Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
October 27, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
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03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

Vol.4 No. 43

lirs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of Man,
162, East 78th Street,
NE': YORK, r.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,
U.S.A. *

-- y-T-

.,i> THE ,-L4r, U' MAN


Mr. President, Honour-
able Senators,

When the drapings of
public oratory have tinally
been pulled aside, one thing
stands plain in our window
of responsibility; when the
curtain finally falls on the
theatre of Parliamentary
stratagem, one echo keeps
ringing in my ears.
And it is this, It is that
me-must exploit this golden
chance. We must exploit this
golden chance not only to
validate the current legal but
illegitimate Parliament but to
inscribe in red on the
roll, on the scroll of posterity,
the irrefutable, no tht :-*esist-
ible evidence of the historical
indispensability of a second
Chamber in the Trinidad &
Tobago of our times.
I therefore present the
following Amendment to the
Motion now before this
Honourable House.
"Subject to due recog-
nition of the overriding
power and responsibility of
Parliament the matter of the
constitutional future of
Trinidad and Tobago be
treated with the necessary
care and attention which is
expected by the people.
"In pursuance of this
objective this House consti-
tute itself a committee of the
whole empowered to deliber-
ate on the matter and to
send for persons, papers and
Mr. President, Honour-
able Senators,
To be specific. Let me
list some names.
Tony Pantin
Geddes Granger
James Millette
Vernon Jamadar
Alloy Lequay
Arthur Robinson
George Weekes
Joe Young
James Manswell
Raffique Shah
Eric Williams
I invite you to invite all the
political and community
leaders. If you did, only the
Cardboard Caesars and the
Paper Tigers would dare to
stay away and be discredited
ever after.
Out of those who do
appear, we will kindle a




political flame right here in
the hearth of this distinguish-
ed Chamber; we will awaken
the public interest. It would
be the ultimate Great Debate.
To assemble the bona

Iide political and community
leaders is not only to create a
valid ParliaIment hut to
fashion an instrumiient through
which the vast multitude of
the people would at last be

able to make a choice on lthe
issue here Ibefore us.
Thatt choice Ithey can
only properly make it we
acknowledged tlie bond
which exists between lthe

political personalities, the
political organizations, the
political and community pro-
grammes and the central
issue of constitution reform.
Mr. President, Honour-
able Senators,
When I began yesterday
I promised to outline the
basic. chru..)A.;sI l;I c 'rw-
outlined them to you in all
their chilling starkness. When
I began yesterday, I promised
to address you from my
heart. Well, I have spoken
from my heart. I now look
forward to 1984. You will
remember that I began with
a vision for 1984.
In some ways we have
been going around in circles.
Hear Columbus is in 1498.
describing this land of ours.
.very beautiful
and distinguished by a diver-
sity of scenery filled
with a great variety of trees
of immense height blos-
soming and all flourishing in
the greatest perfection .
various birds singing in count-
less numbers extensive
fields and meadows
different kinds of honey ...
mountains of very great size
and beauty ... harbours.
rivers, vast plains, groves and
fruit ful fields admirably
adapted to tillage. pasture
and habitation".
Air. 'residc-nt. Honour-
abhl S'enators.-
It I can tind a Seconder
for this historic challenge of
an Amendment to the
Motion, I will ask this lion-
ourable House to divide on
the future of this country.
For my part: I have
said my piece. I have no
intention of further bearing
on the final decision. I am on
my way.
Mr. President, Honour-
able Senators,
The only issue now is
the honour of this Honour-
able House.

25 Cents

W ITHOUTpolitical involvement,all Constitutions
are wooden, lifeless abstractions. The Ellis Clarke
Constitution of 1962, the PNM Constitution, the
Tapia Constitution,. the Majority and the Minority
Wooding Report.
Without political involvement, it is useless to
choose between them. The real choice is more subtle,
more elusive; it keeps slipping through our fingers.
e-- must chase it down and track it down and
pii VW.,Ardiwienwi i ill -fiid tih
because we are not Gods, it is a question to which we
have no simple answer.
How do we win our people to commit themselves
to some way of arranging the State? to work for it,
to trust it, to shape it, to control it?

Once upon a time, we thought we had found the
magic. It seems a long, long time ago. Now from the
'-- Government side,we hear only a ritual incantation of
official orthodoxy .. of mindless, materialist creed ...
t the pious platitudes of pragmatic politics. We are
living a broken dream and picking up the pieces.
; In 1970, we had February and if we are not
careful, we are going to get October. My mission is
Tapia Secretary to launch you onto an enterprise in love, in uncer-
Lloyd Best tainty and doubt.
addressed I would like to cut you free from the moorings
The Senate and the anchorings of computer-robot certainty, to
for 10 minutes plunge you into the choppy waters of participatory
last Wednesday. political discussion in the hope that you might make
On this page, the crossing to higher and nobler ground.
we transcribe The historic opportunity, this October morning,
the text in full. is to accept the awesome responsibility of 24 men in
The summary the Senate catapulted onto the stage of history.
in this Box is Honourable Senators, the missing ball is politics.
from Tuesday's The magic that is missing from the constitution ques-
exposition. tion is the clash of political interest among valid
Look out for representatives of the people.
full texts Our task this October evening, is to assemble a
of speeches by valid Parliament. It is a task we can't escape.
all three The die is cast and we must make history, even
Tapia Senators. by failing to make it.'

Sixth Anniversary Assembly

- ------- ~i;-C"s 1 --




LATE! -The highest
Court in the land. The
issue; the most funda-
mental law of the land.
And it was late. Not
even the Standing Orders
borrowed wholesale from
the British House of
Commons could prevail
against that malignancy
of culture which we call
"Trinidad Time".
Monday, October 21.
The Senate debate on Con-
stitution Reform begins. All
the ingredients of battle
present. The Press, Radio and
Television reporters all
present and accounted for.
The public gallery only half-
filled for such an important
occasion, and yet, far more
people than had ever before
graced, with their presence,
the deliberations of the



Among audience, press
and Senators alike there was
a dividing line that separated
one from the other. Some
were there because they
understood politics, the
others were there because
all they understood was law.
Politics? In the Senate?
True it should always have
been, but it never had been
before. Why now? The
events leading up to this
moment would have done
justice to any political drama.
Suspense, surprise, attacks
and counterattacks and two
irreconcilably opposed pro-
tagonists locked in an intense
struggle which could only
end in the destruction,
political and quite possibly
literal, of one or the other.
The prize, Power.
On the one hand,



representing, nay embody-
ing, in his person the essen-
tial characteristics of the old
Regime, stood the Rt. Hon.
Eric Williams and his army
of obedient mercenaries. He
who had come before and
had taken his place on the
rostrum of justice, freedom
and equality.
The vision he brought
then of a new world still
unsurpassed even now by the
forces of the new movement.
A strange dichotomy really,
possessing a mind that could
transcend the conceptual
imitations of his era but a
spirit that could not. With-
out that spirit, that funda-
mental humanity that is
needed to underwrite all
revolutions, that promised
land of the fifties had be-
come an arid wasteland of

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You see, the Crix baking process bakes out
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platitudes and pragmatism. ocracy which would thrust
Shorn now of all the real power and responsibility
love, respect and moral into the hands of the people
authority which he once and insisting therefore that
had, he seeks, in these Constitutional Reform must
his twilight years, one proceed any elections, not
more chance. He brings to simply because the Constitu-
the struggle a seemingly tion was the supreme law
bottomless reservoir of but because the method of
energy, a cool, calculating its construction and imple-
and cynical mind, a confi- mentation could give rise to
dence in his own capacity to the supreme politics.
overcome the odds, and above Laughed at, jeered at.
all the immense resources of scorned at, sneered at, taking
the machinery of the State. it all in stride as they walked
Williams' immediate the many miles through the
task is to dispose of the "political wilderness". New
forces of opposition in the movements followed each
country. In most instances other into the spotlight only
this is a singularly easy task. to blaze for a moment and
For whether they claim to die. The Glory must never
be of the right or of the left precede the Power. Still the
most of the opposition forces Tapia cry came with con-
have this in common, they sistency and coherency,
comprehend neither politics "Convene a Constituent
nor power. Assembly".
Williams understood the
DISINTEGRATE dangers that came from an
organisation like Tapia which
And so, for many, it is could not be bought (he
simply a question of what tried of course) and only
price their silence, and for grew stronger as the time
the rest, those now-for-now passed. He also understood
electoral machines, thrown the potential volcano em-
together like patchwork bed- bowelled in the Constitution
spreads (the imagery is issue. He tried desperately to
Williams), with no vision suffocate the Constitution
beyond that of the next issue at every stage, blocking
election, opportunistic mani- here, stalling there, yielding
pulators of the worst kind, ground, grudgingly and
it is simply a question of slowly, but yielding ground.
stringing them alon'.g unt. -- :-
-they disintegrate undcr the STRATEGEM
impact of their own con-
And then there is Tapia And then came the
Led by Lloyd Best whose idea he had been waiting for.
formidable personality fright- The Wooding Report pre-
ens many, until they come sented, The McKell collation
to understand that with that completed, no more time to
piercing intellect, that merci- be bought and still the issue
less and uncompromising not dead. But Tapia in their
opposition to the charades struggle to keep the issue
of political impotence, there alive had perhaps made a
is also a generosity of spirit fatal mistake, had they not
that permits him to consign over-extended themselves and
the Wooding Report to the become too closely identified
flames while resisting all sug- with the Constitution issue.
gestions that the men on the If this were so then to kill
Commission were not moti- the Constitution issue at one
vated by any but the highest blow would be to kill Tapia
and most honourable inten-
tions. as well.

