Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
October 6, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

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QcI 1@ 74

Vol. 4 No. 40


Queen's Hall December 1969: A sign of the times


SUDDENLY last Sunday politics came back to
Trinidad and Tobago. Politics; people assembl-
ing in large multitudes; interests clashing, issues
being brought into sharper focus; hopes, dreams,
illusions. But politics, alright, with the excite-
ment running right through the nation and
electrifying the absent and the present. Politics
that brusquely opened up the rusty doors of
television and radio house.
When last did the cameras record an entire two
hours and a half of community discussion of national
issues not organised by the.Government? When last did
the National Broadcasting Service play back an entire
speech by an Opposition Leader? It was not, for sure,
because they wanted to; but because the entire public
had become so involved in the matter that they dared
not hold the media off.
In some ways it was like March the fourth of
1970 all again except that we have now reached the
revolution in its final and constructive phase. That
Shanty Town demonstration of 1970 was our first
explosive bid for glory, the beginning of the beginning.
We had to clear away all the debris. We had to do it
without organization; we had to do it without plan.
Now its the beginning of the end.
"Organisations and indivi-
duals have suggested what
may be termed a Queen's
Hall type Conference. There
is no considerable enthusiasm
for this type of public con-
sultation and in the circum-
stances "there may well be
minimal participation ... "
Oddly, that was the Rt. Hon.
Dead Horse speaking not 48 ,
hours before the huge crowd
descended on the Town Hall,
many finding no room at the
inn. What would have happen-
ed if the Press had not led
the citizens to believe that the
proceedings would be broad-
cast live?
No the days for big poli-
tical meetings are not over.
Tapia will deliver every one Town Hall Septembe.

of the promised 80,000. What is over is the mere poli-
tics of crowd. Doctor manipulation done in all its
Once the flame of politics has been rekindled by
fundamental issues, the public gaze will inevitably turn
in one direction. After politics the time for government
will come.
The charnel-house, the morgue the passes now
for Parliament cannot for long survive. The living-dead
caricatures administration; the machinery of state is
falling into disrepair. Deprived of employment, be-
devilled by inequality and injustice, ravaged by inflation
and punished by the wicked self-indulgence of grasping
selectional interests, the nation wills a brighter morn.
Before the year is out that dawn will break.
"In these circumstances, Cabinet has decided to
initiate in Parliament, beginning with the Senate, a
debate on constitutional reform. Interested members of
the Public will be able to follow the debate, such views
as they may express on its progress through the channels
open to them will no doubt be taken into account.."
Hansard, September 27, 1974.
It is a beautiful plan for controlled participation.
(Lloyd Best comments on pg. 8). It is exactly the plan
we in Tapia anticipated including one small but fatal
error. It ignores the fact that politics is here once more.

25 Cents

The Great

Debate -

report by

Lennox Grant



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THE Great Debate con-
Will we? Won't we?
Should we make the
change? Can we take the
chance of losing what
we've got? To what end?
What's in it for ME?
"Rock the Boat-Don't
Rock the Boat, baby!" The
currently popular song ex-

have been heard from the
Town Hall, Port-of-Spain
stage last Sunday. If it had
been just another of those
For years the Town
Hall and the air waves have
been dominated from 2 p.m.
on Sundays by children
singing popular songs on the
Auntie Kay's Children Show.
Auntie Kay, for years a
PNM City Councillor. The
Town Hall auditorium, in the
years since the end of the
mutiny trials, has seen no
such excitement.
"Welcome to the Great
Debate". It was 2.15 p.m.
The Chairman Moderator,
Mr. Joseph Pantor, described
as a company director and a
lawyer, cut through the im-
patient hum, with slow hand-
claps getting more frequent
in the crowded hall, as we
waited for the television crew
to set their things up.
Pantor in a brief open-
ing comment remarked that
the demand for public debate
was evidently greater since
the normal institutions had
become "rather lame".
He saw this occasion
and the subsequent debates
he promised to stage as an
attempt to bring the public

back into major issues; to
provide occasions for the
production of information
and the exposure of points
of view, and to let the
public draw their own conclu-
So this was it.. The
sudden eruption of an
assembly of citizens. A
counter institution to take
the place of the Parliament

were mre -taningutraers--
restrict the seating accom-
modation even when the
most vital issues were to be
decided upon as distinct
from debated.


Joseph Pantor? Who is
he? An impresario in the
public service, a promoter of
this rare kind of spectacle.
There in maroon shirt jack
suit, well tended Afro hairdo,
besliectacled and slow-talking.
Perhaps his background
should best remain unknown.
That way would be
proved Tapia's long-held
notion that when the time
comes, the situation will just
produce the required people,
at the right place, at the
right time.
And Pantor showed
that he had more than just a
notion of the props,trappings
and atmosphere required for
the kind of presentation that
last Sunday's had to be.
Three name-plated
tables were set on the stage
in a semi-circle, microphones
fixed in place, attractive girl
secretaries in the back ground
palantyping and filling water

A short man whose
features were hardly discern-
ible for the microphones that
ringed his face, Pantor would
emerge as the man who had
the savvy and the sense of
public mood to make it all
possible the Great Debate,
the public confrontation of
Iwo controverVsil! figures! ';: d
the discussion of a burning
issue. Bread.
- fi-dn-ay"-Sep teemer 297-
The siesta heat of early
afternoon, after the tradi-
tional heavy lunch. Normal
business foregone by the
multitudes whojammed solid
into the seats on' the floor
and balcony of the auditor-
ium, and latecomers who
clogged the exits.
"On my right", Pantor
might have said, James Mans-
well, General Secretary of
the Public Service Associa-
tion, recognized bargaining
body for some 30,000 public
service employees, President
of the Trade Union Congress.
He had appeared before the
1964 Mbanefo Commission
on Subversive Activities. The
Commission had commented
on his toughness and honesty.
On his left, Lloyd Best,
Secretary of Tapia, founder
of the New World Group,
widely respected academic
with acknowledged eminence
as a radical thinker and
activist, Caribbean-wide, over
the last 15 years. He too had
been brought before the
Mbanefo Commission.
Now he was for the
motion: that the PSA pay
rise proposals amounted to
robbery with V. A sensation-
ally bold assertion if ever
there was one. Who would

dare to be cast in the role ot
appearing to oppose
rise for 30,000 workers? To
run the risk of being head-
lined as saying "Don't Pay",
in the Express the following
And ofcourse Manswell
saw his advantage. He chal-

issue was joined.
Tihe people who camne
to the Town Hall last Sunday
- and those who stayed
home expecting to follow the
debate on the radio or TV
- had heard before at least
the outlines of the two con-
tending positions.


