Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
November 24, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


,VOL. 4 NO. 47






3 Corosal & Rio Claro
4 Siparia & Palo Seco

5 Marabella & Point Fortin
6 Princes Town.

10 Belmont & Diego Martin

12 Couva & Chaguanas

13 La Brea & St. James

16 Tobago

December 17 Laventille.

PERHAPS the question
most frequently asked
about Tapia in its six
years of existence has
been: When is Tapia
going to come out as an
electoral party?
The answer Tapia has
consistently given has been:
when the time comes for
Tapia to declare itself as a
party, the question will no
longer have to be asked,
because everyone will know
that Tapia has become a
political force ready to
challenge the PNM regime
at the polls.
And that is how it has
happened. Tapia's develop-
ment and the evolution of
politics in the nation have
followed our scenario so
closely that we have now
imperceptibly but inexorably
come to be recognized as
the main, perhaps the only
challenger for State power.


Which of the political
pundits in the conventional
press, which of their fol-
lowers, would have imagined
even a year ago that the
daily newspapers would have
been carrying reports of
Tapia's election preparations
without having previously
carried banner headlines
saying Tapia declares itself a
party or Tapia to fight
elections ?
Yet such headlines never
appeared. The nation merely
woke up one morning know-
ing that the logic of events
and the momentum of Tapia's
six years of work had pro-
duced a situation whose
inevitability now seemed
For as Tapia secretary
Lloyd Best pointed out to
the Group's sixth anniversary
Assembly last Sunday, Tapia
will be by far the oldest
political party in the history
of this country to have taken
part for the first time in
The overnight growth, the
front-page appeal for mem-
bers that characterized the
PNM in 1956 and all the
conventional opposition
parties since then; the
mergers and splits, the mar-

Denis Solomon, Education
Secretary of Tapia, assumes
duty as Editor of the Tapia
newspaper on November
25th. ,
Solomon is also the fourth
Tapia member to enter the
Senate, having been
appointed by the Governor
General on November 8th on
the advice of the Leader of
the Opposition, Mr. Roy
Solomon, who has writ-
ten extensively for Tapia
over the last six years, has
acted as Editor on previous


Election Drive

riages on the eve of elections
and divorces the day after
that have dotted the history
of other political groups since
independence, are not the
Tapia way.


And indeed, the six years
of hardwuk, of political
organisation in the communi-
ties, of political education
through our newspaper, of
attention to the issues of
national politics as issues and
not as opportunities for
manipulation, that constitute
the history of the Tapia
House Group were preceded,
for many of its members, by
as many as fifteen years of
similar work, organisation
and study throughout the
loyd Best could not
have defied the facile expec-


Whereas the next general
elections are within sight,
and whereas the emer-
gence of Tapia as a
constructive opposition
has thrown the govern-
ment into panic, and
whereas the impending
Budget is certain to be
used as an electoral
weapon by the discredit-
ed PNM oligarchy,
Be it resolved:
That Tapia take all the
steps necessary to put in
place a fully equipped and
effective electoral alternative
capable of offering the
country a superior replace-
ment for the present

tations of the superficial
poliucal 'observers' by calling
the PSA pay-claim 'robbery
with and then going on
to make a masterly analysis
of the relationship between
pay-claims in general and the
gap between haves and have-
nots in this society, were it
not for those fifteen years of
study and practical involve-


Tapia could not have con-
vinced the country of.the
legitimacy of its incursion
into the illegitimate Parlia-
ment, and then proceeded
to raise the level of Parlia-
mentary deliberation to un-
precedented heights with
immediate contributions on
budgeting, on constitution
reform and on local govern-
ment, without having made

continued, consistent and
honest analyses and proposals
in all these areas, and many
others ranging from public
service reform to reorganisa-
tion of public transport.


The public knows that
elections must come, and
that Tapia is ready for them.
What is more, everyone
realises that elections are
likely to come soon.
They are due within
eighteen months at the out-
side; but the longer Williams
waits, the stronger Tapia gets
and the greater is the chance
of dissension and even defec-
tion in the PNM; the more
glaring is the futility of exer-
cises such as the National
Consultations on education;
and the greater the chance
of the Government's slipshod


THERE are five goals to
which the efforts of
Tapia members and sup-
porters must be directed.
* Registering to vote and
persuading others to register;
M Distributing and selling
the newspaper;
* Organising house and
public meetings;
* Forming local groups to
discuss and implement
Tapia's views;
Tapia's election drive
depends equally on all these
five areas of effort, and
members and sympathisers
must get to work on them
without delay and without
further prompting.
Tapia's public campaign

ivill consist of work in two
areas. The first is an intensifi-
cation of the activities of
the National Executive and
the Council of Representatives
on the national stage, and in
particular the work of the
Parliamentary arm in the
The second is the series of
public meetings organised by
Tapia's campaign caravan.
In the last six years we
have had fifty-one public
meetings; we must now have
fifty in the next six weeks.
The times and places of
meetings organised for the
immediate future are shown
on this page.
The spotlight is on us.
The time for rehearsal is over.

legislative proposals, includ-
ing the all-important 1975
Budget, being ripped to
shreds by Tapia's parliamen-
tary representatives.
The option that would
have prevented this last pos-
sibility, namely the expul-
sion of Tapia from the
Senate by the manipulation
of manufactured constitu-
tional technicalities, seems
to have been abandoned as
too costly.
Unless it is pursued in the
form of an engineered defec-
tion in the House of Repre-
sentatives from the PNM to
Charles, all it has achieved is
to show that the Governor
General is not impartial, and
on which side his partiality


But though we are confi-
dent we are not complacent.
There is still work to be
done, mobilisation to be
Although the mobilisation
must now be intensified, it
will not take the form of the
ballyhoo, rum-and-roti and
mauvais-langue so character-
istic of electoral campaigns
in the past.
Its form will be dictated
by the logic of Tapia's
existence ffom its beginnings
to today: mobilisation by
means of involvement; no
promises but promises of
Tapia members now
more than ever before have a
responsibility to take the
lead in spreading the message
of hardwuk, involvement,
responsibility and participa-
tion from which Tapia has
never deviated, for it is now
that this message must bring
people openly and deter-
minedly into the political

*' arena.



25 cents






Teiw o aihsPltia trtg.-1969-:

Lloyd Taylor

OF flag-wavers there
were none among those
many perceptive souls
who instinctively saw
Tapia's move into the
Senate as a political
advance of more than
ordinary significance
Neither was support of
the kind made manifest
by the presence of huge
crowds thronging the
public squares seen.
Instead of the vociferous
hurrahs for a movement
about to push over the old
regime 'the people' merely
dropped hints of acknowl-
edgements in the mail, over
the phone, in the ear and by
way of visits to our head-
The problem of percep-
tion lay largely with those
of our supporters who have
had such a vested interest in
seeing the movement succeed
untarnished they are fearful
that we may not have the
capacity to deal with the
devil and still keep our soul.
About our opponents the
least said the better since
they would oppose us in any
That story of Tapia's
dramatic occupation of the
Senate the unexpected
Parliamentary coup which
has, since that eventful day
during the first week of
October, dominated the head-
lines, raised in literally bold
print the whole question of
trust in politics.
The first five days were
barely here when the lesser
waves from that great breaker
of a political happening mir-
rored among many of our
friends and supporters an
uneasy calm. The tension of
distrust filled the air.
That Friday morning I was
soon at the threshold of the
Ministry's quarters and was
prepared to face a bevy of
questions. But I was confi-
The soundings I took from
Jim and from my other
Friday morning vendors
assured me of the wisdom
of our move into the Senate!r
For them all it was just
"cool". But my courage was
stiffened equally from a full
consciousness of the path we
had travelled since 1968.
Yet I knew that defending
the position among those
university-trained servants
was not going to be easy. I

braced myself, and once in
the office I persuaded:
"Tapia my dear?"
The young lady I
approached returned a blank
stare and quipped:
"No more money from
me." "Look," she continued,
"I do not understand this
Senate move. All you sup-
porting the Government or
what? Explain."
I tucked my Tapia back
into the stack of papers under
my arm, draw a chair and
quietly sat down.
"OK, I will, only remem-
ber that the explanation
which follows cannot but
compress six years of political
experience in fitting strategy
and tactics to our ideology
of mobilisation into a few
fleeting minutes."