The only trump that
Best has in the struggle is
Tapia itself. Men and women
brought together not on the
basis of the promise of office
after the next election and
certainly not on the basis of
material rewards. But men
and women who have come
together because they share
the same hopes and dreams
for their land. Perceiving the
possibilities inherent in the
times, for what Baldwin
Mootoo calls "the quantum
leap" into the new world.
Most important of all
understanding that the New
World cannot be waved into
being by any magic wand nor
can it be imposed by even the
most benevolent of leaders.
It has to be constructed, step
by painful step, from tlie
ground up, by the people
Thus from the begin-
ning Tapia has rejected tlihe
simplistic formula of Elec-
tions Now. Advocating in-
stead a Participatory Dcm-

And then Williams knew
what he had to do. The
master stroke, the strategem
of the political genius. There
were grave risks of course,
but if it worked, my God if
it worked not only would
he have vanquished most
articulate and organized
opponents, but he would
have ensured a Constitution
made in his own image and
likeness. He knew instinct-
ively that it was the finest
political stroke of his long
He did not hesitate, he
acted immediately and on
that Friday morning, lie
shocked the nation bv
announcing that the Const it u-
tion would he taken to his
Parliament and decided tlere.
The reactions of dismay
were not long in coming.
They came from all quarters.
He monitored the responses
carefully and by the second
day recognized thatlie he ad
succeeded beyond his wildest
dreams. There would be no

your energy food.



II.. I. LU .^~ mcBFB~tl

upheaval. The opposition had
been numbed into gaga
Without a care in the
world Williams proceeded to
go about his business, tying
up loose ends, making state-
ments here, outlining his
grand designs there. Until
that moment, on Monday,
October 7 at 7 p.m., when
he was stopped in his tracks.
He had of course just
heard the news that Tapia
had accepted the invitation
of Opposition leader Roy
Richardson to send three
men to the Senate to repre-
sent the Opposition forces in
the Constitution debate. The
master had been outplayed
And now two weeks
later, Monday October 21,
the Constitution debate was
about to begin, the battle
had been joined. And it was
a truly historical moment.
For the debate that was to
ensue could be the small
spark that could light the
fires of revolution in the*
spirit of the nation's people
or it could be the final blow
to their hopes, the one that
would send them wandering
forever in the labyrinthine
corridors of despair. The
choice between dream and
nightmare implicit from the
very start.


Dream and vision or
nightmare, the choices before
the Senate this day but a
reflection of the critical
choices facing the nation at
large. Only the naive would
believe that the final vote on
this, the critical notion,
would be taken in the Senate
or in this Parliament at all.
The proceedings began
on anincongruous note. Presi-
dent Wahid Ali, shrilly pro-
testing over a press release
issued by Tapia the day
before on the question of
dress. If, as he made plain, he
did not seek any petition,
either verbal or written from
the new senators and if, as
the Tapia senators insist, they
did not make any such
petition, then what was the
The issue certainly was
not one of conventional vs.
unconventional dress. The
issue was Wahid's indepen-
dence. One could not but be
struck by the difference
between Wahid and Canute
Spencer in their occupation
of the Chair.
Spencer, wearing his
P.N.M. tie for all to see, had
no need to demonstrate that
he was anything but what he

appeared to be. On the other
hand Wahid, leading figure in
the I.R.O. sponsor of resolu-
tions calling for the Prime
Minister's return, si'r!dcnly
faced with the necessity of
establishing, in the context of
a meaningful opposition in
the Senate, the integrity of
his supposed impartiality.
In his concern so to
do, he became at times either
extremely petty or excessively
rigid. The spurious sermon-
ising on the use of the word
"macco". If he is so pre-
occupied with the niceties of
the "English" language then
he ought to know that there
was a time when the word
"Parliament" was so obscene
that a man could be drawn
and quartered for using it.
Wahid it is hoped will come
to realise that the only
person he needs to demon-
strate his integrity to is


So on to Prevatt, or as
some have referred to him
"The Godfather". Not too
long off his sick-bed, still
walking with the aid of a
cane, a once powerful frame-
now shrunken and gaunt. He
rose, shoulders bent, head
protruding forward like a
cobra before it strikes -id
with a voice dry, unmoved
and unmoving proceeded to
put the case for his Party,
his Government and his
Prevatt, they say, is
more representative than
Williams, of the personality
of the party. One of a hardy
breed of men who fought
long and hard against the
built-in inequalities of a sys-
tem expressly designed to
perpetuate the subservience
of all but a few. Success in
this struggle, not unnaturally,
measured by the extent to
which such men could suc-
stssfully replace their colonial
asters and do their job.
The price of such suc-
cess, however, clearly an
enormous one. For they who
succe ded became the in-
heritors of a system un-
changed. Its brutalities and
indignities still intact. But the
very nature of their path to-
success have rendered them
incapable of devising or even
contemplating any.effective
means of changing that sys-
And so they who were
once its most bitter enemies
find themselves now the
defenders of that system.

Continued on Page 10

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Senators Goodridge and Lanmont; Hoeriing between

and Nightmare

We go to any

length to do

our job

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__ ~_ __



Ze Pe S1r17- Ce er?1 1*


Alex Gradussov

A MISTAKEN belief may
prevail among political
scientists and those that
claim to know Jamaica
that party politics is all
important and all em-
bracing. In fact the myth
is deepened by the belief
that the wide spectrum
that is represented by
each Jamaican 'tradi-
tional' party, covers most
if not all of the political
shades and nuances that
are current in today
politics world-wide.
True, the People's Na-
tional Party, heir to the myth
of socialism in the forties,
has done its level best to
deepen that myth by spon-
soring and fostering quasi-
close relations with Cuba and
the People's Republic of
China. The fact remains that
as long as Eli Matalon, part of
the Matalon commercial em-
pire is in charge of 'Law &
Order', no take-over from the
left has to be feared.

More ineffective, but
nonetheless conservative, men
in the PNP will see to it too
that Dr. Duncan, a dentist
by profession but a socialist
of sorts by avocation, and
party secretary, does not
Sover-reach himself. But then
who are the socialists within
the PNP? The Prime Minister
is an egalitarian. It may mean
that he is a sort of up to date
Jeffersonian liberal; it may
mean that he imagines him--
self to be akin to socialists of
the more modest hue like
ex-chancellor Brandt of West
All this is illusion as I
see it. The left, what little
there is, remains amorphous,
disorganized and pseudo-
dominated by a self-confessed
but hardly inspired Marxist,
Dr. Trevor Munroe.
The right is not right
at all. The smear campaign
of the PNP that the Jamaica



Massa day

no done yet

George Beckford

Labour Party represents Big
Business, is almost as untrue
as the socialist claim of the
PNP. The most right wing,
but still reformist member of
JLP, Robert Lightbourne has
left the party. His close bed
fellows without his verve or
brain have followed him into
the wilderness with little hope
of ever coming out of, that
wilderness. The only excep-
tion in the ranks of the
Lightbourne Party called
United is a strange phenome-
non: Herbert Rose.
An erstwhile Literacy
Campaign organizer and
ardent follower of the social-
ist plank of the PNP, he
became disillusioned and
later discredited by non-
performance and was sacked
by his idol, Michael Manley.
(He was however given a
handsome job all the same:
Director of Consumer Protec-
tion -poorconsumers). Rose
reneged and joined Bobby
Lightbourne. They are strange
bedfellows indeed. Rose in-
fuses something of a 'black-
ism' ideology into the United
Party but the true liberation
is as far from his thinking as
it must be from the pattern
of thought of his leader,

I I A-





Lightbourne for one
can't stand trade unions.
Blacks have never gained any
advantage in Jamaica with-
out trade union or trade
union-like organization.
Bogle, Garvey, Bustamante
all were labour organizers, at
least partly. All brought
benefits to the majority
blacks who happened to be
poor as well as menial
labourers on low wages.
So neither PNP, JLP
nor UP are 'really all em-
bracing. They are circum-
scribed by the need to-have
mass following and yet need
business support for cash; and
the masses are not being
educated by any party to
change ideologically and be-
come, so to speak, politically
literate. That job remains the
lot of the few fringe groups
and individuals.

Sometimes these are
gathered in some sort of alli-
ance like the non-party affili-
ated unions of 'Scully' Scott
and Roderick Francis, to
mention the most prominent
and most successful in that
area (Munroe claims to be a
union leader, too. Unfortu-
nately so far he has lead his
followers usually into un-
employment and not into


I You always

wanted her to



makes it easy-

and an ideal

Gift too.



better pay, especially in the
recent UWI laundry strike.)
The base for the 'outside'
unions is very varied and
rooted mainly in discontent
with the often cynical poli-
tical manipulations of the
affiliated unions the NWU
(with the PNP) and the
BITU (with the JLP).


Fortunately for the
workers the Union belonging
to the opposition party dis-
plays usually a little more
zeal on behalf of it members.
So at present the leader of
the opposition, Hugh Shearer,
has resigned the party leader-
ship in order to concentrate
on work in the BITU.
Apart from the 'outside'
unions there are emerging
-----and disappearing entities- of a
quasi-political nature like the
New World Group that is all
but defunct now but did
perform a more than useful
educational function in econ-
omic, cultural and political
self-think Caribbean thought.
Individuals have remained of
that group who continue to
think for themselves and try
to include their brothers in
bond, in their own liberation.
George Beckford being per-
haps the best example.

But Sylvia Wynter, now
in exile in the USA; Walter
Rodney, in banishment at
home in Guyana, are two
obvious although very diverse
centres of discontent with
the status quo. They too
represent a very much wider
spectrum of opinion than
that covered by the tradi-
tional parties and their

Furthermore there are
groups and individuals, less
educated perhaps and even
less articulate at times, that
stress the very fallacy of the
orthodox party hacks' claim
of being representatives of
the people. During the 1972
PNP campaign use was made
of the Rastafarian brethren.
Not all cultists were taken in,
and today there must be
very few left who are still
believing in the genuineness
of the PNP slogan of 'LOVE'.
The Rastafarians are in

themselves a very varied
bunch of admirers of Haile
Selassie as god on earth and
of the weed ganja as their
herb. No other common
doctrine can be easily es-
tablished. The common de-
sire to be repatriated to
Africa is indeed central to
their belief but essentially
they are a.millenniary move-
ment, diverse and often
cranky but almost always
The fall of their 'god',
the Emperor of Ethiopia, has
not yet sunk in and is still
not believed by the majority
of the. brethren. It is hard to
say what new direction the
Rastas will take when it will
become obvious that their
idol had feet of clay.

