Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
July 21, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

VOL. 4, NO. 29.

FOCR TI"E 'S'Uy{ CI tU/,Yi
162 ;- 1
YO iit,

SUNDAY, JULY 21, 1974



COME September and
the Council for Legal
Education, the Profes-
sional Law School at-
tached to the University.
of the West-Indies may
not be reopening its doors
to its students.
The situation has come
about as the whole of the
legal staff at the School have
been forced to resign under
charges of gross maladminis-
The whole issue so far
has been kept under a blanket
of secrecy and hush-hush

I o -

IN his feature address, at
North-Eastern College's
Graduation ceremony,
Tapia Secretary, Lloyd
Best observed that the
crisis in education is
merely a reflection of a
a much bigger crisis now
facing us in Trinidad and
Tobago. He was referring
to the constitutional
The problem in educa-
tion in this country, said Best,
is not that we do not have a
good plan nor that we lack
people of vision, competent
technicians, d e d i c a t e d
teachers and committed
It is not that parents
and other concerned people
in the community are un-
willing to contribute time,
ideas and effort.
The problem, the Tapia
Secretary arguedis largely the
system of government that we
Now turn to Page 3.

Party for


Margaret Gibbs has resigned
from the Staff of our paper
to take up employment else-
where. Margaret, affectionate-
ly known as, "one of the
boys" gave invaluable service
and sacrifice to the paper
during those hectic and head-
ache days after we had con-
verted to a weekly. The staff
of the paper will behaving a
party for Margaret to give
her a real Tapia send-off.


discussions by the Regional
representatives of the West-
Indian Council for Legal
Education which recently
met in Trinidad to discuss
the affair.
Tapia however has been
able to piece together various
leads and to come up with a
sordid tale of corruption,
incompetence and mis-


The whole affair broke
open over the question of
books for the Law Library.
One student informed Tapia
that the Library never con-
tained anything but the most
out-of-date and irrelevant

ELECTIONS are at the most two years away, and
before any elections Tapia confidently expects the
political situation to reach levels of excitement and
emotion beyond anything ever experienced in this
In recognition of this fact Tapia's long-awaited
public campaign is now rolling. It is in fact a campaign
on wheels. Following the proposals put to the Council
of Representatives by Campaign Manager Michael
Harris, the "Tapia Caravan" will be travelling all over
the country holding public meetings, rap sessions,
sales of literature and encouraging new member-
With Michael Harris and Ruthven Baptiste as
the nucleus, and the finest roster of speakers in the
country today Tapia expects this campaign to be
sustained until the fall, whenever that comes.


Grande Meeting

Thursday July 25th

THE FIRST public meeting of the Tapia Campaign
will be held in Sangre Grande come Thursday 25 July.
The Tapia caravan has already spent a week in this
area rapping with the brothers and sisters and selling
papers and other literature. Speakers at this meeting
will be Lloyd Best, Syl Lowhar, Buntin Joseph,
Augustus Ramrekersingh, and Michael Harris. Meeting
starts at 5.00 p.m. and the theme of the meeting is

Throughout the year
students complained about
the poor state of the library
but were told that books had
been ordered.
The issue came to a
head when Aubrey Fraser
Registrar for the whole
Council and located in Ja-.
maica, paid a surprise visit to
the Trinidad, and
saw the State of the Library.
It has since been learnt
that hundreds of legal books
and documents were ordered
and received by the library.
but none of these books ever
appeared on tie librxjiy
shelves. The whereabouts of
these books is apparently
still unknown.
Students at the Law
School have also charged that:
the Senior Tutors who were


School ?

being paid fat salaries as full-
time faculty members were
also engaged, contrary to the
terms of their contracts, in
private law practice. And they
used the secretaries of the,
School to type their briefs
and other documents.


Fur'her than this, one
of the secretaries at the,
Council, who' resigned her
job before the end of the
school term has -iccused the
S.,Uf members of "'wllmri
the sercir uial jobs.
Tapia has also learnt
that the financial affairs of
the school are under investiga-
tion by the police. It appears
that the whole budget of the

Ru lhven SBaptiste

school was spent but that a
large sum of money cannot
be accounted for from the
official vouchers.

When Tapia tried to
contact the senior staff of
the School during the course
of our investigations we found
out that they had all hurriedly
left the country after sub-
mitting their resignations.
The fate of-the school
now hangs in the balance.
Whetherit reopens in Septem-
ber on time or Whether it
reopens at all depends in part
on whether 'competent re-
placements can be found and
on what decisions were taken
by the regional representa-
tives during their recent meet-
ings .. .
Meanwhile the students
at the school who have only
completed on' year of the
two year programme are
anxiously awaiting their fate.

Mlchael Ha: I Is

After Wooding what ?

San Fernando July 30

THE SERIES of indoor public meetings being held by
Tapia to open up the discussion of the Wooding
Constitution throughout the country continues on
July 30 at the San Fernando Town Hall. The first in
this series of meetings was held at the Public Library
in Port of Spain and was attended by a very large
crowd. Speakers for the San Fernando meeting will
be Chairman Syl Lowhar, who will speak on the
subject, "The politics of Constitutional Reform."
Campaign Manager Michael Harris will analyse de-
velopments in the Country since the 1971 elections
while Secretary Lloyd Best will speak on the subject
"After Wooding what?" Meeting begins promptly at
7.30 1.m.

25 (1 \ I1

Senior Staff resign as Police

launch investigations

Tapia Campaign Rolling

1 ~~_~

-I I I ~C ,--7 r

SUNDAY, JULY 21, 1974

JOBS and a healthy econ-
omy first and a new Con-
stitution later, say some
commentators. On the
other hand, Lloyd Best
of the TAPIA group said
in a speech on June 25 -
". .The Wooding Report
is astonishing not only
for its ignominious failure
to rally our nation to
loftier purpose and to
transport our hopes into
a more exalted realm of
The difference between
the "jobs-first" people and
the TAPIA group is that
measurable distance between
the pragmatic and the irre-
levant. Mr. Best like many
others seeks to place the
messianic and political res-
ponsibility of "rallying our
nation" on the shoulders of
the Wooding Commission.
He reinforces this in
the same speech when he
says "The failure of the
Constitution Commission is
not a failure of integrity or
competence: it is a failure of
perception, vision and leader



It is niot Iail of anyone
to cloud the issue of the Co(n-
stitution Commission Reporti
with the separate (and im
poltant) contest for political
power in the State. As we see
it, the Commission's job was
to produce a workable con-
stitutional model designed in
the best interests of the nation
(and not of any one group or
party) having regard to tile
range and complexity of all
relevant factors.

Put in mechanical terms,
they designed and built an
engine. Discuss the end pro-
duct it is distracting to
suggest that they failed to fly
the plane to more exalted
realms." Our readers must
choose do they wish to
retain the 1962 Constitution;
if not does the Wooding Con-
stitution (with or without
amendment) ensure equitable
participation in the governing
of this country?
The country, we think,
has outgrown the 1962 Con-

stitution. The question then
is how much of the Wooding
Constitution do the people
To answer seriously,
one is expected to engage in a
critical and reasoned study of
the documents. After such
study, one presents those
views for public consideration
and hopefully support.
Another means of avoid-
ing this fundamental require-
ment has been the suggestion,
widely propagated, that by
engaging the Commissioners
and the interested public in
the Constitutional exercise,
the PNM Government is pur-
chasing political time. There-
fore do not participate.
Objectively, that view
may be quite correct. Equally,
it must be observed that no
political party has had the
wit, strength or competence
to block the success of that
tactic. Why has the country
through its political parties
not been able to force a much-
needed General Election?
Did the Wooding Com-
mission so transfix us like the
stare of the cobra that we

* In Essentials Unity
* In Non-Essentials
* In All Things Charity

JULY 14, 1974



could not move? No Con-
stitution Commisssion could
have given the Governnment
time in the face of a ',:'ial


In our opinion, the re-
sult of the 1971 General
Election produced a consti-
tutional crisis. Electoral re-
form followed by a General
Election in the same year
may have been the most de-
sirable course to resolve it.
This did not occur. The 1962
Constitution remained.

What has happened
since is history. We must re-
mind you that the Consti-
tution Commission has stated
in its Report that they oper-
ated. "... in complete inde-
pendence of the Government
and the Parliament except in
so far as funds and staff
would be required."