One thing that is true of
Tapia, as well as of other
political organizations op-
posed to incumbent regimes,
is that we faced the problem
of how to survive and grow,
the very moment we came
alive. Naturally so, because
our very presence poses a
challenge to the old order.
There is greater risk that
new political organizations
may go under the Caesar's
might the more perilous the
times and the more revolu-
tionary the circumstances
which give them birth.
For Williams too has to
be concerned about his own
survival in all the senses
possible and since he is
growing down in any case his
desperation is aggravated for
his is a constant battle to
prevent the noose from slip-
ping around his neck. He is
on the wane.
Growth for him can have
only declining significance.
He must prevent others from
growing as best he can within
the limits of rights and free-
doms which can be defended
politically, and in concert.
Opposition, in the particu-
lar circumstance of Trinidad
and Tobago, is above all
fraught with almost total
risk-taking. Here individual
capacity for the free exercise
of political choice is inhibit-
ed by the niggardliness of
the economic means at his
disposal; the Government's
control over the largest
number of jobs available, over
the instruments of coercion,
and above all over radio and


The consequence for
opposition is that the Govern-
ment is able to use the
power of the State to keep a
restless yet unorganised
polity in check.
In short Central Govern-
ment controls the three "P's":

Patronage, Police and Pub-
licity. In the face of such
odds is surely opposition to
Such overwhelming odds
also serve to reinforce the
individual's traditional sub-
servience to authority in-
herited from the Colonial
days. There is an acute sense
of impotence.
The effect is to nourish
the hope for a quick apocalyp-
tic victory, and violence: as
an impulsive opposition
response to the brutalities of
the old regime is to be seen
as rmre mirage than a real
political choice.
So the first task Tapia
faced was survival and
growth. These two essential
prerequisites provide the
background to politics -- the
art of persuading men from
every camp, including, your
enemy's, to join your cause,
first in singles then in grabs.
It is also the art of
orchestrating one's tactics to
out-fox ard to out-manoeuvre
political opponents. By such
engagement we are able to
seize or to create political


We may also lose or
neutralise other rounds.
Always the objective must be
to cut costs. Heavy losses
demoralise an army. Risks
must therefore be calculated
to yield maximum options.
Of even greater signific-
ance is the character of the
politics one hopes to estab-
lish. This is informed by the
vision offered, and the
ideology of mobilising the
A belief held in Tapia is
that the manner of persuad-
ing people to join the new is
indicative of one's capacity
to replace the old order of
victimisation, brutality, terror
the corollary of which has
been economic mismanage-
ment, suffering and the
creation of 'doctor politics'
- a unique variant of auto-
cratic rule.
Of crucial import here is
the necessity to resist the
easy inclination for politically
opportunistic behaviour which
is essentially the exploita-
tion of issues involving
people without relevance to
time, place or ideology.
So if the fishermen from
Cedros come to town you
jump on that wagon reason-
ing that you can probably
get some support by backing
their cause through direct
Then too you might make
mergers or seek alliances
which are incongruous'with
the beliefs held, and in ways
which suggest that the cap-
ture of political office takes
precedence over questions of
ethics and of morality.


Yet opportunism arises
most often in those instances
where people believe in
nothing. In such situations
emptiness prevails. Interesting
too, are those instances
where men allow themselves
to be ensnared by prospect
of early success held out by
short-cuts to power. Here
men lose their patience,
abandon principle, and
destroy themselves in the
Tapia has had to guard
against the tendency to take
that hell-road. From the very
start our advent in politics
was an attempt to marry the
ideology with the politics.
Or to strive for consistency
between our. dearly held
political and philosophical
principles and those prin-
ciples of politics upon which
we have acted.
In that sense we have
argued the medium is the
message. For example, if we
are faced with the option to
squeeze our opponents' balls,
we must see that to do so
because that is what would
have been done to us, would
mean that we are willing to
perpetuate the same inhu-
manities which it has been
our expressed purpose to
struggle against.
Our own folk wisdom is
heavy on the same point:
How you make up your bed
so will you lie down.


However this does not
mean an abandonment of the
equally important principle
that men are born, not only
free and equal, but respons-
ible as well. For once the
revolution is successfully
consumated the ill and evil-
doers, the men who wielded
the rod of iniquities in the
past, must be held respons-
ible for their actions whatever
the circumstances under
which they committed them.
That way of ours, in the
language of an Oriental out-
look, is among the hardest,
but most rewarding. It is the
path that has, in one sense,
been dubbed the Long Haul.
It calls for patient slug-
ging, and focuses on the col-
lective capacity of a number
persons differently endowed,
and from the point of view of
the individual's capacity for
self-knowledge, discrimina-
tion,'and clear judgement.
So collective capacity for
survival and growth is
matched by personal capacity
for growth and survival.

In practice the large
majority of individuals act
opportunistically because we
so lack the rreans and the
self-confidence we feel un-
able to confront the Govern-
ment and survive.
People are very prone then
to adopt the feminist strategy
of playing for what they see.
That is why still the easiest,
the least costly, and there-
fore most popular course of
action has always been to
sit by anxiously, wait for
the winners, then back them.
The question of deciding
between this and that choice
completes this background
review of the elemental
principles of politics. hWat
political organizations actu-
ally do is decided from among
multiple choices which may
or may not be mutually
exclusive ones, some of which
may mean temporising or
not acting at all.


in deciding on the several
courses of action taken over
the last six years Tapia has
had to consider the following:
First, what exactly is pos-
;ible for us to do in terms of
our internal cohesion, and
the character or our popular
support; secondly, what is
best in terms of the political
choices which give us the
maximum space to manoeuvre
and to 'play'.
And finally, what is con-
sistent with the social and
political changes we advocate,
and which is demonstrated
in our day to day relations
with people, and is expressed
through our view of the
All that has been stated
so far might be seen as
taking rather long to begin
an explanation of Tapia's
strategy and tactics which
has now reached the stage of
Senate participation.
Personally I feel it essential
to cover the ground just
passed. For, I think, what
lies at the heart of the
reasons why some associates
and friends have come to
grief on our political action
and stances, including our
entry into a Parliament,
which we ourselves have
urged people to reject, is
directly related to a failure
to comprehend the nature of
our politics, and to disting-
uish from it the politics of
those parties that are in sum
total doctprcratic manipula-
tions of people.


a, ~P- -C-----

Birth Pains

of a

New World


I X ..

Tapia Reporter

MORE than any other
profession today, Social
Work poses the problem
of revolutionary adjust-
ment. Lloyd Best told
the Fourth Annual
General Meeting of Social
Workers this on Tuesday
when he addressed them
on "Social Work in the
Turbulent 1970's".
The Tapia Secretary
claimed that there exists a
crisis in the country, the
region and the entire civiliza-
tion "one marked by an
acceleration of the pace of
change, a dramatic sharpen-
ing of contradictions and
conflicts, and an obvious in-
adequacy of the total institu-
tional frame."

At home, Mr. Best saw "an
enduring tug-of-war of tension
in the Church, the Army, the
Police, the University, the
Unions, the Chamber of
Commerce, the Political
Parties, the Public Service,
and not least, in Parliament


The inevitable conse-
quence of this upheaval, he
argued, was unmitigated
stress showing up, for the
social worker, in permissive
sex, delinquency, drugs and
violence, blackboard jungles,
alcoholism, divorce, and other
symptoms, it seemed, of
family break-up, youth revolt,
racial antagonism and extrem-
ist politics. And on one level,
it was useful to see the issues
that way.
Mr. Best said that he
wanted to warn, however,

that if these problems were
approached by "the admit-
tedly scenic route of statis-
tical detail, our imagination
couldeasily be bogged down by
debility and futility."
The partial and'particular
problems were real, he
admitted. The people were
not lazy; unemployment was
actually high and rising and
the burden fell mostly on
the youth and the women.
The country was literally
basourdi with price increases.
The income picture dis-
played "every permutation
of iniquity" by race,
colour, sex, occupation and
region. Similarly, -business
control, housing and educa-
tion were a genuine source

of horrors, terrors and thrills.
He cited figures to show
that distribution of school
places between St. George
and Caroni, for example, had
worsened between 1960 and
1970, in spite of much expan-
The danger with some
social workers, Mr. Best
feared, was that, be they
community development
activists, child care officers
or probation people; family
planning advisers or educa-
tion guidance personnel;
obeahmen, priests in the
confession box, psychiatrists
on the couch, preachers on
the mourning ground or
parsons in the pulpit; what-
ever they were, they could
fail to see wood for trees.
"The crisis of the 1970's for
them could become problem
rather than possibility."
Best said that he knew
there were people who saw
in the crisis an opportunity
for Trinidad and Tobago and
recognized that the Caribbean
people were in a very strong
"To appreciate this," he
explained, "We have to paint
on an enormous canvas,
embracing full 500 years."
The Caribbean had been a
"Colony of Exploitation"
from the start, "a creation of
Columbus' Enterprise of the


We do not have the heavy
overlay of tradition familiar
in Latin America, India and
most African countries or
even in the lands settled by
Europeans in Australia, New
Zealand, Canada, and parts
of Brazil and the U.S.A.
Trinidad and Tobago, in
particular, had been a con-
trolled experiment in society,
the third wold's third world.
"Our institutions have
only shallow roots and the
February Revolution is not
an accident; we could start
new if only we settled the
search for ancestral founda-
tions by inheriting the legacy
of cosmic forces indigenous
to the place"
Trinidad & Tobago, Mr.
Best continued, "is young
with 75% under 35 years
old; small enough with trans-
port and communications
ideally suited to the purposes
of a democratic city-state;
highly literate and rich; and
fortunate to be in the middle
of a constitutional and

political crisis only 12 years
after independence when
the basic questions remain
wide open." That adds up to
a golden chance.
The greatest peril, he
thought, was that we might
not see the colossal problems
of epistemology and moral
philosophy involved. There
is a danger "of taking too
mechanistic, too Marxist and
materialist a view of man and
civilization. We have to see
that man is born not only
free and equal but responsible
as well."
Speculating on the current
revolt by the blacks, the
colonial empire, the youth
and the hippies and on the
spread of sex,. drugs and
oriental religion, Best inter-
preted them as "a struggle
against the arrogance and the
impotence of the machine-
culture, against the degrada-
tions of colonized and
colonizer, too."