Then even more amor-
phous and less easily defined
as a political influence are
the many revival cult groups
especially the Cumina, Poku-
mina (often mis-spelt Pocco-
mania) and Zion 'bands'.
They are in revolt at least
against the system as repre-
sented by the orthodox
church and through persecu-
tion and prosecution by the
law enforcement agencies
(the same as is the fate of the
Rastas) they are alienated
from the organs of the
Jamaican state.
That is the skeleton
that ought to be the basis for
analysis of the forces at work
in the reshaping of the
Jamaican political scene. The
aims of all parties & groups,
even of the orthodox parties,
is usually camouflaged.
Desire for work, escape from
the filth and squalor of
existence in the slums, pro-
test against repression which
often was and still some time
remains against the blacks of
the community unites all.
Despite pious pro-
nouncements, even tears shed
by the latest addition to our
immense number of ministers,
cannot hide the fact that the
men in power rarely do what
they set out to do, namely
improve the lot of the poor.
The poor are patient in
Jamaica and elsewhere. But
not infinitely so. Massa day
no done yet but it mus' done

- Read TAPIA


7 -. +L ...........

7~~ .~~rll~*Y



j -~


The following article is being pub- lished in the Express. The article is a Lamine, a member of the Education and pretation of Black Power and his prescrip-
lished in TAPIA, following the failure of its response to Sunday Express Columnist R research Committee of the NJAC, refers to tion for change in the Caribbean".
writer, Mahmadou Lamine, to have it pub- Raoul Pantin's invitation to debate what as "Professor Gordon Lewis' Marxist inter-

FIRST, I desire to give some
perspective to the kind of critic-
ism that Leftist theoreticians,
among whom Professor Lewis is
by no means the foremost, have
been levelling against a theory
like Black Power, which they
cannot reconcile with Marxist-
Leninist thought. In part it stems
from a lack of knowledge of the
It can also be explained,in
the context of the historical
efforts of the Left to discredit
(when manipulation seems im-
possible) black nationalism. It is
all a part of Leftist ideology
and Moscow policy (witness the
experiences of Garvey's move-
ment and those of the Com-
munist Parties in Egypt and the
Sudan). The judgement is not,
therefore, without foundation.
Black Power has broken new
ground as an ideology of change, if
- only because it is the only theory so
far to correctly discern the new
dynamic of change in the world. It
sees the new polarization of hostile
world forces as no longer the nine-
teenth century Eurocentric percep-
tion of workers versus capitalists but
one of a twentieth century white
dominating world (irrespective of their
divergent ideological outlooks) against
blackk dominated world. The lesser.
contradictory situation of govern.
ments of reaction within the black
world itself is not without place in
the framework of the ideology.


Given this new dynamic of
change, Marxists seem to be beating a
dead horse, endeavouring to promote
an ideology of spent force. Indeed, it
seems that it is for this reason that
working class ideology has ceased to
be a real worry of Imperialism.
The twentieth century has seen
it subdue the white working classes:
"the only truly revolutionary class",
the class that would overthrow capital-
ism in the metropoles and then
assume the "white man's burden"
(once the holy duty of capitalism's
white missionaries) of lifting the'
black world out of ignominy and
Today capitalism has success-
fully sated the appetites of these
white "revolutionaries" with the loot
it has harvested from the brutish
oppression of black people in the
colonies. As one brother said, "The
white working class driving two Chev-
rolets while black people working for
$18 a week in Trinago".
The burden-bearers of humanity
have betrayed their "God-ordained"
role as "liberators" of black humanity,
having now an identity of interest
with their former bourgeois foes -
the continued oppression of black
people, to the enrichment of the
white nations of the world.
In view of this we must remind
Leftists that Marx himself said that
all phenomena in nature, as in
society, are constantly changing and
finally passing away. Does this mean

that societies will never achieve a new
dynamic of change other than the
conflict between workers and capital-
ists? And how universal is the class
struggle anyway, especially in its
application to multi-racial societies
where the revolutionary struggles have
taken a racial or ethnic pattern (South
Africa, U.S.A., Algeria, Rwanda) and
not one of class war. If the revolution-
aries in these societies were driven by
a false consciousness, as Marxists
would claim, "why", as Leo Kuper
asked, "did the false consciousness
evoke racial categories?"
But if the Left is slow in realiz-
ing the capacity for swift explosion
inherent in a theory like Black Power,
Imperialism is not. A recent article
appearing in the "Guardian", and
which was in fact a statement of the
Official F.B.I. policy towards black
nationalist groups, said in part that
the coalition of such groups must be
prevented since "An effective coali-
:ion of black nationalist groups might
be the first step towards a real Mau
Mau in America, the beginning of true
black liberation" (my italics).

White imperialism is in mortal
terror of black ideology because it
cannot accommodate it like it has
Marxism-Leninism. The castrating of
the white working classes of the
metropoles is completed and Imperial-
ism has similarly set in motion the
creation of a black working elite in
parts of the Third World through the
super profits of its giant multi-
national corporations.
Professor Lewis has prescribed
the time-worn textbook solution for
change in the Caribbean, seeing the
crucial issue facing the Caribbean as
"imbedded . in its social and
economic structures" which are "prim-
arily shaped by the production forces
and their ownership patterns". It is,
surprising that a Professor of Carib-
bean History should demonstrate no
vision of the deformity suffered of the
real self, the spiritual essence, of black
people, discerning only their super-
ficial social and economic degradation.
Black Power starts from the
position of Edward Blyden who wrote
that "Every race has a soul and the
race finds expression in its institutions
and to kill those institutions is to kill
the soul No people can profit or
be helped under institutions which
are not the outcome of their own
character". The redevelopment of the
black man that Blyden is talking about
here can only occur when the deform-
ities of creole culture that have sub-
merged the real black man have been

In keeping with this dimension

of liberation for black people, NJAC
seems to be the only grouping that
has so far understood the necessity of
"un retour aux sources" to recapture.
and develop black institutions, prere-
quisite for fashioning a true black
destiny. Their Cultural Rally, Haram-
bee-Mela, Naming Day ceremony,
African Community wedding and
People's Court are instructive.
In this context, too,the whole
question of identity becomes crucial
to the ideology, especially in the case
of African and Indian people who
were uprooted and transplanted into a
hostile environment, one that did not
permit the free expression of them-
The creole culture "adopted"
by the labouring immigrants was both
forcefully and subtly imposed upon
them. It is the culture principally of
the whites in the Caribbean with a few
black elements thrown in. It is thus
not the true expression of the black
If black people are to recapture
that personality, so essential to our
concept of total liberation, then a
movement back to the roots is vital.
Still on the question of culture,
we must clarify Professor Lewis' view
that the movement's "protagonists ...
descend into a shrill rhetoric of
cultural nihilism and anti-white
hatred". The goal of regaining our
black spiritual essence necessarily
demands the rejection of European
culture, not simply because it is
white but because it is foreign, racist
and decadent, a culture of violence.
His notion that the movement
wants to deny "all European civiliza-
tion because Europe invented slavery"
is amusing to any black man who
knows his history and his contribution
to civilization. For while the progress
of man has galloped over the last few
centuries, and undeniably on account
of Europe largely, much of her
civilization is based upon the ele-
ments of the early discoveries and
inventions of the black races of the
world. As a matter of fact Europe
stole much of it then imperialized it.
It can be conclusively shown, for
example, that Greece and Rome (law
and religion) were founded upon
Africa and the East. Similarly, it
would be no violence to the truth if
any black man should identify with
much of European technology as his

There is also the confusing
question of Black Power being a racist
ideology and as having no vision of
humanity as a whole. Our position is
best stated by Ron Karenga; "Every-

Dis'c;u's s'l aIdDs6n

,B) a. k':P i owe~ rl,arbe a, oye ,ch ,ng

73 Tapia in bound volumes $20


one in the black world has been so
concerned with humanity that they
have forgotten about themselves.
Until blacks develop themselves they
can do nothing for humanity".
There are thus two things we
must say about the folly of the
"humanity syndrome": First, that
Karenga's view is precisely the error of
black Marxists and black apologists
like Nyerere. Their obsession with
humanity has blinded them to the
realization that slavery, indentureship
and colonialism have made a mess of
black humanity physically, spiritu-
ally, psychologically.
But Black Power is not the
reverse racism they like to say it is.
The recovery of that disfigured black
humanity is simply an important part
of the ideology. As such the ideology
can make no apologies for concerning
itself with the Black Man first and
Man afterwards.
Secondly, who can deny that as
cultural phenomena racism and its
attendant, supremacist beliefs, are
not important elements in the psyche
of the white race, and that they are
entrenched in the very structure of its
civilization? It is not only Imperialism,
but Racism that explains the vicious
nature of the oppression suffered by
the black races of the world.
What is important to theorists
as they look at the world today is
that a racist, supremacist section of
humanity does not give a damn
about black humanity. Nor is it
desirous of overthrowing its oppres-
sion of that humanity clearly, as
shown, because it is prospering onthe
basis of that oppression.
Black Power gives no pride of
place to a struggle confined around
the production process, though re-
cognizing the strategic location of
workers in the struggle for black
liberation. In fact, its activists have
led several worker struggles, their
dynamism leading in nearly every
instance to immediate repression .
But the Marxian concept of class war,
something all-encompassing, becomes
only a part of the struggle in the
context of black liberation, with its
call for cultural revival and spiritual

Nor can we subscribe to Profes-
sor Lewis' view that Black Power
"does not explain the problems of
race and class in the region". Black
Power holds that a black ideology
rips through and permeates "class"
barriers precisely because it possesses
the capacity to touch all black
people, irrespective of their position
in the social structure. In fact, this
is one of the lessons of 1970.
This does not preclude percep-
tion of economic and social differ-
ences between black people and that
there is even an identity of interest
between the very small elite of black
supervisors and the local and foreign
white overseers. But which is the
more pressing area of conflict? Is it
that between black people or that
between the exploited black nation
and an exploiting elite which is
generally racially, culturally and
nationally different?
In conclusion it must be made
clear that Black Power does not yet
boast of being a "finished" ideology.
The crystallization of world trends is
not yet nearly completely for that.But
it has a vision of those trends and is
developing with them. It provides a
brand new and independent outlook
of the world, a challenge for thinkers
to begin to shift their focus and
hasten the destruction of Racism and

By Edward Kamau Brathwaite-

An earlier version of this article will appear as the
Introduction to Brother Man; no. 10 of the Carib-
bean Writers Series, Heinemann Educational Books
Ltd., London (1974).

