Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
June 9, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


Vol. 4..No. 23








Pages 5 & 8.








Pages 4 & 9.

Child care
and Page 2.

Lloyd Best has written
a letter to the Trinidad
Guardian in which he has
detailed in clear and sim-
ple terms the critical issues
involved in the whole con-
stitutional debate.
The Secretary was re-
quested to do so by the
Tapia National Executive
which considers that the
reports and the discussions
that havebeen appearing
in the daily press do not
adequately reflect the
In his letter Lloyd
Best stated that all the
commentators have been
missing the central point.
This is that the 1971
Parliament, while it is
legally elected, is illegi-
timate because it is to-
tally unrepresentative of
the political interests in
the country.
"Parliament is sup-
posed to be that assembly
- wherever or whenever
it may be which brings

together the political
representatives of the peo-
ple to inform the business
of Government".
The Tapia Secretary
argues further that the
constitutional crisis per-
sists because, since the
1971 election failed to
produce a valid Parlia-
ment, there has been no
way open to the country
to convene a representa-
tive assembly of the peo-
Best argues that the
most important step must
be to convene a valid
Parliament by holding a
fresh election. But he
points out that before any
such election can be held
certain critical issues in
the electoral system must
be settled such as, pro-
portional representation,
voting machines, voting
age, registration, electoral
boundaries and radio and
television time for oppo-
sition groups.
"However", Best ar-

gues, "in the absence of
a valid Parliament, elec-
toral reform demands a
simultaneous constitu-
tional reform.
And there are only two
ways out of.any constitu-
tional impasse, one mili-
tary, the other political.
Tapia, Best said has been
the lone voice calling for
a political solution
through democratic dis-
"The significance of
the present constitutional
discussion is:
1. that it has now be-
come clear to all the
world- what unconven-
tional politics really is;
2. the summoning of
a Constituent Assembly
of the Citizens is the most
peaceable of all the valid
When there is con-
stitutional crisis, Best went
on to say the ultimate
issue is alwyas one of

The basic questions
who, finally, is in charge
of the State? A consti-
tuent Assembly answers
this question by making
every political voice equal
to the voice of the ruling
"The final question
which needs- to be ans-
wered is whether a valid
Constituent Assembly can
be convened. There is
certainly no recipe or for-
mula to be readily in-
invoked; it depends on
your faith in the demo-
cratic process and the trust
you place in the wisdom
of our people".

As a follow-up to the
constitutional discussion,
Tapia will be holding a
public session at the Port
of Spain Public Library
on Tuesday June 25.
Lloyd Best will be speak-
ing on the topic, "The
National Crisis and Con-
stitutional Reform".

25 Cents

I Il le

to th riato nd


"OUR CHILDREN are our future
and our future will be determined
not in the book bag but in the
cradle". So said Sheilah Solomon
a fortnightago when she addressed
a seminar organised by the Child
Welfare League. Her topic was
TOBAGO, 1974-84 .

Mrs. Solomon suggested that
that the problems of child care
would not be any different in
kindover the next ten years than
they were now; "they will merely
be intensified". Although the pro-
jected birth rate (1975-85) is ex-
pected to increase the child popu-
lation (0-8 years) by only
26,000, contrasted with 32,000
between 1965 and 1975, "there
will still be enough children to
put pressure on scarce resources
and inadequate personnel. The
prospect of ten more years of
the mixture as before is bound to
give rise to a mounting sense of
frustration and despair on the
part of those still standing with
their fingers in the dyke".
According to Mrs Solomon, we lack
neither dedication nor availability of
solutions to the problems of child
care. The real question is "Why ... has
this vision and this dedication.not met
with more success during the last
ten years?"


