Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
September 8, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

Vea 4 No. 36


NOTHING better illus-
trates the callous disregard
of the PNM regime for
the plight of ordinary
people than the Public
Transport Service Cor-
poration's pig-headed
determination to retrench
540 of its employees. At
a time of widespread and
comprehensive ketch-arse,
PTSC, apparently with
the acquiescence of the
Minister of Public Utili-
ties, coolly prepares to
throw big men and
women to the wolves.
This tough-talking, no-
shit, PNM-picked manage-
ment sees no contradic-
tion between the horrors
faced by thousands of
commuters daily and its
short-sighted attempt to
cut back on its services.
It is no secret that ever
since the Bus Strike of 1969
and its aftermath, when
hundreds of returning work-
ser were told they had no
ilAb, that the management-
wkatar- relationship ba

remained at a low level. How
could it be otherwise? Con-
tinuing distrust and bad blood
were guaranteed by the brutal
methods adopted by the
Government when it sent out
its police to beat up the
demonstrators who sought to
block the buses. The betrayal
of the returning workers was
enough to seal the issue.


At bottom, the troubles
at PTSC arise out of in-
competence and mismanage-
ment both at the level of the
Corporation and the Govern-
ment. The scandal of the
hopelessly inadequate pro-
visioning of the Corporation
with buses and spare parts is
only another of the endless
examples of bad planning by
the PNM Government and its
agencies. The mismanagement
at the level of PTSC is com-
pounded by the failure of the
Government to come to grips
with such larger issues of
public policy as population
distribution, decentralisation
of Government and industry,
and a transport plan to meet

Julius Nyerere, architect
of the Tanzanian Revolu-
tion, arrives in the Carib-
bean this weekend to
face a political contro-
versy in Jamaica and
resentment in Trinidad
and Tobago.
Jamaica's Alexander
Bustamante, former Prime
Minister and national
hero, has refused to
receive Nyerere.
The action is in
support of a protest b\
the opposition JLP.
Busta's party, over
Nyerere's involvement in
partisan local politics by
addressing a convention
of the ruling PNP of
Prime Minister .:.._....
In Trinidad, bitterness
still remains over the
last-minute exclusion of
non-governmental repre-
sentatives from the
Caribbean to the Pan

the needs of a long-suffering
But for those who insist
that the happenings at the
Corporation have to do with
a particularly bad management
or a particularly militant
union, we need only look at
the situation on the whole
industrial scene, and part-
icularly in the State-owned
sector. It has been a high
season of discontent, with
troubles at Telco, WASA,
ST&TEC and Caroni, lay-offs
in the garment industry, the
close-down of Electrofab,
grumblings from the Public
Service Association and
sundry scattered skirmishes.
All this has been taking
place against a background of
constantly rising prices, pious
exhortations by the Governor
of the Central Bank for a
greater effort in the fight
against inflation, and the
announcement of more and
more grandiose plans by the
Little King himself. And now
it seems that the troubles are
spreading even further afield
as the woodcutters of Rio
Claro stage their vigil in the
forest and the people of


African Congress held in
Tanzania in June last.
The NJAC and other
regional groups who were
planning to attend the Con-
gress termed the exclusion
"The Great Betrayal".
C.LR. James, a founder
of thePan African Movement
resigned as an International
sponsor in protest.

The Congress eventually
was held with representatives
from the independent Carib-
bean Governments, including
Grenada's Prime Minister, the
notorious Eric Gairy.
The Mwalimu (Swahili for
teacher), as Nyerere is
affectionately called back
home, may not know the
htomet's nest he is flying into.
In a Caribbean marked by
widespread dissatisfaction
with the ruling regimes, there
is no doubt that Nyerere's
visit is intended as a political
booster for Manley and
Williams, because of the

Matelot once more prepare
to take up their stations
outside Whitehall.
As befits a revolutionary
situation, the multiplicity of
incidents which have been
crowding our consciousness
these past few weeks defy
easy classification into one
or two simple categories. In
some cases, such as those of
Nunez at Telco and Forbes
at Caroni, workers have been
intervening in areas of
management which directly
affect them.
In others, there seems to
be little more than an attempt
to exploit a confused situa-
tion and a weak Government
for as much in the way of
salary increases and allowances
as the traffic can bear. But
whether the boldness and
assertiveness are at the service
of noble or selfish ends, we
should not lose sight of the
import of the growing turbu-
lence and militancy.
What is happening is no
series of isolated industrial
disputes, but the latest stage
in our continuing revolt
against the inhumanities of
this corrupt regime. We are
moving to retrench once and
for all this grasping, greedy,
dingolaying Government. The
consequences of their in-
competence are heavy on our
backs. They have failed to
Continued on Back Page

respect for the Tanzanian
revolution in these parts.
This admiration is based
on a continuing revolution
(See Back-page for story)
which is fundamentally differ-
ent from the pappyshow
operations of the Caribbean
The unanswered question
Ls to what extent is Nyerere
aware of the compromised
position of the Caribbean
While his information and
perspective is likely to be
affected by the physical dis-
tance and lack of communica-
tion between the two regions,
there can be no doubt that
Nyerere has a general picture
of the Caribbean situation.
In our comment on the
exclusion of non-govemmental
groups from the Pan-African
Congress (TAPIA Vol.4 No.
25) it was pointed out that
the former freedom fighters
are now Heads of Government
in a world marked by intera-
national power politics,
Competing regional economic
blocs and multi-national
For Nyerere, the two
primary aims must be the
development of his own
country and the freeing of
the last areas of Africa still
under white domination.
The recent moves by
Portugal to wriggle out of
useless repression in Angola,
Mozambique and Guinea-
Bissau, because of the active
resistance on these peoples,
must bring with it new strains.
These include the threat of
attack from the well-armed
troops of South Africa and
Rhodesia. This is particularly
true for Tanzania which is
the home of most of the
guerrilla liberation movements.
Faced with a weak flank
on the Ugandan border, the
Mwalimu must be seeking
allies who can supply arms,
ammunition or other
It is in this context that
Nyerere's visit must be seen
The Tanzanian leader him-
self noted the need for realism
in politics in a 1967 state-
ment: "The true revolutionary
in Africa has to do two
things at one and the same
time. He has to keep his eyes
and his attention on the
road ahead, and use all the
pragmatism of which he. is
capable so as to negotiate a
passage. But at the same time
he must keep the goal clearly
Continued on Page 2

Fresient JUliuS nyerere

25 Cents

OR mo E-~BI~T [~ar B i

LREI~I EN' f VT'-'i

.I I '1

FOR ALL those who under-
stand the dynamics of a revolu-
tionary situation and who have
kept their fmgers on the pulse-
beat of this nation over the last
few agonising years, for all those
who are blessed with an intuitive
understanding of the drama of'
history, the significance of the
events of the past two weeks
cannot have been lost.
They would understand
*that, with his superstitious pen-
chant for the historical moment,
the Prime Minister chose Inde-
pendence day 1974 to launch the
last desperate offensive of the
Old political regime.. The final
battle has been joined and when
it shall have finished nothing less
than the future of this our
nation would have been decided.
It is imperative that we under-
stand clearly the real forces that shall
wage this fight to the fihsTheI.,,..
I''f ffefV'iCnt confusni .and chaos
that appear on the surface of the
political, social and economic scene
must not blind us to the more clear-
cut and fundamental divisions that
really exist.
For .in spite of the great multi-
plicity of political "parties" that
strut and bleat all over the country
(and there may be more added very
soon) and. in spite of the confusion
on the industrial scene, and in'
spite of the earnest and anxious
and in spite of the earnest and anxious
supplications of all manner of men
and organizations, some saying one

Thing and others saying quite another,
there is really only one question that
has to be answered: TO WHOM DOES

Does it belong to the multi-
national corporations abroad and to
their henchmen here at home? Does
it belong to the Government in White-
hall? Does it belong to the rich and
powerful businessmen who have long
lived off the fat of the land? Or does
it belong to the people?
As the battle progresses there-
fore it is on this question and on this
question alone that men shall line up.
That this process of division has
already been going on is well known,
but now that the last battle has
begun all citizens will have to search
their souls and decide just where they
The natural undisputed leader
of those insensitive, corrupt and self-
-conternpttoni' fxoR'. 1,e' pr eoeCi tl c
to strain every muscle to keep our
people locked in the shackles of
impotence and servility is Dr. Eric
Williams, he who has seldom been
right and in December of last year
totally destroyed any claims to being
It is but a measure of the
arrogance of this man and of the
vicious ruthlessness of the forces that
he leads that he was capable of stand-
ing up on the twelfth anniversary of
our yet unrealised Independence, at a
time when the vast majority of our
population is groaning under the
burdens of unemployment, inflation

and hardships ol every kind, and cry-
ing out with one voice lori : ecoind
emancipation,a new dispensation, and
announce with smug satisfaction that
he had succeeded in encouraging
even more multi-national sharks to
come to our shores to strip from us
the flesh of our land and the !ast
vestiges of our self respect.
We can and must appreciate the
political intent of all these grandiose
announcements. Lacking credibility.
moral authority, administrative com-
petence and insight. Williams and his
Government have no choice but toi
fritter away our oil bonanza in lIivsh.
reckless, ill-conceived and unco-ordi-
nated schemes which, on past p itor-
mance, cannot come to fruition this
side of doomsday.

But the perversity Aof hi .i iin,
is demonstrated by the fti; :;lz :.eii
as "i.. buy more and more companies
for the grasping greedy hands of the
bigshots to plunder, all in the name of
"economic nationalism"' th-v -, '
a i o :0 '. d :
companies to what Tesoro
joyfully declares is a TREASURE
The foolish hope of theta Old
Regime, of course, is that in the
midst of all these announcements of
plans and intentions and millions here
and millions there that we will forget
the, past eighteen years of broken
promises and forgotten intentions, that
people will fail to look around and
see that in spite of all the words
60,000 of us are still unemployed,
that in spite of pay rises in the public
sector inflation is still getting worse
and that in spite of everything we

have i.o more say in the destiny of
our nation than we had in the days of
But even more than their political
intent all these plans and programmes
clearly demonstrate the reactionary
ideological sentiments of the Old
Regime. And it is these ideological
sentiments that we must seek to
repudiate and destroy with every
weapon at our command. We must
steadfastly refuse to abet in any way
that contempt and mistrust which the
Government shows towards our

We must insist on the capacity
of our people to forge for ourselves a
new, more just, more humane, and
more equitable society. And we must
constantly broadcast our determina-
tion to institute economic and social
reorganisatioii founded on the intelli-
gence and strength of our people and
not on any multi-national overlords
and we must emphasise that this
cannot be done until the political
d cisi'nr-m :ces 1' f'ii !icon
in i mlc idiii o oi the people.
Thus between-the-forces of the
Old Regime and the new movement is
an ideological chasm that cannot be
bridged. In the battle that has now
ebecn joined all shall be forced to show
their true colours, those conservatives
who masquerade as radicals, those
reactionaries in the dress of revolution-
aries. No quarter shall be asked for
Snone shall be given.
In the end either the forces of
,the New World shall destroy the Old
Regime and institute a Participatory
'Democracy or we shall be destroyed
in the attempt. And may God bless
our Nation.