ROGER MAIS, son of Mr. E.C. Mais (drug-
gist, farmer, businessman) and Ann Louise
(nee Swaby, a teacher), was born in Kingston,
Jamaica, on 11 August 1905, the fourth of
eight children. He was educated privately
during early childhood, when his father work-
ed a farm in St. Thomas; but the family
returned to Kingston towards the end of the
First World War and Roger entered Calabar
High School in 1919. He left three years later,
aged 17, with a Senior Certificate. His first
job was conventional in terms of his fair-
skinned middle-class background of comfort-
able family means.
In 1922 he entered the Civil Service as a clerk
in the Department of Education, but was not there
more than a year before he left (or was fired). From
here on, he really began expressing himself, looking
for the kind of employment he would find congenial.
In this period he worked as, among other things, a
banana tallyman (timekeeper) for the United Fruit
Company on the Kingston waterfront; a reported
with the Daily Gleaner; a staff writer with Public
Opinion (writing some twenty-six short stories plus
- --c countless articles in these pages between 1940 and
1945); an insurance salesman; a rice planter (in St.
Catherine); a horticulturist; photographer; novelist
and painter.
Perhaps, some might say, this jack-of-all trading
did him no good in that he never settled solidly into
any one thing to attain the fullest achievement.But
Mais was to. die comparatively young (some weeks
short of 50), and his restlessness and diverse interests
were not only an intimate aspect of his. personality,
but a reflection of the times in which he lived. The
years 1900 to 1950 saw two long cruel wars in
Eurasia, the rise of Russia and the United States, the
Wall .Street crash, labour unrest, communism, and
widespread revolts against Euro-American imperial-
ism all over the underdeveloping world. In the British
West Indies, it was a time when the educated middle
class began to press for a greater say in the govern-
ment of their territories, when the labourers of plan.
station and city began to organize themselves in large
tough unions, a coalition of the two (middle and
labouring classes) pressing for better social conditions,
universal adult suffrage, and self-government. This, in
other words, was the age of West Indian nationalism.
For young men of energy and talent, there was a great
deal to do.
Caught up in all this, like the hero of his close
friend John Hearne's first novel, Voices under the
Window (1955), Mais became a 'socialist', that is, an
intellectual committed to the cause of social justice.
There was nothing orthodox and doctrinaire about
this, however, just as there was nothing orthodox and
doctrinaire in his strong moral sense and Biblical
reading. These were all part of his perception of the
human animal as a sensitive being struggling for equili-
brum; the artistic endeavour striving for style and
order. It was typical therefore that when in 1938
proletarian riots broke out in down-town Kingston
and the waterfront, his first instinct was to enrol, like
all good men and true, as a special constable. His
sense of law and order demanded it;and his brother,
working with United Fruit on the docks, had to be
protected. But on his way into town to join the
authorities, Mais changed his mind. His sense of
greater order social, not personal demanded it.
It was a conversion date, if ever there was one.
But the war closed in and Jamaica's socio-
political energy and conscience was diverted into the
war effort: loyalty to empire, the fight against fasc-
ism. This was the base of Winston Churchill's call to
arms. his sense of order. But for the British leader,
loyalty to Empire went further than the battle. It
involved the preservation-of Britannia's rule on the
old pre-war imperial basis. It offended Mais' sense of
justice: his strive for style and order. And so on 14


(For Charles Hyatt)

I hold a banyan of memories of home
in my head; I have a Rio Bueno of slides:
an unbroken flow of air mail envelopes,
their zig-zag borders carrying on and on,
until the unseen sender returned and died;
someone else, just as faithful, a Harriet
who stayed beside me but who also died;
a large dining-room blackboard on which
singular verb matched singular subject;
that end-and-beginning-of-year Swift ham,
brown with sugar and jabbed black with cloves;
the slow, slow understanding of'38;
those very painful examination years;
the inconsolable lack of a community bell;
abeng, broken again and again, and discarded;
the lizzard on its back; the waste of men;
the long line of women at the bottom of the hill;
the warmth that goes for nothing; the lies;
the story no leader will tell; the drift;
the blaze of poinsettias; the sunset at sunrise;
the burning image of West Kingston as hell.

The voices in my room say something, perhaps
nothing, at all, that really means anything.
And yet, they persist. They claim they have a way
with history, with all the people who make it.
Meanwhile, the everlasting banyan spiders the earth
and slowly penetrating Rio Bueno flows and flows.

Andrew Salkey

July 1944 there appeared in Public Opinion.(for which
he was then doing free-lance work), an article entitled
'Now we know' rushed through, it is said, without
the editor-in-chief s knowledge and connivance. This
was an anti-colonial tract, railing against the Colonial
Office's constitutional proposals which seemed, to
Mais, designed to preserve the island's politically
dependent status, and expressed in language which,
to the Courts, could only be construed as seditious:
"New we know why the draft of the New
Constitution has not been published before. The
authors of that particular piece of hypocrisy and
deception are the little men who are hopping about
like mad all over the British Empire implementing
the real official policy, implicit in statements made
by the Prime Minister [Churchill], from time to
"That man of brave speeches has told the world
again and again that he does not intend the old order
to change; that he does not mean to yield an inch
in concessions to any one, least of all to people in the
colonies. Time and again he has avowed in open
parliament that ... what we are fighting for is that
England might retain her exclusive prerogative to the
conquest and enslavement of other nations ...
"For it is not the non-dissolution of the Empire
that is aimed at there are free Dominions within
the Empire but it is the non-dissolution of a
colonial system which permits the shameless exploita-
tion of those colonies across the seas of an Empire
upon which the sun never sets."
Mais paid for this with six months in the St.
Catherine prison. But unlike most other colonials who
were imprisoned during this period for their opinions
and activities, Mais did not come out of prison
breathing fire and brimstone. He didn't even intensify
his political activity. In fact, he turned, from this
time on, niore and' mofe into himself; taking up
horticulture, starting an agricultural project at "11
Miles" on the road to Spanish Town, manufacturing
sauces, and starting to paint again. His first exhibi-
tion had been held in 1943. His second was in July
1951 at Anderson House, Cross Roads2. But it was
not until five years after his imprisonment that he
began seriously writing once more. In 1949 he conm-

pleted six plays, including George William Gordon,
General Joshua, and Good Neighbours. The follow-
ing year there was Apollo in Delos, Atalanta at
Calydon, and Lazarus, as well as the unpublished
novels, Blood on the Moon and Storm Warning. Soon
after that he started The Hills Were Joyful Together,
where his experience of prison is recorded (see
especially pp. 132-40, 170-77, 197-200, 208-12 and
passim). But the book is not about Mais, but about
the sufferers of Kingston. It is the English-speaking
Caribbean's first ghetto novel.3
But Mais did not bring to his vision of Kingston
only the harsh realities of shack, cesspool, and poverty
which were to distinguish Orlando Patterson's The
Children of Sisyphus several years later (1965), the
favela/prisons described so well by Oscar Lewis 4 and
say, the autobiographical Quarto de Despejo (1960)
of Carolina Maria de Jesus; there is also the agrarian
Mais, the country-bred corn man of:
I can see the solid stare of yams
To market bound,
The smooth seductiveness of sweet potatoes;
Hear the sound
Of uncomplaining peasant feet,
The ironical invective of cart-wheels as they pass,
And the 'So-so, t'ank you massa!' of the nodding
This creates a kind of rural bias which led
ultimately to Black Lightning (1955), and the un-
finished unpublished fragment, In the Sight of this
Sun (probably written in f954-55), Mais' version of
the David and Bathsheba story. But in thefirstdraft
of- The Hills Were Joyful Together, in passages
edited out by Mais himself, there are hints of a
remarkable balance between the urban and rural
extremes which point to the possibility of a major
contribution to West Indian literature. It is a pity, in
fact, that these passages are in general lost through
excision,6 because they make of The Hills Were
Joyful Together a much more solid, less impression-
istic novel than the published version leads us to
Rema sat on a box under the mango tree, and Tansy
sat on a smaller box, short side down, before her, and
Rema was combing and plaiting Tansy's hair. She had
come upon the girl trying to do it herself, and it was
hard for her to manage because her hair grew thick
and strong and stood out short and crinkly and stiff
like an umbrella around her head. And Rema offered
to help her and Tansy smiled quickly, and said yes,
and came and sat before her, and when Rema pulled
hard with the comb through her hair she pulled her
head right back so thatit rested against her breast, and
Tansy shut her eyes and her scalp tingled with the
pain and she felt good all the way through her. And
she talked freely, suddenly released, knowing that
Rema was at the other end of that tingling, robust,
physical contact, and that it was hard and real and
wholesome, so that she talked without too much
thought of what she said.7
Brother Man, which followed (1954) is Mais'
'best' published work because it brings together in one
minor classic, all the aspects of his instincts and
talents we have so far discussed. Kingston, since the
riots ofl938, had become the focus of Jamaican life.
Its population had risen steadily from 48,000 at the
turn of the century, to 63,000-in the 1920s, to over
100,000 in 1938, to 240,000 by 1950 and to the
near million of today. The problems of urbanization,
already noted in The Hills Were Joyful Together -
growth of slums, increase of crime, alienation, cul-de-
sac sense were now very much more evident. But
the city had also started to absorb this sense, making
it part of its survival style. Bedward, the August Town
pentecostal preacher, had already laid the basis for a
millennial mythology with his attempt to ascend into
heaven. More quietly, and more significantly, he had
also given his flock a sense of their own unique
cultural identity. His ideas spread through the. city,
giving strength to the countless 'revival' Afro-
Jamaican churches thumping at the crossroads and
backstreets of the corporate area. Among these were
the Rastafari, who date their foundation from the
coronation of the Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia.
the former Ras (Prince) Tafari, and a statement
attributed to Marcus Garvey prophesying this. The
shoemaker, Brother Man, (John Power), chief
character of this novel, is a mergber of this sect.
'Brother' and 'Man' are appellations characteristic of
them: 'I-re, bredda', 'Hail the man', 'I-man', etc.