It is not enough to say that go-
vernment has failed to act "particularly
on the crucial recommendations to
redraft the Child Ordinance and ap-
point a Children's authorityy.
We need to ask why the gov'ern-
ment has not acteA-Acs.- Solomon
advanced two reasons for government's
"First, a lack of understanding, on
the part of both government and
governed, of the procedures which
lead to legislation in truly independent
countries. It is only in colonial societies
that people present recommendations
like petitions to high officials and
humbly await such action as is deemed
suitable by those in authority. In inde-
pendent countries, citizens know that
legislation does not come out of bubble
gum machines; every group ...knows
that they must gather vocal public
support for their cause before they can
extract action from their governments".
There is no reason why in Trinidad and
Tobago public support cannot be
aroused, "if we are really prepared to
argue the case for children".
Mrs. Solomon reinforced her point
by a report of the UNICEF/
Barbados Conference on The Needs of
the Young Child in the Caribbean". It
is a poor feature in the attitude of
people towards law that they complain
about its deficiencies instead of be-
coming activists for a change".

"The second reason", she said,
"why government has failed to act on
the recommendations for child care
put forward by the Conference ten
years ago is perhaps a deepseated
confusion as to the purpose and mean-
ing of development". Mrs. Solomon
disagreed with the conception of de-
velopment which sees progress solely
"in the context of national revenue
collected and spent, hotel rooms and
school places built and companies
acquired by the state".
Instead she defined development
as "achieving a state of society in
which each individual has the possibility
of achieving his full potential". Fac-
tories, tourists, airlines and so on are in
this context merely possible instru-
ments for financing the development
of human potential.

Child Care

[ and Family

\__ /

'A state

of society

in which

each individual

has the

possibility of



full potential'.

It is important to understand the
meaning and objectives of develop-
ment, she went on to say, "because
the first thing our society will have to
do in order to face the challenge of
the next decade is to get our priorities
absolutely clear. We must begin by.
visualising the kind of society we are
trying to create, the kinds of indivi-
duals we are trying to produce and
then explore all possibilities for achiev-
ing the objectives we set outselves".


"If the development of the human
potential is the primary task of society,
then the care and education of our
children must be our greatest challenge
and highest priority". But, Mrs. Solo-
mon bemoaned, "the implications of
child care for what is.called national
development do not seem to be at all
clearly grasped .. even at the highest
At the time of independence in
1962 the Prime Minister had said that
the children carried the future of this
country in their book bags. "But",
Mrs. Solomon pointed out, "in the.
euphoria of attaining independence
the emphasis was placed not on the
importance of the child as an individual
but on the importance of the nation as
an entity in itself. With the knowledge
of hindsight we can now clearly see
'hat the book-bag route the only
colonial route to eminence was
designed to produce occasional brilliant
students. Today in the-second decade
of independence, we must seriously
question whether the fierce competi-
tiveness and emphasis on narrow aca-
demic knowledge are in fact capable of
releasing the potential of our children
for building a new society".

The pre-school years must become
the focus of national attention since
research has shown that 80% of the
brain's development takes place in the
first three years of life. "The child's
future pattern of development is es-
tablished on the basis of the kind of
nutrition, health care, family affection

and mental stimulation that he receives
during the 0-4 years period".
Lack of proper nourishment and
parental care, ill treatment and pre-
cipitate entrance into formal education
before be is mentally ready can damage
both the individual and the society
irreversibly. It was in this context that
Mrs. Solomon suggested that the mes-
sage of the new decade of child care
activities should be: "Our children are
our future and our future will be
determined not in the book bag but in
the cradle".
The fundamental -problem which
faces those who are professionally
equipped to deal with the issues relat-
ing to child care is the absence of
machinery through which they can
participate in the formulation of -an-
tional policy and machinery through
which they can consolidate and make
their programme more effective at
community level. This is a structural
problem which faces a large number
of interest groups in this country. In
the words of Mrs. Solomon, it is "a
problem of how the society is organised
or constituted; it is a constitutional
question in a most fundamental sense".
She called upon the group to develop
an interest in and articulate its views on
matters of national importance; for
example, the kinds of institutions
needed for them to do their work
more effectively.