From Page 1
in his sight, and let it govern
his direction at all times. He
must in other words, be a
realistic idealist".
Nyerere is not the only
world leader to compromise
his position in recent times to
achieve larger gains for his
Fidel Castro has been
playing similar games with
the West Indian Board of
Mao-Tse-Tung, Chinese
leader, did the same with
ex-President Nixon.
These revolutionary leaders
have something to gain from
the positions of compromise.
Mao and Brezhnev couldn't
save Nixon.
Nyerere and Castro can't
save the Caribbean Quartet.
Neither can they do our work
and overthrow them by sup-
port to the New Movement.
But a few guerrillas may
get more guns to fight South
Africa or Rhodesia.
And that is the nature of
International Politics.

Does takeover mean People's


Lloyd Taylor

IF WE think that the
divesting of Shell has
revealed glaring deficien-
cies in our approach to
national control of the
economy, we still need to
look at the unresolved
political issues.
For a people who have not
owned or controlled anything
for hundred of years, denied
again and again access to the
Means of production, for
!whom the last bastion of
I economic independence in the
Form of artisans, blacksmiths
and other small scale manu-
facturers was whittled away
by the economic policies of
the post-war years, the divest-
ing of foreign enterprise must
be seen as an opportunity to

bring us all into the "new ball
At least that is the way
people who are advocates of a
genuinely radical departure
from the degradations of the
past see it. Such a view marks
an understanding of what his-
torical necessity unmistakably
suggests. It also spells political
and economic participation at
levels commensurate with our
experience and capacity.
But the Govemment's
handling of the issues leaves
us in no doubt on what
ground it stands. As far as it
is concerned participation of
the population in such ven-
tures is limited to its own
control at the national level.
For that is what national-
isation has come to mean -
.mere state ownership. That
is why Tapia has been .ever
careful to make the distinc-
tion between state ownership
on the one hand and popular
participation through workers,
i residents, and central and

local government on the
other, which we call localisa-
In this context there is
nothing radical about the
Government's recent takeover
of Shell's assets. The,'master
builder' is obviously not
interested in any measures
that would lay the basis for
a nation of truly independent
people. Their promise of a
people's sector is seen to be
the most abstract of all
political ideas, and one is led
to believe that as a concept
it was bor largely out of
political expediency.
What follows is irony
father! There could not have
been a greater need for
discussion and debate on the
issues surrounding the acqui-
sition of Shell. Yet that we
never got. At the level of
information, participation was
decidedly nil. And to crown
it all, the Oil Fields Workers
Trade Union and the Petrol-
eum Staff Association, about

the most sensitive levels of
national involvement in oil,
were treated with scant
And after unwittingly,
perhaps, laying the basis for
continued confrontation be-
tween labour and manage-
ment in the operation of
Trintoc, after reaffirming by
deeds the old relationship
between worker and company
Eric Williams proceeded to
talk about "the deterioration
of our industrial relations"
as the "crucial issue which
hangs over everything on this
Independence Anniversary."
Trintoc merely means
another addition to Govern-
ment's power and control
over our lives. Within the
company the relationship be-
tween the national owners
and the citizens remain the
same. Bringing the people
fully into the "new ball
game" remains the task of
the movement for radical
and revolutionary change.

The Movement

P- -.--

- -



Lloyd Best reflects on our twelfth Anniversary of Independence and says...
** :r

We must marry the

Politics and Poetry

THE immediate task is the
restoration of order not in the
hackneyed conventional sense of
law and order but in the sense of
recognizing the need for a new
morality, a new system of beliefs,
a new way of seeing.
The basis of the old moral-
ity, the conventional economics
and politics, the hallowed world-
view, have been shattered beyond
repair, throwing us into a persist-
ing crisis.
The two world wars, the break-
ing of the imperial stranglehold, the
transfer of power from Europe to
America, the revolt in Cuba and
Vietnam, the emergence of Russia,
China and the European Community,
the rise of the black states in Africa
and Asia, the long hot summers of
black power and young power, the
unabashed degeneracy of central
power in the highest places, all of
these have brought the constitutional
crisis to a head at the level of the
entire civilization.

We are on the threshold of a
new dispensation, the dawn of a new
age. Humpty Dumpty must again be
put together. It is not a task for the
King's horses or the king's men nor
his ox nor his ass nor anything that is
Five hundred years of royal
endeavour have finally come to an
end in a collapsing merchant order,
The obvious rising among the people
invokes the republican principle. Such
a rising dictates a moral resurgence
as well as a cultural revival. Inevitably
it means also vastly refashioned
institutions and methods in economics
and politics. The breakdown has
been effected not by the personal
immorality of individual leaders and
statesmen but because of the disrup-
tion of tested institutions by galloping
technological change.
Large-scale machinery and or-
ganization in practically every field,
in administration as in production,
have dislocated himan relations, never
nearly satisfactory, by further con-
centrating power at the centre while,
at the same .tnme, generating and
accelerating hope for an enhanced
popular participation.
The harsh reality has been a
substitution of democratic involve-
ment and honest human relations by
systematic manipulation and profes-
sional and cynical public relations.
The result is a culture fractured
into three warring factions.

1. The first consists of the
-front-men and the face-men, the
politicians and advertising men. These
are the cool cats, the con-men really,
the tricksters, jugglers and manipula-
tors whose job it is to sell the mes-
sage, stay in office and keep the
system running by smoothing over
2. Secondly, there are the
technocrats and bureaucrats, the hard-
face, tight-lipped, super-efficient back-
room boys, wielding tremendous
power but always behind the glamor-
ous decor, invariably anonymous and
piously unresponsible for policy deci-
3. Thirdly, there is the multitude
of little people, mere objects of the
latest scenario, the acted upon, the
cast of thousands also anonymous and
faceless and assumed to be mindless
too. Without the levers of power,
their means of involvement is sporadic
negation sickouts, low productivity,
electoral boycotts, tripping-up of
management, a mule-like simulation.
Such a strategy used in the West
Indies to be at a premium under the
plantation slave regime.
Today, above all, the most
fashionable strategy, is resort to a
Maroon escape not so much by
--physical-migration-bt -by-a -resort to
an orgy of sex, drugs, mystic religion,
apocalyptic cult and charismatic
movements; to the losing of the self
upon a trip into two extravagant
polar worlds either of resignation and
retreat or otmomentary;uper-militant


Where these conditions will lead
us depends on whether we regard this
agonising upheaval as problem or
possibility. Those of us who see it as
possibility, acknowledge not a world-
wide irresponsibility of the new
generation but a search, a fresh
initiative for inner meaning, an
instinctive and primal quest for
ancestral origins. "*Back to the green
beginning" (Walcott); towards fulfill-
ment and avocation of being, towards


a sovereign individual in a concert of
community freedom.
Wilson Harris sees us reaching
out towards "the native tradition -
the depth of inarticulate feeling and
unrealised wells of emotion belonging
to the whole West Indies." Edward
Kamau Brathwaite notices it as a set of
beliefs "which point to the originality
of man as a civilisation-making
animal who can alter the architectural
complex of an age."
We have been slow to heed these
warnings of a movement among the
people, long choreographed by our
poets and writers. If we are prepared
now to recognize it and to maintain
our sense of possibility as against our
anxiety with problem; if we can
emancipate our imagination and
acknowledge the alleged fragmentation
and confusion as a desperate struggle
to find articulation from below, as
independence demands that we do,
then the enormously strong position
of the West Indian on the. world stage
standsboldly out in relief.

Once we adopt the philosophical
stance that man is born not onlyfree
and equal but responsible, we will
discern the potential for action and
the broad range of choice. Repudiat-
ing the pessimists, George Lamming
and particularly CLR James have
always insisted on this peculiar West
Indian advantage of being a people
singularly unencumbered by hallowed
tradition. What we indubitably have
lost in being unwilling and unwitting
inheritors of a new home across the
ocean, we may have gained in a free-
dom to forge our own links with what
Tapia has described as "the cosmic
forces which wander in our land."-
It is a possibility fraught with
peril. The search to create our own
inheritance from pre-Columbus
America and from our brief experi-
ence thereafter, must take us back to
ancestral origins in the other conti-
nents Africa, Asia, Europe. That
necessary search must validate itself in
an enrichment of our ultimate dream
to become masters in our place,



wherever we are in America,
The perils of this opportunity
are nowhere better exemplified than
in Trinidad and Tobago. We are
many times blessed by fortune not
the least because we have arrived so
quickly after Independence at a
constitutional crisis in its every mean-
ing. We have reached that stage at a
moment when the international
climate is propitious for local change,
when our material endowments are
fructifying without any great pain to
ourselves, when full three-quarters of
our people are young andaccessible by
new persuasions and when, perhaps
for the first time in our history, there
are more people born in this country
than have come to it by immigration
and with loyalties divided.


We are no longer a notorious
bunch of transients. We want to come
to rest, to found a nation-state, to
fashion a new race and to alter the
landscape in sympathy with out
Caribbean dream.
Success is not pre-ordained. We
stand a chance only if we now cut
loose from the mindless cant and the
cliches, the stock formulations, the
ritual classifications, the orthodox
regurgitation of lifeless doctrine.
Edward Brathwaite has charged
us to "study the fragments whole."
To attain such coherence we must
marry the poetry with the politics in
a dialogue between the inner individual
and the outer social contract, in a
dialectic interplay between new in-
stitutions and fresh values.
It follows that we need econ-.
omic reorganisation; unconventional
politics and constitution reform as
much as we need a moral and cultural
rebirth. Each is merely a restatement
of the others from a different angle
of vision.
A new material order, a new
pattern of authority and of participa-
tion. These visible signs of our New
World can only be an expression and
an embodiment of a new person, a
promotion and symbol for the indivi-
dual Caribbean Man that we must
hasten now to free.






