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Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
July 7, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

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Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
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Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

25 Cents

Vol. 4 No. 27

That Stadium scandal








The Unholy Trinity: Eustace, Eugenio and Ivan.
The Unholy, Trinity: Eustace, Eugenio and Ivanz.

corruption, incompetence, chic-
anery, doubledealing, bobol and
plain thievery has now reached
right into the Prime Minister's
Office. The story of Eugenio
Moore and the George V. Mini-
Stadium is but the latest in a
whole series of revelations ex-
posing to the country at large the
sordid mess that passes for Gov-
ernment and administration
under this P.N.M. regime.
The colossal wastage and "misap-
.propiation" of public funds by this
Government is by now legend through-
out the Caribbean. First there was
BWIA, the irrational national airline,
time and again receiving huge grants
'of taxpayers money from the Govern-
ment and never a word about how this
money was being spent.
S More recently we learnt that
W.A.S.A. was almost an open sewer of
corruption. There is also a story which
Tapia will tell very shortly about the
Multi-million dollar convention center
at Chaguaramas, and a bill for reno-
vations submitted by a Senator, which
was queried even by his friends in the'
S And we must not forget that very
recently the story of the machinations
'of some very "proper and honourable
gentlemen" in the Telephone Com-
pany was making the front pages of
the daily papers.
Tapia could forgive any stranger
who, reading the News Headlines over
the past year, honestly believed that
the Government was being runby Ali
Baba and the forty thieves. The ques-
tion is who is Ali Baba?
We, the people of this country,
must be clinical and hardnosed in our
judgement of what is going on. There
is a great danger that we might be-
come complacent about the presence
of corruption and bobol in the highest
levels of Government and come to
accept it as a way of life. This we
cannot afford.
There is also the danger that in our
anxiety to find a culprit we may fail to
perceive the more fundamental impli-
cations of the present situation. In

short, in the context of the latest
scandal, Eugenio Moore and his highly
irregular actions is only a small part of
the whole story. The important ques-
tion we must all ask ourselves is what
lies behind Eugenio Moore.
The story of Eugenio Moore and
the George V.Mini-Stadium has im-
plications at three important levels.
Administrative, political, and consti-
tutional. On the Administrative level,
the whole sordid episode reveals the
extent to which the whole machinery
of Administration has collapsed. But
this collapse is by no means accidental.
Under a doctorcratic regime statutory
rules, regulations and methods of pro-

cedure are inevitably thrown overboard
, and substituted by the edict of the
So that it does not surprise us in
the least that Eugenio Moore should
make the claim that "all his actions
were carried out on the basis of
various discussions with the compe-
tent authorities." Nor do we need to
ask who these "competent authorities"
were. Eugenio Moore is the Economic
Adviser to the Prime Minister, privy
to his plans and long ago the Prime
Minister made it. known that "What
he says goes for he is the boss."
But while it does not surprise us
it does not excuse Eugenio Moore. We

find it astonishing that such a high
level Government official could make
'the preposterous claim that "he re-
garded tie Throne Speech of 1972
as an important source of authority."
Does not Eugenio Moore know
that the Financial Regulations Act of
1965 specifically stipulates in Part 4,
Para. 36, that, "Authority, especially
for new or increased expenditure, shall
not be inferred from the fact that
such expenditure has been, from any
cause, printed in the draft Estimates
and no such authority shall be taken
to exist until the appropriate Parlia-
Continued on Page 2

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mentary sanction has been given to
such Estimates."
This is the Law and whatever his
reasons Moore is clearly in direct
contravention of it. For this reason we
must insist on our extreme dissatis-
faction with the report of the Special
investigators into the affair Warner
and Dean-Maharaj. For the investi-
gators, after noting the "highly cen-
tralised role" played by Moore in
taking the project from the drawing
board to the award of the contract,
and after having noted that this was
done without Cabinet's approval and
contrary to the announced policy of
Government, seem prepared to accept
iMoore's blatantly high-handed asser-
tion that "to reveal the source of his
authority would be a breach of con-
We cannot afford any creeping no-
tion of Executive Privilege, not when
$140,000 of taxpayers money has
been criminally wasted on the project
and no civil servant's conception of
confidence is more important than the
public's righf to know what the hell,
Fas happened to its money. More
than this we are not satisfied that the
nvestigatorshave explored all the
possible avenues of investigation. The
Financial Regulations Act stipulates
that "Accounting officers are respon-
sible for the passing of vouchers for

behind Eugenio Moore ?

payment" and moreover, "All vouchers
shall contain full particulars of each
service so that they may be checked
without reference to any other docu-
ment" and finally that "Payment
vouchers maybe certified only by the
officers authorised to do so."

We will not be satisfied therefore
until the investigators make known
who was the Accounting officer re-
sponsible for passing the payments,
what was his authority for so doing
and whose signature appears on all the
vouchers? Until we get full answers to
these questions we must presume that
the whole investigation has been a case
of Caesar judging Caesar.
Beyond these questions however
there can be no doubt where the
Administrative responsibility lies. We
may first of all ask why is it that the
stadium project was allowed to pro-
ceed so far before Cabinet made its
intervention. Apparently the members
of Cabinet don't live in this country,
or if they do they are blissfully ig-
norant of what is going on. But more
important still is the fact that the
whole concept of Cabinet Government
'is one in which ultimate responsibility
lies with the Minister in charge. In any
democratic and ethical Government
the responsible minister would have
been asked to resign long ago.
Politically, the significance of the
Eugenio Moore scandal is even more
profound. In the first instance it is a

clear indication of just hpw far the,
disintegration of the institutional
framework of the Old Regime has
advanced. In a revolutionary situation
the edifices of the old order do not
collapse overnight. It is always a pro-
cess over time. How long it takes
depends primarily on how strong the
fabric of the old Order was in the first
place. Fittingly and not surprisingly
the disintegration of the P.N.M. re-
gime has taken a mere 13 years.
During these past 13 years all the
false claims and charades of the P.N.M.
have been torn aside like the layers of
an onion and now there is nothing
left but hollowness, the emptiness
and the rotteness at the core.
In 1961 the mask of racial harmony.
and particularly Afro-Indian solidarity,
was ripped from the face of the
society and the conflicts, tensions and
inequalities starkly revealed for the
first time. In 1970, the February
Revolution shattered the hollow claims
of stability and order so dear to the
Afro-Saxon mendicants perpetually
seeking "foreign investments".