With respect to.a programme of
activities, Mrs. Solomon made several
proposals. First of all, she suggested
that the Child Ordinance should be
redrafted. To this end support should
be mobilised. She was aware, she said,
of the restraints on their efforts to
mobilise, for example, many of the
members of the group were public
servants and considered themselves de-
barred from participating in activities
aimed at mobilising public opinion.
Here Mrs. Solomon said that the exclu-
sion of public servants from political
activity was inappropriate in the con-
text of an economy in which the go-
vernment controls at least 25% of the

work force. The political position as-
signed to public servants (and which
many public servants assigned to them-
selves) was based on a misconception
of the British Public Service regulations
and codes. Elaborating on the term
"mobilising public opinion" she cited
what the UNICEF/Barbados reprot
called "becoming activists for change".

The New Child Ordinance, accord-
ing to Mrs. Solomon, should go beyond
narrow, immediate needs and should in
fact amount "to a charter for the child
in Trinidad and Tobago'which will set
out the ultimate goals of our society
towards our children even if it will take
many years to achieve them". She
further said that the law should deal
not only with penalties but with preven-
Secondly, Mrs. Solomon suggested
the provision of day care centres
throughout the country for children
4 years and under "These should not
be passive places for depositing child-
ren but should serve as an extension
arm of health and nutrition services
and should gradually develop the phi-
losophy and techniques of nursery
Thirdly, Mrs. Solomon suggested
the need for Family Education pro-
grammes. "No child programme can
hope to be successful if it concentrates
on the child alone: the parents must
be exposed to training in nutrition
growing, in home economics, in under-
standing the importance of immunisa-
tion and other health services, in ap-
preciating the emotional needs of the
child as well as the implications of
having additional children etc. This
means that Family Education must
be coupled with the operation of day
care centres and that these programmes
must be designed around the child and
his family and not merely provided for -
them. They must be designed with the
needs of the specific community in
mind and be operated by people
drawn from the community or accept-
able by it. They must in fact be an
organic part of community life and
not imposed from above".


Family Education Programmes
involve the need for Community Co-
Ordinating Committees. Here Mrs.
Solomonwarned against overcentralised
structures and policies arrived at with-
out consultation by different govern-
ment and voluntary groups.These could
lead to duplication of efforts and
resources, administrative confusion or
delay and lack of contact between
planners and the grass-roots.
Mrs. Solomon outlined an adminis-
trative structure starting at community
level and leading up to national level
which would maximise the benefits to
be derived from Family Education.
Programmes. The key to the adminis-
trative structure which she suggested
is that "people come first: their needs
should be identified and met by com-
munity co-ordinating committees for
life-long education which would call
upon the extension officers of national
services for technical advice and help
in project implementation".
On the question of recruitment
and training of manpower- for these
programmes, Mrs. Solomon referred to
the UNICEF/Barbados report: "Many
tasks now regarded as the province of
fully qualified professionals only can
be performed by staff with less com-
prehensive training, as duties can be
differentiated and responsibility co-
ordinated. Thus teachers, physicians,
nurses and social workers must in-
creasingly undertake the role of super-
visors and managers. This will be possi-
ble, however, only if there is a broader
acceptance of training as a means of
expanding services".

Continued on back page



Tapia Reporter

THE truth is, as Owen
Baptiste is fond of saying,
the Jouranlists Associa-
tion of Trinidad and To-
bago (JATT) was only
able to muster fifteen
members out fo a mem-
bership of over 100 dues
paying members, to Last -
weeks meeting to discuss
the Baptiste Report on
the Radio Trinidad Affair
involving Alfred Aguiton
and Astra Da Costa. And
several of those present
were not members of Jatt.
It is also fact that those
present spent most of their
time discussing the section of
Baptiste's report which con-
demned the- Association "for-
remaining silent over this atro-
cious settlement by Radio
Trinidad and for believing that
it was unable, before an in-
vestigation had been made,
to make any just statement
protesting this settlement".
Baptiste, former Editor of
the Express and former Presi-
dent of Jatt described the dis-
missal of Aguiton and Da
,Costa as a disaster in indus-

trial relations in Trinidad and
He had held discussions
with Mr. Peter Hesketh, Gene-
ral Manager of the Trinidad
Broadcasting Co. Ltd., who,
According toBaptiste, didn't
appear willing to talk about
the matter, although he had
agreed to see him.

