debate on intellectual
responsibility, Cabrera was relieved of his post as
editor of Lunes, Lunes itself was "killed", and
eventually Cabrera was sent as cultural attache to
Belgium. Another liberal was replaced as editor of
-Casa de las Americas by the poet Roberto Feran-
dez Retamar, who was more Marxist-Leninist in his


It is likely that many intellectuals became
more cautious in their attitudes, but it is also
evident that some writers felt that they still had
room and opportunity to fight back against what
.- _they considered .hard-line bureaucrats. After all,
'-'Fidel's words ("within the Revolution, everything")
were vague enough to be interpreted as allowing a
considerable amount of artistic freedom. What the
"liberal" artists had going for them was the fact that
Che Guevara was a liberal Marxist in cultural matters
and that Fidel himself probably had no diehard views,
but what they had against them was, as Ihave noted
before, that their productions seemed to touch so
little on the Revolutionary enterprise.
Within this space, in which the role of the
liberal artist is being questioned, Heberto Padilla, a
poet. decided that he would voice the mood of
rebelliousness at bureaucratic control. Among the
poems he wrote is this one, Advice to a Lady:
So why don't you accept the facts of Life, just
as you've accepted -let us say-thatthatblack
scholarship boy can piss in your garden.

Ah dear lady: no matter how much you lower
the curtain or hide your spinsterish face; or
occupy your solitude with cats and dogs or rip
out the telephone horribly resounding in your
empty house; However much you dream or
rage you can't chase reality away.

Be plucky
Throw your windows open wide. Wipe the
make-up from your face, strip as naked as you
came into the world. Lie down, a kitten in the
daylight and with a slight trembling, loudly
yowl. The hedge is low, easy tojump over and
in the boarding houses, students are asleep.

WAKE them up.
Show some fire in your wire
Be kitten or kingfisher, it matters not.
But get a scholarship boy in your bed.

Then let your thighs give lessons in the clash of
contraries. Make your tongue more agile than
dialectic arguments. And seek to rise triumphant
from this class war.

How was the reader intended to take a poem
like this? Was Padilla simply expressing reactionary
sentiments, baiting the Party men? When Padilla
wrote in this fashion, was he coming out against the
Revolution? The poem is highly ironic, charged with
hostilities. Padilla is launching a two-edged attack,
by assuming the posture of Devil's Advocate for a
"gusano", since the poem is addressed to the type of
upper middle class Cuban woman, who would have
felt more and more isolated in an environment which

"The revolution has already fixed up work for me work which corresponds to my ability and my wishes It i

Ew zA Law:

stressed the needs of the masses.
He is using a view one can imagine circulating
among the disaffected, those whowould join, when
possible, in the trek to Miami; namely that the
Revolution was lowering the country's social stand-
ards, and expecting cultured people to be intimate
with the black gardener, now that he had been given
a scholarship.
Padilla is bringing into the open a sentiment
which closely resembles the American Southerner's
conviction that agitation for civil rights was merely
an excuse American blacks were using in order to get
the chance to sleep with and perhaps even marry
white women. Padilla's advice to the lady is so out
rageous, even cruel, that it obviously can have little
real sympathy for her plight. But the poem is also
mocking at the Marxist-Leninist jargon which is
being introduced into every level of discourse.
The only sense in which one can suggest that
Padilla would have felt himself to have something in
common with the lady of the poem would derive
from the feeling he and other liberals might have had
that they were being sidelined in favour of Party
members, not their equals in intelligence and culture,
but having, or pretending to have, proletarian
affiliations. In this and other poems, Padilla was in
fact doing his own little striptease.
In 1964, Cabrera Infante, one of the liberals,
won an important literary prize with aversion of his
novel Tres Tristes Tigres over another Cuban entry,
Pasion de Urbino by Lisandro Otero, a long time
member of the Party. When the two novels were
being discussed in Cuba (in 1967), Padilla strongly
supported Cabrera's novel (which featured scenes not
unlike those filmed in P.M.,) and more or less indi-
cated that Otero's novel should not have been in the
running at all.
Pasion de Urbino is certainly an inferior novel
to Tres Tristes Tigres. But then Cabrera himself
decided to let the world know that he renounced the
Cuban Revolution and all its works. This puts Padilla
in the position of seeming to be a man who was
supporting a counter-revolutionary writer.
Then in 1968 Padilla himself, collecting poems
such as Advice toa Lady into a book of verse with
the ominous title "Opting out" (Fuera del Juego)

won the first prize in Cuba's major literary contest
organised by Casa de las Americas.
The Executive of the National Union of Cuban'
Artists (UNEAC) decided to protest the selection of
Padilla's work, but also decided to proceed in a
democratic way by publishing the poems but with
their condemnation attached, as well as'a statement
by the Selection Committee. This statement defended
the choice of Padilla's poems, first of all by arguing
that the other entries were just plain bad verse which
were not even worth mentioning.