1970 also revealed that the racial
base upon which the P.N.M. existed
was gone forever as it was the young
Africans primarily who repudiated the
Regime. 1971 and the election boycott
laid to rest any pretense of a two-
party parliamentary democracy. And
now in 1974 there remains nothing

but undisguised, naked corruption.
Nowhere is the effect of this decay
more clearly to;be seen than in the
ranks of the ruling party itself. The
party is torn by strife and factionalism.
The deepseated split in the ranks of
the P.N.M. was clearly revealed to the
whole world late last year. One the
one side is ranged Williams and his
bunch of sheep and on the other a
cadre of best-dressed, power-hungry,
money-crazy predators, the vanguard
of the oligarchy, for whom Karl Hudson
Phillips was only the frontman.
If Williams is now trying to give the
appearance of dealing with corruption
and immorality in Public Affairs his
difficulty in this regard is clearly the
long-term consequence of the way in
which he and his party were catapulted
into office without the opportunity to
win the allegiance of men to policies
and programme. The result is that
Williams has had to buy his support
and in this sense the corruption is a,
consequence of the method*Iby which
power was attained.
Finally the Eugenio Moore affair
reveals the deficiencies of the West-
minster Constitution in our setting. It
serves to emphasise the overcentralised
system of Government and politics, it
points to the dangers of such tremen-
dous powers of patronage in the hands
of the Prime Minister and above all it
reveals how sadly we lack the institu-
tions which, distinct from the
machinery of State, would serve as
permanent watchdogs of the public



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Director of Audit for the
year 1968, which is the
latest report on the fi-
nances of the Government
of Guyana, to be made
public .discloses a large
number of irregularities
in government expendit-
ure. Besides money mis-
sing, there is cash mis-
spent and over-spent,
missing vouchers, failure
to include sums on state-
ments of account, late
submission of financial
returns, outright theft,
general incompetence and
wild spending.
The Auditor, referring to
the absence of important re-
cords from the accounts of the
Ministry of Communications
noted:- "It is not possible
under these circumstances to
determine whether irregular-
ities or frauds have been per-
petrated and if so to what
extent. That this situation
should continue to exist for
such a long time despite fre-
quent reports from me, is a
sad reflection on the admin-
is tration."
Complaining about the lack
of control over the collection
of public money, the Auditor
said that many collectors'
cash book statements were
not produced for audit and
thus "the possibility of fraud
and irregularities has been
brought to the attention of
the Permanent Secretary.. ."
According to the Auditor,
tender board procedures.were
waived "thereby circum-
venting the approved proced-
ures designed with the object
of encouraging keen compet-
ition among tenderers," and,
again "I am not in a position
to satisfy myself that all
materials purchased have been
accounted for and used on
the projects for which re-

Mr. Archibald Codrington,
a former Mayor of George-
town and a feature writer in
the Guana Graphic c o mn-
menting on this wrote:- "The
Report of the Director of
Audit for the year 1968 makes
singularly depressing reading
. .judging by the spate of

large-scale thefts of public
funds reported. defalcationss
have now reached epidemic
proportions, this lack of
proper accounting in the ranks
of those in charge of the
public purse, strikes at the
root of good government.. .
(PPP Bulletin V

PPP opposes Smelter dea

sive Parsty of Guyana has
come out in condemna-
tion of recent moves by
Caribbean Governments
to establish an aluminium
smelter in Trinidad, and
has called instead for the
establishment of the
smelter in Guyana.
Guyanra and Janmaica,
which are among the leading
producers of bauxite in the
world, and Trinidad and To-
bago,have recently announced
their intention to establish as
a joint venture such a smelter
which would take advantage
of Trinidad's extensive re-
serves of natural gas.
According to a PPP re-
lease, the party takes the
view "that any Common-
wealth aluminium smelter set
up in the ,Caribbean should,
unquestionably, be in Guyana.
"We say this particularly
since we are the producers
of this commodity as well
as having the capacity to be
producers of the necessary

hydro-electric power, the po-
tential of which is almost
"We cannot continue, having
regard to the staggering un-
employment situation, to
carry on in the same old way
as under colonialism, when
our raw materials were dis-
posed of for the benefit of
"There can be no reason
acceptable to Guyanese why
our alumina should be taken
from Guyana for fabrication
in Trinidad rather than in
Guyana, especially now that
the Caribbean Development
Bank has revealed that our
Jer. capita income is .the
lowest among the More De-
-veloped Countries and is not
even higher than St. Kitts-.
"The bauxite workers par-
ticularly and the trade union
movement as a whole should
join with the PPP in demand-
ing that the Trinidad talks be
halted and that no agreement
should be-signed which barters
away their right to have the
proposed aluminium smelter
in Guyana".





Greg Chamberlain

WITH THE fixing of an
independence timetable
at last month's talks in.
Hague, Surinam is now
set to become South
America's second non-
Latin independent state
by the end of next year.
Although approaches
have been made to Vene-
zuela (trade) and to neigh-
bouring Brazil (for a
branch of the Amazonian
highway to Paramaribo
to open up Surinam's in-
terior and provide Brazil
with another Atlantic
port), it seems that Suri-
nam's natural interest lies
with the English-speaking
Caribbean bloc, with
whom it shares similar
history and economic
Premier Henk Arron
has already said he is very
anxious to have close links
with all the countries of
the new Caribbean-Com-
munity and Common Mar-
ket (CARICOM), if not
actual membership of the
Surinamese membership or
association with CARICOM,
with which it currently has
observer status, would have
important effects. Surinam's
$600 per capital income, high
for the region, the relatively
advanced nature of its econ-
omy and its immense reserves
of timber and bauxite would
put it in a similar position of
strength as Guyana vis-a-vis
CARICOM members. This
would probably mean an ag-
gravation of the imbalance
between the large and small.
states of the group and the
letters' fears of domination
by the former.
Perhaps the most impor-
tant factor in any new relation-
ship however is Surinam's
bauxite, which currently
accounts for some 15 per cent
of the total world supply. The
creation earlier this year of
the International Bauxite As-
sociation will mean closer ties
between Jamaica, the second


a, VIP %W*'v-L/wiw0

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$S Stephens


world producer, Guyana, the
fifth- biggest, and Surinam,
which is number three. Al-
though Guyana has taken the
lead in nationalizing its own
resources, only Surinam of
the three has its own smelter.
It is not yet clear whether
Arron is prepared to take the
steps towards the real econ-
omic transformation needed
if his country's independence
is to be worth much more
than the paper it is written
on, but Surinam was the first
member state to ratify the
new producers' agreement,
and it is pressing the North
American owners of its baux-
ite to speed up development.
There is also bound to be
pressure for nationalisation
from the leftist Nationalparty
for the Republic; whose
leader, Eddie Bruma, is Min-
ister for Economic Develop-
ment, Trade and Industry in
Arron's coalition government.
The Hague talks between
the. three parts of the Dutch
Kingdom-(Holland, Surinam
and the Netherlands Antilles)
fixed a new summit on Suri-
nam independence for early
next year, and then a final
one at the end of that year
followed immediately by in-
dependence. But if all went
smoothly regarding Surinam,
there was discord over the
future of the Antilles, which
the Hague is equally anxious
to be rid of.
Premier Juancho Evertsz
angrily denounced the idea,
favoured by some in the
Hague, of a defence pact with
the United States and nearby
Venezuela (with whom there
are already close links) to
guarantee the independence
of the Netherlands Antilles.
Not only demand the
postponement of indepen-
dence for at least another six
years, to which the Dutch
agreed, he also demanded the
restoration of the Dutch
marine garrison in Curacao,
recently cut unilaterally by
Holland to 400, to its old
strength of 600.
The Hague apparently re-
fused this, but agreed to hold
further talks about defence,
with both Dutch prime min-
ister Joop Den Uyl and de-
ifence minister Henk Vredeling
promising to visit the Antilles
to look shortly into the

G.U'-y r n" a Au ftor


a:.% ,Y




for Dialogue and

discussion in

'1 I

Dennis Pantin (P.R.O.)