Mr. Patrick John, Secre-
tary in the Ministry of Labour
told Baptiste that he was not
disposed to any meeting with
him and had instructed his
Labour Officers not to speak
to anyone about the Radio
Trinidad settlement.
Mr. Stanford and Mr.
Gonzales of UCIW could not
be contacted despite several
attempts. This, Baptiste says,
he can understand because
"they both participated iii a
sordid crime against two con-
scientious and disciplined
workers, the kind of people
who are the backbone of the
state and labour and they
should both be filled with
shame and self-contempt".
But JATT was also to
share blame together with the
Caribbean Publishers and
Broadcasters' Association

which has not seen the need
to express concern over the
callous treatment of the two
journalists by a member of its

In conclusion Baptiste
recommended that:
* Jatt make an immediate
statement condemning the
dismissal of Aguiton and Da
Costa and call on the CPBA
to do the same and to con-
demn as well the part which
the Ministry of Labour and the
Union of Commercial and'
Industrial Workers have played
in the affair.

* That Jatt call an imme-
diate meeting of its member-
ship to discuss establishing
itself into a registered union
and so take the responsibility
of looking after professional

.JA.TT a .. mn;

I r a a on..,...I I

Power to the People
Tapia's New World
Tapia Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of the Public Service
Foreign Investment In T and T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Institutions
Foreign Capital in Jamaica
Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica
Underdevelopment and
Persistent Poverty
Readings in The Political Economy
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Economic
The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus
The Integrated Theory of
Development Assistance
Cuba Since 1959
Caribbean Community
The Caribbean Community
- A Guide

- C.V. Gocking
- Denis Solomon
- Mc Intyre & Watson
- C. Y. Thomas
- M. Odle
- Norman Girvan

- O. Jefferson

journalists from people who
are not competent to do so
and who do not understand
the need to improve the train-
ing and performance'of work-
ers in the communication
media and finally consider
employing immediately full-
time professionals to look
after the organisation of Jatt
as a professional body and a
At Tuesday night'.s meet-
ing those present agreed to
establish a fund to assist the
sacked journalists, to con-
demn the Ministry of Labour
and the UCIW and to defer to
another meeting the propo-
sal that Jatt transform itself
into a union.
As pointed out earlier the
members spent most of the
time discussing the clauses
where Baptiste condemned
Jatt and agreed that an adden-
dum be attached to- these


Jatt President, Nazim
Muradali,who is not a journal-
ist but Manager of 610's
Southern Bureau was to ask
member Raoul Pantin to leave
when he refused to take back a
statement that Jatt was really
a "figment of somebody's
imagination". Pantin had made
the comment while pointing
out that only 15 out of more
than a 100-member 2:.:ciation
could be mustered to discuss
the fate of two of their
Baptiste has not been the
first working journalist to cri-
ticise Jatt for neglecting the
welfare of its ordinary mem-

$ 3.60


- ed Norman Girvan
- George Beckford

- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson

- W. Demas

- Brewster & Thomas

- Roy Thomas

- Davidson L. Budhoo
- James Millette















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RETURN TO: Tapia House Publishing Co. Ltd.,
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bers. It is instructive that
most of the discussion should
have been in defence of itself
and that the discussion of the
formation of a journalists'
union was deferred.
In fact, the top brass of
Jatt are also the top brass in
the media. Some, like Murad-
ali, have little or no experience
of th'e conditions under which
the working journalists ope-
rate. Those who do, have
either forgotten fo find it as
difficult, in the Director's
boardroom, as'in a Govt.
Ministry,'to be respected as a