The draft Constitution
produced by them is there
fore an independent docu
ment. We welcome it as such,
worthy of study that is free
from the assumptions and
pre-judgments that we have

I AM at a loss to understand what the
Catholic News can have meant by
asserting that "Mr. Best like many
others seeks to place the messianic
and political responsibility of 'rallying
our nation' on the shoulders of tic
Wooding Commission."
Lloyd Best does not believe in mes-
sianic responsibilities of any kind not
religious, certainly not political. In Tapia,
we prefer to follow the advice of Jesus and
take up our beds and walk.
The only kind of change that we know
is that kind which is achieved by hard wuk.
And the whole point of my speech at the
Public Library, Port of Spain on June 25
was that the Wooding Commission failed
because it refused the burdensome task of
producing a major work of the sort urged
upon them by Dr C.V. Gocking inhis Tapia
Booklet, Democracy or Oligarchy?
It is Reginald Dumas, himself a Coin-
missioner, who asked in his Reservation to
the Main Report whether the Commission
should have "overhauled instead of tin-
It is Dumas who reminds us of Gock-
ing's fears that from early the Commission
seemed to be taking a rather limited view of
its functions.
"Why have men with high qualifications
in political and social science among its
membership if we are not going to be
offered-some social and political analysis
of the issues behind our new Constitu-
tion?" (Democracy or Oligarchy ?-p9)
Gocking's proposal was that the
Wooding Commission should see the political
as distinct from the legal character of their
task and he called on them to provide not
only recommendations for a new constitu-
tion but also criteria to govern constitution
making, a description of the working of our
society, a careful analysis of the existing
constitution and the reasons for its failure
or success.
My criticism of the final report is that
it has failed to undertake these vital tasks. I
did say that it failed ignominiously "to
rally our nation to loftier purpose and to
transport our hopes into a more exalted
realm of possibility." But I did not expect
this to be achieved by any messianic magic.
My point was that the report was as-
tonishing for its ..II.1.:.. i I poverty", a
phrase which I hope was not conveniently

doctored out of the quotation in the Catholic
My fear was that- "in the gloomy
view it takes of the potentials of the Trinidad
..i & Tobago race," the Report was "equalled-
i our tim or i y tlih nlitorious 'iree-
ment' speech of September last. "A
testament of despair," in fact.
How could the Catholic News possibly
have translated all this into a clouding of the
issue? In what way did I drag the Commis-
sion into the contest for political power?
What is more absurd than the sug-
gestion that "the Commission's job was to
produce a workable constitutional model
designed in the best interests of the nation...?"
Is that not making Wooding a Messiah and
asking him to usurp the role of the political
Wooding's role was to provide analysis
and information with the suggestions for
constitutional reform that emerge naturally
from such work.
If he has not done so, I insist that it is
"a failure of perception, vision and leader-
ship." The Report is an attempt to solve
the problem by the. magical device of a
ready-made private constitution, designed
without the necessary interplay of political
Lutchman, in his reservation to the
Main Report, noticed for us that "nation-
building requires pride and self-confidence."
These are the virtues that the Commission
could have displayed in the scope and scale
and seriousness of their work. .. "insofar as
a constitutional exercise" permitted.
A magnum opus would have been an
act of leadership, perception and vision and
would have transported our hopes into a
higher realm of possibility.
Leadership is not for political ineni
alone. That is something the church h should
want to notice, above all those branches of
it that are dominated by the wealthy elite
and are purveyors of all the tired values of a
decadent civilization.
I cannot entertain the cynical cant
mouthed by the Catholic News to the
effect that "The difference between t(ie
'jobs-first' people and Tupia is that mecasur-
able distance between the pragmatic and
the irrelevant.'"
The catholicity of this cheap prag-
matism is one of thle major scandals l of mil
age. The ritual celebChratio of a winter lalsm

which is empty of all humanity is one of the
most outrageous causes of the constitutional
crisis that we face in the entire civilization
If the Catholic News were really in-
terested in iobs first, its first job would be
to call oi all cnthoilics to opt oir a miole
equitable distribution of work which oddly,
is the same thing as a more equitable dis-
tribution of wealth, property and income.
And is not its opposition to Tapia's
constitutional stand precisely that it wishes
to avoid the basic issue? The CatholicNews
knows very well that the State is so organised
that the age-long concentration of wealth,
property and income is today intact after
nearly two decades of the "national move-
ment's rule.
This arrant nonsense of jobs first.
constitution reform after, deliberately refuses
to see that the iniquities which are daily
visited upon our people (including the
chronic unemployment) are largely due to
the centralization of power in the hands of
the Prime Minister and his Cabinet. sup-
ported by agrasping oligarchy of cynical and
pragmatic elites.
The solution to the constitution crisis
is the same as the remedy to the unemploy-
ment problem. On tlat we in Tapia are
crystal clear.
We must demolish the foundations of
a one-man state whether they be economic,
political, religious, or else and substitute
a base for equality, for justice and for
people's participation.
The solution has been slow in coming
because our country lacks tih necessary
political experience. If the Woodinig ('om-
mrission has crred on this account, lapia atnd
thle entire opposition has erred as well.
"The low level of tihe ('onisitltion
Report is as lmuchl a product of Tapia's
failure as of thie lack of vision h the ('om -
irIissio! and thIe shoI l-sighted inmi ltuilitv of
thle so-caltl d opposition. We ac e all Icspoln-
sible:lc a great L' coi nsli oll n rll a ,r i'Ic I al i lllllng
can onllk i' i ipiodin'cd 1)\ a iea'lt people
Tlh lt was a; pa Il l it \ i It lalei nti it
1the IPublie I I ai\\ I lsoisn si 11 thu 1 lit
ConstlitItlionllll ciisI' i i\ no I ll iimean' nI'c
The C('l /H alld \cws thinks lita "iirii o i, i cal
p r lari s had llre \', l. s'ieingcilh i Alco im-
pl'tenie i bi l ck lI e (no' I(\Iinitein liin k
hlin ksi i en l s otlsi ll n al I nl l i lit m I e

D lip"

~L~s~pp~asls~sreaal~sl~e~PI~~ Ila~s~a~a-~------------ _C~41~


Bamn-bye they go see

SUNDAY, JULY 21, 1974

Schools breeding


LLOYD BEST, gave the
feature address at a Grad-
uation gathering of about
900 people at North Eas-
tern College, Sangre
Grande on Thursday July
11, 1974. The Tapia Sec-
retary struck a respon-
sive chord when he told
the assembly that he
could see why the College
had had to put its best
foot forward this year -
following on the standard
set by the Prime Minister's
address last year. Com-
menting later on the
ceremony, Best described
it as "an occasion of great
Best pointed out that
much of the turbulence
in Trinidad & Tobago to-
day has revolved around
the discontented youth
from the Secondary
The education system, he
said, is geared almost entirely
towards examinations 11-
plus at the primary level;
14-plus at the Junior Secon-
dary level; and, at the Senior
Secondary level, '0' and 'A'

"How many people pass
these examinations?" asked
Best. "I am not sure," he
continued, "but I know that
the great majority never get
the five passes which-are-the-
passport to a hope for steady
Best added that the con-
sequences of not passing are
"Blood and guns. .Revol-
"Do you remember," he
asked his audience, "how the
babes and sucklings from the
Secondary Schools organized

the first march after the
February Revolution of 1970'?
"Do we care to admit how
many of our teachers in the
University and. the Secondary
Schools were caught up in the
swell of anger and indignation
that nearly tore this nation
apart in the months of agony
that we experienced involving
a State of Emergency, a cur-
few, another State of Emer-
gency, a mutiny, and an up-
heaval in the Church among
the clergy, in the Courts
among the lawyers, in the
Press among the journalists
and in our very homes among
the housewives?"

"It all started in the Uni--
versity and the schools," the
Tapia Secretary pointed out
"and on an afternoon such as
this," he continued, "it is our
duty to ask the question why
and, as sane and law-abiding
citizens, to answer honestly
and draw up plans to remedy
the ills that beset us."
In his address, Lloyd! Best
cited some statistics bearing
on how unemployment may
have created revolutionary
sentiment among the grad-
uates of the present education
"In 1967," he said, "in the
warming up for 1970, only
4% of the University graduates,
6% of those with GCE and
5% of those with no education
at all were unemployed."
But, Best suggested, a close
examination of the education-
al attainment of the rest of
the unemployed was extreme-
ly revealing to the student of
the political upheaval.
Of those with kindergarten
or introductory education 9%
were unemployed; of those
with first or second standard
education, 10%; of those with
third to fifth standard 14%;

sixtl to seventh standard,
18%; Secondary school with-
out having obtained a GCE,20%.
"The nearer you arc to the
certificate," concluded Best,
"the more crapaud smoke
your pipe."


"After all the washing of
clothes in the night and iron-
ing them in the morning,
people are turned out of
schools on to a labour market
where there are now 60,000
unemployed and where, by
1983, we will need to create
some 200,000 jobs, very
likely at a cost of about
$30,000 per job."
Best made the point
that, in general outline, the
plans which have been drawn
up by the technical people
in the Ministry of Education.
were admirable. lie also
suggested that the country
was not short of "dedicated
teachers, men and women of
ideals, people of zeal and
"The evidence," he
suggested "contradicts the
reasoning." The Tapia, sec-
retary went on to explain
why the education system
has failed.
"The reason," insisted
Best, "is that we made a
stra-tegic error very early in
the planning. We told our-
selves that we were going to
have free education at the
secondary level when, in fact,
we were only going to make
the available education
free. Under this-cloak educa-
tion for the few continues
"This year only 15,000
or somewhat under half of
those who took the 11-plus
examination will get into
secondary schools. Then at
age 14, only 35 or' 40% of
those in the Junior Secondary





Queen's Collegiate School... once a breeding ground of civil leaders

will go on to Senior Sec-
ondary School.
"As the situation stands
today" Best observed, "be-
cause of pressure placed on
the Ministry, by the public at
large, 70% of the first
graduates of the Junior Sec-
ondary Schools will be
allowed to continue into
Senior Secondary Schools."


"We have to face the
ugly fact," Best emphasized
"that Secondary Education is
neither available-nor free 'he
Tapia secretary went on
to suggest that "the
only way we can
get secondary education
which is available and ap-
propriate is to change up the
existing pattern of schooling
and to recognize that educa-
tion can and must take place
outside of the school."
On this point the Tapia
Secretary went on to elabo-
"Secondary Education
must be accompanied by a
programme of apprenticeship
outside the school. We can
spend $90m. wilich we :ttr
now spending on education
mainly on people up to the
age of 14. In these 9 years of
schooling, we must equip all
the children with the where-
withal to earn a living, not
simply with the ability to go
on to pass examinations."
Best stated frankly that
"the situation is impossible
and we can only find a solu-

tion if we equip everybody
by age 14 to make or find a
job and if we give everybody
a certificate for whatever he
or she has accomplished at
the end of every year in
"I am proposing" the
Tapia Secretary said," that we
must revise the present
curriculum and the present
examination system to give
everybody a certificate and a
"We have to look hard,"
he continued "at the
G.C.E. system in order to
stop creating a breeding
ground for guerilla move-
ments. We have to rescue the
younger generation from the
the doom of the Secondary
School. In other words, we
must implement the plan for
a broader Secondary Educa-

And how can this plan
be implemented? Best's sug-
gestion was that before the
plan can be implemented we
must tell ourselves the truth.
"And the truth is" Best
argued "that the plan is good,
the administration is rotten."
"It is not that the Min-
istry is incompetent or un-
interested. There may be a
great deal of incompetence
and slackness but we cannot
accept that as a complete
explanation for the shambles
that the education system is
in. If we reaping guerillas, we
planting guerillas. Make no
mistake bout it."