'he PSA was invoking
inflation, the government's
known ability to pay and was
demanding 60% rise for
public servants drawing
below 5800 and 45% for
those drawing above that
Tapia had denounced
the irresponsibility of the
demand arguing that the PSA
should feel bound to propose
how inflation could be com-
bated for the whole popula-
tion as a means of showing,
a positive interest in the
major question of inequality
in the sharing of the national
In addition, Tapia in a
press statement on September
19, had noted that "the
scrambling at the public
purse are assuming the pro-
portions of a national
menace", and called for a
National Assembly to "sup-
port measures to bring

industrial unrest under com-
munity control".
The debate would dra-
matise the conflict of percep-
tions. But it was more than
the entertainment of drama
that the people wanted. The
anxieties given rise to by
the mounting cost of living
and the appearance of pros-
perity for some had defined
a "real issue". A "bread and
butter issue".
People have not been
able to see how, if they
don't themselves assume
fierce defence of their in-
terests, they could be assured
that basic needs will be ful-
filled. For food, water, educa-
tion for human dignity in
The most widespread
impression in the country is
that it's every man for him-
self. Not that-anybody has
chosen to have it that way.
But it's suddenly settled on
the country that this is the
role for each of us, a role that
has been determined by
larger forces in the context
of a collapsing social order.
So everybody is right
to draw angry swords in
defence of personal or sec-
tional right to well-being.
Even if this means just hold-
ing onto what we already
But everybody can't
be right. The logical conclu-
sion is madness. A war of all
against all, in which only the
strongest, not the more just.
not the best meaning, will
survive. And which is why
we cannot escape the many-
sided implications of the way

Continued on Page 10

A*- e lslr- l

-- ----- ""




THE start of what President Juan Velasco Alvarado had
earlier referred to as, the 'integral solution of the problem
of the press was marked in the early hours of Saturday
morning by the occupation of the offices of the seven
main Lima dailies by steel-helmeted guardian de asalto.
The papers have now been placed in the hands of
four-man editorial committees, appointed by the govern-
ment, which have 90 days to reorganise them, and a year
to hand them over to the 'social organizations of the nation'
selected by the government in each case.
This drastic measure, which had been expected for some
time, is the most striking act of the 'Peruvian Revolution' since the
take-over of the International Petroleum Company (IPC)in October
1968, which was carried out in a similarly dramatic military fashion.
Outside reactions are bound to be unfavourable, particularly
from the Inter-American Press Association, long-time antagonists of
the military regime, but President Velasco has already announced
that 'their opinion is of no interest at all in Peru, and their partners
no longer rule here'.
The President said in his annual independence day speech on
28 July that fundamental reorganisation of the press was one of the
main aims of the secret 'Plan Inca' drawn up before the 1968 coup,
and which, according to the President, has guided the actions of the
government ever since.
The measure is certainly quite consistent with the military
government's overall programme of structural changes, the press
constituting the 'last bastion of the reactionary plutocracy' as-
sociated with the primary exporting sectors which have been among
the principal targets of the 'Revolution', and does not seem to imply
a basic change in direction by the regime.

The opposition press
has been under increasing
pressure- ever since the
publication of a new press
statute in December 1969,
and the expropriation of
Expreso, owned by the
previous regime's finance
minister, Manuel Ulloa, in
March 1970.
Labour troubles had
become increasingly frequent
and severe at both El
Comercio and La Prensa, and
immediate expropriation of
the former at the time of a
prolonged strike in mid-1973
was only prevented by the
opposition of conservative
elements in the cabinet,led
by navy minister Admiral
Luis Vargas Caballero.
It was his removal fol-
lowing another controversy
over press freedom earlier this
year which cleared the way for
the integral solution', despite
strong opposition from the
prime minister, General
Edgardo Mercado Jarrin.
Within Peru, expropria-
tion of the conservative
newspapers had become, like
defence of the 200-mile limit,
an issue that all progressive
sectors, including those
generally opposed 'to the
government, were bound to
Conservative opinion,
expressed in recent weeks in
the editorial columns of La
Prensa, had come to believe
in a Cuban-inspired plot to
turn the entire press over to
the Peruvian Communist
Party, and great significance
was attached to the current
visit of Raul Castro, the
Cuban war minister, to Lima,
and the recent journey to
Havana by labour minister,
Pedro Sala Orosco, who was
also chairman of the com-
mission set up to deal with
the press.
In terms of the dialectic
of the Peruvian process this
is a very fanciful interpreta-
tion. The Communist Party
can expect to get very little
from the new press set-up,
and the far-left opposition
even less.
In the constant struggle
between pro- and anti-
centralist tendencies within
the government and its sup-
porters, the new press law
represents a decisive victory
for the latter. Expreso,

which was turned into a
workers' co-operative in
1970, has now been taken
away rrom the pro-Com-
munist group which control-
led it, and handed to a
committee led by Alberto
Ruiz Eldredge, a former
leader of the Movimiento
Social Progresista and until
recently ambassador to
The Christian Demo-
cratic Party has been given
control of ElComercio,. a
particular target of the
Communists, and SINAMOS,
a stronghold of anti-com-
munist sentiments within the
government apparatus, has
done very well out of the
distribution of the spoils:
Hugo Neira, editor of the
SINAMOS journal Participa-
cion, becomes director res-
ponsable of Correo, formerly
owned by the Banchero
fishing interests, assisted by
his colleague Francisco
Guerra, while another sina-
mista Rafael Rocagliolo,
becomes a director of
In this connection, it is
interesting to note the recent
challenge to Communist
Party control of the Confe-
deracion Nacional de Comuni-
dades Industriales (CONACI),
led by the official union
federation CTRP (Central de
Trabajadores de la Revolu-
cion Peruana), which is con-
trolled by SINAMOS.
It looks as though the
Peruvian Communist Party,
which has provided useful
support for the government
in the past, is being pushed
aside as the government
prepares to put its own
organizations, created since
1968, more directly in con-
Significantly, President
Velasco referred in his 28
July speech to the imminent
reform of the 'outdated and
corrupt' labour organizations,
which can only bode ill for
the biggest of them, the
Communist-backed Confe-
deracion General de Trabaja-
dores del Peru (CGTP)
The new law guaran-
tees freedom to criticise the
government, but distribution
of 'clandestine' publications
is banned, and this covers a
good part of the left-wing
opposition press, which has

survived and multiplied under
various forms of official
The unions in which
these left-wing groups are
strong, such as the teachers'
federation, SUTEP, the
miners and metalworkers,
and the Confederacion Cam-
pesina del Peru (CCP) are
conspicuously absent from
the list of popular organisa-
tions which are to inherit the
The rural organizations
to which El Comercio has
been assigned, for example,
arc given as co-operatives,
Sociedades Agricolas de
Interes Social (SAIS), agrarian
leagues and federations all
government-controlled or-
ganisations; the agrarian
leagues and federations were
set up by SINAMOS specific-
ally to combat the growing
influence of the CCP in the

The CCP claims that
22 of its members were
arrested at the end of June
in the Chancay valley, and
another six in Huaura, and

can take little comfort from
the latest measure which
portends increased repression
of revolutionary groups
which prefer to remain out-
side the 'Revolution'.
Some of the new
appointments raise interest-
ing questions about the gov-
ernment's intentions. The
Christian Democrats are
given control of El Comercio
in the person of Hector
Comejo Chavez; but the
party has almost no influ-
ence in the rural organisa-
tions to which the paper has
bccn assigned.
Similarly, LaPrensa,
assigned to the communi-
dades laborales, is to be
edited by Walter Penaloza,
a noted philosopher and
educationalist, while the
educational organizations
(universities, parent-teacher
groups, etc) have -been
assigned Expreso, which is
now edited by Ruiz Eldredge,
better known as a lawyer and
One aspect of the re-
form which should win the
approval of everyone familiar

with the appalling Lima daily
press is the appointment to
the new editorial teams of
some of the best journalists
in Peru.