Secondly they pointed out that individual
poems had been published in revolutionary journals
without attracting adverse comment. Thirdly, they
argued that Padilla's poetry was in fact revolutionary,
precisely because of its polemical stance, which was a
sign of health, and, they implied, could be taken as a
refutation of the view being mooted abroad that the
Revolution was repressive.
In other words, they seemed to be insinuating,
Padilla's work demonstrates that the Cuban Revolu-
tion is not drifting in the direction of Stalinism, is
allowing its writers to follow their own conscience.
The Cultural Commissars of UNEAC, including
such well known personalities as Nicolas Guillen and
Jose Antonio Portuondo, decided that the Revolution
was not really interested in being praised for the
tolerance associated with bourgeois liberalism. They
saw the whole question as a political one. If Padilla
was a revolutionary poet, they argued, where in his
poems is he finding the time to hit out at imperialism
or colonialism?
Neither did they care for his sniping at Marxism-
Leninism or his mockery of history as progress.
Moreover, they said that in other texts Padilla tries
to justify his notorious absence from the country
during the difficult moments when the fatherlandhad
confronted imperialism and his total lack of personal
And with a certain lack of humour, they
denounced the way in which Padilla (in his Advice to
a Lady) converts the dialectics of the class struggle
into a sexual struggle. They didn't like Padilla's

Get your Bargains I

For Christmas At


62 Queen St P O.S



me freedom it has given me work"

'^BHgf '^i^H '^*^*^B ^91^^^@M

ironic poems based on a visit to Russia either.
The simple truth was that the Cuban Comissars
were defeated by the fact of Padilla's undeniable
talent. What is clear, at any rate, is that Padilla just
did not take them on. Politically naive, but also, one
feels, confident of the basic strength of the Revolu-
tion, he seems tohave felt thatit was possible to treat
socialism as an autonomous reality which was in
process in history in particular places including his
homeland and therefore open to discussion and
criticism. The Commissars felt that the focus should
be on the ideological war of Socialism with Capitalism.
Open criticism was tantamount toletting down the
Padilla was arrested in 1971 and released after
one month. He appeared before an assembly of
writers and proceeded to confess his sins against the
Revolution, and further to call upon writers in the
audience to come forward and confess their sins as
Padilla's arrest and subsequent confession was
taken to mean that the Revolution was indulging in
Stalinist practices. There is no evidence that Padilla
was either tortured or brainwashed, and one's impres-
sion is thathe simply broke down under psychological
stress, for the whole style of his "confession" is not
unlike that of those recorded in instances of religious
conversion at prayer meetings. It also shows that
Fidel's "within the Revolution everything" is being
assigned a specific meaningconnected with orthodoxy.

Here is an extract from Padilla's confession and
the discussion that followed:
Padilla: I shall never tire of being grateful to the
Cuban revolution for the opportunity ithas given me
to divide my life in two: that which has been, and
that which will be. The revolution has been very
generous to me. The revolution has already fixed up
work for me, work which corresponds tomy ability
and my wishes. Ithas not only given me freedom: it
has given me work.
The dialogues I had with the comrades with
whom I was arguing were incredible. What, argued!

That's not the right word, with whom I conversed,
who did not even interrogate me, because it was a
long intelligent, brilliant and marvellous form of
persuasion, both intellectually and politically. And
they made me see clearly each one of my mistakes.
And therefore I saw that State Security was not the
harsh organ, the closed organ which often, very
often, I had feverishly imagined and often defamed,
but a group of most valiant comrades, who work day
and night to ensure moments like this, to ensure
generosities like this, almost unjustifiable compre-
hension like this: that to aman, who fought, as I did,
against the revolution, they give the opportunity to
rectify his life radically, as I wish to do. And all the
worse for him who does not believe me, he will not
see me tomorrow, because this man will not be the
iman he was yesterday. Because, comrades, we are
living through and living in forgive this tone we
are living in a glorious state of siege in the modem
world. We are living in trenches and struggling
against the imperialist penetration of our peoples in
Latin America.
And I want and need everyone, all those who
like myself have not been fulfilling their responsibil-
ities in the revolutionary process, to do as I have
done, to make amends and to accept the responsibil-
ity of living in the trenches, with enemies everywhere.
We are living entrenched, and I don't want
anyone else to feel the shame I have felt, to feel the
infinite sadness I have felt. during all these days of
constant reflection on my mistakes. I don't want
those mistakes ever to be repeated again. I don't
want the revolution tohave to ask us for explanations
ever again. I do not want it. It cannot be possible. It
cannot be possible, sincerely, that the revolution
should have to be forever generous with people who
are under obligation because of their knowledge and
intellect because we are not simple citizens but
people who know how to analyze clearly no matter
how uninvolved in politics we might be it cannot
be generous again, it cannot make a vice of such
insufferable generosity in a process that has been
carrying on for so many years.
Let us be soldiers of the revolution, because
they do exist, those valiant and extraordinary soldiers
who fulfill their tasks everyday. Let us be soldiers of