The chance to harness
this revolt, he concluded, led
us into the realm of both
politics and religion. "To
refashion the civilization we
have to activate the enthusi-
asm of our people to fashion
and to work new institutions.
We cannot, for example,
hope simply to take over
conventional ideas about the
ideal family and hope to
solve problems merely
through full employment and
material equality and other
adjustments which our new
found wealth had made an
entirely feasible prospect."
"We have to unleash en-
thusiasm for workable
arrangements appropriate to
"The religious promptings
in this direction are not a
matter for planning because,
they fall in the province of
God; and if we knew how to
do God's work we would
then become the devil.
"The responsible area for
man is the field of political
action. On that plane, we
cannot escape responsibility
for winning our people to
Miss May Cherrie moved
a vote of thanks to Mr. Best
for "an inspiring address" and
President John Bernard said
that social workers had been
feeling some of these
thoughts for a long time and
were glad to hear them arti-




S Open




Greg Chamberlain

A FORMER marxist who
now finds himself in
power in Haiti is leading
the 17-year-old Duvalier
dictatorship into an
unprecedented national-
ist adventure in the face
of an ominous slackening
of support for the regime
in key U.S. business and
political circles.
Hitherto the most pliant
mistress of virtually any
conceivable American busi-
ness interest, Haiti has just
demanded a 700 per cent
increase in revenue from the
giant American firm of
Reynolds Metals, which has
mined bauxite in southern
Haiti for 20 years for only a
pittance in taxes.
The company, which is
fighting similar claims in
neighboring Jamaica and in
Guyana, has flatly refused to
pay. The government has
given it until November 19
to comply.
Meanwhile, it has been
decreed that all future mining
concessions must have state
participation, a significant
step in view of the recently-
reported discovery of big new
copper deposits in the
northern part of the country.

' Another calculated snub
to the United States, which
has dominated Haiti since
U.S. marines occupied the
country for 19 years earlier
this country, has been an
appeal by Trade and Industry
Minister Serge Fourcand for
investments from fellow
Caribbean states whose
money, he said, was more
preferable for economic and
political reasons to that from
other countries.


The regime has also
tightened controls on hund-
reds of foreign missionaries,
most of them Americans,.
whom it accuses of painting
an insulting picture of Haiti
The man behind all these
moves is Paul Blanchet, a
strongly anti-American ex-
marxist and long-standing
duvalierist who was once the
late Papa Doc's most devoted
aide. A sharp-spoken news-
paper editor in his early
sixties, he is now the domi-
nant figure in the government
as Interior and Defence
He would also like to be
President, and has gathered a
group of supporters around
him to counter the powerof
the young President, Jean-
Claude Duvalier, and his


ailing mother, Papa Doc's
formidable widow. He is
believed too by some to have
made tacit links with the
exiled Haitian communist
party, the PUCH, to broaden
his support.
But Blanchet's bid for
quick popularity through
nationalism in his gamble for
power may in fact cost him
and his fellow potentates of
duvalierism their political
Haiti's perpetual economic
crisis as Latin America's
poorest nation has been
severely aggravated by infla-
tion and other factors which
have hit it harder than most.
Any extra difficulties caused
by nationalist games and
disputes with the country's
traditional economic bene-
factor, the United States, will
not be tolerated for long by
Haiti's wealthy business class
or their allies, the singularly
reactionary 6,000-man armed

The army was tamed by
Papa Doc, but now, under
his son, and thanks to new
weaponry and training re-
cently supplied by the United
States, it has regained its
traditional power.
As the "duvalierist revolu-
tion" approaches its end,
with the shortly-expected


demise of Mrs. Duvalier, who
has leukemia, any false step
by the ambitious Blanchet
will be a signal for the
military, which shows no
evidence of containing any
reformist "peruvian" element,
to push him and the Duvalier
family out and seize power

Curiously though, signific-
ant support for such a mili-
tary takeover is growing for
the first time among the tens
of thousands of exiles out-
side Haiti who comprise the
bulk of the country's sorely-
needed educated and skilled
people. Convinced that the
cards are all ultimately
stacked against Blanchet,
many see the army as the
only possible vehicle to open
up and liberalise Haiti, which
is only 46 miles from Cuba,
after nearly two decades of
terrifying repression.
The call for an Army coup
has already forged an alliance
between three disparate
opposition groups which have
long been at odds with each
other. These are the largest
opposition party, the con-
servative Haitian Resistance,
the non-marxist Haitian
Liberation Movement, and
the maoist May 18 Revolu-
tionary Movement.
The new front's cause has
been considerably helped by
the bad publicity the Duval-
iers have been getting
recently in the United States,
which in itself has partly led
to the regime's anti-American
First, the landings in
flimsy sailboats on the florida
coast in recent months of
hundreds of ragged refugees
with lurid tales of continu-
ing repression in Haiti has
moved the U.S. National
Council of Churches and the
American Jewish Congress to
mount, in effect, a nation-
wide campaign against thel
Duvalier regime.


The churches point out
the injustice of Washington's
efforts to deport the Haitians,
with whose Government it is
officially friendly, while it
lets in thousands of Cubans
because of U.S. hostility to
Fidel Castro.
The existence of the
refugees and the row over
their fate helped the exiles
persuade the U.S. Senate to
hold hearings last July on the
possibility of halting U.S. aid
to the Duvaliers now running
at some 11 million dollars a
Though shocked by what
some of the exile leaders
revealed, many Senators were
more impressed by the violent
attacks on the regime made
before them by its chief arms
supplier until a few months
ago, a Florida firm fronting
for the State Department,
and by other American inves-
tors who were cheated by
the regime and its officials.
In fact, many of the shady
American developers and
some of the small firms which
rushed to take advantage of
Haiti's dirt-cheap labour force

(little more than a dollar a
day) have deserted the island
after bitter experiences con-
vinced them that Haiti was
not after all the land of milk
and honey for foreign capital-
ists that the U.S. government
had persuaded them it was.
The AFL-CIO has also
fiercely attacked the Duvaliers
for their promotion of this
cheap labour.
These developments, toge-
ther with the Reynolds dis-
pute and another storm in
the U.S. Congress over half a
million dollars of U.S. aid
money being used to build
an excessively luxurious
hotel for international jet-
setters next to one of Haiti's
most wretched slums, have
cooled Capitol Hill to the
The frigidity may spread
to the State Department as
some of Richard Nixon's
more dogmatic policies are
reassessed in his wake, and
with an administration which
is much more responsive to
Congress. Any physical action
against Reynolds by Haiti
will not help either.
Ironically, Blanchet and
his allies are already laying
the ground for a new, more
open regime by turning to
their Caribbean neighbours.
Apart from the Reynolds
move after the example of
other Caribbean bauxite pro-
ducers, Haiti has applied to
joinCaricom, the loose group-
ing of its English-speaking
neighbours, after decades of
virtually total isolation from
And Venezuela, increas-
ingly the new arbiter of
power in the region with its
immense and newly-valuable
oil reserves, is reportedly
about to lend Haiti 36
million dollars, which would
dwarf U.S. aid.


1. THE Trinidad & Tobago
Peace Council (TPC) will
hold a mass militant rally
in Solidarity with African
Liberation Struggles Sunday
1st December, 1974, at 2.00
p.m. at the OWTU House of
the People, 143 Charlotte
Street, Port-of-Spain.
2. Errol Balfour, Gene-
ral Secretary of the TPC,
states that several organisa-
tions Trade Unions, Poli-
tical and Community -have
been invited to send a speaker
3. The theme for the
rally was chosen'in the light
of the world-shaking victories
won by the Liberation Move-
ments of Guine', Mozam-
bique, Angola and South
Africa, and by other Southern
African Liberation Move-
ments, against colonial
domination and oppression
and against white settler
apartheid regimes.
4. The significance of
the victory of these people,
the TPC spokesman said,
consists in that it represents
a great leap forward in the
struggle of all enlightened
Black People for dignity,
re-identification and Social


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Gordon Rohlehr
Victor Questel George Beckford
Denis Solomon Norman Girvan
Cheryl Williams Owen Jefferson
Derek Walcott Clive Thomas
Wayne Brown Maurice Odle
William Demas
Roy Thomas
Havelock Brewster
Alister McIntyre

lames Millette Lloyd Best Vernon Gocking Dennis
Forsythe Fitz Baptiste Vaughan Lewis

Books...Pamphlets...Tapia selections

Phone 662-5126 or visit our office at
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It stands therefore in the realm
of the spirit. That is where constitu-
tion reform begins. It starts with the
individual and with the personality.
The vehicle that we have suggested
'for constitution reform and we live for
that, is unconventional politics. Un-
conventional politics is not that we
are not interested in elections as we
often hear in the media. Unconven-
tional politics is a method and mode
of political, organizational and
social mobilization that departs
from the norms; it is the building of
political organization from below.
You have to dirty your hands in
the communities, in the give and take
of political discourse to win your
political spurs.
You cannot start in 1955 and
win it in nine months because in that
way you never come of age as a
political party. Unconventional
politics is about your understanding
and experience of government
as distinct from politics, setting roots
in the community, building by our
own endeavour and developing a
programme, a set of plans and dedi-
cated men ty dint of hard political
That is the vehicle to discover
the process of moral resurgence the
process of spiritual revival. And that is
the first fundamental under pinning of
Tapia's foundation for constitution