r r -~es -1 I i' P ~r rJ, I' I




TOBER 27, 1974


Here again we have to remark on Mais' individ-
ualism and extraordinary perception. In the late
1940s and 1950s when he was getting to know his
Kingston, the Rastafari, as is demonstrated by the
crowd-beating of Brother Man towards the end of
the book, were a feared, despised, and rejected group.
Not until the University of the West Indies' Report on
the Rastafari Movement in Kingston, Jamaica, in
1960 9 did they begin to get a fair hearing. Yet ten
years before the Report, we find Mais making a
Rasta the centre of his novel in fact transferring
the character Ras from the original version of The
Hills into the Brother Man of the second novel. And
for Mais, Brother Man; did not represent violence,
drug abuse, and criminal mentality, as John Public
then thought, but rather, as the Rastas themselves
had always averred, Peace and Love.10 In fact, Mais
goes to the other extreme and romanticizes the ele-
ments of goodness in his Rastafari. For the contem-
porary reader, Brother Man is perhaps too Christ-like
to be always 'true'; unlike the ideal of the Rastas, he
is not fully-enough grounded in reality. But this is a
tendency Mais shows in all his novels. What he does
achieve in Brother Man, however, is the depolariza-
tion of his rural and urban norms into a single equa-
tor, and the condensation of his moralizing tendency
into a single mask. The novel is in this sense a 'human-
ist' -triumph, if by this Lerm we understand an
emphasis on humane elements within an alienating
environment. Had Mails not limited so severely his
characterization and thematic variations, we might
tave had a major novel by any standard. As it is, his
characterization is restricted in ways that I have
already indicated, and will return to later.
Yet in writing this novel, Mais moved towards
certain important formal and stylistic interventions
which make it far more important than its limitations
would suggest. In fact, as we begin to examine
Brother Man, the first thing that strikes us is the
remarkable coincidence of 'style' and 'formal struc-
ture'; a coincidence, indeed, which we associate more
with poetry than with prose fiction.

Brother Man, is about people in a particular
anonymous society, and about particular named
persons within that society. The people and persons
are, for the most part, members of the urban prole-
tariat: simple, uneducated sufferers, still full of
peasant. Stylistically, Mais makes these points with a
Chorus of people, followed by narrative,' and an
almost dramatic presentation of characters. The
Chorus is divided into two phases, each having a
specific function and point. In phase one, it is the
author himself who speaks, describing the qualities of
the people, introducing us to them, leading us into the
The tongue in the lane clack-clack almost continuously
going up and down the full scale of human emotions,
human folly, ignorance, suffering, viciousness, mag-
nanimity, weakness, greatness, littleness, insufficiency,
frailty, strength.
They clack on street corners, where the ice-
shop hangs out a triangular red flag, under the shadow
of overhanging buildings that lean precariously,
teetering across the dingy chasm of the narrow lane.
(p. 7)11
The visual, 'where the ice-shop hangs out a
triangular red flag', and the aural, 'The tongues in the
lane clack-clack almost continuously', are essential
elements of Mais's style, which in itself quickly be-
comes part of his structure, since as a device, it
occurs at the beginning of each of the five sections
of the book. Phase two of the Chorus, on the other
hand, introduces us, through change of language, to
the cardiograph of the people themselves:
Mis' Brody's clubfootbwoy get run over .
You hear wha' Bra' Ambo say? ...
Cho Missis, no mind Bra' Ambo, after him no eena
Big Massa council ...
Oonu lissen hear wha' Bra' Ambo say .... (p. 7)
These two language-styles also set the book
firmly in its cultural context, where bi-and inter-
lingualism are features of our culturation. Composed
from two worlds, European settler and African slave,
we reflect this in our speech:

Is a shame de way dem two de-live ...
Gal waan fo' him an' she get married ...
Hm! Papacita know what 'married' give ...
Over washtubs in noisome yards where the
drip-drip of the eternally leaking stand-pipe makes
waste in the sun-cracked green-slimed concrete cistern,
and under the ackee tree or the custard-apple tree ...
or the Seville orange tree behind the lean-to pit-latrine
in the yard, they clack-clack eternally telling their own
hunger and haltness and lameness and mghtness and
negation ... (pp. 8-9).
But it is when we come to examine the sections
of the narrative which follow, that we realize how
inextricably bound up is form and content in this
novel. The flow of language takes us into formal
structures, which is why in an earlier discussion I
claimed that Brother Man could best be studied in
aesthetic relation to black urbanized folk music.12
Book and music both have a common mother in the
life-style of the people. We can therefore learn some-
thing about the book by knowing something about
its music and vice versa. Mais'sChoreses, for'instance,
which are about people, are also like musical en-
sembles: 'The tongues in the lane clack-clack almost
continuously, going up and down the full scale of
human emotions'; while his dialogues, which deal with
persons, are not only significantly: rhythmic, they
produce an effect similar to the 'trading' between
soloists during a jazz performance:
'What you got there, me son?'
'A crab, sah.'
'What you doing' wid him?'
'Tekin' him home to eat.'
'Let me see him?'
The boy came across and held up the crab before Bra'
Man's face, close to it.
'What you done to him, son?'
'Han'-cuffed him, sah'. (p. 71).
Similarly, listening to Girlie's blues is like
listening to Bessie Smith or Mama Yancey. But all
this has to be seen and felt in conjunction with Mais'
sense of structure. In this respect, we should note the
formal patterning of the book. It is divided into five
major parts, each of which is a 'Chorus
of People in the Lane' as the author calls them. In
addition, these parts pre divided into sections, each
representing a distinctive mood or. moveinent and
containing a particular configuration: people to
persons; persons in pairs; male/female, female/temale
child/adult; persons in accord; persons in conflict;
persons alone; persons in crowds; good/evil; love/
friendship/hate all within a fluid structure/
style similar to New Orleans jazz:
Chorus PP. 7-9 ensemble
Section 1 pp. 9-12 Girlie-Papacita duo
Section 2 pp. 12-15 Joe-Jennings duo
Section 3 pp. 15-17 Cordy-Jesmina duo
Section 4 pp. 17-22 Girlie-Papacita duo
Section 5 pp. 22-27 Brother Man-Minette duo/solos/duo

Section 6
Section 7

Section 8
Section 9
Section 10
Section 11

Section 12
Section 13


pp. 27-29 Girlie-Papacita duo
pp. 29-30 Brother Man-Minette duo
pp. 30-31 Brother Man-Joe duo
pp. 31-34 Brother Man-Minette duo
pp. 34-36 Girlie/Papacita solo/solo
pp. 36-38 Cordy/Jesmina solo/solo
pp. 38-41 Brother Man-Minette special solos
p. 41 Papacita solo
pp. 42-43 Papacita-Mullings duo
pp. 43-44 Papacita solo
pp. 44-45 Girlie Papacita duo
p. 45 Brother Man-Minette duo/solos
pp. 48-51 Minette-Jesmina duo
p. 49 Minette-Jesmina-
Bra' Ambo trio
p. 49 Bra' Ambo Solo
pp. 49-50 Brother Man/Bra'
Ambo solo/solo
t Mais is doing here, is moving from

ensemble/chorus to duos, trios, quartets (pp. 92-5),
solos, and back again to the ensemble. He also in-
troduces improvisation variations on a theme. In
Part One, for instance, the stated theme is love. But
each section introduces a variation of meaning and
quality, stage and mood, For Girlie and Papacita, for
example, love is hot/sensual/carnal: a love/hate
process. For Jesmina and Cordy, it is sisterly/
domestic, with undertones of the sensual. Between
Bra'Man and Minette it is more complex. She is an
aspect of eros, he of caritas. In later sections of the
novel we have variations on attitude and response to
superstition (cf. p. 69 with pp. 83-4; p. 57 with p.
179), fear, loneliness, and finally to death (cf. pp.
185-7 with 187-8).
This musical form and metaphor also helps us
to understand how Mais conceives of and treats the
central principle of the book. Bra' Man (Life) is
structurally opposed to Bra' Ambo (Evil). But Mais
treats Life and Evil not'only in moral but in social
terms, as the human action between what we might
call 'interlates' (those whose function it is to join or
make things) and isolates (those whose tendency is
to hurt or destroy). Symbolically in the novel, there-
fore, Brother Man is the healer, Bra' Ambo the des-
troyer; though at the (anti)-climax of the story it
appears that the roles have been reversed (pp. 81-5),
bringing the plot to its denouncement. Until then,
however, the movement of the novel is concerned
with the pressure of accident and circumstance on its
three central interlate pairs: Girlie-Papacita, Jesmina-
Cordy and Brother Man-Minette. Defects in the first
two groups cause them to deteriorate into isolates,
resulting in the love-craziness of Girlie which leads her
to kill her infant child (pp. 163-6) then hang herself
(p. 168). The third group, as befits its importance,