Perhaps the most in-
teresting appointment is that
of Guillermo 'Ihomdike as
director responsible of La
Nueva Cronica, the govern-
ment-owned paper which
was acquired with the rest of
the Prado empire in 1971.
Thomdike, a successful
novelist and former editor of
Correo, is the author of a
sharply pro-aprista and anti-
military account of the 1932
Trujillo revolution.
The few news maga-
zines published in ima are
to be left alone for the time
being, but this is cold comfort
to Caretas, which was closed
down last month for 'con-
spiring' against the revolu-
tion, or to Oiga, which is
locked in an interminable
struggle with the workers of
its own print-shop and may
have to fold.
(Courtesy Latin America


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THE London periodical, Latin America, has
reported that some of Peru's best journalists
have now been placed in control of the big
Lima papers recently expropriated by the
revolutionary government. "It remains to be
seen", said the August 2 comment, "how
they will carry out the promised transfer
of ownership to the organisedd sectors of
Tapia readers and Associates are
specially concerned with the conditions
surrounding the operations of the Press and
the other media of communication.
Our strategy for Press Reform in
Trinidad & Tobago is based on
(a) an unconventional journalism, aimed
to alter professional perceptions in
the trade
(b) localisation of ownership and control
in advertising and in the newspaper
(c) conversion of the Guardian into a
National Trust charged to develop a
daily paper for the entire Eastern
Caribbean and
(d) an entirely new pattern of news-
paper financing involving, among
other things, less reliance on ads,
lower costs through wider use of
shared production, distribution and
library service and
(e) higher selling prices of papers to
consumers with corresponding tax
Below we reprint in full, the article
from Latin America Magazine



visit to Trinidad and
Tobago perhaps excited
more interest than has
been the case with most
visiting Heads of State,
with the possible excep-
tion of the Queen.
Interest was generated
not only in the personal-
ity of the man but also
in what he appeared to
stand for.
For the most part,
public reaction to Nyerere
the man was favourable.
His modesty and simpli-
city, his wit and his
obvious lack of pomposit
endeared him to many.
There was a freshness of
style about this politician
that Trinidadians once
knew but had long for-
gotten could exist. Some-
how he seemed to be a
cut above the run of the
mill type of politician
which one had begun to
assume was the norm.
Nyerere's presence also
elicited interest in the mean-
ingfulness of the concept of
one party democracy and the
relevance of the model for
Trinidad and Tobago. The
prevailing view seemed to be
that whatever its theoretical
merits, the one party system
was not suitable for Trinidad
and Tobago. Here, the urgent
need was to open up the
political corridors to a
wider public rather than close
them off to all but a few
party stalwarts who assume
they always know what is
best for the country-


Unlike Tanzania, where
there are a few central prob-
lem areas that most can agree
need to be emphasised as top
priority, the situation in
Trinidad is a great deal more
complex and therefore less
amenable' to unidimensional
solutions. All the basic in-
gredients for a participatory
democracy exist in the coun-
try and there is no compelling
need to concentrate decision
making in the hands of a few.
The other issue which
Nyerere's visit drew attention
to was the question of social-
ism. It would be interesting
to find out whether Nyerere's
presence here helped in any
way to promote the accept-
ability of socialism. My guess
is that it did not, especially
since the President went out
of his way to emphasise the
differences which existed be-
tween the economies of
Trinidad & Tobago and Tan-
The President seemed
to imply that the dissimilari-
ties were so great that no
lessons could be learnt. He
did, however, note that
Tanzania might have some-
thing to teach us about the
nationalisation of banks if we
ever thought of moving in
that direction. Tanzania in
fact not only showed other
Third World Countries how to
value the assets of banks but
also what ought to be done
with them once they are
taken over.

In Tanzania, the bank-
ing system has not only been

A freshness

of style

we had



nationalised, but has also adequate compensation and
been made more relevant to that (horror of all horrors)
the economic needs of the Indian women had been
country which depends so forced to marry Africans.
heavily on agriculture.
Despite what the Presi- IDIANS
dent said about Tanzania's INDIANS
inability to teach us much,'
it is clear that there are many To quote him: "there
things that we could learn, has been no definite legal
We could, for example, learn parliamentary move to expel
what not to do when foreign Indians from Tanzania, but
- fii-s are aTiofriaisedi'aii Cdfditi7itT~hWave-nmtradeso
more particularly, what sorts unbearable for them that
of formulae might be used to they are forced to flee as
calculate compensation and refugees (and) not allowed to
the types of management take their money and jewels
contracts that we should with them.Most of the Indians
sign. Tanzania has had a lot that remainedin Tanzania are
of experience (both good and old people. Other Tanzanian
bad) in these areas and we citizens of Indian origin told
would do well to benefit by me that there are thousands
it. more like them living in the
There are lessons to be United States and Canada as
learnt in other areas as well. refugees. Our government
Tanzania has been in the must have known about this
vanguard of those very few and yet they saw it fit to
Third World States which are invite and welcome a man
seriously trying to control the like President Nyerere to a
cupidity of politicians and country like ours where at
public officials. While some least 50 percent of the
official corruption still exists population is of direct East
in Tanzania, it is well under Indian origin".
control. Here in fact is one It is easy to dispose of
country where morality in the accusation about forced
public affairs is more than an marriage. A few Asian and
electioneering slogan to be Persian women were indeed
conveniently forgotten once forced to marry Africans in
the votes are counted. Tanzania in 1970, but these
incidents took place on the
RESTRAINTS island of Zanzibar which was
then under the control of the
late Sheik Abed Karume. In
Here is country where his approach to the question
the life style of leaders makes of Asians, Karume was a
it possible for them to appear forerunner of Idi Amin.
credible when they appeal for Karume in fact caused
restraints onconsumption. In Nyerere no little embarrass-
Tanzania, for example, one ment on this and other issues.
would not be served whisky, It should be noted that
brandy or champagne at although it is part of Tan-
official functions. Instead, zania, Zanzibar is autonomous
one is served fruit juice or as far as its domestic politics
modest quantities of locally are concerned and Nyerere
produced beer. has little power to control
During and following what is done there, although
Nyerere's visit, there were a he might have some influence
few letters in the daily press on the leaders. There was in
which were critical of Tan- fact a great deal of protest on
zania's policy towards Asians. the mainland about Karume's
One scribe complained that policies towards Asians. There
many Tanzanian Asians has, however, been no recur-
had been relieved of their rence of these incidents since
homes and property without Karume's assassination.


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Jumbe, Zanzibar's new
leader, is much closer to
Nyerere in political style and
there is now a great deal more
co-ordination and co-opera-
tion between the two political-
units than there was before,
Jumbe is popular and legiti-
mate on the mainland where
Karume was not, and many
see him as a possible succes-
sor to the Mwalimu.

It is true that thousands
of Asians from mainland
Tanzania have suffered and
that many of them have been
forced to leave for Britain,
Canada and elsewhere with-
out being able to take all
their possessions. Nyerere
himself admitted that more
than 20,000 left in 1971.
Many more would have left
after their butcheries and
homes were taken over, in
late 1971 and early 1972, in
some cases without adequate


But the policies that
gave rise to this exodus were
not motivated by racialism,
though it is easy to under-
stand why those affected see
no difference between the
Ugandan and Tanzanian
models. But although the
effect on them appears to be
the same, there is a real dif-
ference. What is being done
in Tanzania tolimit the capa-
city ofentrepreneurs toamass
private wealth is done in the
pursuit of socialism and not
economic nationalism as is
the case in Uganda and
Kenya. If the principal vic-
tims of socialism in Tanzania
are Asians, Arabs and Euro-
peans, this is due to the fact
that they were the major
owners of property.
But Africans have also
suffered. Some have been
forced to give up homes to
the state and many more will
be forced to join Ujaama
villages and farm co-
operatively. It is also worth

noting that unlike Amin or
Kenyatta, Nyerere has in-
vited Asians who are citizens
of Tanzania to join and
participate in the socialist
He has repeatedly
warned Tanzanian Africans
of the pitfalls of racial chau-
vinism and about "the danger
of being diverted from the
major objective of socialism
by the attractions of an easy
triumph over weak non-
citizens who now operate m
our country by .our permis-
sion. In particular we must
avoid the creation of a
politically stronger capitalist
group in the place of a much
weaker one. For it is impor-
tant to remember what could
be the effects of substituting
for existing non-citizen private
enterprise a widespread
element of citizen-owned
private enterprise. The result
of such a chaii-ge-ciold ealsly
be an increase in the difficulty
of securing control of "the
economy by the people as a


The President noted
that an attack on non-citizen
Asians was only ethically
justifiable if all non-citizen
businessmen were also being
uprooted. Since no one
advocated this, and all
recognized Tanzania's con-
tinued need for the skills of
non-citizens, there was no
justification for singling out
Asians. Those who advocated
such a policy were not,

"talking about econ-
omic nationalism
or about exploitation
but about a group of
non-citizens whom he
just happens not to
like. It was selective
racialism which might
well play into the
hands of international
capitalism. It is a ques-
tion ofpowerful foreign
capitalists combined
with would-be African
capitalists versus weak
and expendable Asian
capitalists who now
present neither a poli-
tical nor an economic
threat to the growth of
socialism in East Frica.
It is in other words, a
question of big capital-
ists happily pandering
to racial prejudice in
order to strengthen the
force of capitalism".