LANA 1'/kG.I-,'3

SUNDAY, JULY 21, 1974

How the Western World discovered

The REAL Energy Crisis

to say that the earth's
petroleum reserves would
last for another 30 years.
Thus the restrictions
shouldn't have begun be-
fore the year 2000.
Ho we've r, international
politics has reasons that geo-
logy ignores. And when the
Arab nations began to tighten
the screws, the western coun-
tries suddenly discovered that
something the scientists had
long since proclaimed was
really true: the cherished af-
fluent society is built upon a
fossil product that is doomed
to run out.
And so, the Dutch were
forced to discover the de-
lights of Sunday bike outings;
'the Danes click off half their
electric lights; the Finns turn
down the thermostat five de-
grees; and the US Congress
eagerly seeks a way to cut
the country's oil consumption
by one fourth.


In a western country talk
of petroleum immediately
makes people think of gasoline.
However this derivative ac-

counts for just 15%c of all
petroleum production. And

The "affuen t society"
The "affluent society"

runs on Petroleum

attached to batteries, it lights
a small house. But the petro-
leum interests are far more
powerful than the makers of
windmills, dynamos and bat-
Solar energy, which at an
individual level could provide
for at least a large portion of
the heating for water and
houses, has never received
proper attention. However the
sun at its zenith produces
1,390 watts per square meter.
Geothermic plants using
the heat from the very deep
subsoil are practically non-
In fact, when an idea
doesn't lend itself to pro-
viding huge profits for a hand-
full of individuals, it is sys-
tematically cast aside.


In the short run there's
when all is said and done, naces in the steel mills and the. plying effect. In steel, the just coal for' replacing oil.
Europeans can manage more chemical industry; and it pro- cost of energy is 21% of the And coal, like petroleum, is a
easily without their private duces synthetics. total; in aluminium the share complicated mixture of hy-
cars than they can endure is 40% of the final cost. drocarbons.
having less het in winter. OIL Running an "affluent so- Heated to a temperature
And in Europe a large city" without petroleum is of one thousand degrees cen-
part of oil consumption goes A boost in'the price of oil c ty wi s of one thousand degrees cen-
to heat houses. forcesup all industrial pro- just about impossible. What's tigrade, coal splits into coke,
to heat houses. forcesup all industrial pro- to be done, then? which is quite pure carbon,
A third of the "black gold" ducts. In metallurgy for in- factors must be and the is quiteamwhich used to
is used in industry where it stance, so long as coal or oil taken into account: waste, supply the steam which used to
runs just about everything: is cheap, so is steel. But so taken to account waste te gas for ghting
... ,-*__ .......... r" .,-.... c and the profit-seeking char- cities.
.....-l ic -,ltt s.-i, ase. m--, the.+r._ e capitalist These steams contain all
electric plants, the blast fur- na ha'i d if.. at e a.mrt -edon- n-
Together they stand in the duce.-all the plastics, resins
way of arny original idea or and solvents that flood the
proposal. contemporary market.
rA Under the heading of Besides, gasoline can. be
waste, cars provide a fine obtained from the hydro-
example. On the one hand, genation of 'coke gas. The
the private car as a symbol of Nazis did so during the second
comfort and personal success, world war to run their planes
SO HP to the detriment of collective and tanks.
transport; and on the other, Hence the end of petro-
O K S H O gasoline-gobbling models with leum needn't mean the end
.25 a 100 kilometre an hour of energy and industry. More-
speed limit, over, the geologists say that
S.2 Aside from the necessary coal reserves are 10 times
.25 elimination of the private car greater than the oil remaining
S..25 mentality, there's the tech- in the planet. But --and here's
nical aspect: if research in the the rub-- coal costs more, $30
S- C.V. GOcking .25 field were encouraged, it a ton as compared with $16
rvice Denis Solomon .25 would become possible to for oil. And the most im-
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litres, that is, about half- f the United States, the Soviet
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itutions M. Odle 6.00 COKE Europe.
ca Norman Girvan 8.40 As for atomic energy
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Power to the People
Tapia's New World
Tapia Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy
Reform of the Public Set
Foreign Investment In T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Inst
Foreign Capital in Jamai
Post War Economic Deve
of Jamaica
Underdevelopment and
Persistent Poverty
Readings in The Political
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of the
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Ec
The Adjustment of Disp
Workers In A Labour Su
The Integrated Theory o
Development Assistance
Cuba Since 1959
Caribbean Community
The Caribbean Commun
- A Guide

__ _~_





.INDAY, JULY 21, 1974.


THE MOST discouraging factor
that gnaws at the bone of creative
effort in Trinidad and Tobago is
the nation's capacity to ignore.
KAIRI, the latest literary maga-
zine in the island, has published
three issues in six months and
not a word. Andrew Salkey in
England reviews it on the B.B.C.,
'not a word from our critics at
home. The local newspapers en-
:courage hesitant hazy reviewing
and refuse to touch reviews of
depth and length.
So once again one must publicly
be thankful for TAPIA. Thus, because
of the silence on KAIRI in the past
'and inspite of my close association
with the KAIRI editorial board I feel
I must say something about KAIRI
No. III'
KAIRI III, like the two before it,
is an art package that comes in an
envelope. This is the first thing with
which the reader has to come to terms.
He or she is immediately forced to get
involved in a meaningful personal re-
lationship with the material. Now, the
material is not bound, but it is num-
bered so as to facilitate filing. On the
other hand, one can simply staple the
sheets together oneself.
If there are reprints of paintings
as happened in KAIRI No. II, then
they can more easily be framed or stuck
up than if they were bound between
covers. Even if one has reservations
about the loose-leaf format, it is no
excuse for not buying KAIRI, since
the contents of that art-package have
been of a very high standard.
The short story in KAIRI III,
-'Sans Humanite' by the novelist John
Uraithwaite. who placed third in the

nuvi LunTipeon rast year sponlsulIu
by the National Cultural Council, is a
good example of the projection of a
conventional story-line saved by the
careful control of pace and the right
blend of sympathy and nostalgia. The
story is centred around the memories
of an old calypsonian who feels that
one day he will make a come back.
Much of the story is a successful
piecing together of folk-philosophy.
Is a funny thing but when-


A review


of KAIRI No. 3

by Victor D. Questel

ever yuh find tings bad and
cyall get worse, something does
come and trow yuh lower again.
Sometimes days pass and eh ent
eating. All mih fancy clothes
done wear out long time and is
beg ah begging for mih not to go
naked. Old pants here, old jacket
dere. De years pass. Is strange
but al doh remember much
about dem years. Is as if mih
memory blot 'dem out. Dey jus'
pass dey in day out.
The area of weakness in the
story is the reason given for his not
making it to the Savannah, the year he
had a first-class tune. The reason given
is that he still had Bajari citizenship
and was thus disqualified.

More useful and realistic would
have been discrimination on the
grounds of the content of the calypso.
If Braithwaite had allowed his calypso-
nian to sing on some key political
issue or on some social group in the
society in the tradition of say, 'Leggo
de Dog Gemma', then one could more
easily accept the ban placed on the
Mighty Devourer.
It would seem to me that it is
time that our young writers do some-
thing about the short-story form. To
me, it is a shame culturally and a
literary scandal that in this day and
age a story such as 'The-Milking of.
Betsy' wins a short-story competition
conducted at a national level. That
story does nothing for the short-story
"f~if r Weiliv e to dislocate the form,
bend it, push it into new areas. We
have to go beyond the short story that
is successful just because it captures
the rhythm of our dialect.
Capture it by all means but let it
say something about us. We have
milked Betsy for too long. Our stories
now should frighten, they should in-
form, they should disturb. We should
dislocate the unities, particularly time.
We should not be inhibited by formal

punctuation. (Many of these things
Selvon has done in parts of Lonely
Londoners and in pieces such as 'Little
Drops of Water' and 'My Girl and the
It has been suggested within
the KAIRI editorial Board that there
be a seminar on the short story, per-
haps in South Trinidad. All individuals
connected with literary magazines and
short story writers should get together
at that seminar and rethink our present
position in relation to the short-story
Paul Keens-Douglas is emerging
as an individual who is competent in
the use of dialect. His real strength of
course lies in his ability to capture
shifting tones of voice, thus, when his
work is read aloud the different shades
of colour and the orchestration of
several voice levels give the work a
dynamic life that is riot so apparent
when read silently. Here is a brief
fragment from Keens-Douglas' 'Fish':
O' God above, dese children an
dey go mek me belly-string bus'
No sah, ah not trussing no fish.
Ah don't care if yuh does buy
from me
every day of de year,
ah say ah not trussing nothing.
Yuh could vex if yuh want...
SIs two yuh say yuh mammy
want little gyerl?
De silverish one day? It have
name yuh know!
Dey does'call it King-fish yuh
Finally, it must be said that 'Fish' is
illustrated by Judith Laird's interpre-
tation of surfacing sea creatures.
KAIRI III carries a special. It is
Marc Mathews' 'Eleven o'clock goods'.
The story is placed in a folder on
which is a photograph of two carriages
in the rail grave yard of St. Joseph,
where grass now rides the abandoned,
rustingcoaches The photographs are
by Christopher Laird, while Stafford
Lau is responsible for the lone illus-

tration for that story. 'Eleven o'clock
goods' when performed by Marc
Mathews is the classic example that
proves that such work can only be
judged as a total performance.
What I am getting at is that the
written version is half of the story; it
has to be complemented by the speak-
ing voice and the body language of
the performer. Yes, pieces like 'Eleven
o'clock goods' have to be performed.
If one has seen Marc perform his
piece, then appreciation grows on
reading it. Listen to the following:
Carlton tek off brace he head
in de wind and he feet like dey
ain't even touching de ground
he run like wen you tickle don-
key battle.
A last cart passing and he reach
out an-grab-it by de rail. .de
train stretch he like a piece a
plaster. he mus get he han
and other foot or is murderation
.he stretch out and he get
anoder hand and he get he foot
Brang ba clang screeeccchhh
dem carriage start pitch an roll
an jerk an jump. .an we see
Carlton pitch off. an we see
Carlton pelt'clean over a trench...