Economic Independence

is still a

long way off

Lloyd Taylor

nouncement informing us
of its acquisition of Shell's
assets for a gigantic cash
figure of ninety-three
point something million
dollars, and the outings
which have hailed the
move as a step in the
right direction, have given
as precious little informa-
tion with which to assess
Ahe- real.- ins-to-our-
economic and political
And popular reaction to
the recently concluded deal,
whatever may be said about
it by the Government's daily
Guardian, was everything else
but widespread, spontaneous
and enthusiastic. That is a
fact that has even more
significance than appears at
first glance once it is remem-
bered that we, the people,
still living each day in and
each day out largely in "the
fires of hope and prayer",
sense that the Shell takeover
cannot be pooh-poohed en-
tirely out of hand.
Yet how do we lnow that
the deal is not just another
"farts in the ring" of multi-
national corporations? How
do we -ascertain whether the
economic and social advance
which is sold as the Shell deal
is not merely an empty shell?


Especially when we know
that the self-appointed, self'
opinionated and self-righteous
'master builder' is desperately
;trying to move mountains by
an array of seemingly radical
measures designed to regain
lost support. How can we tell
without the liberalisation of
'both radio and TVrtime, and
with the monopoly of the
Sunday Guardian's front
'page in Williams hmads?
The first and obviously

most important question
raised by the take-over of
Shell's assets is precisely what
control does outright national-
isation give us? Ownership of
the Point Fortin Refinery
means that we are in control
of production of refined
petroleum products. However
under existing conditions of
technology and output capa-
city gains to our economic
independence must depend
on arrangements for market-'


the Government, without
popular political support,
negotiated with Shell from a
position of weakness. How
else could one internret
Government's inflexible ad-
herence to the proposition
that "arrangements for defer-
red payments in the oil indus-
try are usually associated with
arrangements for the con-
tinued operation of the
company being purchased...
access to supplies, for
example" as, a negotiating
And if we refuse to be-
lieve that such weakness pre-

According to the informa- failed we need only bear in
tion made available Shell con- mind the fact that outright
tinues to be active in the expropriation of Shell's assets
manufacture and the market- was not even considered as a
ing of chemical products, and reasonable possibility. In
by Government's request, in addition we are left in no
the marketing of petroleum better position to determine
products to Caricom coun- whetherfor $93m, the pur-
tries. A lot of obscurity chase of Shell's assets was a
hangs over details concerning good buy. The little king
the purchase and other rele- completely side-stepped that
vant information concerning issue.
the Government's continuing
relationship with Shell. PLANS
It is therefore difficult to
measure the precise amount SJ.wei- the.. relm of
STcontro-in our hands. Not hopes. Here the possibility
to mention the fact that for making the most of the
Point's refinery specialises in acquired control of the means
the production of heavy-ends production depends on
largely disposed of in the US of production depends on
market about which the hat plans we have for oureasing
Government stands notably supplies, for both increaing
silent. Could it mean that and modemising our refinery
Shell has allowed its contract capacity.
for marketing of heavy ends Official indications are
to lapsethat the main thrust of

The simple answer is that
we do not know. But we are
pretty certain that to the
extent that the technical
limitations of the refinery
plant mean that we are un-
able to produce ends largely
for our own needs, and to the
extent that what has so been
said about marketingindicates
that Shell still has consider-
able control and price-adjust-
ing leeway from its control of
the means of transport, we
may surmise that the gains tc
our economic independence
exist in the realm of hopes.
So that measured in terms
of what we can do most easily
to satisfy our own needs the
93 odd million dollars must
seem to be a particularly high
price to pay for a rather
dubious measure of control.
And the Vesting Day Message,
delivered at Point amidst
uniformed and artificial sup-
port, made absolutely no
reasonable justification for
spot cash payment.
The Message, if it did any-
thing at all, suggested that

Government's efforts will be
in the area of petro-chemical
products, for which the
refinery will be key. And
from the trips abroad has
come the "firm..proposal
involving investments of stag-
gering proportions in the
manufacture of eleven differ-
ent products." That is how
we hope. to reap the gains to
economic independence. But
that is good only in so far as
it goes, though it is not
without good reason that the
harvest is a little way off.
Government's entire way
of dealing with the foreign
corporations in oil in part-
icular is premised on the need
to have money. And if we
do not look sharp we would
be most certain to enter deals
which are merely means of
giving to the foreign firms
what we took from them in
For all the evidence sug-
gests that the Government in
its attempt to regain for the
nation its birthright is bent on
following the costliest way
out. We need only cast
iTother gla ice oftjte question
of raw materials needed to
feed Point's (Trintoc's) re-
finery. The plan is to import
our crude oil needs, and to
have Trinidad-Tesoro, that
notoriously iniquitous ex-
ample of a joint venture, as
the agent for the National
Oil company.
If it can be argued that

such a policy is not wrong-
headed, which it certainly is,
then the one reasonable inter-
pretation we can make, is that
Government is not really
serious about making the
most of an already bad situa-
tion. A Government con-
cerned about putting real
meat into Vesting Day would
have moved quickly to ensure
that Amoco's 73,000 daily
barrels of crude supplies be
directed to Trintoc's refinery.


If ever we had agreed to
purchase Amoco's supplies
then the cost of piping it
through to Point Fortin is all
there would have been to the
costs of transport. But no,
Amoco must go scotfree to
do as she pleases, to be
almost a year behind the
estimated 100,000 daily
barrels of crude output. Now
she has the audacity to offer,
with no little guile we suspect,
a proposal for a $300m.
ammonia/urea plant. Obvi-
ously she knows that we have
money to spend.
With supplies, marketing,
and naturally technology out
of our hands we don't seem
to be making the most of the
potential that the control of
the means of production,
however high the price, has
laid so compellingly at our






Tapia House 82-84 St Vincent Street Tunapuna



-,-GE 44 TAPIA


-ED AT S 5',.` O' .A

Bhoendradatt Tewarie S

FEW of us would disagree that a
humane, just and democratic
society is a worthwhile goal.
And one may well ask do we not
have such a society? Are we not a
humanitarian people? Is there not
justice in our courts? And is not
our state administered as a
parliamentary democracy?
These rhetorical questions beg
for half-truthful responses. But if one
were to answer them with a clear
conscience, one would have to reply
that any system which allows 15% of its
citizens to go without the dignity of
work and another 15% to work for two
or three days of the week eking out an
existence could not be based on
humanitarian principles; that any
society which promotes such great
disparity in economic distribution,
and whose government for the sake of
political expediency, has traditionally
catered to sectarian interests, could
not be based on justice that any state
which does not allow the people their
right of fullparticipation in the process
of government and virtually silences
opposition voices through its control
of the media, should not dare to call
itself democratic.


And how is the education system
related to all of this? Well, our educa-
tion system,- immersed in abstraction
and removed from reality, is not
concerned with humanitarian prin-
Based on a luck and chance
system which determines acceptance
or rejection, it establishes in a most
brutal fashion in the child's mind
injustice as a basic principle under
which the society operates.
Based on a system of fear
(student fears teacher fears principal
fears supervisor fears ministry and so
on) and authoritarianism (in the class-
room situation children listen (earn)
while teachers tell them (teach) and at
administrative level all policy is handed
down from above, most times without
any consultation with those most
affected) the school system is perhaps
the greatest obstruction to true
democracy in Trinidad and Tobago.
As Lawrence Carrington has
pointed out you can't have an
authoritarian system of education and
hope to reap participatory democracy.
It follows that you cannot have an
inhumane and unjust-system of educa-
tion and hope to create a just and
humane society.
Some might argue that the
education system in this country is
better now than it has ever been.
Education is open now to greater
numbers than ever before. Almost
every child in this country aroundthe
age of 11 is given the opportunity to
sit a common examination (11-plus).
There are more schools than ever
before in Trinidad and Tobago. There
are more types of schools too. Further
:he education system, in a sense, has
become more streamlined over the

We have an over-abundance of
teachers now in Trinidad and Tobago.
Thete is a better student teacher
ratio. The range of choices is much
wider now than ever before in the
shod curriculum, and so on.
.But what does all of this really
meat? Only, that the education sys-
team has not remained static; that
at Certain times the limitations of the
traditional system inherited from the
Briidh ave been acknowledged and
attEmpts have been made to remedy

some of the deficiencies through the
introduction of certain progressive
measures that might help to stem the
tide of impending socio/political crises.
Innovations, made in the system
of education have always been made
with a view to making the existing
system work. At no time has the sys-
tem itself been seriously challenged.

The competitive nature of the
examination, the year's (sometimes
two year's) training for the "big race"
on the "big day", the routine, ritual-
istic, pushing, forcing-down-throats
nature of the training involved, the
emphasis on technique, the rigidity,
the way it denies the child opportuni-
ties to express himself/herself, the fact

We have tended to ask questions
such as how can we improve the
system that we have instead of asking
what is the best system to serve the
needs and aspirations of a developing
nation such as ours.
I will concede that the education
system is much more democratic now ever been. To some extent
it follows that if it is now more demo-
cratic it is therefore, now more just and
more humane though this argument
may very well be considered elliptical.
Still, if the education system in
this country is now more humane,
more just and more democratic I must,
however, contend that it is not now
humane enough, just enough nor
democratic enough. Just as Trinidad
and Tobago though an "Independent"
nation is not now independent enough.