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RETURN TO; Tapia Houe Publishing Co. Ld.,
91 Tuna un Rd. Tunap(na, Phoie; 662-5126.

The Editor,
T'dad Guardian,
St. Vincent St.
Dear Sir,
I wish to refer to the issue of the T'dad Guardian dated
Wednesday, June 26, 1974, in which a short news item was
carried on page 3, headlined: "Tapia, DAC collaborating on 3
I fear that a certain amount, of misunderstanding may
have been created, both by the way the facts in the article
were stated, and by the outright misrepresentation of fact.
The facts are: That Tapia initiated the call for joint action
among opposition groups and parties to secure the right of
access to Radio and Television time.
On April 17, Tapia made a public call for opposition'
unity on this question.
On April 25, Tapia wrote to 9 opposition groups calling
for collaboration on the question of Radio and Television time.
On May 8; the DAC replied to the Tapia letter and
Called for a widening of the basis of collaboration to cover five
areas: freedom\of association, and in particular, the right of
peaceful demonstration, Radio and Television time for pol-
itical parties, implementation of the Constitution Commission's
recommendations on the conduct of election, reduction of
the voting age to 18 years, and a date for General Elections.
On June 7, Tapia replied, and a copy was sent to the
T'dad Guardian on June 11, and agreed "on the need for
joint action to secure the rights of freedom of assembly and
of access to Radio and Television time for all political groups
and the reduction of the voting age to 18 years. On the
question of -the iniplenientation of the Constitution Com-
mission's recommendations on the conduct of elections, Tapia
has already made it clear that such fundamental rules governing
'the political life of the country cannot be determined by any
commission or committee, deriving its authority from the
illegitimate i971 Parliament."
Tapia is now awaiting a reply from the DAC to its last
Finally, it is surprising that a press release issued on
.June 11 (plus a copy on June 13) should have been used only
Son June 26, and inaccurately at that.
Enclosed in an extract from TAPIA dated Sunday
June 30, which reproduces both letters, and which may help
to clear up the situation.
Hoping that the correction will be given the coverage
of the error.
In Peace,








Dennis Pantin
screamed the bold head-
lines on the front page of
the T'dad Express, dated
Friday June 28, accom-
panied by a picture of
Russia, head of the
Beggars Association.
Inside, were stories on
the need for more food to
.be grown, the position at
the Bush Bush Wildlife
Sanctuary, a call by a
medical expert for the
establishment of a com-
mittee on the safety of
drugs .and somewhere in
the back, Tapia on the
Wooding Commission.
To give jack he jacket, The
Express had given fair cover-
age to last Tuesday's Tapia
meeting at the Port-of-Spain
Public. Library ,on the
Wooding Report.
SThat fairness has to be
considered in relation to the
few columns which the, T'dad
Guardian could spare for the
occasion on page 19 of its
Wednesday June 26 issue, on
the classified ads page.
Incidentally, this was the
same day when the Guardian
carried on page 3 the news
item which is corrected in the
letter below.
On Sunday June 30, the
Express Political Reporter,
Jeff Hackett devoted his col-
umn to the connection be-
tween Watergate and the ap-
poinitment of U.S. Ambassa-
dors to Trinidad and Tobago.
Ramesh .Deosaran, who
has been writing a Sunday
column on the Wooding Com-
mission, carried a report on
the call by the Law Society



it fit to invite an anonymous
Special Correspondent to
write three lengthy statements
on the Wooding Report can:
only offer a few inches.
It must raise questions,
even among the simple-
minded who dismiss the
Constitutional Reform as a
side-issue, when the establish-
ed media tries to downplay
the first attempt by a political
organisation to give an in
depth analysis-oT the Wooding
Was this due to incom-
petence on the part of the
reporters, the subs, or a policy
And all this in spite of
their repeated calls for dia-
logue on the Wooding Report?
It is clear that somebody
up there in the boardrooms
realises the dangers of allow
ing the people to talk, to
speak their. ioidaif-Trtr-
organise for change, not in a
now-for-now play, but in a
cool, patient, determined
effort to make change. And
this is being reflected in the
pages of the paper.
The working journalists
may not be to blame since
they may simply be respond-
ing to bad vibrations from
the top.
In the final analysis it is
the working journalist who
will save or destroy the last
vestige of respect for this
noble profession which can
make all that difference in the
running of a State, as the
Watergate incident illustrates.







for quick action on the
Wooding Report.
These few exarpp';e il-
lustrates the way in which the
profession of journalism
continues to exist in this
country with few or no pro-
It shows up the way in
which the media continues to
confuse itself and others with
'trivia and rank suppression of
This is not to deny the
fact that there are serious,
dedicated and professional
journalists in both daily news-
papers as in the other branches
of the media but that they
continue to exist in an en-
vironment not so much of
mediocrity, as, of hostility.
Both newspapers have been
writing editorial after editorial
calling for comments on the
Wooding Commission; both
have had Special Correspon-
idents or Sunday columns
devoted to analyses, so-
called, of the WoodingReport.
Yet when a political group'
holds what may have been
the biggest meeting ever on
the issue of the Constitution,
both papers play down the
The Express carries fair
coverage, but its Sunday
columnists ignore the Tuesday
meeting and deal either with
the side-issue of Ambassadors,
when everyone knows that
Ambassadors do not' run em-
bassies but the Intetnational
Civil Service, or deal' with
calls by a sectional interest.
The Guardian, which saw



Concluding the address by Lloyd Best at
the Port of Spain public library on June 25.
The first part of this :statement was
carried in last week's issue under the headline
"Political ,choices for Trinidad and Tobago



AND SO IT was that Wooding and his men
came out to play. Sir Hugh and his colleagues
assumed their historic responsibility at a
point where the nation could no longer re-
gard the basic constitutional crisis as just
another acute political problem. Our people
had had their say in the Empire Day Elections
and the effect of the negative but ingenious
boycott was to convert the covert mockery
which Parliament had been at least since 1966
into an open pappyshow. The cravitcheous
government which for years had abused its
Parliamentary power now received only 28%
of the votes and yet absurdly controlled 100%
of the seats.
S The little people had comprehensively
repudiated the Prime Minister's call to salvage
the Ellis Clarke Constitution from the non-
participation of all significant opposition
forces. The Trinidad Guardian of May 25
reported tensely on page 1 that:
"Dr. Eric Williams did not get that 'massive
vote' he had asked for from the electorate".
The Editorial lamented that the country faced "its
gravest constitutional crisis" as a result of yesterday's
PNM victory but "it is a virtual defeat of the Consti-
tution as it now stands Dr Williams cannot be a
happy man today. His call for a massive poll' has
been ignored by the electorate".
In the face of that the Prime Minister had the
gumption to say there existed no crisis and he did
not anticipate any. Momentarily free, the Guardian
had called for a two-party democracy:
"And the only way we can get this is through
fresh elections after discussions, at a national
level, embodying all sections of the community
to approve electoral and constitutional reforms,
the need for which has been acknowledged by
all". (May 25).
As usual, the Government's first response was to
galay with a flourish. At the Picadilly meeting,
Williams also announced that Cuthbert Joseph would
be charged with the responsibility for promoting
constitutional reform by providing the country
with needed information. Measures would also be
taken for encouraging public participation in ways
no longer possible through the medium of the House
of Representatives. In time, the Governor General
would announce four of these measures "to ensure
that alternative views are heard and respected".
In fact, in time, the Governor-General would
openly acknowledge the constitutional crisis and it
was in the Throne Speech of June 19 that Hochoy
announced the establishment of the Constitution
Commission with terms of reference:
"to consider the present Constitution and to
make recommendations for its revision and for
constitutional reform".
The Commission was required to append to its report
a Draft Constitution incorporating the principles and
and ideas agreed upon by its members. In a word, by
investing Wooding with such wide terms, the Govern-
ment had recognized the breakdown or the 1962
Constitution. More important, by rejecting the Par-
liamentary device of a Select Committee that is to
say, having being deprived of the choice of establish-
ing a Joint Select Committee by the popular election
boycott the Government was forced by implica-
tion to concede the illegitimacy of the 1971 Par