There is also a useful commen-
tary on some ten recent local and
Caribbean publications. Such a survey
is informative and should be carried, if
possible, in every issue. But it has its
dangers. Because of brevity, the com-
mentator, as happened in this issue,
can so easily sound superior or dis-
missing. For example, you get:
It is difficult to enjoy some of
the quite good poetry in CORLIT
because of the typeface used
which makes it look like an
elementary reader. One expects
the next line -to be 'I see Rover.
I see the ball.'

Continued on Page 8





TUNAPUNA 662-5126


I,.' tj'fl~':'fl VU"I1LJEI III III~ f t Pf'

You always

wanted her to


makes it easy -

and an ideal

Gift too.




~.~z.,ll~~.. 1~;_...~...11~,...1~.I---L-L~L~-~I_-YYI


- I

-- -- a l m .








THE LOCAL Barbadian Histo
rian, Mr. F.A. Hoyos has finally
produced his 'magnum opus'. Af
ter a number of preliminary reI
search exercises such as Some
Eminent. Contemporaries; The
;Story of the Progressive Move-
ment; Our Common Heritage,
The Road to Responsible Go-
vernment; Background to Inde-
pendence; and The Rise of West
Indian Democracy (Or The Life
jand Times of Sir Grantley A dams)
Hoyos has utilised the records
and sources to which he has had
access over a period of 40 years
.and more as journalist, history
teacher and researcher on Bar-
bados history to produce a bio-
'graphy of the controversial-
Grantley Adams.
No matter what Mr. Hoyos pro-
duces afterthis biography.his quality as
a -historian will rest upon this particu-
lar work for two major reasons.
1.. He has been an enthusiastic
observer and follower of the events
of the, past '40-50 years, -which he'
terms as constituting 'A Social Re-
volution', and
2. He has been extremely close to
the subject of his biography ind
to the family of the man and as
such has been privy to the inner
thoughts, the domestic circum-
stances, and the private life of
Barbados' foremost Black -politi-
cian of the 1930's, '40's and '50's
These factors must be kept uppermost
in the mind when reading Mr. Hoyos'
study which is one of the first to
appear concerning the first generation
of middle-class-born leaders who took
control of the mass movements in the
British Caribbean in the middle decades
of the 20th -Century. Two other such
studies are both by political scientists
Ivar Oxaal on Eric Williams in
Creole Intellectuals Come to Power, and
Rex Nettleford on Norman W. Manley
in Manley and the Politics of Jamaica.
Neither of these authors makes the
claim that his study is 'full and defini-
tive, as does Hoyos, and as such, the
Hovos book is viewed even more
seriously. First of all, Hoyos argues
that a 'full' biography 'should now be
written' because 'with Sir Grantley's
death two years ago (1971) his career



af the

Topia House

can now b- reviewed as awholeand an
assessment attempted. He also argues
that he had collected more material on
the man and the movement he repre-
sented, which has helped me to view
the subject of my biography in better
perspective .' (p vii).
The first point of issue with Mr.
Hoyos lies in this claim. It is difficult
for one to do a definitive work of
biography or history, and Mr. Hoyos.
though he has been near to the man
Adams for a considerable period of
time, has not had access to the great
bulk of Adams' private papers dealing
with hismany-faceted political life and
career; or if he has seen and perused
such invaluable primary sources, he
makes no mention of them. The ab-
Ssence of such evidence thus detracts.
from the authenticity and balance of
the book, and as to how much we can
only speculate.
One must also question Hoyos'
Season for a 'full' biography. Adams'
death in 1971 has generated afresh the
controversy which raged in his later
years about the value of his contribu-
tion to Barbados during his political
career, and it would be stretching the
limits of indulgence too far to expect
any author yet to cover all the gaps in
the jimea.,. puidc thit the ci r.uf'the..-
West lidiain politician reflects. an< i he
missing pieces for which only a wide
cross-section of the man's political
contemporaries, opponents as well as
sympathisers can provide the material,
It is to Hoyos' credit that he has been-
able to include comments from some
of the man's contemporaries, but with
the exception of Clennell Wickham and
Richard Hart, these have all been
Adams' friends and sympathisers, and
his treatment of the role of Adams in
the Federal venture, especially in terms
of Adams' relations with Manley and
Williams, is so severely limited and
partial that one sees those men as
villains moreso than any thing else.
As with other persons of his age
group,whether politicians or otherwise,
Hoyos tends to see the period 1930-
1960 in the British West Indies in
tcrmsof 'social revolution', and Hoyos
himself tends to see the period through
the life of one man Grantley Adams.
Hence we have seen the earlier attempt
at a biography of Adams being grandilo-
quently titled: The Rise of West Indian
Democracy; or The Life and Times of
Sir Grantley Adams. (1963). The pre-
sent work, which is a revised, updated
and annotated version of the earlier
work also bears an evocative and dra-
m2ttic label with the subtitle The Story
of the iMovement that Changed the
Pattern of West Indian Society. The
story that follows is in the same vein
as the earlier work -- rankly admiring,
sympathetic and relatively simplified.
The language and style are urbane
and .mellifluent. reflecting a long ago
period of West Indian writing and de-
finitely suggesting the influence of
Victori;an ideas of biography where tihe
tacitly accepted canon was: 'say no-
thlilng (of tlhe subject ) unless it is or can
he made to appear compliiimcntary '
The two maini daingcirs facing lthe local
lisltoliain ind biographer in lthe Carib-
been have to do witli tihe fact that tihe
recg n's social units are woven to-
gether in each case by a tightly-knit
,iystein that emphasises colour, class.
personalisnlo' and status factors

which affect to some extent the writ-
ings of all Caribbean authors.

One danger is that of producing a
superficial account in which a limited
number of aspects of the person's iif
or career are sketched, and none is
give adequate treatment in terms of
answering important questions about
theperson's true role in the develop-
ment of his society; the other peril is
that of packing a study with a moun-
tain of irrelevant data, in an arbitrary
fashion and with no clear sense of
priority, perspective or proportion.
In the Hoyos study the effort is
made to avoid these two obvious pit-
falls, and it is clear that a further
effort has been made by the author to
transcend his own admiration for the
man and to try to make his work sub-
stantially more interesting for pro-
fessional historians, political scientists,
and other academics. The effort has not
been entirely futile, and taking into
account the foregoing and other de-
fects mentioned, the book is worth-
-while and interesting reading both for
the general reader,and more critical'
student if only for the fact that on this
Occasion, the study contains references
and notes, and authorities are cited.

(JHlit VI-j-'Y --~P~~~~~~~~~TTTTTTTT ~ "

Moreover, Hoyos takes some pains
at times to mention that there might
be other interpretations to Adams'
activities than the one he is selling,
and he even concedes that his major
thesis may be controverted. His argu-
ment was that ...
Having brokenthe political power
of the white aristocracy, the plant-
crs and merchants, he (Adams) en-
trenched that power firmly in the
popular movement represented by
the (Barbados Labour) Party and
the (Barbados Workers) Union. No
one who knew the Barbados of
1940 would deny that a 'revolu-
tioiary transformation was here
established'. When this revolution
had been accomplished, he made
his positionwith the old aristocracy
unmistakably plain. He invited them
to play apart in the new community
on lthe condition that they accepted
the new regime. (p 246).


the fact that Hoyos mentions that
G.V. Lewis, the noted political scientist
thinks otherwise clearly demonstrates
his willingness to concede that his word
might not be the last one on some
aspects of Adams career, and this takes
away from this study some of that
dogmatism and overdone partiality
which disfigured the earlier work.
The chapters on Adams' early life
at home, school, 'amid dreaming
spires' of Oxford University read like a
British schoolboy's 'lives of great men',

with careful emphasis placed on showing
Adams' intellectual precocity and his
delight in verbal combat. Equally im-
portanlt of tnote is the stress of Adams'
conversion to 'Asquithian Liberalism'.
Reading between the lines of Hoyos'
bland and euphemistic narrative (as
one has to do throughout the study in
order to get a proper insight) one can
see how easy it was for the middle-

class black Barbadian, whose family
ever knew the 'pinch' of poverty'
and whose own bent was towards
academic discussions to succumb to
the seductive ideology of upper middle-
class British Liberalismwhich turned
out, on Adams' return to the island, to
be less ideology than
unadulterated, home-grown racist Ba-
jan Conservatism.