Continued on Page 8



s Stephens

I ~~-~ I 1 I I r I 'I I I 5 9b I = ~

i ---- -n




comes under wider attack. Minette is under pressure
from Papacita to desert Brother Man and come with
him. Her resistance to his sexual temptation (see p.
115) is what preserves this interlate, and in the end
she (and Jesmina who has come to stay in the house-
hold after Cordy's death) are ready for the final test
of their group's integrity, when the community turns
upon Brother Man during a wave of anti-Rastafarian
feeling. The ensemble of the novel now makes a
concerted attempt to isolate him:
Within a matter of days he found himself without a
friend in the world. Only Minette and Jesmina remain-
ed faithful to him, and gave him of their love and
understanding, and would have extended their protec-
tion to cover him, if they had had the strength.
The people whose sick he had healed carefully
avoided him in the street; the people he had helped
in their hour of need openly jeered at him, and shouted
insults after him up and down the lane. (p. 174)
The ensuing 'crucifixion' and resurrection of
Brother Man make him more 'human' and result in a
neat and finally poignant end to the novel. But by
this time, one feels, Mais had become a prisoner of the
very structure that I praised above. You can see, for
instance, that since Bra' Man's 'crucifixion' comes
about through the action of the until then structur-
ally passive Chorus/public, rather than through the
actions of the personae of the plot, it is in a sense a
weakness: a result of not asking why. Why, for
instance, the fevers, suicides and murders in this
novel? Where and why the eye of the storm of frustra-
tion? But by the time he came to write Brother Man,
Mais appears to have lost that acute sense of political
protest that made him write 'Now we know'. Con-
sequently, he never seems to link the condition of his
Kingston poor with the persistent poverty of colonial
underdevelopment, or even with the disillusionment
of the historical struggle for independence, (pre-
maturely) seen as concluded in 1944 by V.S. Reid in
New day (1949). And this is perhaps why his style,
apart from its function in the Choruses, fails to
remain active and autonomous within its structure.
Characterization, while not becoming caricature, was
becoming, like the Chorus, anonymous.

But failure on this level of conventional critic-
ism is marginal compared to the aesthetic discoveries
Mais was beginning to make in this novel. Anonym-
ity, for instance, may be seen as failure or as artistic
alternative to individuation. Much of modern jazz,
for instance, starting from Ellington and moving
through Mingus, Shepp, Albert Ayler and groups like
the Pharaohs of Chicago and the Mystic Revelation
of Rastafari in Kingston, has returned to the essence
and origins of black music in the community sounds
of church, gospel, work-song, blues, and is therefore

relevant to our discussion, since Mais' emphasis was
also on the community and the way it expresses itself.
Even more relevant is the connection between Mais'
work and the development, since the late fifties, of
Jamaica ska, rock-steady and rudie music into the
reggae, skank and scorch of more recent times. It is
the music of the People in the Lane. It is the poor
man's music where, for a long time, the human voice
had to take the place of expensive, unavailable
North Anierican instruments,13 and where despair
and disillusion were lifted in tensile falsetto opposi-
tion 'those wailing virgin voices' 14 to innocence
and hope. In technical terms, it is a lead singer/
narrator call with collective response, grounded into
an ensemble of heavy bass explosions and repeater
drum signals. The individual rides these ridims like
Big Youth his S. 90. 15 But any assertion he may
make is subordinate to the collective sound, the social
mutter. Mais' Choruses have this communal function
and when Brother Man, subtly tempted by pride of
individuation (pp. 174-75) loses beat with this, the
Chorus becomes 'tuneless' (p. 183) and he is struck
down by the multitude.

The Oppression of the Gift

For hulking Kingston swaggerers
they walked politically prettily,

balancing empty policy
with emptier promises
and cheap personal hand-outs,

when they made their short rum
and water visits, out of town.

That was and still is their way
of keeping the oppression of the gift

going, of further holding open
the upturned calloused hands,
and closing the future,

under a binding sweaty obligation,
sealed with a slap on the back and a wink.

Andrew Salkey

2See Adolphe Roberts, Public Opinion, 14 July 1951,
p.5. There were two other exhibitions: 1952 and 1955.
Mais' predecessors are H.G. DeLisser (JanGe 1913, repub-
lished as Jane's Career, 1914; Susan Proudleigh 1915) for
Jamaica; Alfred Mendes (Pitch Lake, 1934; Black Fauns,
1935) and C.LR. James (Minty Alley 1936), for Trini-
dad. But with these, the sharp, essentially urban tang is
not yet present.
4See for example, La vida (1966) and The children of
Sanchez (1961).
5 'Road menders', see Public Opinion, Roger Mais Supple-
ment, 10 June 1966, p. 3.
6 The original typescript draft, running to some 640 pages,
is in the Library of the University of the West Indies,
Mona, Jamaica.
7 The Hills Were Joyful Together, original typescript, Book
I, p. 119. This would have followed on from the first
section on p. 80 of the published version.
8 According to tradition, Garvey's words were 'Look to
Africa, where a black king shall be crowned, for the day
of deliverance is near. Brother Man, however contains
nothing of this element of Rastafari.
9The Report, authorized by the then Vice-Chancellor of
the University, Professor Arthur Lewis, and submitted by
M. G. Smith, Roy Augier, and Rex Nettleford, was itself
a response to mounting public hostility and misunder-
10 The expression occurs, perhaps for the first time in our

written literature, in The Hills Were Joyful Together
1 (1953), p. 113.
11 All references to Brother Man in this Introduction are to
the London (1954) edition. In 1966 Mais' publishers,
Jonathan Cape, produced his three novels in a single
volume, The 3 novels of Roger Mais, with an Introduction
by N.W. Manley. A photographic process was used so that
the original pagination of each of the novels has been
12 See my 'Jazz and the West Indian novel', Bim 44-6 (1967-
13 I am indebted to Cedric 'lm' Brooks and the Divine
Light Band for their lecture-demonstrations on the history
of Jamaican music given at the Institute of Jamaica
during November 1973. Many of my ideas on the subject
were confirmed, often illuminated, during these sessions.
14 Edward Brathwaite, "Springblade' in New Writing in the
Caribbean, ed. A.J. Seymour ( [Georgetown], 1972), p.

15 Big Youth's recording, Ace Ninety Skank, is on tlhe
Mafia label, unnumbere.d.
16 Jonathan Cape's acceptance letter is dated 6 May 1952.
17 'Brother Man' was written in two weeks during the
rainy season of 1951 one night lie told ime
about this novel he was planning; I went out of town for
a little over a fortnight; and when I returned, lie was

revising the last pages of the manuscript.' John Hearne,
'Roger Mais: a personal memoir', Public Opinion, 10 June
1966, p. 2.
18 Mais wrote an article entitled 'Why I love, and leave
Jamaica' on the eve of his departure for Europe. Here he
wrote: 'I shall experience recurring pangs of homesick-
ness, yes But on the whole it will rather be like the
parting of a child from a parent when they have come to a
certain knowledge of themselves aud realize that they have
acquired separate and divergent values.' The article is
reproduced in the Roger Mais Supplement (Public
Opinion. 10 June 1966).
19 ace and other stories (1942), and And Most of All Man
20 Although Black Lightnini was published posthumously,
Mais' publishers had a special preview copy flown out to.
him. It reached him before he died.
21 In the Lilt of this Sun. unpub. mss.. in the Library of
the University of the \West Indies.

1 should like to acknowledge the help of John
llearne, novelist and close friend of Roger Mais, and Mrs.
Jessie D.ayis-Taylor, his sister. for talking with me about
lMais and helping me straighten out details of biographical
order. Iill C.irr's careful report on the Roger Mais manu-
scripts deposited in the Library of the University of the
\\West Indies, \\as ot great help, especially in its dating of
material. 1 should ilso like to thank the Librarians of the
University of the West Indies, Mona, and of the Institute of
Jamllaiica (Reference) for their co-operation;and the executors
of the Mais estate for permission to examine and qaote
briefl. from his manuscripts.

Brother Man, in other words, is pointing not
to the development of the Faustian novel, where
individual characteristics triumph and are stressed,
but towards the alternative tradition of inter-related
perceptions, as is now being explored by George
Lamming, Wilson Harris and Lindsay Barrett, for
example, in SongforMumu. But Mais was by now, para-
doxically enough, moving towards individuation and
away from the folk/urban expression of his first two
published novels. The drift of his work generally,
culminating in Black Lightning (1955), reveals this.
It is a radical West Indian problem. Can we stay with
the tropical drought, which is doubt, or do we emi-
grate? Do we sing the pebble or the whole revolving
globe? Like so many West Indian writers before and
since, Mais decided to try for the whirl. At 47,
painting, and with The Hills Were Joyful Together
about to be published, 16 he felt he wished to travel,
to extend himself. He left Jamaica in August 1952,
taking Brother Man with him. It had been written
during 1951 in one short burst of energy.17 But it
was too late to learn more of the secrets of his native
language and thought; too late to be like Faulkner,
Fitzgerald, Hemingway, Picasso and the rest of the
artist bohemians in Paris and the south of France.
Two years after he had loved and left Jamaica,18 he
was back: unrecognizably thin and wasted, living at
the home of his sister, Mrs. Jessie Dayes: crippled
with cancer, 'that', as he put it, 'fascist disease'. It
was the cruellest thing that could have happened to a
life of such generous, pugnacious energy. By June
1955 he was dead, leaving two books of short
stories, 19 over a dozen stage plays; twenty-six radio
plays, countless uncollected prose pieces and five
novels in addition to the published The Hills- Were
Joyful Together, Brother Man, and Black Lightn-
ing; 20 striving, to the very end, to keep alight a hu
man torch of love and order in the pain and chaos.