Our education system, as it
exists at present is inhumane! I state
this without reserve.-
The first inhumane thing it does
is ignore the fact that a citizen exists
before the age of five. Most psychol-
ogists see the first five years as being
crucial in a child's physical, moral and
intellectual development.
That the government of this
country fails to recognize that vacuum
exists in the present educational
system, that it has a moral obligation
to cater to the educational needs of
its infant population is an inhumane
act and nothing short of a national
Primary education, on the other
hand with its emphasis on the three
R's and its total disregard for the
creative abilities and human potential
of the individual; with its failure to
recognize that early education should
be geared towards bringing out the
greatest possibilities of the human
child, adds further insult to injury.
To make a ridiculous situation
even more absurd, after the child's
creative powers have been stifled and
his human potential stunted for five
destructive years he is subjected to
further abuse at the hands of the
preposterous 11-plus examinations -
which to my mind wrestle with the
psychological fortitude, physical en-
durance, and interest span of the
individual more than it actually tests

that the number of children who pass
is determined by the number of
school places available, the fact that
age is a variable that affects score -
(ie. a 12-year-old child getting x marks
has preference over an 11-year-old child
getting the same x marks) all these
point to the inhumanity of the
examination and of the system itself
When, further, one recognizes
that state-run formal education for
some children end at the age of twelve

almost by government decree and that
the possibilities open to them are:
1). to vegetate for a further
two years in a post-primary
2). to attend a non-descript
private secondary school
at an exhorbitant fee;
3). to join the ranks of the
frustrated unemployed
the tragedy of our inhumane system
of education hits home with tremend-
ous force.
No child should have his fate
determined for him at the tender age
of 12. Primary education should not
be merely preparation for an elimina-
tion contest. Education, at primary
level most of all, needs to be child-
centred instead of examination-centred
as it is now.
Children should be regarded as
the state's richest natural resource.
Human resource should be recognized
for what it is potentially a develop-
ing nation's greatest asset. China has
recognised this to its supreme advan-
Viewed from this angle, it is in
the best interest of the nation-state
because- some children come to it
,more culturally deprived, less intel-

Il ='-lh~~

lectually aware (though not neces-
sarily less intelligent) and more socio/
economically deprived than others.
Even if such a child were to pass
the 11-plus examination and secure a
place in Junior Secondary School,
these factors would continue to
register their negative effect and
adversely affect the child's performance
in school.
The question of equality there-
fore is more than one of questionable
"equal opportunity" which in fact
merely means the same examination
after the same number of years
The selective system, by which
thousands of children are cast by the
wayside further, must reinforce in the
minds of both those who pass and
those who fail the sense of injustice
Children who fail to get places
must know in their hearts that to have
an uncertain future staring you in the
face at age 12 could not be justice by
any standard. And even those who are
lucky enough tobe allowed to continue
their education must sense that their
gain is perhaps their friend's loss.

Continued on Page 9

_-Another optn: Jn te ra- of un
Another option: Join the mnks of the unemployed

Children are our richest natural resource


that children, in their early years, be
allowed to explore themselves and
their environment and be allowed to
express themselves and respond to
stimuli in their environment:to grow,
to develop and to bloom like a field of
flowers into their richest selves. The
11-plus examination, however, ensures
that the vast wealth of this nation's
human resources, is never really tapped.


Education, after the primary
level, continues to'involve examina-
tions, school places (elimination con-
tests), continues to be abstract and
unreal, continues to force children to
be "academic", continues to stifle the
individual and kill his spirit, continues
to breed "successful" conformists, fol-
lowers, non-thinkers, continues to be
But the education system under
which we operate, in addition to being
inhumane is also gravely unjust.
The 11-plus examination pre-
tends to be just, but it is not. While
children sit a common examination,
at about the same age and after
approximately the same number of
years of exposure to the school situa-
tion, the fact that these children come
from vastly different socioeconomic
groups, which at the lowest rung of
the ladder experience a level of
deprivation that we would rather
ignore makes the examination supre
mely unjust
Further, all primary schools are
not the same. The differences between
urban and rural, are obvious. But there
are more subtle differences, which
make primary education, unequal
from.-area to area, school to school.
It is not necessary to go into
details here however, suffice it to say
that the 11-plus examination is unjust



Continued from last week
By Victor D. Questel

Let Walcott himself elaborate that statement.
Selden Rodman in an interview with Walcott since
published as -Derek Walcott: Redefinitions in The
American Way of February, 1973 and later published
in Tongues OfFallen Angels, asked him the follow-

imitate the incoherent but ostensibly logical
form of our dream. Anything can happen:
everything is possible and probable.
The characters split, double, multiply,
dissolve, condense, float apart, coalesce. (pg.
But Walcott's charcoal-burner does not see
himself as an individual who is essential iir the
society survival as does Strindberg's First Coal
Hauler who says:-

entering the state of mindlessness in which the actor
conceals even from himself his own intent". Zeami
Motokiyo also stresses that yugen in the art of No
is of primary importance.
The essence of yugen is true beauty and
gentleness. The actor must be able to give yugen to
whatever role he is playing. As Zeami Motokiyo
finally points out "the actor should realize that yugen
is attained when all different forms of visual and aural
expression are beautiful".
We must also keep in mind that in Japan as in
India the audience is not looking to the stage for
reality. Furthermore the climatic moment in a drama
is often a dance sequence which may represent a
duel between adversaries. Such a dance may well be
.performed on the hanamichil a runway extending
from stage left through the 'theatre, bringing the
stage action into close relationship with the audience.
(See The Mentor Book OfModern Asian Literature
(pg. 161).
The element of spectacle is of major importance
in Kabuki, and costumes are colourful, contrasting
sharply with the bare stage.
Often there is no more than backdrop repre-
senting the stylized pine tree of No drama.
In Kabuki the chorus sometimes takes over the
lines of the characters. Furthermore the actors deliver
'their lines with an artificiality of tone that successfully
destroys any literal semblance of reality


Walcott has told us that he came to the
Chinese and Japanese classic theatre through Brecht.

(See Savacou No. II pg. 48). Now Brecht in his 'epic
theatre aimed at destroying any illusion of reality.
"The audience", as Martin Esslin summarises him,
"should not be made to feel emotions, it should be
made to think". (See Brecht: A Choice Of Evils pg.
It was therefore logical for him to turn to No
theatre iad Kabuki, where 'a slice of life' is not
:offered. It does not mean however that Walcott like
Brecht aims at smashing the illusion of reality on
Walcott seems to admire No and Kabuki be-
cause of the combination of the bareness of the stage,
the spectacle and the impact of costumes against the
bare stage, and the impact and power of gesture,
mime, dance and song.
In his recent production of Dream, the stage
was bare. The backdrop was a few dry pieces of
bamboo, which recalled the pine tree of the Kabuki.
Decor of the play therefore contrasted sharply
with thatused in the 1968 production held at Queen's
Hall. As Ulric Mentus said in an article entitled,
Warhead In 'Dream' Has Not Yet Exploded, published
in the IEveiing News, of Wednesday January 31st.,
1968 on page 6:-
The stage setting epitomises the hopelessness of
the situation a towering dark mountain
flanked on either side by giant spider webs. The
only escape is the mind.
At The Little Carib there was a chorus, dance,
mime, song and spectacle but not in strict function
as in No or Kabuki. We cannot say that Errol Jones-
has yugen or that we like his moments of "no
action". Dances were not used to narrate the action


Makak's vision of God is a white woman. Mine And yet we're the foundation of society. If we
might be a black woman, but I would not want didn't carry the coal the kitchen stoves
to kill her. He does. would burn no more, the rooms you live in
Walcott replied with a very questionable statement:- would grow cold, the factories would close
Any vision of god a black charcoal-burner had down. The lights in your streets, your stores,
would have to be white. But by the time Makak your homes would die. Darkness and cold,
beheads her he's become a political figure. As would fall upon you. (pg. 211).
soon as he commits that spurious act he goes
back to being a woodcutter. EXPERIENCE
Rodman asked, "Is that the solution?" To this Walcott
replied:- In the first place Makak does not see himselfi
No. But in the context of the West Indian
situation. the point is, whether he's doing as belonging to a community of charcoal burners. He
his work in. or societ. Tha, hethr hedemtion: has spent most of his life alone on Monkey Mountain
no l onger to be tormented by being either a and selling coals is a relatively recent occupation
no longer to be tormented by being either a
black man or a woodcutter. The beginning ofa brought about by his friendship with Moustique.
solution The creation of Makak is rooted in Walcott's
solution! 1St. Lucian experience. In TheNew Yorker of June
"Why spurious?" asked Rodman. To which Walcott t. Lucian experience. In TheNew Yorker of June
replied:- 26th, 1971 he stated that:-
At the moment he has more abstract power but When 1 started to write this play, (Dream) 1
At the moment he has more abstract power butremembered an almost inhuman man named
less power as a human being. He even gets rid of remembered an almost inwho usd to me i
Moustique. He becomes a political figure Makak Rougier who used to come into
customer tog g orders. Getting rid of town and get terrifyingly drunk. He'd roar up
accustomed to giving orders.. Getting rid of and down the main street, fling things around,
his overwhelming awe of everything white is and et aete t the same time, I was in
the first step every colonial must take. The and ge aesed A e sae te w
error is that when you translate this into fluenced by Japanese Nb plays and the whole
error is that when you translate this into Kabuki thing. I thought that I could see in the
political terms it leads wrongly, disastrously trul ethnic West Indian dances some of the
into acts of murder, and eventually genocide. y e
Makak realises this when he wakes from the surviving celebrating or warrior dances- the
dream that had become a nightmare. (pgs 29-30). same kind of force you get in the Japanese
Let it be said that we don't see any of that in theatre. We have a similar percussive feel we
use flute and drums and we have a great oral
the play. Makak does not become a political figure tradition in the is tat gie ve us a reference
accustomed to giving orders. He becomes a shadow .---o---r SoIr'TecSoI~. ied to combine these clement
lpated by thepwer hungry, newly con- into a play that could be done on a completely
verted to blackness Lestrade. bare stewithustight
It is Lestrade, the upholder of the law in any a stag with just light...
society, who turns Makak hat statement tells us about the reality in
society, who tuns Makak into a political monkeyIn Walcott's mind with respect to the birth of Makak as a
fact, much of .the play is about manipulation, hence character and as material for Caribbean mythology.
the chant, "I don't know what to say this monkey We also learn that it is important for us to have some
won't do." Moustique, at one point, impersonates knowledge of No theatre and Kabu if we are to
Makak and manipulates the crowd, and Tigre kani- full o N reciat ear n
plates Makak into believing that he must kill thee central fige in the evolution of the No
corona. as ZThe central figure in the evolution of the No
Of course, the greatest piece of manipulation is was eai Motokiyo. His comments on the art of the
hat of the audience by the playwright as he gets them No are quoted inthe Anthology OfJapanese Literature
to look at and participate in another man's dream. edited by Donald Keene. There we learn that it is the
It is difficult to be critical oi Walcott's Dream 'inner strength' of an actor which makes the moment
because his note on production states that "The play of "no action" which occur between the dancing,
is a dream, one that exists as much in the given minds in and miming on state, Moo must
According to Zeami Motokiyo the actor must
of its principle characters as in that of its writer, and not relax the tension when the dancing or singing
as such, it is illogical, derivative, contradictory," or miming comes to an end but must maintain his
(pg. 208). inner strength" "This feeling of inner strength" says
As Errol Hill has pointed out in his article The Zeami Motokiyo, "will fainly reveal itself and bring
The Emergence OfA NationalDrama InThe West Indies enjoyment. However, it is undesirable for the actor to
piUbMihed in Caribbean Quarterly Vol. 18 No. 4, permit this inner strength to become obvious, to the
1972, Walcott's 'note' echoes the Strindberg's audience.
preliminary note to his A DreamPlay. Strindberg If it is obvious, it becomes an act and is no
says:- longer 'no action'. Moreover the action before and
... I have in this present dream play sought to after an interval of 'no action' must be linked by