Until such time as journal-
ists can come together as a
professional body with stand-
ards and principles then they
will" continue to find them-
selves in the wilderness; vic-
tims of foreign-owned Broad-
casting Companies or in half-
arsed organizations where non-
journalists like Muradali can
invoke parliamentary rules
from his Red House days
rather than deal with funda-
The working journalist, as
Chookolingo points out so
often, suffers at the hand of
bureaucrats and petty admi-
nistrators not' only in the
course of their leg work but
right in the editorial offices.
To resolve that requires
organisational strength. Only
to criticise journalists is to
perpetuate that dis-organisa-
tion which passes for indivi-
dualism and keeps the pro-
fession in a continuous state
of flux.


HATT:Alive and wel,

and keeping the Faith

SLennox Grant -

THE recently. re-elected-
President of HATT, the
housewives association,
met me on the top floor
of thisspacious greyhouse
in Coblentz Avenue, Cas-
cade last week. As I
stumped through the back
lobby and. up the unlight-
ed staircase, the only
signs of recent habitation
were faded felt-marked
signs that pointed -my
way to "HATT Office".

At the top of the stair-
case, I faced the calm stare
of an angel a blue figure
mounted on a pedestal. The
house savoured of mustiness
and disuse. Decaying posters,
charts on the walls and a sign
over one door that said
"Montessori" suggested a
children's school that used to


I waited in the dimness of
an unfurnished room by the
door that said "HATT Office"
till Mrs. Faith Wiltshire came
up the stairs, found the key
and let me into the head-
quarters of her organisation.
It was a corner room,
with tall windows on two
sides, an executive desk and
chair adjoined to a conference
table set in the centre, racks
containing papers and boxes
against the walls.
For nearly a week we had
tried to fix this meeting. Mrs.
Wiltshire is the busy co-direc-
tor of a business, a house-
wife, mother of two, and of
course, head of the country's
most dynamic women's group,
just beginning her second
And then it turned out
that she is nervous of being
misquoted. And on the issue
of pre-publication right of
review of my piece, the inter-

view nearly didn't come off.
"I don't know why I'm
trusting y6u", she said as we
sat down at the conference
table, and I announced that
there would be no tape re-
A few days later, Mrs.
Wiltshire called me, Had I seen
the Guardian that morning?
No? Well, she'd been horribly
misquoted by a reporter doing
a story on HATT's breast
feeding campaign.

It had to be agreed that
she was right-to be concerned
about the type of coverage
her organisation gets in the
She explained that. the
effect -of all the coverage on
HATT had been mixed: Or at
least she, as-leader, .tended tc
a more- critical view of it.
In her last presidential
address, Mrs. Wiltshire sought
to spell out the issues involved.
"We have become an or-
ganisation whose name is often
the cause for a headline news-
paper story. But we have to
guard against allowing this
factor to dictate our own
expectations, of ourselves.
Our image must be determined
by the goals we want to
This meant, she contineud,
action of two kinds agita-
tion, protest and demonstra-
tion aimed at striking the
public conscience and pres-
surising the authorities; and
"constructive imaginative
work" behind the scenes,
avoiding, if necessary, the
glare of publicity.


So if HATT is remembered
mainly for the picketing of
Parliament and the occupation
of the St George Council
building, HATT members
should never forget there is
more to the work than that.
And in the last six months,
Mrs. Wiltshire said, the orga-
nisation has been concentrat-

ing much-on what she called
"constructive, creative action
... .This takes time, patience,
energy and determination".
They have been working
on a large-scale Consumer
Education Programlme. As.
part of this, the breast feeding
campaign aimed at highlight-
ing the value of this form of
nutrition for babies, has in-
volved close collaboration
with experts in the Caribbean
Food and Nutrition Institute
as. well as with advertising
HATT sent out 8,000
questionnaires-to 25 schools
as part of the survey of trans-
port facilities available to
Their investigation of the
conditions of domestic work-
ers is now almost complete
A Food Fair was held in San
Fexrando a fev. weeks ago.
In the" nearly three years
since its formation, HATT has
Been the'foremost champion
of consumer.interests.