'The muscles of his face worked as though words
were forming inside his mouth; but they could not
get past his teeth.
'The first making of darkness began to settle
upon the city. The houses seemed to come together
closer, and to stand out more sharply silhouetted
against the sky. The continuous hum of noises
seemed to grow less and less, and now little sounds
like the choir of crickets began to assert themselves
upon the hearing, like a separatenote.
As he stood there staring darkly through the
window, one hand came up to his face and he began
stroking a pulse in his temple with the index finger,
as though it had suddenly become a localized area of
The pain.. .' 21




Guyana: One move leftwards,
uyaam On

Greg Chamberlain

GUYANA'S three-month
tussle with Reynolds, the
American company which
produces about a fifth of
the country's bauxite for-
a nearly 1,700% increase
in tax revenue, has sub-
sided temporarily into
legal technicalities after
the company's refusal to
meet a Government dead-
line for payment of half
of the US $7m. the new
tax would yield.
For good measure, the
firm has also been barred
from exporting a third of its
output calcined and
cheinical-grade bauxite al-
though it was allowed to
continue shipping the rest -
the metal-grade ore to which
the new tax applies.
Yet the Government's
trumpeting about seizing
control of national resources
and fighting multinational
companies reveals on closer
inspection elements of the
skilful showmanship long
associated with the urbane
Forbes Burnham.
In spite of Reynolds'
refusal to pay the tax (its
offer of a total of $4m. was
rejected), Energy and Natural
Resources Minister Hubert
Tack said the Government
had no intention of seeking
the fines or jail terms pro-
vided for such refusal under
the new bauxite law which
decreed the tax.
It is also interesting that
Burnham has bothered to
continue his campaign for
more revenue when his virtu-
ally simultaneous announce-
.ment in July that he would
nationalise the company
January 1st next obviously
made the chances of col-
lecting any money extremely
In view of his continuing
dependence on the support
of Washington, which largely
brought him to power 10 years
ago the suspicion of dema-
gogy has been reinforced by
the Government-inspired scare
stories about possible retalia-
tion by the United States for
the m6ve against Reynolds. In
fact, compensation for the
impending takeover has yet
to be worked out. But if the
settlement of $53.5m. with
6% interest given to Alcan
when it was taken over in
1971 is anything to go by, it
will not be miserly.
Moreover, Reynolds' assets
in Guyana, with a book value
of $10.6m., are comfortably
insured for almost three times
that amount $28.2m. -
mainly with the United States
semi-official Overseas Private
Investment Corporation
(OPIC). However, there is no
question that Reynolds has
given Guyana a bad deal over
the years, and that the overall
effect of nationalisation will
therefore be a healthy one.
The move against the
company also of course
handily serves to steal yet
more thunder from Marxist

former Premier Cheddi Jagan,
whose continued leadership
of the majority East Indian
community and bovcott of
Parliament keeps political
tensions high. In spite of his
new propaganda weapon how-
ever, Burnham has recently
moved more crudely against
his enemies, whose voices
have not been drowned out
by the nationalistic clamour
over bauxite.


After a long period of
harassment against the Thom-
son-owned Graphic news-
papers, which early this year
included the enforced sacking
of Sunday Graphic Editor
Ulric Mentus and the paper's
fearless Political Reporter,
Rickey Singh (who had
accused Burnham of rigging
the 1973 General Election),
the Prime Minister recently
persuaded Lord Thomson to
sell both papers to the Gov-
This leaves Dr. Jagan's
Mirror as the only non-
Government daily paper. But
Burnham has long seen to it
that the Mirror's appearance
is irregular through physical
intimidation and what he
likes to call MAD (Maximum
Administrative Delay) on
such matters as licences to
import newsprint.
Another Editor, Father
Harold Wong of the official
organ of the Roman Catholic
Church, the weekly Catholic
Standard, has also been forced
out of his job because of his
criticisms of Burnham.
Direct action, the first for
some years, was also taken
against Dr. Jagan in July
when armed police raided his
home and the headquarters
of his People's Progressive
Party and confiscated files
and documents. Last week, 21
years to the day after he was
overthrown by the British
Government in 1953, Dr.
Jagan, who points out that
Burnham has more than
doubled his expenditure on
the army and police in the
past two years, was fined for
illegally possessing a pistol.
Hot on the heels of taking
ettective control of the press,
Burnham two weeks ago rein-
troduced a ban on allegedly
subversive literature. The ban
is clearly aimed at the unity
the opposition has been
enjoying recently. Dr. Jagan's
PPP, former Home Affairs
Minister Llewelyn John's
People's Democratic Move-
ment, Dr. Ganraj Kumar's
Liberator Party, and Eusi
Kwayana's black nationalist
ASCRIA group have been
sharing the platform at a
number of meetings which
Government hoodlums have
done their best to wreck.
It is also an answer to the
storm of protests in Guyana.
and abroad at Burnham's
quashing of the University of
Guyana's appointment in July
of the formidable black mili-
tant, Dr. Walter Rodney, as
its new Professor of History.
It was Dr. Rodney, a Guv-

two to the right

anese who has taught in
Tanzania for the past six
years, whose writings and ex-
pulsion from Jamaica in
1968 largely gave birth to
the contemporary black
radical movement in the
Commonwealth Caribbean.
In spite of this and his
leading role in getting Carib-
bean militants barred from
the Pan-African Congress in
Dar es Salaam in June, Burn-
ham, who likes to wear
dashikis and to stress his
contributions to the Organ-
isation of African Unity's
Liberation Fund, managed to
effusively welcome Dr.
Rodney's protector, Tan-
zanian President Julius
Nyerere, to Guyaga last
Yet things 'have not been
going all Burnham's way.
Labour troubles in the public
sector have been inflamed by
the spectacle of huge in-
creases in the salaries and

pension rights of Government
ministers and members of
Parliament while Burnham
has resisted efforts by the
unions to get a better pen-
sions deal for thousands of
low-paid workers.
One of his ablest ministers,
Kenneth King, has resigned
to become Assistant Secre-
tary-General of FAO, and
another star, Foreign Minister
Shridath Ramphal, is expected
to leave soon to become
Secretary-General of the
Commonwealth. Some reports
say they have both had
differences with Burnham
and are going quietly.
There have also been
rumours that Burnham him-
self is about to step down or
run for President in 1976
and talk of forming some
kind of national unity coali-
tion. These are almost cer-
tainly diversionary tactics
however to drum up support
for the Government and its

leader to face the. country's
serious economic crisis result-
ing from the higher cost of
One bright spot on the
economic front though is the
rocketing world price of
Guyana's main export, sugar,
although that is still con-
trolled by Britain's giant
Booker McConnell combine
which own other important
sectors of the Guyanese
economy too.
All in all, despite his care-
-ful left-wing persona and a
certain number of genuine
measures to back it up, the
51-year-old Burnham con-
tinues to serve as Washing-
ton's complex but efficient
bulwark against the red tide
at the opposite end of the
continent from Chile, and
not so incidentally, to preside
over an important chunk of
the world's supply of raw
materials. (Courtesy Latin
America Magazine)


Literature E

Lloyd King Economics
Gordon Rohlehr
Victor Questel George Beckford
Denis Solomon Norman Girvan
Cheryl Williams Owen Jefferson
Derek Walcott Clive Thomas
Wayne Brown Maurice Odle
William Demas
Roy Thomas
Havelock Brewster
Alister McIntyre

James Millette Lloyd Best Vernon Gocking Dennis
Forsythe Fitz Baptiste Vaughan Lewis

Books...Pamphlets...Tapia selections

Phone 662-5126 or visit our office at
82-84 St Vincent Street Thnapuna



Continued from Page 3.

Elevating of necessity the
rationalisations of the past
into the virtues of the present.
Incapable or afraid to admit
that their success so bravely
fought for, so dearly won
was gained in the wrong
battle entirely.
For them the choice
between vision and nightmare
is going to be extremely
difficult. Not all have com-
pletely wrapped themselves in
the protective cloak of any
ugly and militant cynicism.
One woufd suppose that their
decision would depend upon
how much they started with
in the first place and how
much has been eroded over
the years as they have enjoyed
their corrupt success.
Prevatt, having read
into the record his Party's
position gave way to Inskip
Julien. Julien has the longest
record for unbroken service -
in the Senate and is proud of
it. He is in many ways the
last of a dying breed, those
for whom packaging is more
important than content. That
first generation of fully
finished mimic-men.


Enough has been said
about Juliens acerbic attack
on the Constitution Com-
mission and on its Chairman
Sir Hugh Wooding in particu-
lar. Wooding and Julien were
contemporaries, in terms not
only of age but of sentinent.
Creatures or, more correctly
creations of the same vicious
elitist system. Trained from
early to strive for that small,
dearly prized morsel of free-
dom and self-respect.
Thrown, like gladiators
into the ring, attacking each
other for the Emperors favour,
no quarter could be asked
for none would surely be
given. A fight to the finish
and to the victor all the
spoils. But when does the
fight finish? In such an arena
does not death signify who
is the victor. Julien like
Wooding is the tragedy of
Colonialism writ large.
Then into the lists came
the first of the Tapia speak-
ers. Ivan Laughlin, his
position clearly already taken.
Arguing, passionately and
fervently for vision and
introducing into the record
and into the august atmos-
phere of cold practicality
more than the word "macco".
He spoke also of love and
compassion of nobility and
of spirit.