Continued on Back Page





'S Stephens

UNTIL about a decade ago the
main corpus of African literature
was largely in French, English and
Portuguese languages, though its
real treasure lay in the spoken
languages of this vast continent.
Tradition, modes of life and living
apd cultural values are still the
dominant themes of West African
But it is an extraordinarily
accelerative process that we notice
when we look at African writing
today a process which is akin -'if
one were to look for a historical
parallel to the speed with which
Greek drama developed from Aeschy-
lus to Sophocles and then to Euripides.
For African writing has the same kind
of quality about it, the same tempo,
the same force.
There are a few themes which
continuee to dominate and influence
African writers, particularly the poets.
One of them is an awareness of the
inherited black colour which, to some,
is a proud and to the others a dis-
graceful heritage. Another theme is the
preoccupation with customs and
traditions, from which, try as they
cannot escape.
Then comes an understanding
of the African status in the political
world and a sense of patriotism. A
good amount of African literature
has peculiar as well as clear under-
tones of nationalism, of a desire to
remove the colonial rule and attain
liberation. As such, broadly speaking,
much African literature could easily
be labelled as literature of liberation.
All this, however, does not mean that
the African literature is totally devoid
of the personal and human elen.ents.
African writers are also spokes-
men for variations of negritude a
word which the French-speaking
African writers coined to express their
pride in and love for African heritage,
physically, culturally and spiritually.
The most interesting non-white poets
of contemporary Africa are modernist
in style, in contrast to the other
writers of colonial days who were
influenced by Victorian models or by
the classical French poets in the
missionary schools.

Much of the African poetry is
simple and complex at the same time.
An African poet is a voice ofhispeople
and time, whether it is a voice of
protest- or approval, criticism or
humour. The plight of an African
poet is that his protest is against his
sense of failure, his sense of having no
firm roots. He has not yet been able to
come out of the sense of having been
enslaved and humiliated. So, the sense
of being outside, exiled or excluded,
of not belonging, is a recurrent under-
tone in African literature. As Jack
Cope observes:
It spills over from poetry to fiction, it
haunts the essayists and short story
writers and the speeches of the best
orators. The poets look for a sense of
being or identity. Is there such a
conception satisfying to a full
personality or is man here still a
wanderer amidst the incredible
beauty of nature, and is his ultimate
destiny to be identified with all men
and all peoples and to accept
humanity in the larger sense?
The two most important, power-
ful and passionate African poets are
Leopold Sedar Senghor and Christo-
pher Okogbo. Senghor, the better of
the two, was recently honoured by the
Sahitya Akademi (the Indian national
academy of letters) during a visit to
India in May 1974 with an honorary
fellowship the first non-Indian
writer of distinction to be so honoured.
The poetry of Senghor is distinguished
by an intensity of imagery, poetic
diction, and sense of rhythm. In his


.works we find all the ii
aspects or African rife dealt
petence and a sense of pr
His capacity to sustain, exy
explore a particular image se
above his other compatriots.
The most moving and si
theme of modem African pl
been the protest against col
This protest was spearheaded
other than Senghor and Ct
fact, the very term negrit
coined by both these poets
they differed in their conceit
the exact meaning of the tern
Both of them were a pi
the French colonial policy o:
assimilation. To them the re
was not France but French cc
and Senghor never let thi
remain unspelt. Among majo
African poets are Okogbo (w
ever did not write in Frencl
mnd Biargo Diop and Tcl
Tam'si and several others.
But none of them hi
his protest more strongly, dii
uninhibitedly than David E
died in an air crash at a y<
And the best "protest" pc
David Diop have been Paulin
and Malick Fall. The follow
from David Diop's One Who
Everything convey his mood,
and pain agony and despont
being a slave:
Then one day, Silence...
The beams of the sun see
In my hut emptied of
My wives crushed their
Against the thin hard ii
conquerors with eyes of ste
And my children left their
For the uniform of iloRl
Your voice has gone or
The irons of slavery have
Drums of my nights, dru

Senghor's voice of dissel
paratively mild, more restrain
simple, in a style of direct coi
tion. In Tyaroye he writes:
No, you did not die for no
who are dead! This blo,
lukewarm water.
Thickly it waters our he
will blossom at twilight
It is our thirst, our hunger f
those great absolute prince!
No, you did not die for nc
are witnesses of undyi
You are witnesses of the i
that will be tomorrow.
Sleep 0 Dead, and let
cradle you, my voice
cradled by hope.
However, without unde
ing Senghhor's strength and e
as a great, African nationalist ]
has gone on to inspire nation
is really David Diop wh(
remembered the most for 1
nance of his verse, for his nat
sentiments, for his open del
the colonial rule in no uncerta
and for poetic craftsmanshi
still, after twentyfour year
death, held out as a light
modem African poeis in all
languages. For there is no ol
who has written with greater
about Africa than David Diop

Africa, my Africa,
Africa of proud warrio
ancestral savannahs,
Africa my grandmother
Beside her distant river
I have never seen you
But my gaze is full of y4
Your black blood spilt
the blood of your sweat
The sweat of your toil
The toil of slavery
The slavery of your children
Africa, tell me Africa,
Are you the back that tend





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fern African


- Voice

th com-
gin and
him far

try has
Sy none
*ire. In
ie was
ion and

iduct of
o, how-
l David
,aya U

:tly and
p who
ag age.
ts since
ig lines
as Lost
ncy on

ed to go
^of the

I blooa.
rn my
s of mv

is corn-
ed and

ing. You
is not
ling you
tv world
y voice
f anger

ism it
is still
b poig-
nce of
He is
of his
to the

Lies down under tne weight of
The trembling back stripped red
That says yes to the sjamboi on the
roads of noon?
"Impetuous child, taat.young and
*sturdy tree
That tree that grows
fheie splendidly alone among white
md faded flowers
Is Africa, youth Africa. It puts forth
new shoots
With patience and stubbornness puts
forth new shoots
Slowly its fruits grow to have
The bitter taste of liberty".
The number of nationalist

African African poets who have time and
er poet again raised the voice of liberation is
passion by no means small. Not only French-
speaking African poets but also
English and Portuguese speaking and
those speaking in their native langu-
in the ages suffered at the hands of the
sin of English and French colonial rulers,
went into exile and humiliation. The
;oloniIa rulers did everything they
r blood zould but failed to suppress, kill or
veY the quieten the dissenting voices of
Some of the better known
African poets of liberation, besides
the ones already mentioned, are
Abioseh Nicol, James D Rubadiri,







The true nature of the struggle taking place in Africa and the world
between the forces of progress and those of reaction is in the final
analysis the fight of the common man against injustice and privilege
Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah

dariana Gashe, Kojo Gyinaye Kyei,
F K Fiawon. Kwesi Brew. Aouah
Laluah, G Adali-Morti, Gabriel uKara,
Chuba Nweke. Wole Sovinka an'4
Valente Malangatana.
Amongst the prose writers the
most outstanding African men of
letters are Camara Laye, Chinua
Achebe, Ferdinand Ovono. Mongo
Beti and Cheikh Hamidou Kane.