The Wooding Commission therefore came into
being in the midst of a curious constitutional paradox.
It was free to make a historic break with the colonial
past but the same breakdown of the Independence
Constitution which endowed Sir Hugh and his coF
leagues with such a great degree of freedom ren-
dered the Commission an illegitimate child. The
country instinctively and immediately saw the dis-
tinction between a legitimate instrument of the peo-
ple and an illicit weapon of the King.
The Commission therefore needed at the outset
to convince the country that it. would not serve as a
tool for the rehabilitation of the dead regime by
being another of Her Majesty's Royal Commissions
graciously condescending to' give audience to the
subject people in preparation for ultimate decision
by the Exalted and Mighty Executive.
When we dramatically went to Arima, Tapia
undoubtedly rescued the Commission from that all-
pervading atmosphere of a charnel-house and morgue.
When we broke the ice at Chaguaramas, we retrieved
the situation once again. Unfortunately, none of our
zealous endeavours has in the end prevented the
Commission from labouring to deliver a corpse.
Wooding's historic task was to arrange the fu-
neral of the Crown Colony political system, in so far as
a constitutional exercise is capable of effecting any
political change. The mission of the moment was to
abolish the legacy of Doctor Politics, to establish
a State willing and able to demolish Plantation Eco-
nomy and Afro-Saxon Culture, that would promote
freedom and justice and participation and seek to
win for our peoples that identity for which we have
yearned so long.
The chilling conclusion to be drawn on reading
the final report is that the Crown Colony Corpsehas
been given new life with a most extraordinary cosme-
tic joo. the Report is astonishing not only for its
ignominious failure to rally our nation to loftier
purpose and to transport our hopes into a more
exalted realm of possibility. The document is a.
testament of despair,, equalled in our time only by
the notorious "retirement" speech of September last
in the gloomy view it takes of the potentials of the
Trinidad & Tobago race.
Reginald Dumas, one of theCommissioners, in
stating his reservations, put the issue very bluntly.
"Should we," he asked, "not have overhauled instead
of tinkered?"He did not fail to note that amongst
those who came before the Commission, "there were
those whose vision penetrated to the larger horizon".
C.V. Gocking, he reminded his fellow Commissioners,
had with admirable clarity and precision, outlined the
elevated perspective appropriate to this particular
historic moment.
In a Tapia pamphlet, Democracy or Oligarchy,
Dr Gocking had urged that "The Commission's Report
is expected to have the nature of a major work".
"Why have men with high qualifications in
political and social science among its member-
ship if we are not going to be offered some
social and political analysis of the issues behind
our new constitution?" (p 9)
Fearing that the Commission seemed to be taking a
rather limited view of the nature and scope of its
functions, Gocking urged the political as distinct
from the legal character of the exercise and called for
criteria to govern constitution making, a description
of the working of Trinidad & Tobago society, a care-
ful analysisof the existing constitution and the reasons
Sfor its failure or success, and recommendations fo

"A constitution does not work in a vacuum;
and those who read and study the Report will
wish to be provided with suci basic informa-
tion as would help them to assess the society's
potential for fully operative democratic self-
government. They will therefore expect the
Commission to identify and assess social forces
which are working to promote or impede and
thwart democratic values. Then, and only then,
will the provisions of any new constitution
become intelligible and be seen as providing a
framework within which democracy can grow
and flourish". (p 10).

According to Dumas, an exercise on that plane would
have taken the Commission much more time and
energy and involved awkward delays. But he leaves no
doubt that, left to him, that would have been the
actual choice. Certainly the issues of race and citizen
participation merited much more extensive study in
the Final Report
The result of this failure to come to grips is
that Gocking's worst fears may well be realized:
"Let me say at once .. that if the Wooding
Commission produces any new constitution
that tends unduly towards the conservative, if
it betrays any underlying instinctive lack of
faith and trust in the capacity of what we
nowadays call "the little people" to deserve
and find a place "in the corridors of govern-
ment", to use Tapia's vivid imagery, then Eric
Williams will hit Hugh Wooding for six". (p 2).
The Wooding Report has had no impact on the
country. It has served only to set up Williams.
Some charlatans interpret this to mean that most of
the Commissioners took on the job only for the
financial rewards; others have long questioned the
integrity of the men involved, claiming that the
Commission has never been anything but a handmaid-
en of the Prime Minister and the PNM oligarchy.
Tapia resoundingly rejects these totally un-
founded impertinences. At least one member of the
Constitution Commission accepted no remuneration
at all.
The integrity of the Commission and the com-
petence of the Commissioners for the task assigned
'leave nothing to be desired.
We have certainly expressed doubts about the
value of the excursions abroad and our impression
at one particular juncture was thatlow morale in the
Commission had been affecting its faith and zeal and
creative spirit. But who but a gamester himself, would
venture the insolence that these men of rank and
standing, in Academia, in the world of the professions
and in the realm of affairs, did not wish to serve
their country with all the wisdom at their com-
mand? Can it be said of Sir Hugh Wooding that he
had ever been a Minister of Government at the
pinnacle of the immorality in public affairs? Did Sir
Hugh ever promise any exposure of bacchanal and
then strangely lapse into eloquent silence?
I am afraid we must look elsewhere for the
explanation of the Commission's failure to produce a
document that could fill Trinidad & Tobago with a
fresh new inspiration. The focus must turn on our-
selves. Important clues are provided in the Report
itself as to what the fundamental problem may be.
The first of these comes from a brilliantly perceptive
and subtle reservation by Solomon Lutchman, who
like Reginald Dumas, writes largely from the stanpoint
SContinued on Page 6


. .................