our revolution and occupy the place the revolution
demands of us.
And let us think about and learn the truth of
what it actually means to live in an extraordinary
and exemplary entrenchment in the modern world.
Because, comrades, it is neither easy nor comfortable,
it is on the contrary difficult to live besieged by all
manner of artful enemies. But that is the price of
freedom, that is the price of sovereignty, that is the
price of independence, that is the price of revolution.
My country or death. We shall overcome.
Padilla's statement was followed by briefer
statements from three other Cuban writers present:
Pablo Armando Fernandez, Manuel Diaz Martinez,
and Belka Cuza Male,a poet and Padilla's wife. All
three of them responded to Padilla's call and repented
publicly of their 'sins against the revolution'. The
next person to speak was Norberto Fuentes.
Norberto Fuentes

I would like to speak once again. I spoke before
and I am a little nervous and emotional it's a
problem of my personality because I have a
fraternal love for Heberto and.I respect him and I
limited myself earlier to saying that I was happy that
he was no longer a prisoner.
But when I spoke at the beginning, I said that I
agreed with everything Heberto had said. On reflec-
tion, however, I really do not agree with all that
Heberto has said, and I must say so here.
I know that this is a very difficult moment. I
want Heberto to understand, and the comrades to
understand, but I during...
I am a revolutionary and since the triumph of
the revolution this has been my attitude. My work
only reflects the revolution. I have been criticized,
my books have not been judged fairly, nor have I
myself. For four years I have had to endure terrible
injustices in this country and in this revolution. My
attitude has continued to be the same: it has always
been that of a revolutionary.
I am referring specifically to what Heberto
said, about everyone he mentioned having counter-
revolutionary attitudes.
Heberto, I have not had counter-revolutionary
attitudes. I have opinions, and I shall continue to have
opinions until I am shown the contrary. I want to
say this here publicly. For years I have asked the
party, the Central Committee, I have written to all
the directors of the revolution, to heed imeo--T litei--
to me, and I have not been listened to. I went to the
harvest of the ten million, I fought against bandits. I
was not given the opportunity to be in State Security,
but I went there, I fought bandits for ideological
reasons, for reasons of principle. And since the
publication of Condenados de condado because of
purely literary criteria because there have not been
other criteria they have not had a just or revolu-
tionary attitude towards me.
I don't think it is just. It is not, moreover, the
same political context. I have been active in the
communist youth movement. Since 1959 I have
been responsible for 'Rebel Youth', I have been
a member of the people's militia since 1959, and I
have not been treated in accordance with those
beliefs and opinions.
I really do believe, and I am glad, when Heberto
says that he has made mistakes, and that he sincerely
does want to return to the path of the revolution I
believe it's true, I believe Heberto in all sincerity. But
when he referred to me I don't think he was being
wholly fair. I have talked with Heberto, Ihave talked

*- A communist youth organization established to
co-ordinate the activities of various non-communist groups
and bodies. Continued on Page 8



EMi3ER 29, 1974



S StephIens



From Page 7
about State Security and 1 hold to those opinions
about the Security and to my opinions on other
organs. They are very clear and untarnished opinions,
opinions which I can give here or in any other organ-
ization. And for years I have asked the political
organs of the party and revolution to pay heed to
me, and they have not done so.
That's all I want to say. I want to correct what
I said formerly. That's all.
Aeberto Padilla

Well, Im not going to argue with Norberto. I
think I have pointed out several features of some of
our comrades. Those comrades are obliged to assume
attitudes that they believe to be correct in relation
to their conduct.
Norberto has now modified what he ;aid
earlier. I presume that he is responding to a set of
principles that he personally maintains, and which I
personally would accept and discuss, but this is not
the best place to do so. Nevertheless I still hope that
this position of Norberto's is not sincerely his true
one. And I'll say why not.
Because I have heard him say tonight things
which are similar to what Icould have said as well. He
knows, Norberto knows because we've talked
about it on various occasions that I too aspired to
this type of discussion. The aspiration for this kind of
political discussion always pre-supposes our accept-
ance of those at a particular level, and that we should
be accepted at that level in the basis of our acquired
merits. I remember what Commander Guevara said -
that revolutionaries do not have a past. I, nevertheless,
have mentioned your exemplary past, and I know
that the revolution has not closed its doors to you
and will never close them. I also know because you
told me so that you have worked closely with
State Security and that you have benefited from the
confidence of the StateSecurity.