The second is economic re-
organization and social equalization.
The late Rt. Hon. H.O.B. Wooding
and the Commissioner on page 5,
paragraph 23, of their Report states:
"We are aware, however, that
constitutionalism will not work
in Trinidad and Tobago unless a
fundamental re-orientation of
the economic priorities in the
country is undertaken."
It is essential. It is important. It
is fundamental. And that is why when
we discuss constitution reform, the
proposals we are making for the
organisation of Government have to
relate to the proposals that we are
making on the question of economic
re-organization. Both must work
together if we are to make that break-
through that not anyone of us can say
for sure we are going to make but
that which we hope and build for.
It is the infrastructure that we
put down in terms of political or-
ganization and in terms of the institu-
tional arrangements, it is the infras
structure which we put down that will
indicate the extent to which we can
shift the system of economy and shift
the system of participation in the
governmental process.
For us, therefore, localization is
the key and that is not the transfer-
ring or control of one industry or
another from New York or from
London or from Holland to the
Central Government; it is about
placing the decisions about economic
enterprise- in the localities, in the
communities, of putting the responsi-
bility squarely on the shoulders of the
citizens of the country.
Of course, coupled with that is
the whole question and I am only
sketching the proposals that we are
making is the whole question of
the break-up of the metropolitan
sector and metropolitan control.
The'important factor about that
is to deal effectively, to deal fun-
damentally, with the control of the
economy which resides outside of the
country,to deal effectively with it the
people of the country must rally be-
hind the political dimension.
SThat is the most and only funda-
mental way we can deal with it. If the
people are not rallying and are not
seeing themselves as part of the
political process and part of the
governmental system, if people do
not see themIselves in that dimension,



then we cannot begin to break-up the
control and domination of the econ-
omy from outside.
We have to bring the people into
the process of government and we
have to understand that it has impor-
tant consequences for economic re-
organization. We must break-up
metropolitan control. There is abso-
lutely no doubt about that.
We have to reorganize public
utilities, and we have to make an
immediate attempt to deal with the
question of full employment; and that
is not something we are going to deal
with it now.
How can we sit down and look
at a population in which the young
people are scrunting on the blocks.
How can we sit down and look at
that and not outline a perspective to
deal with the question of unemploy-
If we understand the dimensions
of political change and. if we under-
stand the mode of political organize
tion and the governmental systems
that prc=eed from them, then we
would see that the question of full
employment is not evasive, it is not
lurking in the next ten years. It is
something to deal with 'now for now',
as we like to say in Trinidad and


SBreak-up of metropolitan con-
trol, reorganization of utilities, full
employment, an incomes policy that
establishes a reasonable meaningful
minimum wage and sets maximum
rewards at the top, and fundamentally
important is the full community
ownership and control of the basic
factors facilities of good, and service.
These are only sketching in
broad outlines the perspective that we
have for economic reorganization in
very broach outline.
The third and fundamental
foundation, therefore, of our proposals
is Constitutional Reform. It is on
those foundations that we are effect-
ing the scheme, the format for institu-
tional change.
Solomon Lutchman in his reser-
vation to the Woodiing Report on page
145 says, and I quote:
"To utilize their collective
experience people must be given
tools with which they are
familiar, and rules with which
they are familiar. The changes
must be clearly those demanded
only so that they are, in fact,
improvements on the familiar."
Our historic task, therefore, and
when I say 'our historic task' I am
referring to the task of the popula-
tion of Trinidad and Tobago, is to
answer honestly, sincerely, and
squarely the yearnings and demands
of the 1970 February Revolution in a
constitutional framework.
We cannot sit by and talk about
it as irresponsibility and of people
simply letting go steam, of a carnival
mentality. We cannot deal with that in
the year 1974.
We have to face what these
demands are, what is the -meaning of









that entire upheaval that began in
1968 and is still with us. That crisis
is going through and through the
society day in day out. 'We must
understand, we must face the meaning
of it.
That is our historic task. It is in
that context that our proposals to the
reform of the institution of state are
designed to bring the common citizen,
the little people, as some refer to it,
into the corridors of government or
the very first time.
And, of course, bearing in mind
the reservation that I have quoted
from Lutchman, our proposals are
not unmindful of the progress out of
slavery and indenture and from crown
colony government towards limited
participation. We have taken that
factor into account.
The important thing about
Constitution Reform is that it must
lay bridges between what exists now
and what we are proposing in the
future. So that the population living
in a political culture, living in a system
with a set of habits, a set of ways of
proceeding can understand the way in
which we move from here to there.
That is the important thing, we
must build those bridges; but the
factor that we have to bear in mind is
that those bridges must lead to pro-
gress. It must carry the population
forward, it cannot set up'blockades to
hold back the aspirations of an inde-
pendent people, it must carry us into
new green pastures, and that is what
we are attempting to do.
We are taking into account what
has gone before. We are understanding
the experience that we have come
from. We are probing the depth of
intellect and experience, as Dumas
puts it in one of his reservations,
probing the depth of it, understanding
the fundamental the basic issues, the
forces, the large forces on the world
stage that have brought us to this
conjuncture. We are understanding
We are seeing the demands and
the yearnings of a population stiivhig

for a new world. We are understand-
ing and making interpretations of the
meanings of the upheavals that con-
fronted us since 1962. We are under-
standing that.
We are setting down institutional
guidelines to carry the population for-
ward, to bring people into the corridors
of government, into the process of
decision-making, into power. It is the
first time we are attempting to do so.
Our proposals are simple; they
are easy to understand and they fail
under five broad heads.
1. Human rights: rights are a
major issue of the present day. The
entire civilization as I pointed out
before is crying for a humane exis-
tence, crying out for it. In our context
the government have given their
answer to that cry following the
upheavals of 1970. As I said before,
they have unleashed a range of
repressive legislation against our
people, systematically eroding our
rights and freedoms.
And that did not begin in 1970.
I want it to be placed on the record -
it did not begin then.
The first important signal of
that was the 1963 Commission of
Enquiry into Subversive activities;
from that time, it has followed a
course that has led us to the 1964
State of Emergency, the 1-967 ban on
literature, the exclusion of Carmichael
in 1968, the 1970 State of Errer-
gency, right down to the unsuccessful
attempt to introduce the Public Order
Bill, in 1970 and I have to add, of
course, the successful enactment of
the provisions of that Bill under the
cover of a State of Emergency in
1971 by way of an Act to amend the
Sedition Ordinance, the Firearms Act
and the Industrial Relations Act.
The irony of all of this is that
these pieces of legislation deny us
rights that are supposed to be constitu-

Continued on Page 8

~itSL~YAliE ~


pA p-91IAPIA

THE morning dawned
and the sun came out,
a golden omen on this
Sabbath Day when the
Tapia forces were to
meet in joyous convoca-
tion to celebrate our
sixth birthday.
And as the crowds
gathered and members wel-
come old friends and new
faces, all the hardwork that
had gone into the prepara-
tions for this Assembly was
seen to be justified many
times over.
Joyous as all our Anniver-
sary Assemblies have been in
the past, this Assembly was
from the start clearly in-
fused with something extra.
As Our Campaign Manager
Michael Harris described it,
"the scent of final battle"
was in the air.

More than this, however,
was the fact that for the
first time in our long and at
times painful history of
growth, Tapia was clearly
and unmistakably on the
centre of the political stage,
demonstrating with each
passing day a consummate
finesse in dealing with what
people called the "harsh
realities" of politics.
The Assembly was in
many ways the climax to a
number of events over the
proceeding weeks which taken
together demonstrated that
Iapia had entered into the
"dusty bullring" and was
ready to do political battle
in the search for our New
Politics in fact was dra-
matically resuscitated in the
country with the very same
event by which Tapia pro-
pelled itself into the national
spotlight., the much cele-
brated "Great Debate".

That Sunday was in m;
respects similar to this Anni-
versary occasion the sun
poured aown and the people
poured in. The Town Hall'
was packed as Tapia went
forward to challenge, as the
representative of the "little
people", not James'Manswell
but the whole absurd and
iniquitous pattern of distribu-
tion of the-nation's wealth.
"When the spotlight falls
on you" we often say, 'you
cannot afford to rehearse."
Thus hardly had the waves
of public comment over the
issues in the Great Debate
begun to subsidy when the
political imagination of $he
people was once. more blaz-
ing bright with our sudden
and dramatic entry into the
"Give dem hell in dey,
was the cry of all the people
who approved of our entry
into the "morgue"', and that
is precisely what they got
from the word go. Culminat-
ing with the surprise amend-
ment when we -gave the
Government its final opport-
unity to open up the gates of
politics to all the people
before those gates fell in on

Tapia's joyous 0th Anniversary Assembly

them, the Tapia presence in
the Senate has without doubt
breathed the breath of
political life into that institu-
This then was the back-
ground to the celebration that
oegan last Sunday morning
;1 the cool and sheltered
headquarters on St. Vincent
St. Politics was clearly the
order of the day and the
anticipation was reflected in
the eyes of all the members
as Chairman Augustus Ram-
rekersingb called the
Assembly'to order.
"Men must be judged not
by where they stand at the
given moment but what they
have stood !for all along".
Thus did Syl Lowhar set the
theme of his address, "The
road we have travelled."
For Tapia the
significant fact is 'that we
have spent fifteen years
building the mtellectual
foundations for this country
and for the region and a
further six years sinking our
roots in the community,
setting a solid organisation
.in place and recruiting a team
of men committed to the
same ideals and vision and
demonstrating that commit-
ment by the work that they
do is significant.
If we have reached the
point in time where we need
to use the system as it
exists and if in doing so we
run the risk of getting our
feet muddy it is only because
rur long years of preparation
lave given us not only the
confidencee but the moral
authority so to do and still
maintain our visions and
our ideals.
This confidence, this un--
abashed optimism in Tapia's
ability to fight the fight and
to emerge from it intact and
vindicated, which Syl expres-
sed, was also to be perceived
in the other speakers.
One by one they came
before the Assembly. Allan
Harris, eschewing the dizzy-
ing heights of oratory for a
cool and calm analysis of the
problems and possibilities
which faced the central
office. He too perceived quite
clearly that a entirely new
stage was upon us and his
appeal for even greater
assistance from all the mem-
bers clearly struck a respon-
sive chord.