The naines "Housewives
Association" was -carefully
chosen, Mrs. Wiltshire told
me, as the common denomi-
nator of all those women
who, by HATT's Hazel
Brown's estimate, are the

"prime' purchase decision
makers".in the spending of
70% of all household incomes.
But the woman who is
led to ask questions and de-
mands answers'about a can of
peas in a supermarket is also
likely to ask questions about
and develop a point of view on
bigger things like Government
economic policy.
The connection was not
overlooked by HATT which
set-out to be instrumental in
stimulating consumer aware-
ness as well as in promoting
the "development of women
and their involvement in all
the affairs of the country".
As Faith Wiltshire very.
succintly put it to .me, the
raising of women's conscious-
ness would make women
better consumers.
She points to-a range of
new developments as evidence
of the success of this strategy.
For one thing, consumer
powers now recognized above
all, by the consumer, who is
asking more questions, look-
ing around more carefully for
substitutes, and naturally ex-
nects that complaints if

* they are made would be
taken on seriously.
The original resistance
HATT encountered among
businessmen to -their de-
mands for better regard for
the consumer has been largely
replaced by -a co-operative
She considers the fact that
HATT could work alongside
advertising agencies teg
traditional ideological enemies
of consumers in the HATT
consumer education pro-
gramme., indicates how much
greater understanding now
exists among the businessmen.
So also HATT could take
credit for the stimulation of
interest in environmental
Still, "one of our greatest
challengers is how to make
people cease standing on the
sidelines, making negative cri-
ticisms instead of getting
themselves involved".
One of the problems here
is the "political" image the
organisationn has got. Some
women left the organisation
on those grounds, the presi-
dent said. They had charged
it was only a front for a
political organisation.
Continued on Pane 9


Father's Day


shop at


the place where thrifty people shop

62 Queen St, P.O.S



S5'J ) ". ; )'.

WITH a logic all its very own,
the revolutionary crisis, which
has enveloped this land for the
past six years, moves its relent-
less way towards the grand finale.
To an objective observerthe pro-
cess would be a spellbindingly
fascinating one. For most of us
however, it is a process that,
quite understandably, engenders
doubts, uncertainties and fear, as
we watch the institutions of the
Old Order collapse and disinte-
grate before our very eyes.
Yet it is important to recognize
that it is this very condition ofentropy
.which gives to our present crisis its
.revolutionary dimensions. There more
the institutions of the State, and the
interests of the society are touched by
seemingly irreversible process of decay,
the more the- participants in these
institutions and interests, the citizens
of the land, are forced to take sides. In
support either of the presence of the
old or the promise of the new.
The latest examples of this bitter
internecine strife are the upheavals in
ithe ranks of the Journalists and the
Business Community. In the case of the
Journalists the Aguiton/Da Costa affair
and the Baptiste Report have merely
brought to a quick boil the conflict
'hat has been simmering for a long
ime. The fundamental issue here is the
integrity 6f the press and the role :of
the Journalists in the Society.
There are those "journalists" who
have made their peace with a situation
in which the instruments of the popu-,
lar media have been shamelessly mani-
pulated by the Government, and theii
integrity and credibility hopelessly
compromised. Against, these are ranged
,those who are prepared to search for
a new definition of themselves and
their profession, in the context of a
search for a new-society.