Though Hoyos discusses the 'clash'
between the Adams type of 'Asquithian
Liberalism' and the "Rights-of-Man
Socialism' of the Democratic League of
Duncan O'Neale, Clenne' Wickham
and others, it is never clear how Adams
translated his Asquithian Liberalism
intoBajan, but the point comes through
forcibly that Adams' natural conser-
vatism was deepened by his years at
Oxford where he became to all intents
and purposes an 'Afro-Saxon' as his
interest in classical literature. 'Divorce
a mensa et a thoro', Oxford University
politics, 'mellow Liberalism' a la,
Asquith, .cricket and academic issues
outside the realm of the W.I. colonies
all testify:
With such a background it is no
_surpLi.. that Adams on his return to

Ita6rbados sooco to t-r

Barbnqdos soilgft taOpro eerrnT- ragm--
not only .s a bright young barristcr-
at-law, but also as a controversialist.
Hoyos feelingly sums it up when he
The truth would appear to be that
Adams, at the outset of his career
yielded to the temptation to follow
the course that had been traditional.
ly followed by professional mcem-
bers of tlie Black and Brown sec-
tions of the Barbados middle class.
There can be no doubt that during
-the first six years or so. after his
return froim Oxfoird (in 1925) lie
opposed tlie progressive movement
in tlie island and won thie approval
of the ruling oligarchy of tile day.
When lie showed skill as a practi-
tioner. work began to flow in from
thile white solicitors who fililiNly
controlled the blicfs that led it
success i1 tile legal profession
(p. 23).
Hoyos conscientiously describes
those) years in terms of the conflict
between Adams and the Democratic
League, the feature of which was his
ideological and personality clash with
Clennell Wickham, the militant Black
journalist, and which ended in Wick-
ham's being convicted for libelling a
white merchant, the'prosecuting coun-
sel being Adams himself. Hoyos also
touches on other aspects of this early
(and to Hoyos) painful part of Adams'
public life including the Adams-O'Neale
conflict, Adams' opposition to organ-
ised labour, and his clash with the
League in national politics.

In this critical third Chapter, 'The
Challenge to Socialism', Hoyos omits
to mention Adams' personal animosity
to Hilton Vaughan and other middle-
class reformists of the day, and a
small point, yet instructive in assessing
Hoyos' view of his task he omits to
mention that Adams' first attempts at
politicsonthe national level 1929-1933
all ended in failure. At least Nettle-




_ __ __ _I __ ___ L I I ___ L

1~4 ~Z 1_ -~ C C = I L-- --- -- p - -I - -





ford in his study of Manley does men-
tidn that the subject failed to get into
the Jamaica Hotise of Representatives
in 1944 and had to wait until 1949.
(Nettleford op. cit. p 3 ff.). Perhaps,
mention of this small point would, in
Hoyos' opinion, spoil the Adams'
image? ,
Another small point to note about
Adams' early career which has not been
mentioned by Hoyos is Adams' suc-
cessful defence of the white planter
Swayne who was acquitted of the
charge of murdering a small black boy
in the late i940's. Swayne's case pro-
vided a talking point for decades and
many have pointed to it as a telling
victory for Adams as an advocate, while
others have seen it 'as ore. of the more
sordid issues in the man's public life.'
It is not an important point, but in a:
study such as this one in which Hoyos
tries to depict the story of Adams the
young rebel, Adams the bright intel-
Slectual, Adams the devastating advo-
cate, controversialist and public figure;
and also one in which scenes of Adams
the family man, Adams the Barbados
Politician, Adams the international
labdur leader- all jostle each other,
balance and perspective might not
have been distorted by this one bit
more..evidence on his career.

Hoyos does 'not commit many.
technical errors, but the one which
stands out in this study comes also in'
chapter 3, where he'switches from an
interesting discussion in Adams' elec-
toral and ideological conflict with the
Democratic League, to 'deal with
Adams' courtship of a 'Bajan-white',
his marriage to her, establishment of a
home and family, and the first phases
of Adams' domestic life. The criticism
here is that such data,while very pro-
per in such a study as this is,by being
inserted where it comes, is an incon-
gruous superimposition and serves only
cto sever the continuity of the nara'-
tive. In the earlier work, this section
was included in the chapter on the
divorce issue in Barbados, and Hoyos'
obvious effort to separate the two
aspects ofAdams'activity works against
the structure of the entire chapter,
and probably of the book.

Hoyos does pay 'more attention
to Adams' political development and
his change from the Liberal Conserva-
tive that he appeared to be, to the
Radicalism that made him the man of
!the hour during the riots of 1937'.
He admits (p. 40) that Adams ....
S. at this stage of his life (the
late 1920's and early 1930's) was
not moved by any spirit to enquire
into thesociological problems of the
Island. He had not yet arrived at an
understanding of the underlying
social and economic difficulties
facing Barbados. At this time he
was still very much the recent gra-
duate of Oxford, eager for intellec-
tual combat, absorbed in matters of
the mind and spirit, and ready to
discuss any issue however far re-
moved from the everyday life of the
people in the lowest strata of the
society. He was interested in ex-
pounding the ideas he had acquired
abroad, especially at Oxford, and he'
welcomed any opportunity to find


(A Review of F.A. Hoyos'
'Grantley Adams and
the Social Revolution',
Mc Millan Education
London, 1974 ).

From Manjak No.6.,

'" tscpif'and"expressidn for his com-.
bative spirit .
In this manner Hoyos explains why
Adams spent his time (when not at-
tacking the members of the Democra-
tic League) in furiously debating on an
issue with a Jesuit priest that scarcely
touched on the lives of the mass of
the people in the island, and why he,
Hoyos, spends an entire chapter de-
tailing the courseof such a controversy
From chapter 5 onward the study
becomes more interesting, dealing as it
does with Adams' Saul-Paul-like con-
version to the principles of the Demo-
cratic League. The story has been
heard that Adams, after hunting with
the racist planter-class, and running
unsuccessfully as an Independent for
4 years in national elections, finally
'got wise' and changed his political
complexion in order to win a seat in
the House of Assembly, which he
finally achieved in 1934. What Hoyos
fails to mention or glosses over, is that
Adams was first sponsored by one
group of whites (in the 1920's and
early '30's). and then by another,
more liberal-minded group in 1934.


At no point in these crucial years
did Adams make overtures to the
Democratic League. Adams was always
the individualist, intent on carving out
his own approach, and one who came
to the 'Democratic Revolution' by a
curious, circuitous route which can
only be explained by Hoyos' own
words that he had an '. .. overmastering
desire to make himself the leader of
any movement with which he was
associated. (p vii)
However, much more detail is
needed if we are to get the 'true-true'
picture of what happened to Adams in
those crucial days ot the 1930's.
The same vagueness, superficial and
biased discussion faces us when we
come to the story of Adans' involve-

ment in the Clement Payne riots of
1937, his early involvement with the
Progressive League up to the time of
the Herbert Scale's forced resignation,
and his relations with those middle
class Blacks who had led the struggle
while he was on the side of the whites
- men such as W.A. Crawford. Instead
we are told of Adams' 'heroic' stance
in the House of Assembly although
similar stances had been taken by
Duncan O'Neale, Hilton Vaughan,
and others before him. We are shown,
in contrast, the figures of Clement
Payne the wild-eyed misguided im-
porter of foreign ideas on one hand,
and the sober, cool, yet firm Grantley
Adams, personifying dignified serenity
and masterful common sense, even in
the face of personal danger during
1937. With such an interpretation one
cannot quarrel for the moment.
However, the internal struggle in
the Progressive League, hinted at and'
glossed over in Hoyos -earlier work,
The Story of the"Progressive Move-
'ment, 1948, is dealt with in a definitely
biased way, redounding to Adams'
credit and depicting the radical Her-
bert Seale as an anarchist while Adams
is shown displaying statesmanlike
behaviour. It goes without saying that
this section of chapter 9, especially
'pp. 89-99, is inadequate and unsatis-
factory to the modern, critical reader,
and that we must eagerly, yet patiently
wait for 'the other side of the story'
.to be told by someone less partial to
The middle chapters of the booK,
.ch. 7-11, deal with Adams' early
career as parliamentarian, leader of the
twin-pronged Barbados Progressive
'Movement with its political section,
the BPL, later BLP and its economic
trade-union arm,the BWU; and also his
involvement with the federal venture
and the' Caribbean Labour Movement'
in the 1930's and '40's.


Significant, here, is Hoyos' state-
ment of Adams self-imposed mandate
as a politician. It was:-
To revive the political movement
among the masses which O'Neale
had started, and to make it essen-
tially a parliamentary movement.
demanding the vote for the working
classes and teaching them to look
at the island's legislature for the
relief of their distresses (p. 56).
Here was the essence of Adams' poli-
tical philosophy from. the late 1930's
onwards, and it is further seen in
another Adams statement: 'When we
get the political power, the economic
ills will disappear'.
Also instructive in Hoyos' state-
ment about the nature and stimulus
of Adams political development.
The Fabian Society was in due
course to effect a radical change in
his (Adams) political thinking. It
began the process of conversion to
the ideasof Democratic Socialism
and he was merely speaking the
truth when he said some years
later that 'the Fabian Society has
more or less made my political
life .(p 70j and note).
This comes during discussion of Adams'
visit to England in 1937 in the effort
to persuade the British Government to
appoint a commission to investigate
the social conditions of the area, and
it is noteworthy that Adams' proposals
and recommendations to the West
India Royal Commission in 1938 were
tinged with a radicalism never evident
before in his public utterances.