The spokesman of the
little people striving to arti-
culate in words the chromatic
immediacy of his own vision.
Participation of the people
from all walks of life, of all
colours and races in the
political and social and
economic processes of the
nation. Pleading, desperately
urging, and then wincing in
anguish as others spoke
glibly, disparaginly of
utopian, futuristic and im-
practical suggestions. Know-
ing that on this occasion he
had perhaps failed, confident
that he would be back again
to plead again.
The Government replied


to vision with futility. Hugh
Harris also making his maiden
speech. The platitudes kept
dribbling from his lips and
one was sickened and tor-
mented by the spectacle.
They might have spared the
old man that. For he has
served them well.
A career civil servant, a
party stalwart, those less
generous might call him hack.
A concept of duty and
service which admits no
initiative, just obedience. He
knew his place and hath been
rewarded for it. But there
is nare, for Harris was the
Permanent Secretary in the
Ministry of Home Affairs
during the February Revolu-
tion, the supposedly inde-
pendent arbiter of adminis-
trative law. And now he
turns up wearing his Party's
The debate, such as it
was, were on. Hamlet Joseph,
another Tapia senator. A
plain man, with nothing but
truth on his side, delivering a
crushing indictment of the
woeful neglect visited by the
regime on the people of
Laventille and, by extension
the little people everywhere.
Gatcliffe, a serious man,
astute and independent, com-
prehending the political
realities, maybe even the
possibilities, but the product
of a particular tradition.

afraid to trust in the capa-
-city of'the people and there-
fore reduced to a sterile
"realism" which in the end
leads nowhere.
Rogers, Noel, Lamont,
Glean, Goodridge. all making
their contributions, passion-
ately, urgently, honestly.
Sense and nonsense, myth
and mystery, fact and fantasy
but, in the end, too much of
it empty, cold, formalistic.
Too much ritual, char-
ade, meaningless formality,
unutterably depressing, re-
ducing the participants and
audience alike to a state of
mindlessnessss so fully had
they all been robbed of their
manhood. Nightmare reigned


And t th theic dawn
broke. "I saw my land in llhe
morning, And Oh, but she
was fair." Lloyd Best coming
at the end of two days of
Debate to make the last stand,
on this occasion, fm (lie
visionaries. And thus did lhe
begin, not with the rapier
strokes of the political polem-
icist but with tlie caress of
the poet.
Speaking, he said, ,iom
his heart and therefore
appealing to the hearts of
the senators, the audience,
and his countrymen. More

m porll iintly, inking 111he fun-
dai ental assiml tioni I li
their licarls wele still open
and tlhait ves.igcs of ) dll-
li l)' ect still esidcd in suih-
liminal climes waiting It hC


But then, if hills assul p-
hlon is not made, thc wlihle
e tcrprisc of vision is doomed.
Then he proceeded to divest
the whole debate of tlie
shrouds of constitutional
irrelevancy and to unearth
with stark clarity the central
core of political choice,
posing for the first time
explicitly the alternatives:
vision or nightmare.
Silence fell throughout
the whole chamber as Best
S probed deep the recesses of
the soul. Challenging with his
words all the poses of com-
fortable hypocrisy, he sent
S forth his plea for doubt into
the very innards of mindless
complacency. He invited the
nation to a spiritual, a
psychic adventure, a baptis-
,mal plunge into the choppy
waters, a rebirth of hope, of
love and of vision.


All the rest, surprise
amendment, swift adjourn-
ment, urgent consultation.
rejected amendment, new
amendment, debate on
amendment, debate on
motion, vote on amendment.
vote on motion, all the rest
was swiftly anti-climatic. The
vote taken and the amend-
ment defeated. But the choice
between visiorrn-aT-ntigTnrmare---l
"- still not made. A choice to
be inscribed in red.
But one thing is cer-
tain, just as politics had
returned to the country with
the Best-Manswell Debate.
politics had now returned
to Parliament.



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(1) Subject to due recognition of the overriding power and respon-
sibility of Parliament, the matter of the constitutional future of Trinidad
and Tobago be treated with the necessary care and attention which is
expected by the people but which it cannot receive under the restrictive
rules of debate now in force.
(2) In pursuance of this objective this House constitute itself a
Committee of the Whole to debate the matter and to receive views
from outside
(3) During the debate members be permitted to speak more than
once or for more than the time at present allotted
(4) Representatives be invited from all political parties registered
with the Elections Commission to participate in the debate
(5) Representatives be invited at the discretion of this House from
community organizations to participate in the debate
(6) To facilitate this the venue of the meetings be changed if
necessary to some more appropriate location
(7) This House make arrangements for full coverage of the proceed-
ings by radio, television and the press.
The Clerk of the Senate,
Red House,
Port-of-Soain. 22/10/74.

"Subject to duerecognition
of the overriding power and
responsibility of Parliament the
matter of the constitutional
future of Trinidad and Tobago
be treated with the necessary
care and attention which is ex-
pected of the people.
"In pursuance of this
objective this House constitute
itself a committee the whole
empowered to deliberate on the
matter to send for persons,
papers and records".


(1) Call a Temporary Conference of Citizens, that is to say, a
Constituent Assembly of individuals, community groups and political
(2) Appoint Sir Hugh Wooding as the Chairman and the Constitution
as the Secretariat
(3) Accept the Majority and Minority Reports of the Constitution
Commission as the working papers of the Conference
(4) Establish a multi-party Committee from the Conference of
Citizens to set a date for new elections and to act as an impartial and
trustworthy Elections and Boundaries Commission
(5) Repeal all restrictive legislation on political activity with special
reference to public meetings, marches, posters and loudspeakers advert-
(7) Repudiate the idea that we must continue to seek messianic
deliverance through one-man Doctor Politics and strive instead to save
ourselves by our own exertions.


This is a $5 million issue.The74% bonds1980/84 can be purchased
at TT$98.30 percent, with a running yield of 7.88% per annum,
and gross redemption yield of 8% per annum.


0 25 YEAR

This is a $10 million issue. The 8% Boi.,s 1994/99 can be
purchased at TT $94.85 per cent, with a running yield of 8.44%
per annum, and gross redemption yield of $8.50% per annum.

Nlm A

The list of applications will be opened at 8.00 a m on
Tuesday 29th Octoberr 1974 3nd closed at 12 noon on
Wednesaav 30th October 1974. Bonds will bp dated
30th October 1974.
The Central Bank of Trinidad and Tobago is the sole and exclusive
agent for the raising and management of this issue.
Interest will be payable half-yearly by the Central Bank
of Trinidad and Tobago on the 30th April and the 30th October.
The first payment will be made on the 30tn April 1975 at the
rate of Tr$7.75 per TT$100.00 face value per annum for the
72% bond and TT$8.00 per TTS100.00 face value per annum
for the 8% bond.

What the funds will be used for:
The proceeds of this issue will be applied to retiring certain
short-term obligations of the Government, and financing
projects in the development programme for 1974.

where to obtain application forms
Prospectuses and application forms may be obtained at
the Investment Division o\ the Central Bank of Trinidad
and Tobago,Comptroller of Accounts, Central Bank
Building, any of the branches of the commercial banks
operating in Trinidad and Tobago, Trinidad Co-operative
Bank Limited, Caribbean Stock and Bond (Trinidad)
Limited, West Indies Stockbrokers Limited, all Trust
Companies operating in Trinidad and Tobago and
Barclays Finance Corporation of Trinidad and Tobago Ltd.

Applications will be received at the investment Division of the
Central Bank, St. Vincent Street, Port of Spain, and must be
accompanied by the full amount of the purchase price of the
Bonds applied for.
The issue will be made under the Development Loans Act 1964
(No. 19 of 1964), as amended by the Act No. 17 of 1965 and Act
No. 14 of 1969.
Further information may be obtained from the Central Bank,
St. Vincent Stre.t, Port of Spain; all banks and trust companies
or your stock broker.

12 NOON, 30th October 1974



~----~~__~ _~__


Mr. Editor, Sir,
WILL you explain wnat
the hell (if you will
excuse the unparliamen-
tary language) you mean
when you say that
"Senator Best failed to
get through his amend-
ment because of his un-
familiarity with parlia-
mentary practice and
procedure, his sudden
departure from what he
called conventional (sic)
politics, and his ignorance
of constitutional law".
I am interested in the

literary gymnastic you will
have to perform to squarI
that proposition with the
following: "His proposal in
his amendment to the Gov-
ernment's motion was clearly
an attempt to introduce his
idea of a constituent
assembly in disguise. The
House, therefore, was clearly
going to reject it'.
Well is it one or the
Since you cannot and
will not seriously attempt to
make sense of what you
apparently believe to be two
complementary contentions,
I here charge:

(I) That your opposi-
tion to Best and Tapia is
based not on sound appraisal
of Tapia's methods of policy.
(2) That you cannot
possibly be so politically
naive as to believe that the
Best amendment was an
effort to "salvage some of
the legitimacy he lost on
entering a House .. "
(3) "That,' for your own
interests, you have maintained

a constant viliiication of,
Tapia because you know that
you are yet to convince the
ordinary Trinidadian and
Tobagonian that "Tapia" has
lost legitimacy.
(4) That you have not
sensed the enthusiasm of
your own reporters over the
fact that Tapia's presence in
the Senate is a dynamic
ingredient in the ongoing
politics of the country,
(5) And that, perhaps,
you do since you maintain
that "the contribution of the
Tapia group to the three-
9lay debate was good and
warranted the praise of other
members of the House.
You see sir, your
second-to-last paragraph: "It
seems that Senator Best and
company have found a
forum, however, illegitimate
they may consider that
forum," means (a) that you
are well aware that Tapia
has never "made an about
face" as regards the "illegiti-
macy" of the Senate and (b)
that one of the reasons for
the Tapia entry into the
Senate was to exploit the
Senate as a forum.
Your last paragraph:
"But we still believe that
people who have expressed
strong views on certain

matters should stick to their
views if principle is to
continue to have some shred
of meaning in this society.
is an example of peevishness
of the most ludicrous kind
since it displays outrage that
Tapia should have succeeded
in making a forum of this
ineffective and anachronistic
Senate. Incidentally what
principle has Tapia jettisoned
by the tactic of using it as a
I agree that it is naive
to expect its members to do
what Mr. Best wanted them
to do (that is the Senate's),
but I contend it is naive to
expect Tapia to be so naive.
And if Tapia could be as
easily frustrated as you con-
tend we would have given up
long ago. "Frustration" is not
a word in the Tapia vocabul-
One final question. I
could not help but compare
your treatment of Best with
your treatment of Mr. Robin-
son. Imagine a newspaper, in
defence of a long-held posi-
tion, comes out against a
man in a manner that not
only seeks to boost his
image but to offer him a way
out of having made a fool of
himself. So my question is:
Sir. Who the hell writes your
editorials? Keith Smith

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