- S E

From Page 5

of an occasional consultant to the main body of the
the Commission. Hear Lutchman:
"Nation-building requires pride and self-con-
fidence, virtues that cannot be imposed but
must come from within. Only a great people
can have a great constitution, and no heavensent
philosopher-king can raise a mass of timid,
inept, listless subjects to achievement or
dignity". (p. 145).
Lutchman, for all his wealth of insight and all his
urbanity of style, clearly thinks Trinidad & Tobago to
be beyond even messianic rescue, incapable of being
saved by the blood of the lamb. Compare Lutchman's
view with that of Vernon Gocking who writes that:
"Trinidad and Tobago is already a progressive,
informed and developed society "(p. 12).
Or take Dumas, who recognizes the validity of Gock-
ing's view that Government control of jobs seriously
inhibits free and democratic political action but
insists nevertheless that:
"I cannot agree that people's minds have been
so subverted, that people depend so much,
directly and indirectly, on the Government
for their livelihood, that we are now practically
a country of political robots and zombies".
(p. 137).
Dumas, like Gocking, has faith in the democratic
instincts and potentials of Trinidad & Tobago. Well,
if as they say, he was the Tapia man on the Constitu-
tion Commission, and we shall see how false this
charge is in a while he was only a Tapia beginner.
In the final analysis, Dumas rejects the big-macco
Senate which would be the living expression of Tapia's
faith in the people of this country. But, in the con-
text of the Commission Dumas was a wild-eyed
idealist from that crazy mud-hut in Tunapuna.
Nothing is more outrageously indicative of the
Commission's low view of Trinidadians and Toba-
gonians than the scandalous neglect of the positions
advanced by Tapia, of the misrepresentations and the
deliberate attempt to subvert our position not by
argument but by a supercilious and superficial cyni-
cism. The frightening thing is that most of these men
are without question extremely sympathetic to the
aspirations of the new national movement of which
Tapia is one important expression.
They simply do not think that the country can
make. According to Justice Georges,"our people like
to talk a lot, shout a lot, but we hardly ever shoot ...
look, even the soldiers turned back when they met a
little hill We couldn't make a Constitution pre-
scribing Socialism, Communism or anything else. I
don't think the country is ready for Socialism. Look
at the Workers and Farmers Party. I don't think they
saved one deposit''That is a Tapia report of a recent
St Augustine Forum.
You can see why, after years of peddling social-
ism and pushing the Clarion, Justice Georges gave up
politics in 1958.
Anthony Maingot claimed that he opposed a
Constituent Assembly as the way out because the
PNM, as the best organised party around, would
swamp such a gathering with its own people. He does
not see that if the PNM did in fact swamp a Consti-
tuent Assembly one day, the next day the large
majority of the people who oppose them would see
why they have to turn up, would make alliances, take
it over and put the old regime where it rightfully
belong down the drain of history. That is how it
has happened in every country. Our people lack
k a _

political experience of democratic participation; we
have to go through the painful process of acquiring it
and all the signs are that, with the persistence of this
spiritual malaise and the continuation of the political
upheaval in all the institutions, that the country is
ready to make a leap.
Like Maingot and Georges, Sir Hugh Wooding
does not see the problem. He forgets that he nearly
bungled the Chaguaramas Convention by imposing
the Queen's Hall type arrangement for speaking, but
that he was receptive enough to learn the lesson
from Tapia.
Hear his complaints:
"We have written our report and there is little
feedback; why don't the people here protest,
write to the media?"
Poor Sir Hugh. Does he not see that people can only
be carried to heights which lie beyond their expert
ence by the inspiration of leadership or by the de-
velopment of the situation to the limit of old and
tested habits?
The failure of the Constitution Commission is
not therefore a failure of integrity or competence: it is
a failure of perception, vision and leadership. We have
not succeeded in rallying the country. Not the Com-
missioners who shouldhave pitched their gaze on the
stars and sent signals to the country from high up in
the heavens. Not the leaders of the Opposition forces
who lack the self-confidence to take position on
fundamentals, even to open up radio and television
so that the country could make a judgment of how
valid they really are.
Above all, not Tapia. We have not succeeded in
kindling the imagination of the country to rally and
fight and win by the methods that we espouse..
In 1969 Millette was riding high but the United
National Independence Party quickly faded away
from history. In 1970 Granger and the National
Joint Action Committee occupied the -stage and
played and missed. In 1971, theAction Committee
of Dedicated Citizens, came to the forefront offering
an overnight electoral party.
In the midst of all this agitation and protest,
Tapia has taken a longer view. We have neither missed
nor played but we have to admit that our way has yet
to find acceptance in the hearts of the little people.
We know only that leadership canont give up. We
will be here till the bitter end.
The low level of the Constitution Report is as
much a product of Tapia's failure as of the lack of
vision by the Commission and the short-sighted
immaturity of the so-called opposition. We are all
responsible; a great constitution or a great anything
can only be produced by a great people. We agree
with Solomon Lutchman.
The only difference between Lutchmanannd
Tapia is that we do not believe that the Constitutional
crisis is over. As he has, himself, said, "The people
are always, in the long run, wiser than their leaders,
and the democratic system should provide continuous
and succeeding opportunities for the good sense of
the people to correct past mistakes and prevail".
(p. 144).
The constitutional crisis will now move to
another phase. A Constituent Assembly which is
genuinely representative of the varied political think-
ing in the country, radio and television time for the
Opposition, greater freedom of assembly and political
expression in meetings and marches or any measure or
set of measures which more fully informs the country
about the political choices open, will advance us to a
higher stage. The real opening we had with the
Wooding Commission was a chance to open up the

public mind. It is an opening we have sadly missed.
We have bungled a golden chance.
The choice between Democracy and Oligarchy
hangs in the balance still.

| !

WE CAN NOW, finally, turn to the actual
proposals in the Constitution Commission
Report. These demand no lengthy exposition
and attention, once we are clear on the issues
involved. There are four controversial topics:
1. The character of Parliament with reference
to the method of election, the number of
Houses and if more than one, the relationship
between them.
2. The division of Executive power between
the Prime Minister and the President and be-
tween them both and the Legislature.
3. The scope of fundamental rights and the
method of making them secure
4. The procedure for deciding upon and for
the introduction of the new constitution
We can take procedure first sinc6 it raises issues re-
quiring an occasion on their own.I therefore propose
to deal with this on another date when we may want
to consider the whole range of proposals being ad-
vanced by Tapia.
Suffice it to say that we are insisting on:
A Conference of Citizens where all opinion can
debate the entire constitutional crisis using the Wood-
ing Report as a working paper.
A decision-making body at that Conference
drawn from bona fide political parties on the basis of
one vote for one party. We are prepared to discuss
the method of identifying bona fide political parties.
By a Conference of Citizens we do not intend
any such thing as a National Consultation. In other
words, our fundamental assumption is that the 1971
Parliament is illegitimate as clearly as it has been
legally elected. As such, the whole point of the Con-
ference of Citizens is to make decisions which are
to be binding on the country not to be advisory to a
PNM Parliament.
It follows that Tapia cannot support any pro-
posals such as those advanced by the Commission be-
cause it is impossible to set any date by which the
people will climax so basic a constitutional crisis.
There can be no Crown Colony directive from above
and in any case, Williams will not be dictated to by
anybody or anything, except a superior political (or
military) force.

Tapia insists, and insists realistically, that the
political process must run its natural course. We are
confident that the people will ultimately prevail even
if the head of the King has to fall.