Now, if you consider that the value of the
literature and attitudes you are talking about is
sufficient reason for you to be listened to and for
discussions to be held, when you have always made
it a condition that your economic and personal.
problems should also be resolved, thenI must say to
=-yo-u-thaUhis is-the path, the sorry path I am
telling you, it's the only thing I can do the sorry
path that leads to self-sufficiency.
I am telling you this because I don't want to
start a debate with you. I accept your points of view
because they are yours. I admit that you have cor-
rected what you said earlier. I am convinced that this
is the dialectic in your personality: on the one hand,
you respond to the direct stimulus that I put to you
and on the other, you immediately correct it in the
name of a series of acquired habits.
And I am confident, Norberto, that we are not
going to continue this debate, at least I am not going
to, because it has been explicit enough. But I find it
necessary to tell you in absolutely all honesty, that
this is the path that leads to sorrow. We should not
aspire to being heard by our leaders in the name of
acquired merits, for it is not enough to write a book
of stories, nor ten story books, nor an exceptional
novel, but we must wait with humility and, if we are
not heard, must insist again.


Norberto Fuentes
I don't want to argue with you, but I do wish
to clarify a few things. I don't want to argue with
Heberto. Moreover Heberto is in a very difficult
situation. I don't want to argue with you, but I do
want to clarify some things which are important --
because I have been named publicly I have said
some things and I must complete ny ideas, and
and when you express, for example, your idea of
dialectics it could be misunderstood. I tell you
simply that I, as aperson.and a man, am very glad
,thatyou are here.:
I responded to that first impulse, and I shall
contiAue to respond to that first inpulse. Only, after
reflection, I have come here simply to state What
my criteria are.
Firstly, I did not ask, nor do I wish, to speak
to anybody in particular. I have run the gamut of all
the organs in this country to try and resolve my
situation, which is that of a revolutionary who
wishes to work within the revolution and yet who
has been separated from it. And I have at hand proof
of this which I can show anywhere in this country.
No, these aren't lies, they are not lies and I have
proof of it. I am ready to show that these aren't lies.
Armando Quesada
These are lies, and we are not prepared to
allow this after Padilla's statement. I wish to make a
Very well, you have expressed your ideas and I
have replied to them. The comrade can say what
he want to, and then we can finish this, if
comrade Portuondo will allow it.

Armando Quesada
1 wish to .make it clear, to those who don't
know me, that I am the present director of El Caiman
It is inadmissable for Norberto Fuentes to say.
that his attitude is correct, because the book he
wrote is a book that damages the interests of the
armed forces, the power \which since Moncada, has
been responsible for the triumph of the revolution.
And it is simply impossible to accept anything that
opposes that.
And we can state right here, a meticulous and
objective analysis of the work, that the basic op-
portunity was given to him to participate as a witness
in that fundamental epic in which hardly anyone
else took part and that that opportunity was
abused and was tumed into criticism of the leaders
of the revolution and of our fighting men. And even
if negative facts do exist because they certainly do
in life when they are moulded into a coherent
whole, it means that a negative exception becomes, in
the field of literature, an ideologically corrosive
element. And, simply, the men who fought and
perished at the battle of Escambray were fighting at
the time of thatmostcriminal blockade by imperialism
that preceded the invasion of Giron. Therefore, it is
inadmissible from a historical and literary point of
view its creative value apart to agree that the
book is simply correct and critical and that attention
has not been paid to it.
After this book and the opportunities he had,
it would be very difficult for the revolution to
consult him, to have discussions with him and tell
him that it's an excellent book. It must be under-
stood that the revolutionary armed forces are the
pillar of this revolution and we believe that his book
is inadmissible and, moreover, that history will show
us the form in which booked are to be written.
That is all.
Norberto Fuentes
I should like to reply by saying first, comrade,
that I was at Escambray, but I did not participate in
that criminal blockade, but was fighting on the side
of the revolution.
I wrote a book, after having been sent to
Escambray by the revolutionary press, in which I
made hundreds of, no dozens of, reports favourable
to the revolution. I wrote a literary book, presented
it to an organization, to a revolutionary institution,.-
and thai institution awarded it a prize and published
it. '
I started to have difficulties as a consequence
of this book. I went to see all the comrades whom I
could see because there were many concrete opinions
about my book and I wanted to discuss those
opinions, those literary opinions, but not ones about
me as an individual this is what I am saying here.
For four years I have been outside the revolu-
tionary process as a consequence of this book. I my-
self have not been allowed to discuss the things that
you have discussed here, that you have mentioned
here, but I can refute them one by one and we can
bring the book here and discuss it and analyze it
wherever I have been, with whomever I was, with all
the comrades I have seen. Because I wanted to talk
about this book, I wanted to resolve those problems,
and I want to resolve them within the revolution and
show that this isa revolutionary book and those are
purely literary opinions. They cannot be personal
And over the past four years, what has been
my attitude, comrades? Do you know what my
personal attitude has been? Look, I don't get a
salary. ..