This radicalism of utterance spilled
over into Adams' early years with the
British Guyana and West Indies Labour
Congress where Adams matched long-
standing Caribbean point to
in their far-reaching proposals. Hoyos
is moved to say:-

The proposals agreed to by the
Labour Congress indicated how
deeply the masses had been stirred.
by the new leaders thrown up,
by the working class in the Carib-
bean. They showed how far the
Fabian Soceity had succeeded in
persuading Adams and other labour
leaders in the West Indies to adopt
the principles of Socia;ism. Clearly,
organised labour was now resolved
to go further than the old Liberalism
based on the Rights of man (p. 83).
Here, Hoyos is confusing the position
of the other British Caribbean Labour
leaders with that of Adams.
Whereas Adams had only recently
been converted to 'Fabian Socialism'
etc. other West Indians such as Cipri-
ani, Critchlow, Marryshow, Busta-
mante, Garvey and Butler had all
developed their own 'home-grown'
socialism long before, in the early
1900's and did not have to wait for a
British intellectual-political society to
teach it to them. It is a case of Hoyos'
wanting to narrow the distance in
development between Adams and
other leaders in the British Caribbean
and to demonstrate that Adams was
always in the forefront of progressive


Yet Hoyos does not explain why
Adams made representation to th-
Moyne Commission for Crown Colony
Government to be introduced into
Barbados to replace the Old Repre-
sentative system ,and that '. The
Colonial Office should strengthen the.;
hands of the Governor ..' (p. 85
and note, p 86). Once again Hoyos
glosses over this remarkable case and
shrugs it off. (pp. 86-87).
In discussing the early moves to-
wards Federation Hoyos uncritically
lauds Adams for being the originator
of a Draft Constitution based on the
Commnonwealth of Australia, though
,this constitution was 'thFe'"saime itie "-'
over which the wrangles-within the
Federation 1958-61 arose and inten-
sified to a fatal level;
In his discussion on Adams' in-
volvement with the Caribbean Labour
Congress from 1945 onward and the
Adanis-at-the United- Nations-issue of
1948. Hoyos' sympathy and admi-
ration comes out as strongly as does
Adams' role. Rightly or wrongly,
Hoyos credits Adams with guiding
the CLC in the period between 1945
and the Montego Bay Conference
of 1947. He faithfully, yet uncon-
sciously shows Adams the complete
'Afro-Saxon' in his change of attitude
to Russia prc-1945 .and Russia post-
1945 as he came more and more
under the influence of thle Fabian
Society and the comments and cri-
ticisms expressed in their official pub-
lication .. .' (p. 131)., nd lie uses a
a chapter to detail tle remarkable
events a.t the UN when Adams de-
fended the British imperial stand on1'
the issue of international investigation
and supervision over the affairs of
colonies. Adams' performance, the
mixed reception of his speech and the
misguided yet enthusiastic welcome
home lie received in Barbados, and
throughout the Atlantic world are
highlighted in this chapter which pro-
vides excellent material for later pro-
fessional academics to examine in a
more critical vein.
However, one cannot entirely call
Hoyos the party historian of the Bar-
bados Labour Party nor label his
effort an exercise in building Adams'
public image posthumously. Some of
the interpretation is evidently biased.
yet the very real work which Adams
did, and those phases in the political
and constitutional development of
Barbados with which lie is associated
are discussed with that felling, insight
and sympathy which could lonly come
from one as close to thle movement
atand to tlie iiman a:is toSy's was.

&Y21, 1974

SUNDAY, JULY 21, 1974


From Page 5
The observation is quite correct but
the talk of Rover and the ball is
totally uncalled for. Or again, to dis-
miss Al Ramsawack's illustrations as
inept as usual' without suggestions for
improvement is pointless. Incidentally,
In the light of some 'uneven inking'
in KAIRI III, the comment about
Uneven inking in Rilloprint's 'In
Nature's Way' is very ironic.
There is a brief comment in
dialect on the Ceramics -74 exhibition
held at the Holiday Inn. Anybody
who saw the exhibition would agree
with what Stafford Lau says- 'It was
nice but it didn't look like anything
Wes' Indian or even demselves if yuh
know what ah mean.'

behind language bar' suffers from the
absence of a well organised and devel-
oped central point. One wonders if it
would not have been more useful for
him to examine the form and function
of dialect in the short story of Trinidad
and Tobago from Mendes to Selvon.
There he could have looked at an area
which involves dialect but which has
been largely ignored.
Anyway, for those of us who
cannot put our hands on the works of
Lawrence. Carrington and others, or
those of us who are bogged down by
the technical language of the linguistic
experts, it is a useful introductory
summary. The following comment by
Laird deserves quoting:
To handle the changes in society
effectively demands on language

Christppher Laird's essay 'Hiding
are enormous. The root language
is not enough but neither is it to
be rejected. To do this would be
to restrict ourselves jin another
way, we may learn to articulate
our present and future but would
lose our history. No, it is not a
question of one or the other, it is
a question of expansion of the
root language and the filling in
of the -albeit thin-continuum
of language that stretches be,
tween the extremes, betweexi
'restricted' and 'elaborated.'
There is also an abstract comic
strip by Stafford Lau, which reveals
new things each time one looks at it.

The central idea, though, is the corr-

oding influence of tourism, 'pop' re-
ligion, drugs, vices of all kinds, foreign
fashions and insensitive advertisements.
on'Caribbean society t Is Yoout soul
searching and soul-lessness in an age of
soul, where the political leaders and
many others have sold out. All of this
is expressed in only six frames. This
comic strip hints at new possibilities
for that art in Trinidad.
Mr. Lau's cover design for KAIRI
III is not as adventurous as his comic
strip, though he does try to push the
horse shoe, the empty mirror and the
hanging hat beyond their usual cliched,
symbolic existence. All in all, KAIRI
III is up to the usual high Kairi stand
dard and leaves one with the feeling.
that the KAIRI art package has a long
and trend-setting future ahead.

The Region.... The Region.... The

Region... The RegionI....



Greg Chamberlain

month of the planned
Central American summit
in Jalapa, Nicaragua, un-
doubtedly brought joy to
the heart of the one re-
gional leader who was not
invited to the gathering:
George Price, premier of

Within a few days,
he had set off on another
of his secret trips around
the capitals of the neigh-
bouring republics to sift
through the new asnes of
Central Amefican unity
in search of support for
I7 _-- ^"*-.-- ^.,-

the independence Britian
has said the colony can
have whenever it wants.
For six years Price has
tirelessly pursued a policy of
clandestine diplomacy, but
has never been able to extract
any public backing from the
republics, which have remain-
ed solidly behind Guatemala's
150-year-old claim, fre-
quently reitreated, to the
whole of the sparsely po-
pulated colony.


Few of the region's
leaders have ever admitted
even talking to Price. When
Costa Rican foreign minister
Gonzalo Facio disclosed not
only that a meeting was held
President Daniel Odubcr two
weeks ago, but that it had
ever been 'very cordial',
Guatemala, not surprisingly,
reacted immediately. The
prospects for regional unity-
never close-receded further.
Officially, the Price-
Oduber meeting was about
increasing trade links, but
-nobody was fooled. Costa
Rica, along with Panama,
where Price was also received
a fortnight ago, and Hondu-
ras, to which he is a frequent
visitor, have\ begun to
challenge, if only gently as
yet, the traditional power
structure in the region, as
shown by their current efforts
to confront the North
American fruit companies.
As a result, Guatemalan
foreign minister J o r g e
Arenales Catalan's fervent
ritual call at a special press
conference after the disclo-
sure of the Price-Oduber
meeting, for a 'show of
solidarity by brother peoples
of Latin America for the just
and indisputable Guatemalan
claim to the national territory
of Belize'; his warning that
Guatemala was making a
'demand' for Belize without
prior discussion;and his state-
ment that Guatemala was
'saddened' by regional con-
tacts with Price, w h o he
claimed was only seeking 'a
pseudo-independence' f o r
Belize aimed at keeping it
'tied one way or another to
the British monarchy' all
probably got less of a hearing
than for nwany years.
How far Guatemala's
neighbours are prepared to
take the risk of dealing a
perhaps mortal blow to
regional unity, at least in as

far as it includes Guatemala,
is not yet clear. But politick-
ing apart, in the present un-
precedentedly tangled rela-
tionships between t h e
republics, the Belize issue has
for some time been to .them
a tiresome and unnecessary
problem rather than a matter
of sacred principle.
Price has meanwhile
beef mending fences at home,
muffling criticism of his pro-
Latin, as opposed to pro-
West Indian, leanings, by
making his peace with the
black radical UBAD party
whose leader, Evan Hyde, is
expected to win the party's
first seat in parliament at the
general election later this year.
The rapproachment with the.
ruling People's United Party
is not the threat to Price it
was a few years ago.
The signs are, however,
that Price will not be able to
repeat his impressive 1969
election performance when
the PUP took 17 out of the
18 seats in the house of
representatives. The party's
strength has been crumbling
in the northern sugar centre
of Corozal, where the local
member of parliament left
the PUP a few months ago,
and the party lost control of
another town, San Ignacio,
18 months ago to an energetic
independent who has been
fighting Price's government
ever since.

Much of this dissent,
caused partly by the serious
inflation, has been channelled
into a new conservative
opposition front, the United
Democratic Party (UDP),
which has swallowed up the
old National Independence
Party of Philip Goldson, the
lone opposition MP.
Goldson has become
the UDP'S official leader, but
the party's unity is precarious
as right-wing figures such as
lawyer Dean Lndo and Harry
Lawrence, editor of the
country's main newspaper,
struggle to gain control.
The stand of the UDP
against 'creeping socialism' is
one of the reasons for the
truce between the UBAD and
Price, who has seized the
opportunity to stress his
leftist sympathies and, with
the help of his radical young
aide, Assad Shoman, once a
UBAD member, to present a
reformist image.