The issue here, as put succintly by C V Gocking,
is "where does the initiative lie with the police or
with the public, the citizenry?" The discussion in the
Report does not make this clear. Take p. 20.
"We have not included in the draft any clause
preserving existing legislation. Where an existing
law abridges or infringes a fundamental right,
its validity will depend on its falling within one
or the otner of the permitted exceptions and
also on its satisfying the test of what is







*e A SOSd

reasonably justifiable in a society with a proper
respect for the rights and freedoms of the
individual". (p 20).
There is one decisive consideration here and it is who
decides whether a law is reasonably justified in a
society with a proper respect for the rights and free-
doms of the individual? If Parliament so decides,
then as happened here in 1971, the initiative will
always pass to the police when a regime turns to
repression to protect itself, provided it can get the
required Parliamentary majority. The ultimate safe-
guard must therefore be recourse to the judicial re-
view of legislation, as the Americans clearly saw. To
this end, the Chamber of Commerce was correct, you
cannot leave our right to march to be decided by
Mr. Justice Georges when a Mr. Robinson tries a
little thing; you must establish a Constitutional Court
and charge it with the task of constitutional review.
The country must be able to get review
without putting itself at risk.
The only way in which the President, elected by
local and central government legislators, can be truly
independent of the Prime Minister is if there is a whole
lot of little parties. And if he is independent, it would
be virtually impossible for him to resist political
ambition, when his powers of appointment are
much more than "largely ceremonial" as is strangely
claimed by the Report, and when Governments based
on coalitions are certain to be unstable and weak. On
the other hand, if the President is not independent
of the Prime Minister and the party, and is simply
another hack, we are back to the current Governor-
General arrangement.

The proposals made by the Report for Parliament
have been neatly summed up by Commissioner,
Michael de la Bastide.
"'We .... changed the rules to allow more peo-
ple to play the game. For example, instead of a
Senate with non-political people, our proposals
seek to introduce a kind of nominated element
into the political system".
Telford Georges put it this way:
"Because of the unlikelihood of a revolution
succeeding, we structured the system to allow
many groups to participate".
The entire scheme assumes that the present Govern-
ment cannot be beaten by the ordinary play of poli-
tical forces; that "the revolution" cannot succeed;
that the people are not ready; that the small groups
which are not based on race should be given a
chance to play. The magic formula for this is pro-
portional representation.
Then in order to justify proportional represen-
tation on grounds other than the noble aim of en-
couraging new players, the Senate has been trans-
ferred into the House of Representatives in the form
of a nominated element, just like the old Crown
Colony Days. The price of Selwyn Ryan's entirely
laudable aim of giving new parties "a toehold in the
system" is a return to 1925, albeit with a number of
little Doctors.
Having sacrificed the Senate on the altar of
professional politics (including a kind of nominated
element), the Commission then found it necessary
to seek substitutes for a properly constituted Senate
in committees and in Ombudsman or Ombudsmen ...
M___ _I

and in an allegedly ceremonial but still powerful
President of the State.
I can hardly imagine a more abominable scheme.
I reiterate what I said about Model III at the Chagua-
ramas Convention. It will create so much confusion
that it is a virtual blueprint for a classic Caribbean
dictator. Fortunately, Williams is certain to cut it to
ribbons and if he fails to do it, you can bet that
Tapia will.

The Wooding Constitution is absurd; it is
worse than a callalloo constitution. It is a prescription
for a regression to days of yore.
We in Tapia respect these men for their at-
tempt to give the country a political chance but we
cannot honestly share the philosophical and historical
assumptions which lie behind their plan.

STapia is a child of the New World Movement;
we are looking far into the future; our watchword
for Trinidad & Tobago is forward. We have to build a
new civilization in this country, one that takes an
open democracy for granted and nothing can turn us
away from that because the only way to build on
open Democracy is to take an open democracy for
granted. You have to begin by trusting yourselves.
Tapia is offering a different kind of place from
the nightmare assumed by the cynics, resoundingly
repudiated by the spiritual yearnings of the February
Revolution and the young people who made it with
their love for country. The choice behind all that,
remains a very simple one: Democracy or Oligarchy?
The many or the few? Let it ring in our ears, over
and over, because soon we will be called upon to
make the decision. I know that people never choose
between constitutional models. Always the choice is
couched as one between leaders and organizations.
That, Tapia has always understood; and we will be
ready when the trumpet sounds.




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LY 7, 1974



0 00

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00 agencia informatva latinoamericana

0 ss0s@0

00 ***

The Region.... The Region.... The Region ..... The Region .... The Reg

Participatory education in Cuba

IN A world where it is
becoming more difficult
and, more expensive to
study, Cubans have the
rare privilege of being able
to choose the education
they want.
The foundation stone
of the new Cuban edu-
cation system is a broad
scheme of scholarships
which the Revolutionary
Government has establi-
shed and which period-
ically receives important
impulses. For the,1974-75
school year which begins
in September, nearly 100,
'thousand students will be
able to study under new
The Revolution put an end
to private education in Cuba
and the State assumed all
educational responsibilities, es-
'tablishing absolutely free edu-
cation at all levels. Even the
word scholarship acquired a
new meaning. A scholarship
student now receives from
society not only education,
but also books and materials,
clothing, food, lodging and
even spending money.

In an educational system
of such magnitude, the scholar-
ship programme gives top
priority to the training of
teachers. More than 11,000
.scholarships will go to the
training of primary school
teachers in 1974-75 and an
additional 9,000 will be given
to the training of other
Many people ask how Cuba,
;a poor developing country,
has obtained the resources to

provide all its young citizens
with such a high level of
education, whose cost is esti-
mated at more than 500 million
pesos annually.

The answer lies in the
massive participation of the
young people in development
and production programmes
as part of the new educational
concept which is applied in
"A poor country," Fidel
Castro said during the inaugu-
ration of a group of 44 ultra-
modern schools,"cannot give
education to everybody unless
everybody participates in pro-
ductive activities. Otherwise,
some people/would be con-
demned to stay outside the
educational system while only
a few would be able to study."
Cuban students combine
study with work. Prima*
school children participate in
productive activities according
to their age: they tend gardens,
plant flowers and maintain
the green areas.

When they go on to second-
ary school, built generally in
areas where vegetables and
citrus are grown, the students
cultivate these products which
constitute an important eco-
nomic asset for the country.
In the higher stages of
education, in the technological
schools and in the universi-
ties, the students work in
factories or other centres in
fields related to the field they
are studying.
Thus by combining work
with study, students have at
their disposal an extraordinary
system of education, reflected
not only in physical condi-
tions, such as buildings and
other installations, but also

in the concepts the student
forms about work.

From a very early age, the
child is taught the habit of
labour discipline and is trained
to live in a society where

people have new attitudes.'
The system trains integral
people and is laying down the
bases for the elimination of
one of the biggest problems
of capitalist society: the dif-
ference between manual and

intellectual workers.
This year, thousands and
thousands of Cuban young-
sters will choose a career and
receive a scholarship, without
intermediary petty politicians
or humiliations.



Power to the People
Tapia's New World
Tapia Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of the Public Service
Foreign Investment In T and T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Institutions
Foreign Capital in Jamaica
Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica
Underdevelopment and
Persistent Poverty
Readings in The Political Economy
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Economic
The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus
The Integrated Theory of
Development Assistance
Cuba Since 1959
Caribbean Community
The Caribbean Community
- A Guide

- C.V. Gocking
- Denis Solomon
- Mc Intyre & Watson
- C. Y. Thomas
- M. Odle
- Norman Girvan

- O. Jefferson

- ed Norman Girvan
- George Beckford

- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson

- W. Demas

- Brewster & Thomas

- Roy Thomas

- Davidson L. Budhoo
- James Millette



$ 3.60










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ion.... The Region.... The Region.... The Region... The Region.... The Region.... The Region...