EM MER, 1974


as in the Kabuki.
For example, in the Kabuki the execution of
the white woman would have been danced. In Dream
dance is used, but not asan embodiment of the action
but as a complement of the action. The closest we
get to 'no action', to stillness, is in two stills in the
play. The second one was the more effective.
It is Sunday morning and Lestrade has just
freed Makak, after the latter has spent a "rough
night" dreaming in the cell. As he is about to leave,
Souris one of the felons says, "Walk with God,
grandfather. Walk with God".
With that, the two felons, Lestrade, Moustique
and the Sisters of revelation freeze; If isvery effective,
especially the sight of suspended law and order
symbolized in the form of Lestrade's frozen upraised
The presentation of Dream seemed to incorpor-
ate Brecht's concept of 'Gestus' the clear and
stylized expression of the social behaviour of human
beings towards each other, as defined by Martin
Esslin in his Brecht: A Choice OfEvils, (pg.119).
The language of the play dictates very clearly
how the actor is to act. For example, the playbegins
with the humiliation of Makak, walking on all fours
at the commands of Lestrade, but soon we have the
proud Makak, very much like Don Quixote talking to
his Sancho, saying:-
Saddle my horse, if you love me, Moustique ard
cut a sharp bamboo for me, and put me on that
horse, for Makak will ride to the edge of the
world... pg. 240
In fact the whole play is about the exploration
of the master/slave or master/servant relationship
in its many guises, and the fact that the relation of
the one to the other is always based on imitation or
learnt behaviour.
Hence every individual'in the play is a 'monkey'
in so far as they are all trained in and for their roles.
Hence the two felons can 'act' the role judges, they
know how to 'monkey' the behaviour of judges. This
is why Lestrade the mulatto, the man in love with
the rhythm and nuances of the white man's culture,
as seen by the way he is obviously in love with the
white man's 'cultural tool', his language can
declare "I can both accuse and defend this man"
(pg. 230).
Yet, Lestrade at the very moment that he
appears to be in control, to be the master, is in fact
a 'slave to his 'white' way of seeing. Moreover,
Lestrade shows the court Makak as a monkey he can
control, with the same mocking contempt that'
eighteenth century whites displayed for those mulat-
toes who had somehow managed to gain more than a
smattering of education.
Incidentally, Makak presented as a trained
animal calls to mind Georg Buchner's play Woyzeck,.
where Woyzeck in the presence of the captain and
the doctor is used as a trained animal. The master/
slave, master/servant relation that is explored also
seems to operate with Genet in mind.
Just as Genet's thief in Our Lady Of The:
Flowers when asked by the,Mother Superior why he
had stolen replied "Because the others thought I was
a thief", so.too Makak behaves as a monkey because
the others think he is ugly and should be called a

monkey Makak.
Lestrade can only stand in judgement of Makak
in the makeshift courtroom because the two felons
and the giggling women believe that Lestrade "has a
sense of Justice". (pg. 220).
Walcott, like Genet seems to be implying that
the existence of the master depends on the existence
of the slave, and the existence of the slave on the
existence of the master, they need each other so as to
give the other its existence.
The moment Makak ceases to be the accused,
Lestrade ceases to be a judge. The conversation
between the judge and the thief in Genet's The
Balcony illustrates this idea.
Look here: you've got to be a model thief if
I'm to be a model judge. If you're a fake thief,
I become a fake judge. Is that clear? My
being a judge is an emanation of your being
a thief. You need only refuse but you'd better
not! need only refuse to be who you are -
for me to cease to be ... to vanish, evaporated.
Burst. Volatilized. Denied. (pg. 17-19).
But with Walcott the role player must also have
an audience, people who will approve and applaud
orders given. Thus the repeated "drill him, Constable,
drill him", as Lestrade prepares to present his case
against Makak.
Lestrade is always conscious of his authority,
and sees himself as superior to the men around him,
in fact to him he i. not surrounded by men at all,
but by niggers, animals, beasts, savages who are bent
on turning her majesty's prison into "a stinking
Lestrade, a mulatto, is in love with the langu-
age of his colonizer. He savours words for their very
taste on his tongue. Hence, he is very contemptuous
of Makak's creole, and insists that lie speaks English.
Lestrade loves the pun and the theatrical gesture, and
soon we realize that he is always interpreting his
every action in the light of the life-style of his white
wnen the prisoners escape he can only go after
them after he sees himself as a white man of law and
order putting down the natives.
As he says, "There's nothing quite so exciting
as putting down the natives. Especially after reason
and law have failed'. (pg. 286).
At that pointhe sounds very much like Genet's
Village in TheBlacks "Ah, the great days when
they used to hunt the negro and the antelope!"
Corporal Lestrade too has his dream. But the
corporal while in the forest suffers a mental break-
down. The man who talked about the figment of the
mind, soon goes bananas. When in the forest Lestrade
suffers a mental breakdown because all the props of
civilizationn as he understands it are not there. More-
over, once in the forest he is without an audience to
'perform' for.
He is forced to fall back on himself, and thus
discovers; he has no self. As Basil tells him, his mind
was never his own.
Anthony Hall as Corporal Lestrade played up
the loud angry side of the man, and this contrasted
with Sade Hopkinson's interpretation of the menac-


ing contemptuous dignity he saw in Lestrade in the
film version of.the play. Hall's interpretation is valid,
but the memorable moment for ne is when he
captured Lestrade's sense of breakdown, which the
film version somehow made ludicrous.
But Walcott like Makak has made his point.
Once Lestrade finds himself in the forest, once the
whites have gone, and the like of Makak has become
popular, he either dies, that is disappears, or repents
and reappears as a champion of the cause but still
giving orders, still a severe servant of the law.
We know that Lestrade's conversion is an empty
opportunistic ritual by the following statement:-
But now in the heart of the forest at the foot
of Monkey Mountain I kiss your foot, 0
Monkey Mountain, I return to this earth, my
mother. Naked, trying very hard not to weep in
the dust. I was what I am, but now I am
myself. Now I feel better. Now I see a new
light. I sing the glories of Makak! The glories
of my race! What race? I have no race! (pg. 299).
Lestrade parodies Makak's emotions, since he
feels he must now use the Makak model of behaviour.
He says:-
Let me sing of darkness now! My hands. My
hands are heavy. My feet. .. My feet grip like
roots. The arteries are like rope. (pg. 300).
Makak takes Corporal Lestrade seriously. He
says, "They reject'half of you:We accept all". Makak
like Carpentier's hero in "The Lost Steps has dis-
covered while living in the forest on Monkey Moun-
tain that to be whole one has to feel and see in a total

In fact like Carpentier, Walcott sees this New
World as an opportunity for Man to start all over
again; to become a second Adam, and relate to the
forest and become reintegrated with the universe.
Yet, at the same time, Walcott sees this second
Adamic concept or the black Adamic concept as he
calls it, as a cul-de-sac, for it will lead only to repeat-
ing the cycle of violence, destruction and self-
destruction. Walcott in the article entitled. Man Of
The Theatre which was published in TheNew'
Yorker says there:-
When Corporal Lestrade, the brainwashed
colonial servant, retrogresses to become an ape
and emerges as a man to walk through the
prlmcval forest, the play swijtgs -ov, a E a blli
Adamic concept of evolution. -But the same .sins.;*
are repeated, and the cycle of violence and
cruelty begins again. When the two criminals,
who are virtually brothers, fight, that's when
the dream breaks for Makak.
Once again we have that conflict between.
Walcott's intention and what actually happens In the
play. In the first place it seems strange that the dream
should break for Makak when the felons fight each
other, when the tribes fight one another, because it is
Makak who says that he will "break up the tribes".
I have brought a dream to my people, and they
rejected me. Now they must be taught, even
tortured, killed. Their skulls will hang from my
palaces. I will break up their tribes. (pg. 301).
Walcott presents Dream with the intention of
presenting Makak, a poor black ugly charcoal burne.
who dreams that he has a message for his people. and
that he must return to Africa, where he will be a king.
but in returning to Africa lie sees the tribes destroy-
ing each other and the disillusionment forces him to
face the reality of accepting his home and his status
as a charcoal burner.

Continued on Page 10.