Or, Ivan Laughlin, who
of all the Tapia Executive
members has perhaps the
most intimate relationship
with the Cadres throughout
the land, insisting that we
did not stand alone, pointing
to all the men -and organisa-
tions whicn in their own way
were also working to change
the present society and to
make of our dream a living
"We cannot start with
categories," Ivan warned,

"but we shall certainlyend
there." And this was the
theme picked up by Lloyd
Best as he too took his turn
at the podium. Deserting in
many paits his prepared text
as he was borne along on the
mood of the moment Best
launched an attack on the
miserymongers; his was a
plea for an army of the
people that would be com-
posed of all creeds, all colors
and all races, united only in
their approach to the new


The formation of this
army was clearly the most
pressing task of the day and
in this task Tapia obviously
had a major role to play but
just as obviously Tapia's was
not the only role.
There were other forces
who dreamt as we did of a
New World and who had.
contributed to building this
world. To these forces, what-
ever the mistakes they had
made and whatever their
differences in approach,
Tapia had clearly to build

and extend bridges, even
while it set itself the task of
preparing to form the new

The next item of the days
proceedings was in many
respects the most important
one. For the debate on the
resolutions which ensued was
much proof as was needed
that the confidence of the
Executive was not unfounded.
Participation was the
order of the moment as the
members took the opport-
unity to express themselves
on the several issues before
the Assembly and to insist
on the representation of their
ideas and their concerns in
the resolutions that were to
be adopted.
It was entirely fitting
therefore that after this exer-
cise in participatory demo-
cracy on a small scale that
Campaign Manager Michael
haams should come torwara
to speak on the subject "The
road to Power."

"We who seek to con-

struct a New World labour in
vain unless the people partici-
pate, from the very begin-
ning, in its construction."
With these words he sent
out the challenge to all the
members present to accept
the obligation of the moment
and to nake of themselves
the apostles of the new
movement spreading the mes-
sage to every part of the


A grey dusk was gently
falling as in closing Harris
invited the Assembly to listen
awhile and to hear the sound
of the Trumpet calling. For
some in the Country that
trumpet would be playing
the "Last Post" for others
it would be the triumphant
herald of a New Dawn. The
choice as always was ours.
The Birthday celebrations
had come to an end. Good
politics like good wine im-
proves with age and as the
members huddled in the post-
mortem sessions spirits were
clearly very high. The time
to be in front is at the end.



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Report of the Administrative Secretary

OUR Brother Chairman has
recounted to you the vision that
moved those who founded
Tapia a vision of a movement
taking root in the localities'
across the land, dedicated to
the task of raising the level of
our awareness and committed to
what was clearly perceived to be
a long and arduous struggle to
create a political organisation
with the men and the pro-
grammes to service the new
national movement that would
lift us out of the degradations
of the past.
As we look back today over
the road we have travelled, we can
identify some of the instruments that
have helped us to advance our cause.
Pre-eminent among these has been
our newspaper, which September gone
was five years old. During that time
the newspaper has progressed from
an occasional to a monthly to a
fortnightly to its present weekly
publication, and despite many diffi-
culties and many limitations, the
paper has not lost its reputation for
high editorial standards and as a public
utility for political & general educa-
tion. A major part of the resources
of the Group time and energy,
money and even emotional resources
- has gone into sustaining the paper
and maintaining its standards.
At otner levels the educational
work of the Group has been pursued
through the medium of house and
public meetings, or through our,
analysis of and agitation over such
vital public issues as Constitution
Reform or the recent PSA pay claim.
Assemblies, such as this one, have in
recent times, assumed great importance
in advancing the work. Our growing
involvement in the affairs of the
community has brought us into con-
tact with individuals and groups with
whom we have collaborated from time
to time or for whom we have been
pleased to perform whatever services
our means and talents permit us.
Mindful as I am of our short-
comings, mindful as I am of many
missed opportunities, I think that on
balance the past six years hate been
years of solid achievement. Today, all
around us there is incontrovertible
evidence of the growth in numbers, in
influence and in the scope of the
activities of our movement. The
evidence is also there of the growth
of activities at the centre of our
movement, a growth which, inade-
qute as it may have been, has none-

theless been vital for the overall
expansion of the movement.
Tapia is synonymous wium
participation. The foundation of
Tapia's philosophy is the view that
men are born free, equal and respons-
ible. Not only does our [method of
political mobilisation assume that
men are responsible, or, in the words
of the Biblical injunction we have.
made our own, that men will take up
their beds and walk, but our proposals
for the reorganisation of the society
also assume that we are eminently
capable of assuming responsibility for
our own fate, in Government and in
industry alike. Yet a Government, no
matter how participatory, still needs
its civil servants, and even a participa-
tory, political movement needs a
corps of permanent officials. to.
administer activities of an increasingly
complex nature.

Tapia could not have survived
without the voluntary contributions
of men and women in writing for
the paper, editing and producing it,
md in distributing it; without volun-
tary work in handling office routines
and the keeping of books and records.
in organising meetings and Assemblies
and in mounting fund-raising drives.
Tapia will meet the challenges of the
future only if such voluntary work is
not only maintained. but grows. Yet,
even as I say this, I also say that the
time has come for us, for the members
of the organisation in general, to pay
closer attention to the need to
strengthen the full-time administra-
tion or the Groun.
Our aim from the start has been
to make our activities as self-financing
as possible. For that reason we nave
sought to meet the cost of producing
the paper trom revenue from' ales,and
from advertising which was consistent
with our principles. When we con-
sidered it necessary to acquire our
own equipment for printing the paper,
our projection was that the cost of
such equipment would be met out of
revenue from commercial printing,
apart from capital sums raised within
the organisation. It was further hoped
that such revenues would help to
sustain the full-time staff. Unfortu-
nately, our Hopes have not been
realized fully, our projections have
not been entirely fulfilled. There are
several reasons for this state of
affairs revenue from ,advertising has
been extremely inconsistent mem-
bers 'will have noted the many
months earlier this year when there

#vere hardly any ads in the paper.
Whereas business advertising had been
always hard to come by on so-called
commercial grounds, it seems that as
our programmes became more widely
disseminated that businessmen joined
the Government in withholding
advertising on purely political grounds.
Nor has revenue irom sales
measured up to expectations. In fact,
in this respect, the paper has survived
against the odds. Mhereas all other
political papers have either had to
suspend operations temporarily or
have gone under altogether, Tapia
has managed to come out without
fail and, as I have already noted, with
increasing regularity. The costs, how-
ver, have not been slight. Two other
factors have helped to throw our
original projections out of line. The
first is the irregularity of income from
the printing operations our equip-
ment has had to lie idle for too
many long stretches, while we have
not been able to assign to any
specific person the task of looking
for jobs. The other factor has been
the astronomical increase in the prices
of the inputs in the printing industry.


I should like to quantify some
of what I've been saying by giving
by estimates of what it would have
cost the organisation to bring out
Tapia for the twelve months ending
Dec. 1974. What I am providing are
only those costs for which cash has to
be put out the real costs are much
higher and include the value of all
those voluntary services I have earlier
referred to. My estimates is the final
cost involved in bringing out Tapia
in 1974 will be at least $36,000. Out
of this, wages paid to the employees
of the print shop will amount to at
least $18,000. Supplies will cost
$12,000 of which paper accounts for
$7,500. Rental of typesetting equip-
ment comes up to $4,000. The rest is
made up of the cost of utilities, office
supplies and a token figure for
depreciation of capital. As I said the
real costs are far higher. Further, I
want to stress that these figures are
confined to the newspaper and do not
take account of the commercial print-
ing side.
On the revenue side, I estimate
that between them, advertising, sales
and subscriptions will account for
,somewhere around $16,000. How is
the difference being made up. First,
by income from the commercial
printing. Secondly, by income from
the Bookshop. Thirdly, by dues and
pledges collected from the member-
ship. Fourth, from donations and
fund-raising activity. However, when
all those are taken into account they
may add a further $12,000 to
revenue, so that there will still be a
deficit, which will be made up b.
increasing the debt of the organisation.
There are two sides to that debt -
the normal commercial debt to
suppliers and to the bank and an
internal debt incurred by under-
payment and non-payment of Central
Office staff (as distinct from the
employees of the print shop). Think
that the situation at the Central
Office demands urgent attention at
a time when, clearly, it is soon going
to be called upon to perform at a
much higher level. In this regard,
greater support must come from the
rank and file, and even, in fact moreso,
from the higher levels of the organ-
In the country at large, and in
the organisation in particular, we face
the prospect of heightened political
activity within the coming months.
There is little doubt, Brothers and
Sisters, that we are nmving toward
the resolutions of the deep-seated crisis
that has gripped our land these past
many years.
I See Back Paey for More.