Candidate in a glass-case

observes the show, under
the eyes of the secret
police, with indolent curi-
osity. The curtain opens,
and the candidate appears,
fat and smiling inside a
bulletproof glass booth
- Anastasio Somoza.
If the proclamation of
the candidacy of the cur-
rent member of the ruling
dynasty comes as no sur-
prise, the new protection
gimmick likewise produ-
ced no amazement.

Somoza, people say here,
ordered the booth (the cage
as it is called locally) from the
United States and sent up
his very own experts to make
sure it really is bulletproof.
Out of breath but apparent-
ly safe, the dictator brandishes
a microphone in his cubicle
surrounded by bodyguards.
He promises the grim looking
women and men "more demo-
cracy, more work, more free-

Wero it not for the horrors
of this wretched land, with
the systematic persecutions
waged by the dynasty, the
scene could well be looked
upon as savagely comical.
But neither Anastasio nor
his brother Jose, chief of the
bodyguards, has any sense of
The dynasty has just con-
fronted the first strike for

The Region.... The Region...
labour demands in decades
of rule. The hospital workers,
the doctors in general prac-
tice and other health sectors
conducted a stoppage that
obliged the regime to give
Then there are the recent
'disturbances in the city of
Leon where teachers and stu-
dents clashed with the police
in demandforbetter wages for
the former and a study pro-
gramme free of control by
United States universities.
Both episodes reflect an
awakening and the Somozas
seem to be fully aware of it.

The Region.... The Region....
Under the blazing
sun, Tachito Somoza smiles
fatly behind the glass, His
voice sounds secure but every
so often he casts a glance at
his brother Jose. strategically
placed to see if all goes well.

After the meeting in the
town of Granada, Somoza is
surrounded by swarms of
secret police. He steps into
his Mercedes-Benz it too is
bulletproof and another
day of the election campaign
in this paradise of the Western
World known as Nicaragua
has come to an end.


THREE cheers for Tapia's
spread on Makonde art
(Sunday, June 23, p. 10),
especially the excellent
plates which display the
special characteristics of
Africa's finest contempo-
rary folk sculpture.
If an aging scholar may
cavil, these sculptures are not
produced in the Mozambique
Highlands, but 700 miles
north, in and around Dar-es-
Salaam, where they find a
ready market in the Indian
art galleries and tourist shops.

The hard wood, locally
called mtene., is dark brown
streaked with yellow and dif-
ferent from the more usual
black ebony used for pianos.
Formerly the Makonde
used black shoe polish on
their carvings to approximate
ebony, but the increasing so-
phistication of collectors now
permits them to burnish the
natural mtene wood.

South of the Ruvuma in
Mozambique, the Mawia
("fierce" or "bush") Makonde
still make traditional light
wooden helmet masks repre-
senting known individuals,
complete with facial sacrifica-
tions, lip-plugs, taxi-driver
caps, and beards made of hu-
man hair.
These however are used
in local secular dances, and
only rarely find their way to
theart market.
Let's see more of African
art in Tapia, especially the
contemporary arts and crafts
now burgeoning all over the
Mother Continent.

Daniel J. CrowIey


1.1 n B,:,oin in C" Er.!, :i p irS fr-m r 1n.:i i --
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A te

Ruthven Baptiste

ITS A good thing we lost
the final test to England
earlier this year. Other-
wise, our selectors, im-
peded by a lack of moral
authority and credibility,
might not have been bold
enough to select a team
that suited a plan rather
than select the most po-
pular players by pander-
ing to narrow chauvinism.
The selections made for
this tour will set aspiring WI


im to
cricketers thinking more
about what is demanded of a
test cricketer. The selectors,
as far as I am able to see,
have opted for a team that
not only meets the required
technical standards, but for
players who are also tempera-
mentally equable and depend
on their minds as much as
their skill.
That advantage can easily
be lost by the insane ranting
and raving in the daily press,
by protest groups and by the
.spoilt child attitude. Because
our gates determine the fi-
nancial success of a WI test
series, does not mean that we


deserve representation on a
touring team commensurate
to that pecuniary contribu-
The omission of Inshan
Ali has triggered off a storm
of protest bordering on hys-
teria. I think it reasonable of
the selectors not to gamble
on the unpredictable Ali.
Jumadeen is more unfor-
tunate, While I believe that
he is a better spinner than
Willet, Willet is the better
Willet's unruffable calm,
the healthy disposition that
permits him to laugh in the
most trying circumstances and


his willingness to learn are
qualities that distinguish the
;great sportsman.
For international players,
Ali and Jumadeen pay too
little attention to their physi-
cal condition. They look older
than Kanhai and Gibbs on
the field, factors whl:- I>,,nt
to fundamental weakness. inl
approach and do not recom-

mend them to the big time.
Ali and Jumadeen are out
not for lack of skill,but for a
lackadaisaical approach fithe
We must consider that
perhaps the only great player
Trinidad has produced since
the war is Sonny Ramadhin
Continued on Page 11

This is a $15 million issue. The 8% Bonds 1994:99 can be
purchased at TT $94.85 per cent, with a running yield of 8.44%
per annum, and gross redemption yield of $8.50% per annum.


The list of applications will be opened at 8.00 a.m on
Tuesday 9th July, 1974 and closed at 12 noon on
Wednesday 10th July, 1974,Bonds will be dated
10thJuly, 1914.

The Central Bank of Trinidad and Tobago is the sole and exclusive
agent for the raising and management of this issue.

Interest will be payable half-yearly by the Central Bank of
Trinidad and Tobago on the 10th January and the 10th July.
The first payment will be made on thelO th.January, 1975
at the rate of TT $8.00 per TT $100 face value per annum.

What the funds will be used for:
The proceeds of this issue will be applied to retiring certain
short-term obligations of the Government, and financing
projects in the development programme for 1974.

where to obtain application forms
Prospectuses and application forms may be obtained at
the Investment Division of the Central Bank of Trinidad
and Tobago, Comptroller of Accounts, Central Bank
Building;any of the branches of the commercial banks
operating in Trinidad and Tobago, Trinidad Co-operative
Bank Limited, Caribbean Stock and Bond (Trinidad)
Limited, West Indies Stockbrokers Limited, all Trust
Companies operating in Trinidad and Tobago and
Barclays Finance Corporation of Trinidad and Tobago Ltd.

Applications will be received at the Investment Division of the
Central Bank, St. Vincent Street, Port of Spain, and must be
accompanied by the full amount of the purchase price of the
Bonds applied for.
The issue will be made under the Development Loans Act 1964
(No. 19 of 1964), as amended by the Act No. 17 of 1965 and Act
No. 14 of 1969.
Further information may be obtained from the Central Bank,
St. Vincent Street, Port of Spain; all banks and trust companies
or your stockbroker.