JKane is an essayist and a poet
and speaks in a voice which is differ-
ent from that -f his other colleagues.
His voice has greater universality,
drawing ample inspiration from Islam.
Two excellent prose works, which
provide a synthesis of tradition of
modernity in African literature, could

be Paul Hazoume's Doguicimi and
Ousmane Soce's Karim.
But there is no other African
prose writer who could be placed on
an equally higher platform as Chinua
Achebe indisputably the finest
prose writer in Africa. Achebe depicts
agony, frustration, misery and loneli-
ness of the African soul with remark-
able, precision and intensity. He has
a brilliant control over his themes and
language and he integrates imagery,
character and situations most success-
fully. This is best depicted in a tragic
sitati;, in his novel Things Fall
However, the voice of dissent by
African writers raising the slogan of
freedom is not really much evident in
prose works. The novels and short
stories centre round variable themes
and aspects. And whatever little of the
notes of protest are evident in African
prose are essentially in the autobio-
graphical works of writers such as
Mbonu Ojike, Sekou Toure, Kwame
Nkrumah, Awolowo and the Sardauna
of Sokoto Chief Luthuli and the late
Dudley Chisiza. The central theme of
these works is the emphasis on the
need for African unity.

That "protest" is best com-
municated through verse could be
gauged from the fact that even
significant and major novelists like
Achebe have turned to poetry. Achebe's
first collection of poems Beware. Soul
Brother and Other Pnems depicts frus-
tration, tragedy "and despair. These
poems were written before,during
and after the Nigerian civil war.
Soyinka still warns:
Do not cover up the scars
lest it prove a hollowed shell
And lest the feet of the new-torn
Sink in voids of counterfeiting
Do not swell earth's broken skin
To glaze the fissures in the drum.
Our analysis so far has been
limited to African literature of protest
against..colonial rule of the suffering,
agony, humiliation, violence, and sup-
pression and, amidst it all, the hope
and desire for attaining liberation from
slavery and for throwing away the
yoke of colonialism.


The writer writes
The singer sings
Musicians play harmonious things
'Tis joy 'tid sorrow, who knows?
WMat tomorrow brings
The worker works for a daily bread
So many hungry mouths to be fed
Some may think they are better off dead
For'theirlives saemrtoDenaningon a'threaa
The artist paints what he sees
It's an impression of his expression
Of what it ought to be
What happens to you and me
C.,.-', you see?
Some children play
While some parentslpray
And others can't thin K
Of what they should do or say
Others lie In their bed
Looking at the ceiling
To solve the problems In their head
Some may think quite ahead
Planning for those hungry mouth
That should be fed
While many live in fear and dread
For I rather to lead
Than to be led
For some don't think
About the day
As long as they have
Things their way
Who cares what people say
Fdr some should always
Watch and pray
Cause today should be
Better than yesterday
Clifford W. Lezama

The new mood in both prose
and poetry presents an almost post-
- ino em-scene---thfe-mood-oe-yoLngr
upcoming writers frorr various parts of
Africa. Their protests are unguarded,
frank and ruthless because they have
now no cause whatsoever to fear. This
impression one gets from the Yambo
Ouologuem's novel Bound to Violence
published in 1971 which has since
venerated a heated controversy. As
Donatus Nwoga points out in an
article, it is a violent novel, as is Kofi
Awoonor's This Earth My Brother
which makes the same point nearly as
Apparently, the yearning for
identity, digging of roots, exploring
the rich traditional past and the pos-
sible course of future events troubles
the modem African writer today more
than it perhaps did during the earlier
years.. This may be so because freedom
has opened fresh avenues of explora-
tion for the Atrican writer, he has
now recourse to studying the wide
world with a sense of destitude.
Whatever may be the case, the
modern African writer is now more
conscious of his status, identity and
individuality than ever before. The
post-Nigerian civil war literature has
not onlyproduced remarkable litera-
ture in Nigeria but the non-Nigerian
writers too have taken account of the
,vent in their works.
Most African nations have now
gained liberation. For the young
writer, the time for brooding over the
past is over, though old writers still
reflect on their struggles during the
period of slavery with nostalgia. The
concern or ut youngerwnter usessenti-
ally with the present and the future.
He shows no interest in destruction
and ruins. His interest is in the recon-
struction and regeneration of indivi-
dual nations and the African continent.
His is a craving for a total African
unity, a total African identity, for
universal brotherhood in the African

I -


THE Government is continuing to run from a political confronta-
tion on the constitution question. And not even the latest round of
specious reasoning by the Prime Minister could disguise that fact.
But moon does run till day ketch it.

The democratic thing
to have done would have
been to qall a Constituent
Assembly of all parties and
groups, establish an all-party
Committee to make deci-
sions and then take the
results to Parliament. Con-
trary to the Prime Minister's
assertions, no legislation was
required for the achievement
of that purpose.
All that was required
was enough Government
patriotism so that the current
irresistible majority would in
the end have been employed
to ratify the aspirations of the
people as expressed by an
all-party Committee on a
basis of one party/one vote.

The Government has
missed a historic opportunity
to profit from the instinct-
ively wise move by the elec-
torate in 1971. But how
could men who have brought
the country to this pass have
been expected to demon-
strate so acute amoral insight?
We never for a moment
anticipated it in Tapia.
The only real prospect
was for a scheme participa-
tory on the surface, authoritat-
ive beneath the mask. It was
entirely predictable that the
Cabinet would have plumped
for the device of a control-
led participation.


Only the window-dress-
ing was really in doubt. It
comes this time in the form
of a debate beginning in the
Senate followed by a Select
Committee, by a Bill ex-
haustively examined, and by
all the rituals that are certain
to amount to nothing unless
there is radio and TV discus-
sion and the kindling of a
political flame.
The Prime Minister's
scheme sounds lucid, concise,
parliamentary and expediti-
ous. It has everything except
politics and democracy. The
reason is that neither the
Senate nor the House of
Representatives represents

any valid political force in
Trinidad & Tobago today.
Parliament certainly does not
represent the PNM.
This is merely another
example of the tested policy
of himself to himself. Only if
there existed a big macco
Senate of the Tapia variety
would it be explosively
democratic to initiate debate
in the Senate. Only if the
current Parliament had been
a bona fide assembly of the
political interests in our
country would this Select
Committee enjoy the people's
In other words, those
of us, who boycotted the

1971 election as a matter of
constitutional and political
principle, are faced now with
the inevitable cost of our
profoundly historic decision
We have already drawn me
benefit in that the Governor
General was forced to ack-
nowledge the constitutional
crisis by calling the Wooding
What all of this means
is that we have reached the
final stage. The old order has
taken its stance on parlia-
mentarism, the new will con-
tinue to insist on politics of
the new variety. Tapia has
never doubted which will
prevail in the end. Personally,
I want to add one caution
only, borrowed from Joe
Louis "Theycan run.but
they can't hide"




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Rene Dumont, a professor at the Paris National
Agronomy Institute, was a candidate in the French
presidential elections last May on an ecology Fp!t-
form. On 20 June he talked about the world paper
shortage at e meeting held at Unesco headquarters in
Paris. Warning about the excessive felling of forests,
he stressed the need to reduce paper consumption at
all costs. He cited the waste of paper used for posters
in the electoral campaign he had taken part in and
asserted that the famous (or notorious) Sunday edi-
tion of the New York Times represented the destruc-
tion of 17 hectares (42 acres) of Canadian forest.
If we go on in the present fashion, Mr. Dumont
said, we will create an accumulation of carbon dioxide
leading to an unhappy change in our climate. The
solution lies in planting trees, in creating an 'arbori-
cultural' society he said. And we must change our
ideas about food: Mr. Dumont pointed out that the
380,000 tons of cereals supplied by international aid
to relieve drought victims in the Sahel amounted to a
thousandth part of the 380 million tons of cereals
that go to feed livestock in North America. So far
100,000 people have died in the Sahel region and
another100,000in Ethiopia. The necessary change in
eating habits, Mr. Dumont said, should begin with a
50 per cent cut in the amount of meat consumed in
the rich countries. But above all, a world-wide redis-
tribution of food and energy resources is needed. The
following comments by Mr. Dumont were made in an
interviewwith United Nations radio.