Your Family is well

IiV fed with

I BlueBand

I on Bread

- -------- --


Public Gallery Paper No. 3 Part I PAGE 3


PY BUDGET" 1974)

quite distinct partial budgets. The first was the lack-lustre, Jeremiah Budget which
the Government would have introduced had there not been a second Oil Bonanza.
Having won the lottery and woken up stinking rich, without the help of a Fourth
Five-Year Plan or even a Throne-Speech sketch of new directions, they contrived
secondly, a generous relief budget aimed to retrieve political support and thirdly, a
rehabilitation budget replete with cautious illusion and meaning to promise a
massive reconstruction if only we can be sure that the winnings from the
sweepstake would last.
14. The fact of the matter is that the Government simply had not done their
homework in regard to petroleum, allowed their own defensive and colonial think-
ing to govern their response and therefore, realized too late that a decisive shift
had taken place in the terms of collaboration between oil producers and consum-
ers. They were accordingly unable to make the firm projections on petroleum
prospects, prices and revenues which could have been a foundation for a revolu-
tionary plan to put Trinidad & Tobago in charge of our own economic future
15. The inevitable result was a Budget which played both ends against the
middle in the sense that it neither went for any genuine welfare sector as an anchor
for an egalitarian society after which it would have been possible to commit the
country to the sacrifices needed for revolutionary reconstruction. Nor did it go all
out for seizing control of the life-line industries, confident that the act of transfer-
ring political mastery to our people would later create entirely new possibilities for
the more equitable distribution and the more rapid growth of solid community
welfare. Incompetent and unsure of themselves, they chinksed as they have been
chinksing all the way at least since 1960.
16. The relief Budget was spendthrift in that it simply played politics with
STax rebates, subsidies and expenditures without any sense of priority, of ade-
quacy, of thrust. Pensioners were fixed-up by the headline but not really retrieved
from the jaws of poverty; low-income tax-payers were "relieved" but not signifi-
cantly moved out of the desperate categories of have-nots; public buildings and
roads and amenities were to be improved without any real dent on pressing
welfare needs. There existed no genuine human interest in solving the problems of
one section of the people with the promise that next year, we will tackle another
set. The Relief programme sought only a certain measure of quiet along the elec-



Justice & Police
Public Debt
Local Government

Development Expenditure
Capital Repayments
Loans to Stat. Boards
Special Funds

Company Tax
Oil 33
Customs & Excise
Purchase Tax
Motor Vehicle
Other Tax
Oil 10
Other Current








Capital Receipts
Loans & Grants


toral and political fronts.
17. Among the measures for reconstruction, only one 'possessed any clear
concreteness, the project for rice. The burden of the longer ferm adjustment came
in the way of a Food Fund and a Petroleum Fund, the latter targeted at $350n.
showing that the Government had no conception' whatsoever of the scale of
finance required in the industries which they were at the same time vaguely touting
as the candidates for diversification of the petroleum using sector; and confirming
that they had no idea of where the world petroleum industry was going. Participa-
tion in the big Texaco Complex had only been agreed to in principle. The future
awaited "the establishment of a special team to prosecute, these studies and'
generally to monitor developments in the international petroleum industry."
18. Needless to say, a Government which could not achieve basic clarity and
purpose in relation to the navel-string sector, petroleum, necessarily could launch
no coherent attack on the outstanding, problems of the time. As we put it in Tapia
"Mr. Chambers indulges interminable mystifications from Budget to Budget
by insisting on an essentially false distinction between the alleviating of
short-term distress and the laying of long-term foundations for development.
What he will not understand is that the long-run and the short-run are one
one and that in the long run we are all dead. The long-run problems are
always and only solved by what you do in the short. The problems that
appear in the short are the symptoms of the basic disease. You do not have.
a policy choice of playing both ends against the middle which is what the
PNM has'been doing for 17 years. They keep us in a
short-run problems because they are mortally afraid of launching an assault
on basic structures.
"Over the years, the PNM has been shilly-shallying in defence of the privileged
oligarchy on which their survival hangs. Public policy consists of a meaning-
less round of national consultations, of indignant denunciations of such
favoured boboolees as organised labour and of pious calls on the well-to-do
to save and to show restraint. The result has been abysmal productivity,
industrial indiscipline in every sector and at every level, and a get-pay-
Friday-get-broke-Monday mentality among people and with Government