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SUNDAY, JULY 21. 1974

The Tapia


in poetry



Bhoe Tewarie

ON SUNDAY 7th, Tapia
held its July Assembly at
Fyzabad. At the request
of Mickey Matthews and
the Fyzabad Group, Tapia
held its assembly for the
'first time, in Fyzabad.
The programme began
at 3.00 p.m. and went on
for three solid hours at
the O.W.T.U. Hall, now
known as the Butler Hall
of the Revolution.
It turned out to be a bad
day for an ambitious project.
The morning .was rainy and
bleak, and many preferred to
stay home looking at Holland
and West Germany battling
it out for the World Cup.
So, on this grey morning,
we left the Tapia House late,
a small band of brothers and
sisters, for Fyzabad. When we
got there it was obvious that
the rain would keep many
Still, everything went ac-
cording to plan. It was sup-
posed to be a different kind
of event, billed as a cultural
and political assembly; and
so it was.
drummers from Tunapuna
were there beating solid,
heavy rhythms; accompanying
readings of poetry, filling in
between performances, chant-
ing songs appropriate to em-
erging themes in the program-
me, setting the tone and
mood of this experiment in
political theatre that Tapia
was attempting.
The programme highlighted
the plight of Third World
peoples and traced the history
-of the struggle against im-
perial domination through
dramatic presentations of
poetry and interpretative
readings of prose passages.
The essential message was
that the struggle is contin-
uing and that the struggle
must continue; that for us,
the immediate struggle is here,
in Trinidad and Tobago and
that Tapia must be at the
forefront of the struggle.
When the cultural half of
the programme came to a
close, the assembly listened to
lMickey Matthews speak on
the significance of the con-
stitution issue. Syl Lowhar
addressed the assembly on the
state of the nation.
And so the assembly ended.
Though not as successful as
other asemblies have been,
in terms of numbers, it was a
profitable experience for
Those present must have
learnt much about political
organization, about the pos-
sibilities of the theatre as a
political medium, and must
have understood the enor-
mity of the task that Tapia
has undertaken in its quest
for a new Trinidad and To=

A letter to my friends in the USA

Across the vinyl counter,
hands outstretched
sipping chlorinated water,
one of the many isomers of our need,
I fished three cents out
at the airport in Miami
to pay for the tainted liquid

This was my homage paid
to that myth, not yet myth
I was to discover of my years.

In the reassurance of Newsweekcovers,
the New York Times, WFngley's Spearmint
chewing gum and good 'ole' "Guess
who is coming to dinner"
cherry pie the main course
"and turkey roast crisp as the
tarred blacks of your South,
I looked for your conflicts, resolved
the defiant black gestures as
a more updated and with it
Statue of Liberty.

No trespasser, just visitor,
Carnegie Hall, Radio City, White House and

Stanley Reid

anti-war demonstrations equally familiar,
the signals covering the streets,
each stop halting the poor,
each go, your machines speed along
circuitously and the amber glow
I paused

Even more sobered now
we who have judged you
become defendants.

There is no doubt that
your efficiency at creation
was responsible for my believing
the moon at the top of your skyscrapers
was an electric light,
your refineries refined well,
construction plants constructed totally
barges barged skillfully
and foundries founded the future
of the many graves I saw in your
cemetery in New York

It is now night, I may not write again,
It is so much easier to use Union Telegraph.

(1972) (Republished from NOW 4/5)




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__ ~,~


SUNDAY, JULY 21, 1974

Black Shepherd


ON Friday evening two
sets of spiritual Baptists
clashed in Woodford
Square. They started to
mark signs on the ground,
and ended up in physical
violence until another
brother of the faith in-
tervened and parted
The first group that
came from the South, was
holding their prayer meeting
when Aldwyn Primus arrived
with a sister and another
brother dressed in a long
black robe, a red headtie,
with a wooden sword painted
in black and silver.
The sister, clad in
brown, had a mission, a
message to deliver, they
explained afterwards.

She had a dream in
which she was told that she
-should meet therobed figure
at that appointed spot.
They therefore had a
divine mission to remove
"'the enemy from the southern
gate" whom they met occupy-
.ing the spot.
S"I do not often walk
with my sword," the bare-
foot brother in the black
robe declaimed, "but I was
guided by the spirit today.
I had to be patient. Because
-wooden as this sword might
appear if I had swung it his
head would have dropped,
then I would have been
charged for murder. But if I
were allowed to reach a
certain place no man would
be able to hold me."
The dynamic preacher
was Primus. He rang the brass
bell, and spoke on and on,
swerving his body-in the circle
so as to engage the attention
of the hundred odd people

who had gathered to listen,
to jeer, and to chant.
He held his hands aloft,
and began to tremble, "Father
behold thy son! Shepherd,
behold thy sheep!"
On Monday at noon,
Primus was back in the square
which Dr. Williams called the
University in '56, and which
Daaga Granger renamed the
People's Parliament in '70.
"It is like on the
mourning ground," he said,
"when you smoke marijuana
which is not a bad thing. It is
good for meditation.
"It was used by the
Greeks, by the Chinese, and
by our ancestors in India and
Africa. But you must not
smoke it simply to build a
head, to drift in the streets
like this, and say, 'don't dig
"The way to use it is to
sit in a lotus pose like this,
with a lighted candle in front
of you, because that light is
the image of you.
"And when you inhale
you must allow the smoke to
go around in your brain. It is
this going around that gets
you dizzy, but you must have
control, and you must stare
at the light until you fall into
a deep sleep. And that is no
ordinary sleep because
wonderful things happen to
the soul."

Aldwyn Primus, leader
of the now defunct Black
Panthers, and then head
farmer of the Memphis Co-
operative who was invited to
address such selective bodies
as the Rotary Club, is no
mean orator.
In '70 while Granger
and others were appearing in
court and supporters of Black
power went beserk breaking
glass-windows in the shopping
centre of the city, Primus, a
founder member of NJAC,

PERHAPS what we need
are some dreamers to lift
the country and the

education system into the
realms of new possibili-
ties, into the sphere of
hope and faith that we
can salvage ourselves by
endeavours and the whole
West Indies by example.
"Perhaps I am simply
dreaming but if we had more
local government involve-
ment in the education plan,
would it not be possible to
organise centres for motor
mechanics, for radio and T.V.
repair, for metal work and
carpentry- and electrician's
crafts, for typing and short-
hand and business manage-
ment and for every con-
ceivable skill to which we
could apprentice people over
Continuing, Best insist-
ed "that the problem in educa-

tion, as in everything else is
n'ot only that the government
is bad.
"The government
bad like sin but when they
are gone, the problems will
remain for us to solve."
"The only way we can
solve these problems is by
putting up the jhankie.
In summing up, the
Tapia Secretary said that we
need "a new concept of the
school and a fresh vision in
...we need to institute
large-scale apprenticeship
'based on the needs of the
local area."
"Above all however,"
concluded Best," we need a
commitment from all of us to
build a new Trinidad and
Tobago to build it with
tolerance, humanity and
discipline and, most im-
portant of all, to begin
among the young."

- Black Sheep

was able to hold the attention
of thousands for an hour.
His shouts of power
were hysterical and orgasmic.
They electrified the crowd.
It was he who first
talked of Black Power in
'70, of leading the police up
blind alleys from which they
would never return; of family
planning as a form of black

In spite of all this
incitement lie sonimehow
managed to escape prosecu-
tion, and ended up hailing Dr.
Williams as the saviour.
One thing is certain.
Primus is a weathcrock that
crows whenever a slorm is
brewing. What scene he is now
on we do not know.
On the surface he is
preaching mediation and

Sangre Grande Govt

THE Tapia Secretary
suggested to the N.
Eastern Graduation that
more local government
might be the most im-
portant part of the
answer to our problems
in education.
Attempting to explain,
Lloyd Best argued that "The
education system cannot be
run from the Ministry of
Education and from the Gov-
ernment in Port-of-Spain."
"There are at least
80,000 people in the Eastern
Counties and half of then
might be under 15 years of
The Tapia Secretary
said that he, had learrTt the
lesson very early, because in
El Dorado, as a boy, he had
come to know that "if, you

want to run bodies, you must
put up jhankie."

"The jhankie that we
have to put down is a munici-
pal or Borough Council with
Sangre Grande-as the capital.
The education plan must be
worked out by competent
administration of the Eastern
Counties in collaboration
with the Ministry of Educa-
tion in the context of the
national plan."


The Tapia Secretary
explained further that "the
municipal council must
have the tax revenue and the
grants'from the government
in Port-of-Spain."
"Why should people go
from Sangre Grande to Port-

hu slh l)lp I 'S o \% I I C I lI I i In
is pa p Il l ll lie h is ;aln
S u i l l C IC lllllilll l llI
Ilhe ('Ill;llhCl l (o I llIII Cl' C
and lhic Medical l''lflcsii,l
I lci rllim lo. k ho iill
of you alc ;ahoutl Ihc siiin.
licighl II is all Ile tablets
and drugs thlal icy giving
you. his is rcsulling in tIle
stulltificatioii ofl lic lhe )ol la-
"Take vencrcal disease.
commoii ly known as runnings.
they give you penicillin. But
the ancients knew that if yiio

Continued on Back Page.


of-Spain or Arima to work"
questioned Best.
"Should there not have
been a vast industrial and
agricultural city in Cumuto?
Should the valleys of Aripo
and Guanapo and Valencia
and Cumaca not be opened
'Should there not be fishing
properly organisedup Toco
and the Eastern Shores?
The Tapia Secretary
pointed out that if these
things were done -then we
would be able to plan the
education system to suit the
needs of the people.
"But how" asked Lloyd
Best "are we going to perceive
these possibilities if there is
not a competent government
in Sangre Grande, with eyes
and ears in the roots of the
grass? "

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SUNDAY. JULY 21, 1974

,n Theatre

LAST Thursday at Queen's Hall the Theatre Limited of
Kampala gave their final performance of Amayirikiti. The
experience of this particular type of theatre came as quite a
shock to an audience accustomed to words and gestures
they understand and to a theatre which reflects on stage a
chunk of life as seen by the playwright and interpreted by
the director. For the entire 90 minutes or so, not one word
of English was spoken, nor was there dialogue between the

actors themselves.
Yet, words did not
seem important, for the
medium through which com-
prehension came was the
emotions. You knew pain in
the cries of the actors, fear
in the upraised hand and
conflict in the raised voices.
Yet after all this I am unable
to really say what the play
was all about;not in words at
least. I could talk all day
about feelings.