OUR world has gone
mad because it has lost
several of its restraints,
the first one being a

growth. Never before in
the history of the world
has the population
growth rate reached the
present level.
The average annual rate
for the world as a whole is 2
per cent, but in developing
countries, where the food
situation is most difficult, it
is about 2.6 or 2.7 per cent.
Comparisons between
population growth and in-
creases in agricultural produc-
tion, especially food produc-
tion in the developing coun-
tries, show that between
1959 and 1969 the two
curves moved upwards at
roughly the same rate.


Food production lag-
ged behind population growth
but it did not lose ground.
During that decade, the
amount of food available
per person remained stable
in the Third World.
But since 1969, this
stable, if stagnant ratio has
been replaced by recession.
Agricultural production in
the Third World has not been
able to keep up with popula-
tion growth. As Mr. Adekke
Boerma, Director-general of
the FAO, has said repeatedly,
"Short of a miracle, the
Second Development Decade
- which began in 1970 is
already lost as far as agricul-
tural development is
The frenzied rate of
population growth and the
very slow progress made in
increasing food production
are bound to lead to world-
wide famine during the
1980's. In my book,. The

Hungry Future, published in
Paris in 1966 and in New
York and London in 1969, I
already discussed the likeli-
,hood of such a crisis.

But today farinrl has
become an everyday com-
panion in drought-afflicted
regions not only in the
Sahel, in West Africa, and
in Ethiopia, but also in India,
Bangladesh and- southern
Africa, where the number of
people suffering from mal-
nutrition this year is even
greater than in West Africa
although conditions as w
whole are less drastic.
The present famine is
bound to get worse in the
coming years. Recently I
received a long telegram
signed by several eminent
scientists and politicians re-
questing me to join them in
an appeal calling world atten-
tion to the threat of world
Among those signing
the telegram were the Ameri-
can agronomist Lester Brown,
author of The Seeds of Change,
and Norman Borlaug, winner
of the 1970 Nobel Peace
Prize and of the Unesco
Science Prize for his work on
wheat hybrids.
Sicco Mansholt, former
president of the European
Economic Commission, has
also warned that the world
food shortage is much more
serious than the energy crisis.
He has said, "We must choose
between feeding pigs. and
feeding men".


In order to maintain
the growing rate of meat
consumption in the developed
nations, precious protein
sources such as peanuts,
soya, powdered milk and
fish meal are used to feed
poultry, cattle and pigs. Yet
at the same time, millions of

people in developing coun-
tries suffer from severe
protein deficiencies.
During the early years
of childhood sufficient pro-
tein is vital to proper brain
development. Without it
mental growth is stunted and
can never reach its full
This crime is being per-
petrated against millions of
human beings while protein
consumption is growing at an
astounding rate in the
developed nations: in
America, the annual per
capital consumption of beef
at the end of the Second
World War was in the order
of 55 lbs. In 1972 it was 110
lbs. In France meat con.
sumption has doubled since


Ironically the protein
used to feed European and
North American cattle and
livestock often comes from
those very nations where
protein shortage is most
acute: Africa, southern Asia
and parts of Latin America.
Fish from the coastal waters
of Peru and Angola are used
to produce fish meal for
cattle and -livestock. in the
West, and even African pea-
nuts end up in the feeding
troughs of Europe and
Powdered milk and
U.S. soya, precious protein

sources, wnicn couia-oe- -senii-
to developing nations to
feed undernourished child-
ren, are used instead to fatten
According to Borlaug,
Brown and Mansholt, the
present food shortage will be
seriously aggravated by the
rapid disappearance of all
food and soil reserves. During
the 1960's, the United States,

I*.i 'IN

Canada, Australia, Argentina
and France managed to pro-
duce, at each harvest, reserve
stocks of grain.


"Public Law 480" was
voted in the United States in
an attempt to reabsorb the
excess production. In Europe,
yearly overproduction re-
sulted in an enormous moun-
tain of butter which only
created sotrage problems.
But today there are no more
grain reserves and the moun-
tain has melted.
Until 1970 the U.S.
had soil reserves, the "Soil
Bank", which totalled 20
million acres. Farmers were
paid to leave parts of their
arable land uncultivated.
Gradually,during the past
few years, this large reserve,
approximately equal to the
amount of land under culti-
vation in France, has been
ptu to work. Not only have
food reserves been -depleted,
but there is now less and
tess land available to provide
for increasing needs.
The present state of
affairs leaves man only one
alternative to inevitable
famine a new distribution
of the world's scarce food
supplies must be put into
effect. Under the present
state of world agricultural
production, there would only
be enough to. feed a popula-
tion of 900 or 950 million

sumption were to equal that
of the United States.
On the other hand,
there would be enough to
feed a population of 6 or 7
thousand million if the rest
of the world were to follow
the diet of an Indian vege-
The United States con-
sumes one third of the


0--i "ru



- r


tl 1

i II

world's energy supply and
between 20 and 40 per cent
of its minerals It seems to
me that an international or-
ganization should be set up
to deal with problems of dis-
tribution during shortages of
natural resources, such as
petrol, coal and uranium.
Moreover, as the
world's natural 'resources are
limited, the rate of growth
of the world population
must be drastically slowed
down as soon as possible,
and eventually halted. The
government of Sri Lanka has
been suggesting this at the
United Nations since 1950.
It was only in 1966
that the U.N. began financing
research and information
services in favour of birth
control, after 16 years of
opposition to the spread of
contraceptive methods.
At present birth con-
trol efforts have been
limited to developing, or
poor countries. However,
population control is drastic-
ally needed in the United
States, Canada and Western
Europe for it is in these
nations that governments
continue to encourage higher
birth rates These policies
seem to me incompatible
with birth-restricting policies
in the poor nations.
(Unesco Features).


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I- '




From Page 3

this country is organised -
political power, economic
power, the haves and the
The Tapia intervention
through the press conference
of September 19, was bound
to hit the country square
between the eyes. Though
aimed specifically at the PSA,
the injunction to "pause and
consider the meaning of
what it is now proposing to
do" collared the national
Stop in the name of
Trinidad and Tobago and
consider what's going on! The
most revolutionary appeal of
our times. It is not a nervous
call for law and order nor just
a futile attempt to arrest the
inexorable process of col-
lapse of a decaying social
and moral order.
It is an appeal to the
country to work out who
the real enemies of all of us
are and how we are going to
fight them.
And look at the res-
ponse last Sunday. People
hurrying to get extra chairs to
fit into the aisles. Punishing
in the heat; straining to catch
every word; ready to lynch
hecklers and troublemakers,
staying on to talk till the
police had to break it up at
5.50 p.m.
How many ofus must
have been carried away by
the literal implications of the
term "debate". People were
seriously asking before if
points would be awarded.
And in that sense the
great debate was a great dis-
appointment. For there was
not on Sunday, and could
not be before some time to
come, any "winning" or
We could hope only
for the exposure of informa-
tion and points of view as
Chairman -Moderator Pantoi
said. And we would then
move to another stage. The
only measure of success: are
we better off for having had
the debate? The answer
would be yes,resoundingly
Now we know that
Manswell cannot plausibly


with V


into the



speak for the "haves". The
people he speaks for can't
believably be represented as
having vested interests in the
status quo either. The very
stances are defensive, jealous
of others, careful of small
He expressed concern
that public servants should
not suffer any "penalty" for
being in the Service. Not that
they should be rewarded for
exemplary services rendered.
Defensive. Holding the line.
Was the highest aspiration
merely to retain the standard
of living enjoyed in 1971?