19. The alternative perspective forms the basis of Tapia's radical political
platform for an economic transformation of the colonial structures perpetuated
for so interminably long by the inept PNM administration.
"The decision that the first Tapia Minister of Finance will take is that we are
going to eliminate unemployment, eradicate inequality and seize control of
the resources belonging to the people of thiscountry. After that, price policy,
reserve policy, debt policy, wage policy and budgetary policy would all
become the servant of these objectives. Though the necessary choices would
still be uncompromisingly difficult, they would always be crystal clear to the
people so that the Government would enjoy the political and moral strength
to act."
20. It is up to the country to settle its final judgment. It is certain that the
majority have already formed their answer. Presumably, those who have yet to
decide their mind will be looking at the record of performance in 1974. Doubtless
they will want to remember that last year's Budget was, in the words of Dialogue
"a bold Budget, an adventurous Budget, one that crystallises the thinking of
an administration which has had an unrivalled opportunity of overseeing the
development of nationalism and the independence of the people of Trinidad
and Tobago for many seasons." (A Budget for all Seasons, p1.)
21. The PNM Government has been in charge for many seasons and they
know we will remember. They are responsible for whatever mess exists as we
approach 1975. It would therefore be nothing short of total political irresponsibil-
ity to assume that Mr. Chambers will be coming with a package of gift-wrapped
Christmas presents. With apolitical alternative on the stage, the Government has no
choice but to come to the country from the left.
22, Tapia anticipates no give-away Budget because survival of the regime is
now at stake and very little will be gained by making all those concessions now
being touted in the editorial market-places. The much more likely possibility is
that they will try to bamboozle us again by another land of promises;promises for
West Indian nationhood, for economic independence and for morality in public
affairs. Fortunately, since the February Revolution first broke in 1968, we have
had too much political education for that.

Public Gallery Paper No. 3 Part I PAGE 4

'-r~a ~ IjZ~i~)






Thursday, February 7, 1974

*The provision of
$24,900,000 for the Min-
istry of Works and the
Works Division (Ministry
for Tobago Affairs) for the
maintenance and repair of
existing roads and the
building of new roads.
*AThe setting aside of
$40,000,000 for road de-

As part of the 'grow
more food' campaign: re-
habilitation of 5,000 acres
of rice lands in Caroni, St.
George, Victoria and St.
Construction of a new
rice mill.
Re-supply with new stock
the pig industry wLich was
severely hit by hog cholera.
Increase in the prices
paid to dairy farmers. .
.*Release of funds to cane
farmers under the 1973
-guaranteed gross cane
Increase in the minimum
interest rates charged by
the Agricultural Develop-
ment Bank by V of 1 per
cent to 7V2 per cent.

*Expenditure of
$121,600,000 on educa-
k Completion of 16 Junior
Secondary Schools to ac-
commodate 30,200 stu-
dents; six senior Compre-
hensive schools to ac-
commodate 6,880, and the
Teachers' Training College
at Corinth, San Fernando.
*ATo begin building five
Junior Secondary Schools,
one Farmers' Training Col-
lege and the Southern
Technical School. These
will be ready in 1975.
To complete the rebuild-
ing of 8 Primary Schools in
Phoenix Park, Iere, Icacos,
Las Cuevas, East Morvant,
Blanchisseuse and Orange
To improve water and
toilet facilities in a number
of Primary and Secondary
Schools. .
To begin building three
of the seven vocational
school 1s in Chaguanas,
Fyzabad and Scarborough
and the Teachers' Training
Unit at the John S. Donald-
son Technical Institute.
Establishment of a new
scholarship programme to
mark Petroleum Year 1974.

Provision of $60,600,000
for improvement to health
Continuation of immu-
nization programmes.
STraining of additional
public health staff.
Completion of the Deep
X-Ray and Cancer Units
at the St. James Hospital.
Completion and improve-
ments of the laundry and
kitchen facilities at the
general and regional hos-
Opening of Toco Health
Centre/Delivery Unit on a
.24-hour service basis.
Completion of Health
Centres at Debe, La Ro-
main and Freeport, the De-
livery Unit at Roxborough
and the Health centres/
Delivery Units at Rio
Claro, Chaguanas and Petit

r Allocation of $6,700,000
for capital expenditure to
increase the supply of
water in the country. This
is in addition to the
$14,600,000 which is the
current deficit of the Water
and Sewerage Authority.
Completion of design
work on the Interim Oro-
pouche scheme as well as
on the engineering and de-
sign work for the Caroni-
Arena project.
Completion of the accel-
erated water development
Completion of the intake
from the Gunapo river.
Continuation of improve-
ments to water supply in
certain areas, particularly
in those areas which are
now supplied by truck.
Rehabilitation of existing
wells in order to increase
their yields.

Special works
Class room training at
trade centres and other
techncial institutions for a
number of younger workers.
Greater emphasis to pro-
jects in environmental sani-
*AA pilot project involving
agricultural development
with the emphasis on food

Detailed examinations of
the technical aspects of the
liquefied gas project.
Construction of a pipe-
line to transport natural
gas. for Trinidad and To-
bago Electricity Commis-
sion and other gas-using
Increases in the maxi-
mum size of loans under
the Sugar Labour Welfare
Fund from $3,000 to

Oil Income

Development of the Point
Lisas industrial estate.
Establishment of energy-
based and energy-using
manufacturing industries as
well as new agro-based in-
Production, of new and
additional raw materials
and building materials.
4 Expansion of Govern-
ment participation in the
petroleum sector.
Introduction of adminis-
trative and training facilities
to enable the population to
play a leading role in the
development and manage-
ment of the national petro-
leum industry.
SEstablishment of an In-
stitute for Petroleum.