New Spirit

needed in

the Arts

rmibsa/l shows a barreness of ideas in
the groups.
The saddest point of this
ART to a wide cross sec- whole observation is that the
tion of the Trinidad way in which this ignorance
artists is not a wy has been presented has nur-
artists is not a way of turned in the patrons a feeling
life, but a means of evad- that, even though shows are
ing themselves and their not good,it is the best that
surroundings. Their art can be done so we have to
therefore mirrors this make the best use of it.
feeling and the emptiness
of their lives. The dis- STEREOTYPES
honesty of their existence
is also brought to the The audience has become
forefront. stereotyped into thinking that
It is primarily left up to any thing which deviates from
the group leaders to examine the weather-beaten norm is
the use .of art in the society not good.
and direct it into this chan- i am not saying that any-
nel, but herein lies the prob- thing which deviates is good,
lem, for the group leaders but we might be misled into
themselves have been using condemning a beautiful piece
art as an ego booster and of art, if we are not objective
have not been trying to enough to at least take it for
expose the society itself what it is worth, and ten
through art. appraise the effort.
The performing arts suffer The lack of good reviewers
from this vague art, to the of creative works leaves the
extentr-tlat-ia 3h-S5eM- i~hfist'thi emes as their only
a gross insult to pay money genuine critics. It therefore
for a ticket to attend a show becomes necessary for the
put on by one of these creative artist to be absolutely
groups. honest with himself, and
These shows have the dis- acknowledge his capabilities
gusting reputation of being, and also his limitations, which
beautiful clothes, beautiful are equally important for the
movements, but their content competence of the creativity.
on some aspect of life around Therefore the artist needs to
is sorely lacking. The show be sure of what he is doing
leaves an emptiness in the and saying and synchronize
minds of the audience and these aspects with what he

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wants to do and say. This
brings us to the point of
ideology,'or the definite road
or line a creative artist should
Ideology seems to scare
the past generation of group
leaders, especially in San
Femando. This is indeed sur-
prising since most of them
have been in the performing
arts for over a decade. A
question arises from this
revelation. What have they
been in the arts for? Their
answer is that they like it.

But, let us remember, we
in Trinidad can ill afford to
waste time which obviously is
what they have been doing.
The sad thing about these
groups is that they now have
under their control and are
wasting the youth's time also.
Unemployment among the
youth is as pitiful as it has
ever been. The energy of
youth, frustration, enthusiasm
and curiosity cannot be mis-
guided by these directionless
old people old in terms of
their ideas about art. But art
to these old stagers has al-
ways been an ego thing.
To allow youth to question
their experience with vibrant
ideas of what art should be
doing for the society is un-
thinkable. It is quite obvious
that these egotists'are sapping
the blood of the already
circumstantially unfortunate
The politics of the country
is as directionless as the art
of the country for the same
reason. The old stagers.see

leadership as an ego thing and
not as something inspired
which would lead people to
think for themselves in a
certain direction. The group
leaders have at various times
showed their unending sup-
port for the ruling political
set up of the country and
have done things not in the
best interest of anybody else
but of themselves. Some
youth have rebelled.
To rebel against, these
group leaders is to question
and condemn both their art
and their aspirations, since
the two aspects obviously go
hand in hand;having accepted
the premise that art and life
go hand in hand.
To attempt to show objec-
tion to the emptiness and
barrenness of their work is to
come up against a brick wall
of ignorance and narrow-
mindedness. Everybody has
acknowledged their contribu-
tion in the field of performing
arts, but the youth cannot
sit idly by and be misled
because a spent-force refuses
to give way to new ideas
and energy.

Both in arts as well as in
politics the old stagers are
dying off one by one, but the
process has in both cases
been too slow. The youth
are however preparing them-
selves for the mammoth take
over ahead in both situations.
In art, the problem is to
enlighten the immediate
young artist that is the artist
under the clutches of the
old regime, but the task is by

no means an easy one since
lately there has been young
offshoots of the old way of
thinking. But this however
gives a clear indication of the
amount of work anybody
who wants to make art a
relevant and vibrant thing in
the country has to do.


Unknowns in the arts
seeking them out, appraising
their work and offering
assistance and progressive
ideas for building a living
theatre is one way of attempt-
ing to break down existing
preoccupation with personal
aggrandizement. But this is
too time consuming and hap-
The youth who have been
at the struggle for some time
must continue not as a
separate body but must in-
filtrate ideas into the young
artists' heads on the type of
art necessary in a society
like this. This must be a
sustained infiltration.
The imagination and
conscientious youth will be
only too attentive to these
new ideas, which offer scope,
vision and progress. But these
youth must be also prepared
politically for the change
they may have to effect and
the conflict they may pro-
Running from inevitable
conflict is procrastination and
does more harm than good.
Thoughnone of us would like
to see the old stagers trampled,
their lack of awareness of
the transition could be
disastrousfor their egos.




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1 _


From Page 5'
What is psychologically, most
disturbing is that an entire generation
of 12-year-olds in any given year have
it firmly imprinted in their minds that
injustice is a basic principle under
which the society operates.
The children must also learn that
in a system in which injustice is a way
of life there are three avenues open to
the individual.
If one cannot cope, one becomes
a victim. he alternatives to that are
either a philosophy of indifference,
which means that all injustice is com-
pletely ignored or "doing like the
Romans" where one becomes a victim-
izer. Both of these foster self-interest
and selfishness. The individualism of
our present society has its psychol-
ogical roots in the educational experi-
There is a certain amount of
injustice too, done by the school

For a humane society

At 11-plus, 14-plus and G.C.E.
levels it is continually being suggested
to children that academic subjects are
the only important areas of human
Minor changes have been made
over the years in the curriculum but
neither mentality nor approach has
The emphasis on academic profi-
ciency is unfair and unjust to children
with skill, talent and abilities in non-
academic areas.
There are other injustices in the
system which are directed towards
teachers and which affects the student
in the long run.
The over-emphasis on seniority
is one. The lack of alternative job
opportunities in the society which
force many people who would not

ordinarily be there,

into teaching is

Teachers who recognize that
they have no administrative ability
and would rather teach if they had
the option, are forced to seek promo-
tion in order to increase their earnings.


A good teacher who wishes to
continue teaching must deny himself
additional compensation which would
only be available to him/her through
promotion to an administrative office.
Furthermore, there is an arbitrary
classification of teachers which results
in great disparity in income for teachers
doing the same job in the same system
and sometimes in the same school.

I will not go into the injustices
perpetrated on teachers in the educa-
tion system here, I will leave that for
another time.
It is perhaps important to men-
tion, however, thatany injustice felt by
the teacher tends to affect his/her
attitude to work which results in short
change for the student.
Let me close this article by saying
that it is important to understand thai
whatever "good" we allow our children
to experience in the education system
will be returned to the society tenfold
when they become adults.
It follows that what ever "evil"
our children experience at the hands
of the education system will be
returned to the society when they
become adults TENFOLD.


Mickey Matthews

A REVIEW of Tesoro
Players's production of
Island Tide staged a couple
of weeks ago both at the
Fyzabad Cultural Centre
and the Naparima Bowl
appeared to have come
from some one close to
this 'neatly welded group'
It dealt with questions
that I had raised with
Dyke George, director of
the group, and some
members of the cast.
The tone of the review
showed that the Players were
approaching maturity and
were now ready to deal with
criticism.This speaks well for
the future of the group
whose production a season or
two ago received a vitriolic
attack from a southern critic.
For this season's production
the daily newspaper report
said that the production was
good this time, yet it only
warranted a few column
inches in the News from the
South page.
On the other hand produc-
tions such as The Revolution-
ist and YTC's Five Years
Hard Labour, thirteenth rate
productions by any standard,
receive full coverage. To my
mind the Tesoro Players have
been attempting productions
larger in ambition and serious-
ness than any other group in
the Southland and in
particular the San Femando


The setting of Island Tide
is the dooryard of a house on
a cliff overlooking the sea in
a village somewhere in our
landscape. Perched on a
nearby verdant hill is the
church of parish priest Father
Placid. Isidore, anti-hero of
Ithe 'play, is a fisherman
farmer and is unmarried.
He is disturbed because
of the fact that he is not
certain about his parentage.
His birth papers say that he
is 'Iidore, son of, Anna
Orosco', but village rumour

eatre in Fyzabad


"ELSIE", played by Lynda Jacobs, seen here as she awaits her admirer.

has it that his mother slept
with his grandfather.
And as if to add to his
dispossession, the sea has
cheated him of his best
friend. Consequently, he often
falls into bouts of depression
and seeks escape in drinking
and cussing.
The play opens with
Isidore recuperating from such
a bout'of depression with the
help of the consoling words
of Father Placid. In comes Mr.
Paps, an old village denizen
of ninety six, who imbues the
play with humour, wit, and
exuberance. He chides Father
Placid for decreeing from his
pulpit that it would be a sin
for any villager to give the
once-sick Mr. Paps a drink.
When Father Placid is
gone he hustles Isidore a
drink of rum. In the ensuing
ole .talk he questions Isidore
about his loneliness and the
need for a woman companion.
Elsie is the woman Isidore
thinks he needs. She enters
the play singing a beautiful
song in a voice so sweet that
Mr. Paps recognizes it as that
of a young woman ready to
'tek ah man'. The fifteen-
year-old Elsie frequently
visits the cliff to speak to 'Mr.
Isidore' and to present him
with a loaf of bread stolen
from her mother's baking.
Then one day she writes
him a letter asking that he
take her to her school dance.
Isidore regards this is an
acknowledgement that she is
in love with him and will

marry him. He decides
against taking her to the
school dance, in fact he is not
interested 'in making 'bow-
peep' as his friend Uncle Look
Up and Fly By Night.
Instead he will get a suit
of clothes, practice to wear
hard shoes, and go to Miss
Amy, Elsie's mother, on the
evening of his 31st birthday
to ask her daughter's hand
in marriage. Father Placid sees
commercial prospects for him-
self in this union and en-
courages him into elaborate
planning for this marriage
they both set for December.