THE Black world's
biggest and most impres-
sive cultural exposition
opens in Lagos, Nigeria,
on Saturday, November
2, 1975. The Festival
will end on December 18,
The centre of activities
is Nigeria's new ultra-modern
US $40 million dollar
National Theatre now under
construction in Lagos. Rising
like a jewel-like colossus over
what has become known as
the Lilipond, this theatre,
when completed in March
1975, will be the largest and
most beautiful of its kind on
the African continent.
Patterned after the
Palace of Culture and Sports
in Verna, Bulgaria, it is 31
metres high and covers a
ground area measuring 23,000
square metres.
It comprises a theatre
hall, seating 5,000 people; a
conference e hall to seat 1,800;
two large exhibition halls and
two cinema halls.
Over 25,000 participants
and 100,000 visitors from
outside the African continent
are expected at the Festival.
From Nigeria and neighbour-
ing countries, an estimated 2
million people are expected
to watch the Festival.
The Black Arts Festival
will not only be an explosive
assemblage of Black and
African singers, dancers,
artists, poets and intellectuals
from the four corners of the
Apart from the official
list of events, it is also
expected to be a rendezvous
for outstanding Black Artistes
of international fame and
stature, covering the entire
spectrum of the performing
Nigeria, as host coun-
try, is speeding ahead and
preparing a spectacle of 200
dancing troupes to welcome
and entertain the visitors to
Lagos during the Festival.
Apart from getting
ready a National Theatre in
Lagos, Nigeria is also provid-
ing additional facilities at the
Kaduna Race Course, the
venue of the Grand Durbar
involving 3,500 horses and
The Durbar is a display
of horsemanship, colour and
pageantry now almost exclu-
sive to this part of the world;
the Durbar will be staged by
the host country, Nigeria, to
commemorate the great Event.
So also will be a Tradi-
tional Canoe Regatta. Facili-
ties there will include aState
Pavillion to seat 2,000 people,
a State Box with 120 seats for
Heads of State and VIPs,
two grand stands seating
2,000 people and 20 tem-
porary steel stands to accom-
modate 24,000 spectators.
Under present conserva-
tive estimates, the host
country is expected to
porivde housing accommoda-
tion for 70,000 persons on a
day-to-day basis.



Continued from Page 5

tionally guaranteed;. but they are
guaranteed in such an absolute way as
to make subsequent infringement
inevitable and so justify the discretion
of the Government also constitution-
ally sanctioned to alter & abridge them
as well.
In Tapia, we are proposing that
any new Constitution should state
clearly both the rights of the citizen
and the limits of those rights and that
no covenant should have the authority
to infringe those rights other than
during a State of Emergency declared
only under specific conditions and
under Parliamentary review within 14
days of its declaration.
And we add to that the need for
a constitutional court with the specific
task of constitutional review so that
people can take issues of legislation
under the Constitution before Judicial
It cannot be left to the citizens
to commit an act and then challenge
it. That right must exist before; and
we are saying that the Constitution
Court is the way in which that should
be handled.
So the first head we are dealing
with under constitutional reform is a
question of rights.
The second is Electoral Reform
and, like our proposals for constitu-
tional reform in the narrower sphere
of electoral reform, we areseeking for
wider involvement. Vk certainly en-
visage a House of Represeritatives
somewhere in the vicinity of 75 to
100 members; we are not worried
about the cost. We are worried about
representation; that is what we are
worried about. (a) Representation; and
(b) Trust in the Electoral system.
Trust in terms of representation.


Therefore, our demands include
the reduction of the voting age to 18;
and automatic registration of all
eligible voters. Radio and television
time for all parties and political
groups, and we are not asking for it to
be given free.
We, in Tapia, have attempted to
buy this time but the legislation does
not allow it and that is nothing short
of a scandal in a country that talks
about democratic principles. The radio
and television media must be open
for discourse; how can we build a
culture of genuine participation? How
can we set noble goals it we ao not
open up the avenues for discourse and
discussion? How can we do it?
Representation and, trust in the
election machinery. People are calling
for ballot boxes and we say if a lot of
people are worried about the whole
question of voting machines and they
feel safer with the ballot boxes if that
is what people want it is all well and
But we understand that that is
not the fundamental problem in terms
of the electoral system; it is 'not
whether you have voting machines or
ballot boxes what is fundamentally
important, and it is fundamentally
important because the country is living
without trust either in the institutions
of State or in the political leaders, and
to be able to answer the call for
.genuine and reasonable election
procedures we are saying that the
fundamental question is the control
of elections.
That control resides under the
Boundaries and ElectionsT'6fmmissi-ri-
which is itself under the control of
the Government the ruling party.
So that, we are saying that if we
are to develop trust in the electoral
system we have to remove that respon-
sibility from the party that is control-
ling the Government and we must
place it in our scheme of things in the
Senate. That is what we are proposing
and I will deal with the Senate in a
short while.

Or, if we want, if the Senate is
still not possible to handle it then put
it in the hands of an All-Party Com-
mission and let all those people who
are in the electoral process dealing
with change in that area, let them
organize the elections.
The final demand with regard
to the question of electoral reform is
Proportional Representation and we
have a very open mind on this in
Tapia because we understand that
what people are saying in their call for
Proportional Representation, what
people are fundamentally saying there
is that they want proper representa-
tion- We are saying that those people
who are calling for Proportional Re-
presentation must specify the ways in
which political participation for the
large majority of the people can be
ensured by the process of Proportional
In our scheme of things in which
we are proposing an expanded Senate
we are not worried about the question
of representation but, we understand
the factors under which people are
demanding that particular system. So
that is the second the electoral
The third is the question of
Local Government and Local Govern-
ment for us is fundamentally important
when we look at it against the back-
ground of our philosophical premise
that men are created free, equal and
We are opposed to this strangle-
hold which the Central Governn'ment
hasover the population at large and
certainly has a stranglehold which is
killing initiative, killing the growth of
responsibility, killing enterprise. You
have to open it up, not by talk only,
not only by the method of political
organization but, you have to open it
up in the government system to place
the responsibility in the localities and
in the communities.
The local community we say
therefore, must become a basic unit of
Government and a specific identifica-
tion which will help us to rediscover
confidence which help enterprise to
grow and which will certainly allow
us opportunity to transform the


We say, therefore, that a system
of genuine local government bodies
must be established as a means of;
decentralising governmental authority
and placing responsibility directly in
the localities. Integrating the local
communities into the system of
national planning and administration;
creating an essential part of the
institutional framework for bringing
the economy under the control of the
They hang together. The whole
thing is a scheme. Localisation in
terms of economic re-organisation.
Local Government in terms of the
governmental process.
We see the country, therefore,
being divided into 25 municipalities -
not only Point Fortin. Twenty-five
municipalities. That will make localiz-
ation of the economy possible. We
envisage Local Government with
powers of taxation, some of which
will be centrally connected, with
responsibility for the Police. We are
bringing them under the control of
Local Government. They will have
responsibility for fire, education,
health services, housing and for
We envisage a situation in which
the Local Government bodies will
bargain with Government over the
allocation of funds, which is quite
radically different from the present

system in which County Councils and
City Councils exist at the pleasure
of Central Government.
We have confidence. We do not
only feel that we are going to make a
dent here in Trinidad and Tobago. We
stand proud and bold, knowing that we
can change, not only here, but what
we can de can have meaning in the
entire civilization that has itself
brought us to the state that we are in.
In terms of Local Government, I
just want to say that we do not feel
Tobago can be relegated to any
County Council status. We feel that
Tobago is a special case. We feel that
the complexity of its problems, its
location, the aspirations and sense of
its people, demand that it be given a
higher degree of autonamy. We are
proposing a Council for Tobago which
will have a number of responsibilities,
not unlike the responsibilities of the
Central Government here, but which
will liaise and co-ordinate its planning
and co-ordinate its activities with the
Central Government. That is the third
proposal Local Government.
The fourth, which is the funda-
mental departure that we are making
from the existing constitutional
arrangement, is the big 'maco' Senate.
That is the fundamental departure.
We have heard Senator Julien,
who has sat here through all the
debates and intrigues and discourses of
the Senate, defend the contribution
that the Senate has made to the pro-
gress of Government over the years
and we have heard him say that one
of the problems is the automatic
majority of the Government -that has
made the Senate a mere rubber


We are, therefore, proposing a
Senate which is quite different from
that which we have today. We are
proposing a Senate of any one from
150 to 600 members. That is what we
are proposing. A Senate of anywhere
from 150 to 600 members, selected
by a wide range of community in-
terests and subject to recall at any

time by the interests they represent.
The most important task of
our re-organized Senate will be on the
First Reading of all bills. When we say
First Reading, we mean the meaning-
ful reading in which there is debate, so
as to ensure that public opinion will
be brought to bear on legislation at
all times at close quarters and under
Parliamentary cover.
We are not talking about that
Senate in abstraction, as some of those
on the other side might feel. We are
talking about that Senate in response
to the demand of a wide cross section
of our community for a more effective
influence on the activities of profes-
sional politicians in Parliament and in
the Executive.
Senator Julien just raised the
question of representation in terms of
the composition of the Senate. We are
carrying that further because we see,
as I said before, that in 1970, the
youths and other groups were calling
for power to the people, and in pursu-
ance of which they instituted the
People's Parliament. The significant
point was that the call for power to
the people and the institution of the
People's Parliament, was coming from
the left, if you want to put it that
What is also significant is that in
1970, from a different quarter in the
society there arose another call for
In the Trinidad Guardian of July
20, 1970, under the headline "The
Parliament That Never Was", Civicus
urged the scrapping of the Senate and
the expansion of the elected members
of the Lower House to 60.
However, the House was to
include Independents, without voting
power and in number, large enough to
embrace a wide range of interests. The
idea was that they should be chosen
by the House itself and not by the
Executive. That is the first thing.
They say, scrap the Senate. Let
us have one House, but let us have
Independents in that House, not chosen