+ Provision of $12,000,000
to meet the cost of handling
imported rice and to sub-
sidise the price of flour for
six months.
Release of an additional
sum of $500,000 to the
Central Marketing Agency
to assist in improving the
marketing system.
To establish a Food De-
velopment Fund under the
Exchequer and Audit Ordi-
nance with an initial target
of $50,000,000.
To elicit greater export
effort from manufacturers
who enjoy duty free con-
cessions on raw materials.
*To adopt new procedures
which will ensure that the
country receives and has
available for use all the
earnings from exports.
Reserving of $13,000,000
for the acquisition of 20
fish trawlers and to estab-
lish a fish processing plant.

Support the Caribbean
tourist industry through
British West Indian Air-
Expansion of the bus
fleet by 200 buses.
To maintain bus fares at
their present level.
Reduction in motor ve-
hicle tax (purchase tax) on
taxis by approximately 40
per cent.
Increase the number of
taxis by 250 in addition to
the 1,000 which was al-
lowed in 1972.
Reduction in the effec-
tive purchase tax rate on
private and rented cars in
the lower price ranges.
*-Adjustments in the rates
of port dues and charges.
SControl of the price of
gasoline, kerosine and gas/
diesel oil at current levels.

Financial Aid
Reduction in the excise
duty on petroleum products
by more than 50 per cent.
Reduction on the effec-
tive purchase tax on stoves
and refrigerators.
Increase in social assis-
tance and old age pensions:
For adults from $12 to $15
a month; child $7.50 to
$12 a month; a family of
any size from $60 to $80
a month and for pensioners
from $18 to $30 a month.
Provision of tax reliefs
to lower income groups on
their 1974 income.

Rural aid
Allocation of $100,000
for dealing with the special
problems of Matelot.

Introduction of legisla-
tion to update arrangements
under which petroleum
companies operate in Trini-
dad and Tobago and in the
Introduction of legisla-
tion to regulate the interest
rates to which banks and
financial institutions pay
and receive.
No new branches of
commercial banks will be
opened, except in special
circumstances ie, banks
with majority local owner-

Increase in the share
capital of the National
Commercial Bank.
Wholly owned -foreign
banks will be .required" to
(a) hold ascribed capital
equal to not less than 5 per
cent of their deposit liabili-
ties and (b) to observe the
limitation with regard to
unsecured loans and deposit
Improvement in public
accountability with the es-
tablishment of a ministerial
committee to examine ac-
counts and performance of
agencies which enjoy sub-
ventions -or guarantees from
*Reservation of
$100,000,000 for the set-
tlement of short-term debts
and the rearrangement of
the national debt structure.
*- Increase in the capital of
the Development Finance
Establishment of a Pet-
roleum Development Fund
of $350,000,000 -with
$150,000,000 allocated in
Establishment 'of an In-
stitute of Banking.

Allocation of $2,000,000
to enable the National
Housing Authority to con-
struct and make loans for
low income housing.
Arrange for the con-
struction of a new cement
plant to serve local and
regional markets.
Increases for guaranteed
mortgages under the Hous-
ing Act.
Provision of $500,000 to
improve public buildings.
*To relocate the Royal
Gaol at Golden Grove,
Arouca and construct a new
maximum security prison
at a cost of $6,000,000.

Mental health
Removal of the criminal
lunatics ward frbm the St.
Ann's Hospital.
Construction of facilities
in the district hospitals for
aged patients now housed
at St. Ann's.

Construction of the Scar-
borough Parkaway at an es-
timated cost of $8,000,000.

Page 4

National Budget 1974

Where the money is going

L 1 _b, ~ II ~I I



Sena tors
Address to the Senate House
October 22, 1974

( ?T1().. C E

Lloyd Best

Address at the

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Baldwin Mootoo

THE happenings in India
so far have given W.I.
circket much reason for
celebrations. The success
has been a particular
triumph for the new
captain Clive Lloyd and has
vindicated the bold
decision of the selectors
to go to India with a new
man at the helm.
While the margin of
victory in the first two
test matches may seem
wide in both games Lloyd
came in at crucial times
when the formidable spin
attack of the Indians were
testing our batting to their
limit. He attacked boldly
and won out.
I have always suspected
Lloyd against top class spin
bowling. Against India here ir
1971 it was a mixture, of run
outs and circumspect batting
thataccounted for his ordinary
performance. On more than
one occasion in Shell Shield
cricket I have seen him made
to look very awkward by spin
bowlers who were getting turn
as well as making height off
the pitch.
His approach now seems
to be much more positive. He is
using his height to full ad-
vantage and by attacking the
bowlers from early they do
not get a chance to settle into
a length against him. So far it
has paid dividends. He will
undoubtedly, fall an early