I had been steeped in
the Western approach to
theatre. Serumaga believes
this approach is "literary,
naturalistic, realistic and
childish in the way that they
depict only what is seen."
What Kampala Limited at-
tempts is radically different.
This theatre was found-
ed to contribute to human
understanding and as such
deals in images distilled from
the human experience. Be-
cause of an emotional link
that exists between peoples,
much of what the theatre
expresses is like a proverb-
They say one part and the

audience's experience answers
the other.
The theme of the play
is violence, a.violence that is
incomprehensible. This vio-
lence dates from the days of
slavery and the whip of the
slave-master to the naked vio-
lence that existed in t h e
A demented deaf-mute
comes upon the scene of a
heap of lifeless bodies and is
appalled by the violence that
must have been their death.
In-a pantomine, itself. violent
in its emotion, he picks up
the bodies and goes away.
This particular character is
invested with various persona-
lities. At one time he is the
pathetic deaf-mute, then he
is a scornful madman, the
foot straightens and he is one
of the crowd.
In the background you
see warriors with cutlasses
crossed yet in the foreground
a priest intones and shares
the sacred blood with com-
municants. All this does not
stop the violence. Maybe it is
because even at the base of

Esther Le Gendre r

Theatre Limited of Ka


this religion, salvation was
achieved by violence.
The players search
among themselves for the
answer and finding none, they
seem to inquire of the
audience from whoih there
is no answer. They return to
commit violence in their
frustration. The -body- is
thrown like a dog's, at the
foot of the flame-tree, and
some must be forced to turn
their backs.

But then the horror of
what they have done finally
claims them. In sorrow they
reclaim the one thrown at the
foot of the tree and they crawl
away to die. The deaf-mute
returns to the scene again to
see lives lost through violence.
Weeping, he takes up one of
the bodies and facing the
world; throws the blame in
our faces. -
The performance was

not divided into acts or
scenes. The result was an
entire experience sustained in
its intensity. Much use was
made of songs based on dance
and of dance itself. Indeed
the performance could have
been seen as one long ritual
-dance. There was hardly any
individual movement and
what movement there was,
were dance-like with the'
actors moving in chorus lines.
This use of dance arises from
the fact that dance is such
an intergral part of the African
culture. Africans dance at
births, deaths, marriages, in
welcome, in play.
Theatre Limited of
Kampala left Trinidad
audiences with mixed feelings.
Perhaps the audiences were
not prepared for-the shock of
the change from one tradition
of theatre, to another. The
gap -in' understanding that
existed between audience and
players was. not so much
cultural as technical. It was



unfortunate that all the chants
were in Lugandan, an
African dialect.


For even deeper ap-
preciation of the piece it may
be necessary to have an idea
of the myths, customs and
symbolism that surround this
particular piece of art. Some
argue that even a knowledge
of the African theatre and the
history of Uganda is necessary
before one can attempt to
place the play into any kind
of frame, before comprehen-
sion of all that the play is
trying to say is complete.
Even: without all this,
Theatre Limited of Kampala
was an experience that has
opened up a new dimension
in the theatre experience of
Trinidad audiences. And if
we are at a loss for words it
may be because "sometimes
the word can be bigger than
the mouth which says it."

~ ~ ~I- ~" ~~


. .. .

NNew dtmens I on



nrs. ,Andre, TaV.'ltt,
research IxIsti'
Study of 11
162, fast 78'

ph. LehiGh



NOW THAT World Cup than they 'ere again
t thousands of other v
frenzy has subsided,after of Papa Doc's private
in a year which put Haiti's force, the Tontons Mac,
footballers on a world For the past five
stage for the first time, his brother Jean, whc
many Haitians are recall- in exile in the US N
ing that ten years ago Island, has waged a one
today a group of the late campaign for his relea
Papa Doc's armed thugs an admission by the Du
kidnapped one of their dictatorship that he
top international players murdered or otherwise
in a Port-au-Prince street 'in goal. Gactjens's
and put him in prison Liliane, and his three ch
where, as far as anyone now live in the US.
knows, he still languishes DEAD
Joe Gaetjens made his The young Pres
name when he scored the Jean-Claude Duvalier an
decisive goal for the United aides have imprisoned at
States in their elimination of two, other footballers,
England from the World Cup. Claude Hall and Yvan Ma
in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, in Hall was picked up in.

ai:- hutag d-ia, -ti-Hnr-an.y-inor.-- ----- but was then rep. 'rer

F Nk

r- OTBAL .. \I

st the
se, or

Id his
: least
I.Jl -. -
I- ,^-

- A S


From page 10
take a stick of chalk and you
scrape it to about half its
diameter, and you mix the
powder in coconut water and
and drink it, it is as potent as
"But the doctors won't
tell you that. They are in
league with the business com-
The clue to understand-

ing why Primus is stirring up
confusion in the'square once
more was given in an issue of
the Bomb a few weeks ago.
Primus used to boast of
having easy access to the
Prime Minister who it is be-
lieved has participated in
Spiritual Baptist rituals. This
might well be the clue to
understanding his new role as
"doctor" in the square.

but chronically ill recently in
Port-au-Prince goal.

Many feared that a
similar fate awaited Ernst
Jean-Joseph, the laitian back
in this.year's World Cup team
who was sent honie in disgrace
after a positive dope test
following Haiti's-match with
Italy. But in spite of President

Duvalier's wrath, and the
beating he got in Munich at
the hands of Major Acedius
St. Louis, the commander of
of Haiti's anti-subversion
force, the Leopards, who is
also vice-president of the
Iaitian Football Federation,
Jean-Joseph is not thought
to have been arrested.
The attitude of the
Duvalier regime to those who
try to investigate the fate of

political prisoners in Haiti,
where hundreds more people
are reported to have been
rounded up recently, was
illustrated last week by the
Haitian Ambassador to Paris,
Edouard Francisque, \ho
drew a gun on a group of
people who wanted to hand
him a petition urging the
release of political prisoners,
and ordered them out of his


THE QUEST is now on
for someone to fillFone
of the world's newest and
most c.h a 1 e n g i n
.,_- academy ic_,ajobs3Leo-, ,4!
t-, i.'ited Na U.ions Jni-
versity which isv due to
begin work this autumn.
Member States of the
United Nations and
Unesco, as well as other
institutions, are being
asked to submit names
for the post.
A short list of three to
five, naines is to be-submitted
by-.a nominating committee
to the University
fore a decisions taken. The
Secretary-General of the
United/ Nations,- Mt. Kurt
Waldeheim, will appoint the
new Rector with the agree-
ment of the university.

c tor Sough
The University Council,
the governing body of the
new autonomous network, of
post-graduate institutions, will
f,,,:i ,' reea : in o v-lit

survival,, development and
welfare." Its approach will
be primarily action-oriented,
multidiscriplinary and uni-
versal. More than 20 countries
have so far offered to house
the research and training
centres where this work will
be done.
Twenty-four members
in their individual capacity
were named to the University
Council on 3 May (including
Asa Briggs, Vice-Chancellor of
Sussex University, Marcolino
Candau of Brazil, and Eric
Williams of Trinidad and To-
-bago) and held their first
session shortly afterwards.

One of/the council's first acts
was to discuss possible pro-
'grammes for the UN uni-
The oounrLiI also issued

follow the lead of Japan,
which will house the uni-
versity's administrative centre
and has offered $100 million
to an endowment fund over
The Rector will propose
the university's programme
and budget, for approval ol
the council. He will also
"co-ordinate the total research
and training programmes of
the university with the
activities of the United
Nations and its agencies and,
so far as possible, with
research programmes of the
world scholarly community."



IN WHAT may perhaps be
the dance event of the year,
the Repertory Dance Theatre
under the artistic direction
of Astor Johnson, presents
its July season.
An array of Dance Talent
including Debra Parray,
Norline Metivier, Carol la
Chapelle, Claudia Applewhite,
Henry Daniel-and Wilfred
Mark would be on show this
.Five new works which in-
clude "Opus", "Etude",
"Schooldays", and "She" are
going to be presented. The
highlight of this years season,
however, will be a revival of
the forty-minute work "The
Defiant era". This piece is
based on C.LR James' study
"The Black Jacobins" -and
features Henry Daniel in the
main role.

Another unique feature
will be the voices of the New
World Performers Choir al-
ready one of the finest mixed
voice choirs in the country.
Their voices will be accom-
panying many of the dance
pieces thus giving a new di-
mension to the R.D.T. pre-
Andre Tanker has also
composed a special score for
the Ballet "She" which is
based ona theme written by
Lasana Kwesi, a local poet.
Tickets for performances
can be had at Kirpalanis
Electric, Frederick St. and
Stephens Ltd. San Femando.
Performance dates are Friday
26 July, Sat. 27 and Sun. 28
at Queens Hall. On Tues. 30
there will be one performance
at the Naparima Bowl.

Printed by the Tapia

United Nations University

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