Continued on Page 9







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Continued from Page 8

by the Executive but chosen by the
Civicus further suggested that
the House should invite members to
speak on particular topics under debate
on which they might have expert
knowledge, and posed the question,
"whether as a representative body,
'Parliament's membership presented a
broad spectrum of informed public
opinion so as to speak, for manufac:
turers, lawyers, businessmen, trade
unionists, academics, engineers,
accountants, as well as the man in the
So, what is monumental about
that call, emanating from the right, if
you want to put it that way, is the call
for a larger representation of interests.
When you add to that also in
1970, the grand remonstrance over
the Government's attempt to introduce
a Public Order Bill, it provides another
set of evidence of the need to institu-
tionalize community opinion. The
Public Order Bill was defeated by the
voices of dozen of citizens and groups.
If such groups were permanent bodies
on a national scale, the provisions of
the Public Order Bill would not have
been passed in a different way later

So we are saying that there is a
demand from the population for an.
Institution representing public opinion
in the corridors of Government and we
are saying that Institution is not the
House of Representatives, but an
expanded Senate which brings together
interests, not elected or not appointed
by the Government, but put in the
House by the interests that they serve.
By trade unionists, professional
associations, calypsonians, steelbands-
men, youth groups, art groups, com-
munity interests of one kind or
another, the University, the Church, -
that whole range of interests that
exist in the country and.can therefore,
expose their views and opinions which
would capture the attention of the
population at large.

That is what we are proposing -
to inform the process of Government
and to inform the process of politics.
That is what we are proposing in terms
of the Senate and we feel that a Senate
of that kind, independent in make up
and articulating opinions in the
country, should have specific powers.

Power of the appointment of
watchdogs, such as the Auditor
General. Administration of the Elec-
tions and Boundaries Commission.
The appointment of the President of
the Republic, who we envisage -as
retaining a large ceremonial position.


We see the Senate having the
power to institute Commissions of
Enquiry into public affairs and to
conduct annual wage bargaining on a
national scale. So we are going to deal
with the question of wage bargaining
in the Senate because that is how the
economic position will develop in
relation toproposals we are making
for economic growth.
Most important in terms of our
whole political history and important
in terms of the political discourse that
must continue to flow in this country,
is that we see the Senate supervising
the State's interests in the mass media
and all national trusts.
So, we feel that the Senate,
large in number and widely represent-
ative of opinions, would provide the
basis for national, informed and wise

Wear-" ,a a stateIi"'~ L P
I I I I~


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administration and that this is why we
do not feel that it will in any way
restrain the process of development.
Because the fifth head we are
talking about is the Executive. In the
Caribbean we re accustomed, as we
all know, to the Prime Minister being
the focus of political and Govern-
mental activity. That is part of our
political culture and in our scheme of
constitutional reform this will remain
so. What is important is participation.
We are proposing that participa-
tion will counter-balance the executive
power. The executive will be informed
and guided by opinions and therefore
be wiser and stronger.
The fundamental factor about
entering a realm of responsibility and
participation is that, it will allow the
whole process of Government the
deliberations the discourse, the
debates, to be informed by public
opinion at governmental level. And
Government, in that context, will act
in harmony with the aspirations of the
Our proposals therefore, brothers
and sisters in the Senate, seek to
answer the cries for "power to the
people'.' We seek to locate the popula-
tion at large in the corridors of govern-
ment and we are setting the stage for
a calculated advance into the realms
of participatory democracy and hence
for the survival of genuine constitu-
tional politics. Thank you.



At Tapia's Sixth Anniversary
Assembly on Sunday Novem-
ber 17th, four resolutions
were unanimously adopted
They related t6 the presenta-

tion by Tapia of comprehen-
sive budgetary proposals; the
production of a Tapia Ten-
SYear Plan; Tapia's preparations
for the next General Elections;

and the continued presence of
Tapia members in the Senate.
Seven draft resolutions in
all were to be presented by
Tapia members to the General

Assembly, but because of'lack
of time only four were dealt
with. The others, which
appeared on page 11 of Tapia
Sunday November 17th, will

be presented to another
Assembly to be held in the
near future.
The final text of the Resolu-
tions adopted is as follows:


WHEREAS the economic policies of the
present Government have wantonly failed to
protect the country from the worst excesses
of the galloping cost of living increases in
the world, and
whereas the Minister of Finance has
made no serious move either to adjust the
tax burden or to expand the level of welfare
services so as to secure the standard of living
from erosion through rising prices, and
whereas the level and the efficiency of
the public services in general have been
deteriorating rapidly at a time when they
most need to be upgraded, and
whereas some of the most essential
services such as water, sanitation, health,
public transport, roads, telephones and
secondary schooling have now degenerated
to a level perilously close to total breakdown:
1. Be it resolved:
That Tapia present comprehensive proposals to
the country calculated to relieve public distress
(a) through measures of taxation relief with
special reference to basic family allowances, to
women's incomes, and above all, to such indirect
taxes and subsidies as affect the purchasing power of
the 70% of the households whose incomes fall below
the national average;
(b) through the control of the prices of such
strategic goods as household, medical and educational
supplies aided if necessary by stricter policing of and
wider State participation in importation, wholesaling
and retailing;
(c) through the' adoption of a nationwide
incomes policy based on annual bargaining and
involving schemes to limit profits and dividends to
close the unjustified gap between haves and havenots,
and to curb inflation through compulsory savings
schemes on high incomes and compulsory reinvest-
ment schemes where profits are excessive;
(d) above all, through positive steps to improve

all the welfare services in rapid stages, special
emphasis to be given to water distribution, the
provision of hospital beds and the expansion of
public transport.


Whereas the increased export earnings of the
oil industry have resulted in colossal revenues
to the government, and
whereas the onset of the world energy
crisis and the shift in the terms of trade
between producing and consuming countries
has placed Trinidad and Tobago in a strong
position to take advantage of our resources of
oil and natural gas', and
whereas the dramatic increase in the
export earnings of the oil industry has
resulted in colossal revenues to the government
in 1974 and is promising a continuing high
level of tax receipts, and
whereas this country has suffered from
over-dependence on the, oil industry.
Be it resolved:
1. That Tapia make good the failure of the
Government to deliver the Fourth Five Year Plan by
itself presenting the country with a 10-15 year Long
Term Plan aimed to'show how the oil revenues could
best be used' to the benefit of Trinidad and Tobago
and to create a society based on equal justice for all.
2. That the Tapia Plan for National Reconstruc-
tion pay special attention.
(a) to the establishment of an energy-using
sector capable of taking advantage of high technology
and foreign markets but free from neo-colonial
domination by multi-national corporations and other
sectional interests;
(b) to the rationalisation and diversification of
producer, particularly in agriculture, to reduce
depen dee on imports and its inflationary effects;
(c) to the restructuring of the distribution
sector to minimise profiteering by, among other

means, imposing community control over retail
(d) to the provision of opportunities for every
citizen both to find gainful employment and to
exercise his talent and enterprise to the full.
(e) to the creation of a welfare sector wnmci
would ensure a large measure of material equality
among the citizens whatever the arrangements in the
high-technology sector and in the sector organised to
create full employment and to encourage the free
play of creative and innovative enterprise.
3. That the Tapia Plan for National Reconstruc-
tion explore the part to be played by national service
and municipal reorganisation in realising the objec-
tives set out in 1 and 2 above.
4. Thaf the Tapia Plan for National Reconstruc-
tion recognize that within the context of necessary
reform of local government, Tobago must receive
consideration separately from all other areas, however
defined, to redress the neglect with which it has so
far been treated; and that accordingly a special plan
be drawn up for discussion and adoption in Tobago
itself, taking into account the constitutional reforms
necessary for its implementation.


Whereas the presence of Tapia has (a)revived
interest in Parliament (b) breathed life into
the issue of constitution reform (c) brought
new political hope to the country and (d)
generated widespread controversy in all
political circles:
Be it resolved:
That the Sixth Anniversary General Assembly
of the Tapia House Grbup ratify the decision taken
by the National Executive on October 25, 1974
to remain in Parliament so long as public opinion
so dictates and parliamentary conditions so admit.

News from Tapia House

publishing Co

THE first book to be produced in its entirety by
the Tapia House Printing Co. Ltd., has just come
off the press. The book, Independence for Grenada -
Myth or Reality?, is published by the Institute of
International Relations at the University of the
West Indies, St. Augustine.
It contains the proceedings of the Conference on the
implications of Independence for Grenada, sponsored by
the Institute and the Department of Government, and held
at the University earlier this year.
Bringing together contributions by West Indian and
other scholars based at U.W.I. and abroad,.the 168 page
publication is divided into three sections which cover the
social and political conditions in Grenada, the legal and
political aspects of Independence and the role of Agricul-
ture in the economic development of the island.
The manifestoes of the ruling Grenada United Labour
Party and of the opposition Grenada National Party and
the New Jewel Movement, together with basic statistics on
Grenada, are included as appendices.
According to the Conference Committee, who also
served as the Editors of the book, the aim was to "publish
the proceedings of the conference for a wider audience as a
contribution to the continuing debate on the political
future of the Caribbean."
The Tapia House Publishing Co. Ltd. was engaged in
all aspects of the production of the book,,from lay-out
designing, and typesetting right through to printing. Previous
Tapia experience of book production was limited to
Details of distribution and price are to be announced.





e. t er& he''q I

"... one has
to stop
and wonder
our local
nave let one of
their oldest
indigenous art
fbrms slip into
American hands".