The evening of Isidore's
birthday is the next big
moment in the play. Dressed
up ift jacket and tie, and.
feet aflame in hard shoes,
Isidore meets Miss Amy at
her door and states his
proposal. He is told that
Elsie is pregnant and is about
to be married to a man she
met at the school party.
Isidore protests but the
impatient Miss Amy slams her
Isidore, dejected and frus-
trated, would have probably
thrown himself off the cliff if
not for the consoling words
of Mr. Paps.
The weakest point in the
play is its middle which
brings in characters like Uncle
Look Up, Take It Easy, and
Fly By Night, all aiming at
being funny. But their comedy

"FATHER PLACID", the village priest, played by Carlyle Whiteman, gives
some advice to "Fly By Night" (Kelvin Burke)

is impoverished. This weak-
ness is accentuated by some
poor acting.
A strong character in the
play is Mr. Paps, whose rich
dialect expresses a folksy
philosophy. The contrast in
dialect between Mr. Paps,
Isidore and Father Placid is
notable. Father Placid is
akin to Lamming's Prospero
colonising culture he speaks
perfect English. Isidore's
dialect is a cross between
that of the older Mr. Paps
and father Placid. It sounds
Mr. Paps seems a popular
character in Douglas Archi-
bald's plays he is most
present in Ann Marie with
the same rich folk dialect, not
restrained by the morals of
his society, a male chauvinist,
and stoical in outlook.
In Island Tide he is the
only character that Archibald
trusts. Father Placid is bent
on making his living off the
villagers. Isidore, although a
derelict who wins- the
audience's sympathy, is made
an ass by his blind marriage
Of the actors, Lynda
Jacobs' role as Elsie was
impeccable, her voice was
beautiful, her presence on
stage added elegance to the
already picturesque setting.
The scene with Elsie and
Isidore in search of each
other's affection against the
background of the sunset is
about the best in the play.
Liscot Celestine handled

the role of Mr. Paps ably but
he moved with too much
exuberance and in his solilo-
quies he allowed his youthful
voice to emerge.
Lennard Reason as Isidore
was too tense throughout the
play. Although Isidore was an
up-tight fellow there were
times in the two hours dura-
tion of the play when both
the actor and his audience
needed to relax.
The vivid stage setting
in Island Tide appeared as an
extension of the Fyzabad
land scape. It certainly re-
minded the audience that
Fyzabad was not far from the
sea and of the- role it had
played in their lives. Then
the folk theme explored was
like looking down the alley
from our windows.
The Tesoro Players are
on to a good thing. The
cultural centre is ideal for
theatre and at the moment
Tesoro is willing to spend the
money. In the performing
irts the advantage the locali-
ties have over the larger
municipalities is that they
can easily convert group
activity into community
1 think that every one in
Fyzabad would have liked to
see the production. But the
price of $2 was a little
prohibitive and the 'Players'
still need to establish them-
selves as a bona-fide com-
munity group.



Hell for





Former Nazis of
repressive forces

XfeJk labourers work 12-hour day in semi-slave conditions

NAMIBIA is the name
given by the United
Nations to the disputed
territory of Southwest
Africa which is occupied
by troops of the South
African racist regime.
The occupation of the
country of 823,000
square kilometres goes
back to the end of World
War I. and a subsequent
resolution of the Hague
The League of Nations
officially handed over the
German colony of South-
west Africa to the white
supremacist regime of the
neighboring country after
the defeat suffered by the
Kaiser's forces on Windoek
plateau at the hands of the
South Africans.
Thus did the rich territory
of Namibia fall under the
rule of apartheid, a policy
which has earned world-wide .

That policy of "separate
development of the races" in
practice has little to do with
the definition because the
Africans do not enjoy equal
opportunities in the racist
society and are doomed to an
existence of economic and
cultural backwardness.
In South Africa the best
wages and jobs are reserved
for whites, many of whom
live very well while the
Africans live on reservations
deemed subhuman by inter-
national observers.
Under the control of
South Africa, Namibia suffers
from the same ignominious
political system but in even
worse conditions than their
Sonth African sisters and
After World War II and
the creation of the United
Nations, the World body
passed a resolution defining
as illegal the occupation by
the racists of the territory of
Southwest Africa, which was
to come under a UN trustee-

The UN decision has been
sy.Anatically ignored by the
Preria government which
maintains its hold on Namibia.
The monopolies that con-
trol the mines of Namibia
export about 6,000 carats of
precious stones to the markets
of Amsterdam, Antwerp and
The wealth concentrated
in the desert ofNamib, which
one journalist dubbed "descri
of bitterness," is not limited
to precious stones. There is
also uranium, petroleum and
In this vast and desolate
territory the Africans face
a 12-hour work day in the
blazing sun, mistreatment at
the hands of the overseers
and undernourishment.
On the "desert of bitter-.
ness" the miners hand over
part of their lives to the
magnates controlling the
exploitation of the mines.
From different parts of
southern Africa hundreds of
people go to work on the
plain. They live in filthy
barracks at a far remove from
civilization, thinking with
longing of their families left
behind for months and of
the threat of severe punish-
ment if they leave before
their contracts are up.
There are no labour laws
or courts to protect them. A
paper with no legal validity
indicates how much they are
to be paid and warns them of
the penalties they face if
they fail to meet the standards
set by the contracting com-

The "Desert of bitterness"
resembles avast concentration
camp. A reporter who
managed to visit part of it
offered this image:
"As we passed by we saw
the watchtowers interspersed
along the barbed wire fencing.
They were manned by
soldiers armed with rifles and
machine guns. In another time
one would have thought it
was an SS concentration

"This image grew stronger
when I found out, much to
my surprise, that Namibia
harbors an active, sizeable
colony of ex-Nazis and SS
officers who meet annually
in a smil city to cclcbrite
the past glories of the Third

The town of Svacopmund
is located on the edge of the
Namib desert and is flanked
in the east by the Atlantic.
Every year in April the
small community is visited

by ex-Nazis who now live in
Namibia. There, under a por-
trait of Hitler, they sing old
Third Reich songs from the
time when they believed they
could pla. : 1 '.: .:iLijre _planet
'. dndcer their glcamin,, black
The town offers all facili-
ties for re-creating a Munich-
like atmosphere: sausage
stands, beer gardens, cuckoo
clocks, gothic-lettered signs
all help to make the Fuhrer's
former officers feel at home.
The newstands display
''Die Welt" and "Frankfurter
Allgemeine." After .the end
of World War II about 70,000

Nazis headed for the former
Gennan colony of South
Africa. They include 2,000
Wehrmacht officers who
found posts in the local forces
of repression. .. --
Africa, and in Namibia which
it has annexed, there are Nazi
organizations which are affili-
ated with like-minded bodies
in the United States and else-
whe re.
Recently the South African
English-language magazine
Personality reported on the
existence of organizations of
former members of the SS
and of Die Spinne. (P.L).

*'E 10 TAPIA


After World War II, 70,000 Nazis, including SS officers, sought
refuge in Namibia, occupied illegally by the South African regime.
Every year hundreds of these ex-Nazis meet to reminisce amidst
beer, songs and sausage, on the past glories of the Third Reich

I- i mml o,

You always

.. wanted her to


Makes it easy -
and an ideal

Gift too.



I I-L --~P IS~$%BC a I$IMe4


- --

- -------'



the nutmeg blossomed
in full flagellation
the Motto Visioned eye
is closed.
Grenada Blossomed
in full flag-
the Motto Visioned eye
is closed
m the Caibbean
the Motto Visioned eye
is closed
the Motto Visioned eye
is closed
I been blinded blinded
by this sea
a long time now
I been storming storming
like this sea
a long time now
I been hemmed in hemmed in
by this sea
a long time now
in the Caribbean
the Motto Visioned eye

is closed
the Motto Visioned eye
is closed.

Dteam on Monkey Mountain

From Page 7

But as the play unfolds we realize that Makak's'
.dream has several Versions.
One version is his dream to return to an 'Africa
'of before the arrival of the European, and there in a
communal society he can be a king. At another point
we realize t*at Makak is not concerned with the
peace and quiet and the rhythm of a communal
existence, but simply with power. Then we can have
a scene in which Makak explores the power of the
mind as he rows back in time, to a peaceful Africa.
Makak rowing across to-Africa, is powerfully
mimed. He cries:-
Back into the boat, a beautiful boat, and soon,
after many moons, after many songs, we will
see Africa, the golden sand, the rivers where
lions come down to drink, lapping at the water
with their red tongues. Then the villages, the
birds, the sound of flutes. (pg. 291).
But then there is also Makak who dreams of
power and destruction, whether he be here or ir
Makak: Feed my armies! Look, look themthere.
They waiting for their general, their king,
Makak, to tell them whee to eat. Salute them.
You see them where they are? Salute them...
I want to tell my armies. now is the time,
the time of war. War. Fire, fire and destruction
... Makak will destroy. (pg. 295).
So the dream of racial unity might have col-
lapsed for Makak with the words "the tribes, The
tribes"., which recall Walcott's poem Negatives which
records the Biafrian catastrophe, but surely Makak
piust have realized that his (at times) hunger for
political power and revenge always ran the risk that
once the enemy was defeated then the chances were
high that the armies would fight among themselves
for the spoils of the land.
But then Makak is not that logical. He is in
fact constantly manipulated by Walcott so that
Makak moves in several directions at once. He not
only swings frgm the vine of reality to the vine of
awareness of self to non-awareness and from the vine
tf the past to the vine of the future.
Makak at times sees himself as a tired Tiresias
who knows it all and who is weary from the burden
of his total knowledge. He moans:-
Locked in a dream, and treading their own
dadrkte. Snarling at their shadows, mapping
at their own tails, devouring their own entrails
ike the hyena, eaten withal -hatreQ. 0 God, Q
gods, why did you give me this burden?
pg. 305o)

To be Continued

Delano De Coteau

S(Abdul Malik)



Take it or leave it pal
Tradition is my trade
I mark words 'to. seal
Your fate and mine
before the blows begin.
the bitches the bitches
they fight nasty no holds barred
the bitches the bitches
they fight nasty no holds barred

So mark my word
mark it in the storm
before I calm
Cross the ground
and so help my God
be careful how you come
the bitches the bitches
they fight nasty no holds barred
the bitches the bitches
they fight nasty no holds barred

So today pal,
here in a nation's
I trade symbols
as I mark time
Wariness grows and the lagoon bird
stilted in the muck
of things sings the scarlet
song -
the bitches the bitches
they fight nasty no holds barred
the bitches the bitches
they fight nasty no holds barred

and I lie low
in the heavy undergrowth
of doubt
wiser than Eve's serpent
more ready than a Balisier

be careful

how you come

F o iiw g Ni geria

on Oil?