Alvin Kallicheran

;uI fr g
i .-

Clive Lloyd Lance Gibhs
Australia has now completed
the job. To recall Titmus at
41 and John Edrich, and to
W orldcup chances send an S.O.S. for Colin
Cowdrey at 42 is ample

victim sometimes but overall I
am sure this must be his ap-
proach. In this series, and
batting in the middle order as
he does, he was able to take
advantage of the foundation
laid by the earlier batsmen in
the first test and accelerate the
score to take a match which
seemed to be heading for a
draw into a position from
which we were able to win
Again in the second test
when Kallicharan was having
one of his rare off days Lloyd
was able to replace him at the
crease, tear the spin attack
apart and earlier Vivian
Richards to play that glorious
innings of 192 not out. It is a

fine record for any new test
captain inspired batting,
always an example in the field,
and a record of two matches,
two victories.
When we look at the
West Indian team as a whole
the batting line up seems like a
fairy-tale. As has been pointed
out elsewhere to so easily
absorb the simultaneous loss of
two batsmen of the calibre of
Kanhai and Sobers tells the
whole story. It is even more
remarkable when one considers
that Lawrence Rowe was out
of the two matches.
Andy Roberts is con-
sidered the fastest bowler in
the, world today. He will
certainly .:spear-head our pace

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lnd~dii*Mti A Buildina

attack for some time. The
Indian wickets are deliberately
prepared to discourage quick
bowlers. Yet Roberts has
continually worried their bats-
men. While no other really
quick bowler seems to be on
the West Indian horizon,
Holder, Boyce and Julien have
enough talent among them to
provide a good foil for Roberts
at the other end for atleast a
couple years which gives us
time to find a suitable partner
It is in spin bowling
that our weakness keeps show-
ing up. Lance Gibbs at 40 is as
fit as ever only his grey
hairs give his age away. He is,
understandably not spinning as
much as before but his guide,
experience and keen fighting
spno is snll tiye but he
can t go on forever? ?
must fnd %oung ones. This
underlines the fallacy of the
selectors in taking Barrett and
Willette as two of t o he other
three spinners to India. The
former is no young ter and there
should be no place for him at
this stage. Willette is essentially
a "roller" of the ball the
potential of Jumadeen is so
much greater.


So the search for spin
bowlers is probably the most
urgent area in team buildup at
this stage. Here in Trinidad we
have a youngster whoshouldbe
given all encouragement-
Imtiaz Ali. He has all the
natural ability with wise
handling he should make the
big time.
Fortunately for us,
all the other national teams
have problems at this time.
So that in spite of our areas of
weakness we can match them
S and must stand an excellent
S chance in June next year in
S the World Cup International
Series in England.
-India is in a very difficult
period now and will take some
time to rebuild a team.
While the West Indies are
winning in India, Australia is
convincingly demolishing Eng-
land "down under", England
S is a very ordinary team in my
book their lucky win in the
final test here last season and
their apparently convincing
victory over India gave an in-
flated idea of their strength.
Pakistan (who never had
the luck of the weather) started
the process of bringing them to
their true level this summer and


I- e~euonrm~ee -~C

testimony to her enormous
problems. This is not helped
by having a captain who really
cannot make the side as a
specialist batsman and whose
whole approach to captaincy
seems to be to play the waiting
game and see what happens.
New Zealand has some
fine players and may give all
sides a lot of trouble but I
don't think they will get near
the finals.
Pakistan is another story.
In Majid Khan, Zaheer
Abaas, Mustaq Mohammed and
the young left-hander Balloch
they have a formidable batting
line-up stronger than any I
reckon except the West Indies
- and unlike India they are
not afraid of fast bowling. Their
bowling, too, is good Masood
and Intikhab can be match
winners on their day but they
lack a good orthodox spinner.
r .NIL L

Australia's strength lies in
their fast bowling Lillee has
certainly surprised me with his
successful return to the test
team. Newcomer Thomson
with the elemental approach
of a Gilchrist and speed that
is only a shade slower than
Andy Roberts is certainly go-
ing tocontinue to give batsmen
many sleepless nights. Add to
them Max Walker (who was so
successful here two seasons ago)
and the Queensland left-arm
fast man Geoff Dymock and
you have as fine an array of
quick men as any country
couldhope for. Yet, in England
it is the bowlers who can use
the atmosphere and swing the
ball who are likely to reap the
greater success. Thus I will not
be surprised if Massie or some
other swing bowler makes the
tour of England and with Max
Walker prove to be Australia's
most successful bowler in June.
Australia's batting (cer-
tainly in England) will not be
as formidable as a lot of
people think the Chappell
brothers will have to make all
the runs neither Walters nor
Ross Edwards are likely to be
very prolific under English
I think the battle will
finally resolve itself among
three teams Australia,
Pakistan and the West Indies -
The first with the most pene-
trating attack, the second with
over all the best all-round side
and the third with the best
batting side. The picture will
become a little clearer when
the West Indies go to Pakistan
after their tour of India. In
any case I know where my
money lies but then too, I am


;:i -'