12 NOON JULY. 10th 1974.





(Stollmeyer and Gomez are
pre-war and anyhow fall just
short of great).
Gary Sobers has said that,
had' Joey Carew taken the
game seriously,he would have
been a world great. Ali and
Jumadeen's non-selection
should force us to make a
critical self analysis rather
than dig blues that Trinidad
cricket has been slapped in
the face.
Furthermore, when there
are test tours in the West
Indies the drop in morale too
often start in Trinidad. In a
country where a Prime Minis-
ter can tell the country if
you don't like it, get to hell
outa here and can still survive
for nine more years .
That we can hold such
'high regard for Ali and have
such scant regard for that ex-

Baldwin Mootoo

A NEW era in West
Indian cricket has come.
Wilh the removal of Kanhai
and the unavailability of
Sobers only Gibbs of that
first Frank Worrell team
For those of us who were
teenagers in the fifties the
Ws were our heroes and Sobers
Kanhai, Hall our contempora-
ries who had made the big
time and whose cricketing
life was so enriched by that
very considerable man Frank
Now, the next generation
has taken over. Lloyd, lucky
in many ways to get the
captaincy, has an enormous
job ahead of him. His incon-
sistency as a test batsman does
not helpbut he certainly goes
into the job with the goodwill
and support of the West Indian
cricketing public.
His task is made even great-
er by the indications of a re-
surgence of all the factionalism
and insular prejudices that
have plagued these Caribbean
Islands throughout their his-
tory. One feels that at this
stage it is the present lot of
leaders to be blamed.
In Trinidad last year, estab-
lished forces in the country
subtly tried to smother the
SKanhai/Gibbs Benefit effort,
but they did not bargain for
the goodwill of the Trinidad
At the same time, in Bar-
bados, so often considered
the most insular of the islands,
Barbadians were able to give
a better response to the col-
lection at the Test match for
Kanhai and Gibbs than either
Trinidad or Jamaica. The Bar-
bados cricketing public too
were to flock to Kensington
in unprecedented numbers to
experience Lawrence Rowe's
.magnificent triple century.
So that while the West

A team to set us thinking

Fron Page 10
cellent cricketer David Hol-
ford tells us something about
ourselves. Holford's is one of
our finest cricketing minds.
That Barbados with its
meagre resources (as com-
pared to the Barbados team
of the sixties) were able to
wit the Shell Shield and beat
England this year testifies not
only to the determination of
the Bajans" but to the cric-
ket acumen of its captain.
With the aid of hindsight,
it is clear now why Holford's
colleagues on the WI team
defended hum so stoutly
against the charges of "passen.
ger" some years ago.

It was unfortunate that
our conception of an all
rounder is Garfield Sobers
and it was unfortunate that
he was compared to Gary.
A more favourable com-
parison would be Tony Greig
who is great in no department
of the game but who is simply
a veryuseful cricketer and in
the words of Ray Illifngworth
"A worthy competitor".
Players such as Greig and
Holford win the respect of
fellow cricketers because they
do so much with apparently
so little.
If the examples of Hol-
ford and Greigs reveal the
strength of temperament in


in 1

at this level were probably
better candidates or is it
that a pre-requisite of mana-
gers is that they must not be
too close to the players.
The middle order batting
remains very thin. The plan is
clearly to send Rowe in at
three and hope that Baichan
.or Greenidge will fill the other
opening spot. I would have
preferred to leave one of these
openers and select another
middle order batsman gam-
ble with having to ask Rowe
to open once more.
The middle order now reads
Rowe (assuming that either
Baichan or Greenidge suc-

an individual, let us examine
the strength of temparement
in a team.
I may sound like a Bajan
and a traitor to Trinidad but
look at Barbados's record
against touring teams as op-
posed to the WI between the
years 1971 and 1974.
While Barbados scored
victories over India and Eng-
land and honourable draws
with New Zealand and Aus-
tralia; the WI lost to India
and Australia, drew with New
Zealand and dishonourably
with England. This is the Bar-
bados without Hall, Griffith
and Nurse among others.
Isn't the WI team of that




Indian people are showing on
all sides their true West Indian-
ism, the established press, the
leaders and the mass media
generally, continue to hold
back progress. In cricket, so
much of what Frank Worrell
had achieved seems to be
going down the drain.


The team recently selected
to tour India was bound to get
an unfavourable reaction from
the press. So much of it
seemed to be based on horse-
trading rather than moral au-
thority that the press-men
in the various territories were
bound to say what is wrong
with our boy what makes
your boy better than ours?

In this regard, Barrett's
strongest claim for selection
seemed to have been that
without him only one Jamaican
would have been on the tour-
ing party.- While Inshan Ali
has been no big success at
Test level, Barrett's selection.
over him is a bit much.
In the meantime we in
Trinidad continue to mishan-
dle Imtiaz Ali and West Indian
cricket may end up losing
somebody of quite remarkable


Willett's pick over Juma-
deen, who spins the ball so
much more, must be consist-
ent with the feeling that it is
easy to twist Trinidad's arms
- a situation that will always
exist once the Trinidad Cricket
Council and thus it repre-
sentatives at W.I.C.B.C. level
remain unrepresentative of
Trinidad cricket.
A word about the selection
of the manager. Alexander
has remained fairly remote
from West Indian cricket since
his departure from the test
scene. Solomon or Hall who
have been so much closer to
the game and to the players

period superior in natural ta-
lent to Barbados? Certainly,.
what Barbados lack in skill
they compensate for with a
healthy approach to the game
sustained by a fierce national
pride and by excellent cricket-
ing conditions at home ex-
actly those things that are
most lacking in Trinidad and
In the selection of this
team, the selectors have dis-
played a maturity that augurs
well for WI cricket. Already
one can see the impact of
Clive Lloyd and I predict
without qualification Lloyd
will be one of all time great
Let Captain have the last
say. When the team was an-
nounced Lloyd said, "With
a team like this, if it pro-
grammes itself well, we will
win easily".



ceeds) Kallicharan, Richards
(a newcomer) and Lloyd -
.very thin indeed and no room
for failure we may yet pay
for this if the Indian spinners
get into gear a distinct
possibility playing at home.

So suddenly, our strongest
department begins to look
suspect. Sure we have two
world class performers in Rowe
and Kallicharan in the
.mould and tradition of great
West Indian batsmen. And
Fredericks is playing better
than he has ever played. But
we can only hope that support

for these will be forthcoming.
So it is a new team -
Deryck Murray and Fredericks
(excepting Gibbs) are now.
veterans in the touring party.
The selectors have not done
the best job and India is not
likely to be easy.t
I think that our quick
bowlers (Julien and Roberts,
in particular) will do the dam-
age -the batting will have to
stand up to the test, for to
lose to a team that has just
been defeated by the present
England side would be an
indication that we are back
at the bottom.



_ I_


;:rs. Andrep Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of IYa1n,
1G2, East 78th Street,
NE.i YORK, i'.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehich 5 U4-8,


George Lamming

Featuring the works
of Martin Carter



Eric Roach
Syl Lowhar
Derick Walcott
Aime Cesaire

Syl Lowhar


Sunday July

7th 2.30pm




by Tapia

Vi -


includes readings
from the poetry
of the Caribbean

- -I--) C I L-PB 9C~------~*B~O~BYCL~-~P~ILI---~J~IP

-.-~C~- I 4b II -r