DEFENDING his Govern-
ment's decision to effect
the takeover of Shell's
assets with large cash
payments, the Prime Min-
ister stooped to a brand
of illogic not worthy even
of a schoolboy Kuwait
and Nigeria also paid cash,
he crowed, as if that were
the end of the story.
Such an attempt to play
on people's ignorance is no
new thing for Williams. With-
Sout information on the exact
circumstances obtaining in
those countries, who is to
know whether the precedent
was good or bad? Even a
superficial knowledge of the
nature of the political regimes
and the economic policies
current in Nigeria and Kuwait
is enough to suggest that they
present no models for radical
Yet a cursory glance at the
approach adopted by Nigeria
in her move to win greater
control of her economic re-
sources reveals how backward
and positively reactionary the
approach of the Trinidad
Government is.
Within recent years Nigeria
has adopted an open-door
policy with regard to foreign
investment. Much of this
investment has poured into
the oil industry. Today
Nigeria is a major producer,
with a daily output averaging
2.4m barrels per day.
Yet the winds of change

that have been blowing
through the world of petrol-
eum have not left Nigeria
unaffected. In keeping with
the policy guidelines laid
down by OPEC, of which she
is a member, Nigeria took the
decision earlier this year to
acquire a 55% holding in the
major oil-producing com-
panies in the country. The
most important of these was
the Shell-BP combination
which produces in excess of
1.3m barrels per day.
While these acquisitions
will help to boost the coun-
try's income from oil to an
estimated $10 billion by year
end, the Nigerians are not
taking the complacent view
that mere majority share-
holding is enough to effect
meaningful control.
The Federal Commissioner
for Economic Construction
and Development, Dr. Adedeji,
quoted in July's edition of
AFRICA magazine, had this
to say: "It's all too easy and
tempting to become a paper
tiger. When you haven't got
the citizens who have got the
skills, there's no point in
saying you've got them. That
would be window-dressing.
When you indigenise, you
indigenise, you have your
men effectively in charge,
men who won't refer a ques-
tion to someone else because
they haven't got the know-how
Concrete measures taken
by the Nigerians to ensure
that they effectively control
their oil industry include:
A Federal Government
allocation of$6.5m.for a
Petroleum Training Insti-

An agreement with the
Soviet Union to help train
Nigerian petroleum engi-
neers at the Institute
Administrative measures to
ensure that trained na-
tionals are given preference
over expatrate staff.
Tapia has long recognized
that the appropriate expertise
is a vital pre-requisite to
'effective control. Many years
*too late, the Government has
attempted to fudge our pro-
posed for a Petroleum
Techretariat. And true to
form, its efforts in this regard
have been hasty and woefully
inadequate. No clear guide-.
lines have been laid down for
the Institute of Petroleum,
and no clear distinction made
between it and the Energy
Secretariat and the Oil
Advisory Board. Neither the
staff nor the money have been
forthcoming to make of it
anything more than a
toothless tiger.
The record of the Trinidad
Government is one of gross
and criminal negligence. The
net result of the long wasted
years during which we could
have been preparing to take
charge of oil, is that now the
Government is even more at
the mercy of the multi-
national sharks than before.
The inept PNM Government
has not even seen fit to press
for the elevation of Petroleum
Engineering to full Depart-
mental status at U.W.I.
Put into this perspective,
the bombast and bravado
:attending the Vesting Day
ceremonies take on a hollow
land tragic ring.

6- ;.I wo, 1 0 4 I


cn-'0FY3 0
tlC)~ ;i~ B
'tro~i Jo pS
loj n3SP ,xea
tqquqlvl eeapuv *S.I!l







Dennis Pantin

SED in traditional
n garb, not jacket
alisier tie, Julius
re, leads an experi-
in development
differs so signifi-
from the PNM

argues, to believe that other
people would build Tanzania
in the manner desired by
Tanzanians themselves.
Self-reliance also means,
that Tanzania will have to
embark on those develop-
mental projects which Tan-
zanians can organise and

and countryside and n
city the traditional
of metropolitan influen
Since Independence
1961 there have been
cant changes which c
documented briefly.
Up to 1967, the
zanian regime tried t
solidate itself and devel
rncontr\v alnn thP lin

and ba
is only
the in
per ce
ent tri
and a
make I
-.. ----1.961--
In ,1
'very sin
island ii
the Bri
and rec
with an
most n
also sam
ing M
ment ha
the idea
hood or
should f
aims be
if TanzA
ed as
then thi
ing on
and reso
on other
ever frie
might b
the ultin
tion of
would b

anm themselves rely-
their own initiative
ania could not depend
people's help, how-
ndly and willing this
e. To do so might
nise the realisation of
late objective crea-
Ujamaa itself. It
e unrealistic, Nyerere

There is also a cultural
dimension to the notion of
self-reliance which is rooted
in the traditional African
society. Since the country is
basically rural, then the cul-
tural and spiritual guidance
must come from the village

wholesale establishment
Between 1967 and
several additional firm
taken over, either full'
Rental houses of
or combined value of a
mately $28,000 (TT)
also appropriated.
Recently other

ot the
e in
can be

e Tan-
o con-
op the
nes of
e parts.
s to a
r year.
ker to
his in-
it Cor-

evy on
ed and


wth of
ears in
)e cen-
n what
am on

rked a
was to
hip led
:ee of

ks and
i over,
uired in
f food
d 1972
s were
y or in



have been taken to weaken
the social power of the econ-
omically better-off groups. It
is now virtually impossible
for anyone to purchase a car
for private use and restrictions
have been put on the importa-
tion of a wide range of
luxury consumer items such
as fine wines and expensive
electronic equipment.
Poll taxes which fell
heaviest on the poor have
been dropped and heavier in-
come taxes have been imposed
on super scale incomes.
Perequisites such as com-
pany or government provided
houses are now calculated as
:part of income and heavily
Workers committees
have been established in many
firms in an attempt to demo-
cratise planning and manage-
*Democratisation is also
being attempted at-the level
of government in the produc-
tion of national development
plans. The government was
regionalised in 1971 and
several senior ministers and
civil servants were posted to
regional administrations. Each
administrative region is now
responsible for recommend-
ing its own development
The capital is being
moved from the coastal city
of Dar es Salaam to Dodoma
in the heart of the country
over a ten year period.
Most of the state re-
sources are now being chan-
nelled to Ujamaa villages.
Most of Tanzania's peasants
live not in villages but on

mme that his visit Arush0 the industrialisation pr
y likely to deepen me well-known in thest
i-fighting in the Decl aration In 1965 an in
r's party. policy was introduced
country of over 10 1. Every TANU and limited salary increase
people, with 90 Government leader maximum 5 per cent pe
ent rural based, must be either a A compulsory
scheme was also intre
ing of many differ- peasant or a worker, schemee was dso intr
bes 123 African and should in no way place 10 per cent of
few Asian, Tan- be associated with the come in an Investmen
has been able to practices of capitalism portion to finance h
relative gains since or feudalism, and industrial projects.
al Independence in 2. No TANU or A Development L
(one--year---before----- -Goverme ede- -------in es-.-..erL.'4 56-1('
id and Tobago.) should hold shares in month was also impose
961 Tanzania was any company. Strikes were abolish
lilar to any Caribbean 3. No TANU or the trade unions were b
n terms of inheriting Government leader more closely under
tish political system should hold director- control.
:eiving Independence ships in any privately NATIONAL SER
economy still con- owned enterprise.L SER
by foreign interests rr.
by foreign interests. 4. No TANU or In 1966, National
:r, with more people,
iral based and with Government leader was introduced speci
le illiteracy, Tanzania should receive two or to deal with the grom
w the millennium in more salaries, an educated elite.
aid to develop an 5. No TANU or National Service, gra
al sector. Government leader would serve for two y
educated elite also should own houses a place and job (to i
an Oligarchy in Gov- which he rents to rally determined) at a
Business and others. 40 per cent less than
6. For the purposes of ey would n ally e
ever, the Tanzanian this Resolution the graduation.
on lives and has not t In 1967 came the)
on lives and ot term 'leader' should Declaration. This ma:
o Crte e comprise the following: new milestone as the
morality in Public Members of the TANU ment's principal aim N
Free Education, National Executive ensure that the leaders
ic Development, etc. Committee; Ministers; an exemplary life fi
Tanzanian experi- Members of Parlia- arrogance, pomp or o
is been based on the ment; senior officials tion. (See Box).
of Ujaama a Ki- of Organizations affili- The day following
word which connotes ated to TANU; senior acceptance of the
of kinship, brother- officials of para-statal Declaration by the
Friendship. organizations; all those TANUation party,lised the comm
ere argued that the onto elected nationalised the common
re argued that tsocie appointed or elected heights of the economy
lAfrican society under any clause of Ten expatriate ban
form the base of an
Socialism more the TANU Constitu- all nine insurance con
Socialism ,more
than Socialist. The tion; councillors; and were completely taker
sing Self-Help, Self- civil servants in the while majority sharer
,Community. high and middle (60 per cent) was acqu
I ce meant two cadres. (In this context seven large manufac
Meant that 'leader' means a man, firms. Take-overs also
imeantthateader' means a man, a number o
i-"was tobe develop- or a man and his wife; place in a number o
a'n lijmaa society, processing industries, tc
an Ujamaa society, a woman, or a woman with most of the major
s must be done by and her husband). with mos~p t o f major
-e l. nsa .imnort-ex ort firms

isolated shambas (farms.) The
aim of the Ujamaa programme
is to encourage farmers to
come together voluntarily in
'villages so that scho6es,
water, roads, clinics, new
agricultural technologies and
other central facilities could
be brought to them economic-
One of the crucial factors
has been the attitude of the
Tanzanian leadership. Let
Nyerere speak: "For leader-
ship does not mean shouting
at people.. abusing individuals
or groups of people you dis-
agree with; even less does it
mean ordering people to do
this or that. Leadership means
talking and discussing with
the people, explaining and
persuading working with
the people to show by actions
what it is you are urging them
to do. It means being one of
the people and recognizing
your equality with them."


proposals, iron and steel,
ammonia and urea, other
than in our accustomed roles
as hewers of wood and
drawers of water? Bitter
experience is teaching us the
paradox of increasing national
ownership in the midst of
increasing national disposses-
PTSC and the Government
have sought to resolve the
dispute by employing the old
mixture of bribery and terror
backpay for the workers
and the threat of even more
sackings if the workers stayed
out on strike, not to mention
loss of status for their union.
However, after 18 years there
is no lope that the old tricks
will make any difference. The
movement for change is
gathering too much momen-
tum and is sure to sweep
away the old order one day
very soon.



From Page 1

guarantee our security by
their inability to pursue
policies which would provide
full employment, just re-
wards, equality of opport-
unity, efficient administra-
tion, ample social services
and above all, avenues for
our creative participation in
running the affairs of our
Even now, the Government
is preparing to sell us out, to
sacrifice our interests on the
altar of large scale capital,
large scale technology, and
large scale organisation. What
other meaning can we attach
to the Prime Minister's
announcements? Where is the
plan for putting small people
in charge? How else are we
going to fit into the smelter
scheme, the petrochemical

__ _=