Yet the audience no
doubt containing a substan-
tial number of public servants
- applauded when Lloyd
Best, speaking before, had
said that as long as national
income consists of wages
alone it can't solve our prob-
For what else do
public servants have but
steady wages? The car loan
for some; the house allow-
ances or quarters for others;
the assured welcome at the
ready-credit counters for all?
What stake in industry, in
landholding, in high finance?
As class they, too, are
among the dispossessed of
this land. As a class they
have but limited aspirations
for they don't see a possibil-

ity beyond the securing of the
housing loan, the car loan,
the piece of land that goes
with the house and the aver-
age expectations for creature
So it's not as if they
want to be capitalistically
wealthy, to be captains of
industry, magnates of com-
merce. By contrast, it's the
ideology of Diamond Vale -
three bedrooms, two lots of
land, one car.
How Manswell rubbed
it in. Where Lloyd Best
showed that inequality in pay
within the Service would
only be worsened through
the current proposals, Mans-
well defended this inequality
by reference to the merit-
ocracy of examinations
Certification is the
thing. Best himself is less
"qualified", because he has
no doctorate, than people in
the Service with two and
three degrees! And you can't
suffer a man who got his
papers to have his salary
held back because of some
nincompoop who had no
So Manswell put it.
And so it had to be
put for the purposes of
clarity. We had to see in
precise outline the dimensions

of the interests as they stand.
Of course there were
other arguments' That for
comparable work in other
fields in the "private sector"
some people got more money

than civil servants. That the
brain drain would force
public service salaries to be
attractive enough to retain
skilled personnel. That the
principle of comparable pay
is necessary so that public
servants and the public service
would not be unduly affected
by changes in the political
arm of government.
In any case, as Manswell
argued, the basic issue was
that of pay for work done.
Other considerations about
the national economy, about
social equality were second-
ary. And in this concentra-
tion on equality what was
overlooked, he argued, was
the fact that people like sno-
cone vendors, chicken and
chips vendors and channa
men made more money than
some civil servants. And they
didn't have to change their
shirtjac every day.
As for the farmer
"scratching his land" whom
Best categorised as among
the fifth class of the hapless
dispossessed, it had to be
rememberedd that that farmer
was sacrificing so as to be
able to send his son to study
medicine later on. And that
son would support his old
man in time.

That is being posed
against the deprivation out
of which all who have gone
through College Exhibition,
O'Levels and possible Univer-
sity education, have climbed.
What they want now clearly
to demonstrate is that scrunt-
ing is a stage they have
It boils down, then, to
the need for security. To
being able to give the old
man something to survive
on, while still being able to
get by yourself. To being
able, as Manswell said, to
carry the burden of un-
employed members of the
"extended family" which,
in terestingly, he said is a tenn
economists use.
Nor, last Sunday, was
it possible to suspend dis-
belief enough to see Loyd
Best as a scrunting member
of the have-nots. "Jesse
James Manswell and Frank
Best," Best noted, both drew

salaries in the $1,600 range-
There was applause at
each stage when Best drove
home his arguments to show
the existence of a privileged
elite in the unions, in busi-
ness, in government and
politics, in the professions
and in the university; to
show that with the aliena-
tion of industry and the
attendant failure of agricul-
ture, Africans and Indians
were forced to hold onto-
the state; to show that in-
equality and robbery with V
were built into the political-
economic system and to
argue that unions must there-
fore concern themselves with
popular control of the
The debate, we might
say, revealed two clear pers-
pectives, but really one
theme. That was the percep-
tion of widespread distress.
Manswell did not and
could not manifest any
unawareness of the inequality
and distress. He merely
elaborated a strategy for how
some people could deal with
Public Servants no-
body denies it can't be
expected to go it alone in
"sacrifice" for the good of
tde country. And in any case
it was for the government to
ensure that the wealth of the
country is so distributed as to
subserve the common good.
Best, in highlighting the
evidence of inequality, argued
for a more equitable distribu-
tion of the national wealth.
So that the earnings of
everyone private or public
sector must compare. And
he suggested that unions seek
a voice in a new constitu-
tion of the state.
Could we therefore
afford to have any "private
sector" setting the pace as
now in wages, and provoking
feelings of jealousy?
So put, that is the
moot for the Great Debate
which continues.
In the final analysis, it
comes home to a simple
proposition: Do we set out
to build a house for ourselves
and our parents, or do we set
out to have free and equal
housing available to every-

mmm mmmmm

~b ~gpP-" I _L



OUR Teatr Laboratorium
has been working for ten
years now in Wroclaw, a
city of 500,000 inhabit-
ants; but it was founded
in 1959 in Opole, a small
city in western Poland
that had scarcely 50,000
Most of us were theatre
professionals who had come
from big cities. Even I had
worked at the Stary Theatre
in Cracow and 1 was the
youngest director in the
We had looked for a
place where we could start
completely from scratch -
to seek the fundamentals of
our craft and the right way
to live.
From the start, our
group was subsidized by the
government not the central
government in Warsaw, be-
cause these matters are
decentralized in Poland, but
by municipalities.
At the beginning, it was
a very small subsidy. But it
got progressively bigger and
-today it is enough to allow
each member of the group to
live, not m luxury, but
modestly, without having to
look for work in television,
radio or films.
In many theatres that
are more traditional or clas-
sical, actors- and directors
whose pay packets are com-
parable or bigger than ours do
not hesitate to look for
outside work, although they

A theatre

of roots

in Poland

Since Grotowski founded his Teatr Laboratorium at the age of 26, he
has become an influence throughout the world. His work has been
based on the belief that all psychological action on stage mustbe linked
to its biological and mythic roots. He is an advocate of a 'poor' theatre,
stripped of external trappings, a theatre that is pristine, ritualistic and
of great emotional intensity. The following article is an abridged
version of Grotowski's comments at a Unesco Symposium held last July
in Paris.