Dear Sir,
After listening to Calypso
tempo hit tunes such as "Rock the
Boat", "Rock me Baby" and more
recently "Kung Fu fighting", one
has to stop and wander whether
our local entertainers have let one
of their oldest indigenous art-
forms slip into the hands of the
American music magnates.
Calypso has for the longest
while been treated as "second class
music" in preference to the
American Soul and Funk stuff,
and was not until recently elevated
to a point near its true worth by
the revolutionary change given to
it by the Mighty Shadow with his
now immortal tunes"Bass Man'hnd
"I come out to play."
Never before was one able
to attend a party or a dance
without hearing 99% of American
and European Pop songs either
being played by a D.J. or being

expertly copied by a local band.
With the passing of Carnival
'74 that is no more. On the
horizon today are a crop of young
artistes who are helping in the
process of reclaiming for Calypso
its rightful place.
Elsworth James with his
recent hit "Calypso Music" and
my own calypsonic rendition of
"Que sera" are two such well
received efforts to explore the
calvoso medium more fully.
When the duty of the local
D.J's and Bands to promote local
talent more effectively is fully
realized Trinidad and Tobago may
be well on its way to becoming
the "Mecca" of Third World
Yours truly,
Joe Caesar.

Mr. Lloyd Best,
I wish .you would read this
through instead of confining this
to the waste paper basket. Was
Tapia on the scene in '71? Why
did they not contest'the election
That is Trini style.
Why not unite with Richard-
son it he is to be used as a
climber. Do the same reasons exist
now as in '71. Don't go through
the Back Doo If you thought
there was a reasonable chance of
success you would have joined the
That is not intelligence. If
you were intelligent you would
have repeated your piece and then
walk out like a naughty schoolboy.
Away with tongue running away
with head.
You feel you are a god but
not .the god I worship, you have
really disappointed me. During the
Great Debate you refused to
answer questions. Try not to be-
have as a fool.
Take a leaf from Jamaica
viz: the gun law. You will be more
respected if reason instead of hate
predominates. Hate never got any-
body anywhere. If that is all the
University can produce then the
sooner it is closed down the better.
The country is in chaos.
Everyone thinks of self before
country, they drink all the milk
they can get then kick down the
pail. What some of you get away
with could not be done in Barba-
dos, Jamaica not to mention Latin
Only asses like those in
Tapia would not know that the
one and only solution is to tell
Richardson he could never be the
leader of anything. Who you think
you fooling? Come good or not at
E. Daniel,
St. Rose St.

Dear Sir,
Personally I think that the
small people need to think more of
real necessity and avoid unneces-
sary spending. It is better to plan
spending while you have no money
than wait until you get money to
think and spend at the same time.
In other words make your budget
when you are broken and let need
be the object in view. Let us not
get trap in the jungle of advertise-
ment and business.
Furthermore if we small
people could create an association
for boycotting business places
caught with unreasonable prices,
sales or markups, we might stretch
our dollars. We are getting away
from physical slavery but we are
still tied by economic slavery.
All through the society
greed is cutting us all to pieces.
Don't care how much one .as he
wants more. Back to the jungle,
survival of the fittest Should we
not have a world debate on the
Subject; It is wrong to have more
than you need while others die of
If West Indians could only
develop a sense of respect for each
other this could reduce class
attitudes and if our leaders con-
centrate on levelling the standard
of living it will reduce envy,
jealousy, hate and the possibility
of violent revolution.
Let Tapia benefit by remed-
ying these ills where others have
failed. Lets pray for a narrowing
of the gap between rich and poor
so that we can live in peace and
love without fear.
Yours Respectfully,
E. Brewster.

lirs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research n1titite for
StudYT of lion,
162, -East 78th 5troet,
Nily yORUK, .c..Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 -



Brothers and Sisters, our
financial condition is acute
One particular consequence that
I need' to mention to you is the
depletion of the already minuscule
Central Office staff. At peak, that
staff consisted of the Administrative
Secretary, the Advertising Manager,
the Editor a Sports reporter and,
briefly, two general reporters. The
reporters did not last long, and
economic pressure forced the Editor
to seek other employment and the
Advertising Manager to go on to a
part time basis. The Sports reporter,
who doubled as a general office
worker, also quit.
Lack of funds has prevented us
from employing on a full time basis
the Campaign Manager, that is, until
last irnth, when there was an un-
expected new source of income for
the organisation.
For a long time therefore the
full time staff of the Central Office
has consisted of one man, the Admin-
istrative Secretary, who has also, I
can assure you, been under severe
strain on account of frequent non-
payment of salary in the past.
What I am saying here, Brothers
and Sisters, is not a plea for sym-
pathy, but an attempt to put the
membership in the picture as it were.


1 should add that the Administrative
Secretary often finds himself perform-
ing at one and the same time the jobs
of Editor, Sub-Editor, Proof-reader,
Production Manager, Business Manager,
Clerk-typist, receptionist and cleaner.
In the coming resolution of the,.
crisis, the part that our organisation will
play must be pivotal. As a tirst con-
sequence for us, we-must anticipate
an increase in the regularity and the





circulation of Tapia. As the pace of
events steps .up, we shall need to
provide information and analysis and
clarification to more of our people
more of the time.
Further, much as the Tapia
House is and ever shall be the
spiritual headquarters of Tapia, the
need for a base of operations in the
national capital makes itself increas-
ingly felt as we are hurled more and
more towards the vortex of national
politics. Added to this, our growing
numbers and influence throughout the
nation at large mean that we must
now move speedily to establish a
a network of regional offices.
Finally, the coming campaign
spells even more responsibilities for
the Central Office in servicing the
heeds of the membership throughout
the country. I foresee an increased
amount of record keeping and cor-
respondence with and on behalf of
groups in the localities.
We shall obviously need to
establish adequate Library and Re-
search facilities. I have already
pointed to expanded publishing and
printing activities. More and more will
we be called upon to provide assistance
and representation for citizens in dis-
tress. I can inform you that already
significant numbers of people are
coming to us here to make representa-
tions on their behalf on all sorts of
matters. And finally, I anticipate an
increase in what I might call our
diplomatic activities that is to say
correspondence andcollaboration with
groups and individuals oh projects and
This imminent expansion in the
activities of our organisation, and
hence in the responsibilities of the
Central Office, will aggravate our
needs for manpower, office space and
equipment and for funds. We cannot
for long continue without a fulltime
Editor, without a Sub-Editor, and

The Tapia House Printing
Co. Ltd., has justcompleted
production of its first book
- "Independence for
Grenada -Myth or Reality?"
(reduced version of cover at
left). See Story on Page 10
of this issue.

without at least one reporter. We will
soon need a Clerk/Typist. I don't
think we can postpone for very long
hiring someone to perform the com-
bined functions of Librarian/Archivist
and Subscriptions Clerk. We have
also to think of establishing a full-
time post of Research Officer, and of
regularising the positions of the
Campaign Manager and of the
Advertising Manager who can double
as a salesman for the print shop.


With regard to office space,
there is already a prospective site in
Port-of-Spain for our city head-
quarters. Whatever site we occupy, we
shall need a whole range of office
equipment. Further, we have to stait
thinking of acquiring at least one
additional vehicle and public address
The picture is clear to carry
the organisation forward into the next
phase we shall have'to raise a signific-
ant sum of money, well in excess of
$100,000 for a start, on my own
personal estimate. Since we have
never had rich patrons or the support
of any segment of the business com-
munity, and since it would run
counter to Tapia's philosophy to sit
back and hope for that kind of
support, the conclusion is as clear as
day that kind of money can only
be raised from among the little
people who make up Tapia's move-
ment for a New World. We all have
to pitch in with whatever we can
afford, no matter how small it may
seem to us. Fund raising activity
has to become something more than
the sporadic and half-hearted affair
it has been.


We need now to see fund
raising as a permanent and urgent
item on our agenda. Only this week-
end an individual raised $200 in a
cake-sale in his district he organised
on his own. We have to systematize
the payment of dues and pledges. We
have to be constantly on the lookout
for work for our printshop. Above
all we need to maintain Tapia's fine
tradition of self-help and self-reliance
by increasing the level of our volun-
tary services to the organisation -
not least in the matter of selling and
distributing our paper.-
Brothers and Sisters, in travel-
ling the long road we have, we have
had to overcome many obstacles.
Perhaps, more than anything else we
have had to overcome our self-doubts,
and so today we are confident and
competent body of men and women.
We shall need that confidence to

I g

cont ,'uosay

Tapia C


Allan Harris

meet the challenges that lie ahead,
challenges that may be bigger and
more perplexing than anything we
have encountered in the past.

Yet we cannot allow our confi-
dence to run away with us. Another
old Tapia maxim says that as you
make up your bed, so shall you lie
down. As we stand on the threshold
of the promised land of participatory
democracy. I should only like to
remind my brothers and sisters that
it is the quality of our organisation
tha shall see us through. On this day
of heady rhetoric and collective joy,
I urge us all to put our house in order
while yet there is time.

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