are overloaded.
Most do not know how
to be happy with a minimum,
they always want to have
more, to live better. But
within our group, we have
adopted the principle that no
member should earn money
During the first two
years, the group was quite
fluid; then it became stable.
The oldest members have
been with -us for at least ten
years, but there are also
many younger members.
Officially, we do not

have the status of a theatre
group but that of a research
institute as in the scientific
field. This facilitates ourWork
very much from the admin-
istrative point of view; we
are not expected to produce
immediate results; we can
pursue our research or re-
hearse a play for three years
if we wish to.
At present we have
several branches of activity.
The first is the show sector
because 'its activities take
place in front of a-ticket-
holding audience, although,

really this group's work is
evolving towards a kind of
encounter between individu-
Then there are four
workshops. Participants in
these are chosen from many
candidates who come from
Poland or elsewhere, should
the workshop be held else-
where. They make up an
experimental group together
with some of our people.
One of the workshops is
based on self-analysis of the
being's creative needs and
works through language.
Another workshop is a
semi-professional centre
whose participants, young
professionals or would-be
actors, want to go beyond
theatrical techniques and
establish inter-human relation-
The third and fourth
workshops are linked para-
theatrical groups, but one of
them deals with individual
experience while the other is
based on group work.
These workshops are
not aimed at creating a work
or even a technique but at
research into contact between
human beings. They differ in
that the first is more limited
and concentrates on chosen
fixed objectives, while the

other leaves more room for
improvisation within a bigger
'The Public': one day
we realized that we did not
like this word. It suggested a
monster endowed with a
single brain and multiple
bodies, that .reacted as a
totality, an entity.
What we are seeking is
contact between beings, with
the different members of the
audience and not with a kind
of depersonalized, collective
We use empty halls
that can be fitted up from
nothing and which are in
buildings, old or new, that
have character, a soul. We
;play to audiences of about
100 people at a time. But,
as we sometimes perform the
same show 1,000 times while
developing it, many people
see it.
Some people attend
often and make up a kind of
fan club: 80 per cent are
students or other young
people, ten per cent are older
people and the rest come.
for professional reasons.
We don't try to attract
everyone, we simply look for
those close to us, those like

(UNESCO Features) -

SArt does not exist without roots, without being rooted.
But is it really being rooted to talk about roots? I can well
imagine someone belonging to a high level, international
cultural establishment, who has studied at some place like
Oxford, and who subsequently returns to his native country
and presents himself as a representative of his continent, bor-
rowing and manipulating some elements from its old cultural.
riatdtZThrisTntrotiang-rototBeitngro.uw '
through one's mode of life and is not something that one does
consciously. One can live consciously in this of that fashion,
but that is not 'expressing' roots; one is rooted, as a product
of one's experience

Jerzy Grotowski


Campus sale October 7,74

Literature Econ

Uoyd King Economics
Gordon Rohlehr
Victor Questel George Beckford
Denis Solomon Norman Girvan
Cheryl Williams Owen Jefferson
Derek Walcott Clive Thomas
Wayne Brown Maurice Odle
William Demas
Roy Thomas
Havelock Brewster
Alister McIntyre

James Millette Lloyd Best Vernon Gocking Dennis
Forsythe Fitz Baptiste Vaughan Lewis

Books...Pamphlets...Tapia selections

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Every Week


.Andrea. albuttt
Research 3jlstitute for
study of Vafl,
162, ~t 78th
East yOK, ,.y 1002-1
ph. Lehii -


Dear Bernard,
That leg injury you sustained
earlier this year and which deprived
you of participating inmost of this
year's English County Championship
ought to urge you to decline
the invitation to tour India, Pakis-
tan & Sri Lanka next month.
Why for the sake of one tour should
you risk what is certainly going to be a 10-
15 year test career? You are a professional
cricketer of genuine Test
class. At the beginning of the
Engish tour earlier this year personal
with Vanburn Holder breath- only Ga
ing down your neck you still Procter
had to prove yourself. Now, rounder.
you' don't have to.
Steve Douglas, the Ta
international sportswriter Dennis I
rates you among his top mate La
twenty cricketers and no one was dec
denies you that rating. My for the


jazz sessions

CARIBBEAN musicians went
ahead and staged last week.
end the first ever "CARICOM
Jazz Experience".
Presented by the newly
formed Gayap Workshop
Centre based at 9 Dundonald
Street, Port-of-Spain, the
Jazz Experience went through
three sessions Friday and
Sunday nights at the Purple
Haze Club, Maraval, and
Saturday night at the C:I.C.
The Sunday night show
brought together musicians
including Clive Alexander,
Errol Wise, Mike Georges,
Angus Nunes, Johnny Blake,
Mike Corryat, Andre Tanker,
Jimmy Nelson and Mansa
Musa from Trinidad; Mike
Sealey, Barbadian guitarist,
Eddie Hinds, Guyanese tenor
saxophonist, Luther Francois
St. Lucian bassist.
The programme con-
tained a mixture of known
calypsoes, a few ballads and
several compositions of the
musicians themselves.
Meanwhile, the Gayap
Workshop Centre continues
its programme of teaching
workshop s on Saturday after-
noon and Wednesday even-
ings in the rudiments of
instrumental improvisation
and doubled Bass Methods.
Interested persons (who
must be able to play at least
one instrument) can contact
Clive Alexander 62-52590.
Or just drop by the Work-




An open letter from Ruthven Baptiste

estimation is that
ry Sobers and Mike
top you as an all

ke your cue from
Lillee and your team-
awrence Rowe who
lared medically fit,
1973 W.I tour of

From Page 5
Nyerere has however
been under strong pressure to
put an end to "dukawallah
exploitation", and many
Asian non-citizens (referred
to as paper citizens by their
critics) feel that their future
has become very insecure in
Tanzania. The late Karume
spoke for many when he
said that "it was very dis-
turbing to see foreigners in
our country leading a better
life than our own people at

England but who neverthe-
less acknowledged the wide
gap between medical fitness
and athletic fitness.


Of course ifyou decline,
that will put the West Indies

this time when the power is
in our hands. .1 do not
know of any genuine inde-
pendent country which allows
foreigners to continue to
dominate its economy. We
should ,not have mercy on
these people".


There is a gap between
Nyerere's ideas as he articu-
lates them and state policies

selectors in a monkey pants.
Sobers is not willing to tour
India and they will have to
decide between an unknown
Test all rounder, a fast
bowler, a spinner, a batsman
or an already experienced
all rounder.

Sobers for whose

as they are implemented.
Many Tanzanian's do not
share Nyerere's humanistic
concern for the Asiansand
Idi Amin has many sym-
pathisers among them on this
issue as he does in Kenya.
One must however under-
stand that Indophobia runs
very deep in East Africa and
goes back several hundred
years. Nyerere would have
to come better than Jesus
Christ to transform Africans
into Indophiles.

opinion on the game I have
the highest respect, has said
that at age forty Gibbs will
have too much work on his
shoulders so your place can
be filled by a spinner.


Richard Gilliat, Hamp-
shire's County Club captain
has disclosed not unwise
fears that our trump card
Andy Roberts might be over-
worked on that long tour
(India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka).
...-'. YODW- ab-genc e- mW'a;"a_'-gf3
tih i Pt-iklli ty, unu 3ax lur
experience may be jusfthe
thing Gary Armstrong needs
to become a worthy test
But then your absence
will also weaken our batting
and Nolan Carke and Larry
Gomes are knocking on the
door. It appears,themBernard
the selectors may have to
send two players to replace
you. However, it is unlikely
that they will do so.
In my view what the
West Indies will need in the
lower batting order is a
spinner whocan relieve Gibbs
and who can meet his res-
ponsibilities with the bat in
times of crisis-


After our last test
match against England, there
is no need to argue the case
for a "crisis man'. The only
player available in the West
Indies who has proved him-
self to be a "crisis man", who
is not yet over the hill, with
a previous India tour experi-
ence. whose game is not
unduly angl icised (as some of
our English County Cricket
professionals) is David Hol-

The only tiing against
him is a heap of ridiculous
prejudice. Our :selectors have
stuck their necks out against
prejudice in their selections
for the coming tour; in case
you decide not to go, Bernard
they must do so once more.
Your fan.
Ruthven Baptiste



Look out

The Haves


The Have- nots

a Tapia pamphlet that :

exposes the facts on growing inequality in Trinidad and
Tobago today

points out the privileged few who have been reaping the
rich rewards of PNM rule

shows how 70% of our citizens now find themselves
below the poverty line, and why

I.A freshness of style..7,