Even more indicative of the ap-
proaching climax is the upheaval with-
in the ranks of the Business classes.
For within this sector of the society are
to be found some of the staunchest
apostles of conservatism and reaction.
The conflict within the ranks of the
Businessmen arose ostensibly over the
breakdown of'the IRA, that iniquitous
piece of legislation designed to cow
workers into submission and so to
obtain the "stability" that capitalists
so ardently desire.
If there is conflict among the
Businessmen over approaches to con-
tain the rising tide of industrial unrest,
it is not because they have changed
their minds about the necessity to
"control" labour, but rather because
some of them recognize that legislation
passed by an illegitimate Government
can never be effective. So that the
Businessmen, too, are being forced
to recognize that decay in the political
Kingdom inevitably contaminates the
economic kingdom.
But there is another, deeper dimen-
sion to the concern ofthe Businessmen.
In a situation characterized by gross
inequalities, the businessmen as a class
have always controlled a disproportion-
ately greater share of the wealth of
the country, they have steadfastly and
determinedly refused to countenance
any measures aimed at obtaining a
more equal distribution. They threw
their support behind the PNM Go-
vernment precisely because they recog-
nised a long time ago that it was a paper
tiger, possessing neither the moral
authority, nor the technical command
to attempt any redistribution of the
nation's wealth.
Now, however, the position has
changed. In Trinidad's fortunate posi-
tion in the context of the energy
crisis they,the businessmen, see the
.possibilities for an absolute increase in






the size of the cake accruing to all
sectors of the society. They hope that
this will establish a euphoric smoke-
screen behind which the inequalities in
distribution will remain hidden.
But this hope all depends on what
use the Government makes of its
opportunities. And the Businessmen,
whatever else they may be, are not
fools, and they realise, like. many

others are coming to.realise, that this
Government is quite incapable of mak-
ing the most.of the opportunities avail-
able at the moment.

But we should not be surprised at
the open dissension in the temples of
reaction. For the internecine strife that
is now visible among the businessmen
has long been apparent in the ruling
party itself. When Williams, ,on the
occasion of his "retirement" speech in
September last, took the opportunity
to lambast, in true schoolmaster style,
the incompetence and corruption of
his colleagues, he was simply bringing
into the open the faction that discern-
ing political eyes had observed within
the party long before.

NOVEMBER 16, 1969. Vol. 1 No. 3
The question before us therefore is
not Monarchy or Republic. It is: who
should be in charge here? The State?
The Government? The Prime Minister?
Or the people?

March 19, 1970.
The first agency needed is a Consti-
tuent Assembly of representatives from
groups all over the country, groups which
accept that the regime is dead It
should act as an informal Parliament, a
governing body for all the activities of
the new movement. It should conduct its
deliberation in public. One of its first
tasks would be to draw up-a new

APRIL 19, 1970. Vol. 1 No. 7
The work ahead of us then is to es-
tablish organisation capable not merely
of filling the power vacuum but also of
bringing fundamental social change.
Needless to say, this cannot be brought
about by the conventional politics of
parties. We need instead to convene a
Constituent Assembly in order to pull
the country together and to establish
an informal government Nothing
could be more evolutionary in this
country than planned advance, and no-
thing more-subversive of the revolution
than the lack of democratic discussion.

But the "retirement" speech was
also the official launching of Williams'
new approach. It signalled his inten-
tion to try and cut himself free of'
the burden of the party and to con-:
struct, on the foundation of his own
personal integrity, (did he not publish
his assets?) on his scholastic and intel-
lectual reputation, (did he not accom-
plish the incredible feat of writing the
final word on race while on holiday?)
on his capacity for work, (is he not
working with his nose to the grind-
stone over the oil question?).and on an
image as the benevolent shepherd of his
sheep, (wherewith we.have his better
village programs, project work schemes
and national simulcasts) a Direct Uo-
cracy; absolutism Caribbean style.
But the new crusade is not all
sweetness and light. Since he bowed to
the wishes of his sheep and returned;
last December, Williams has been wag-..
;ing a slow but relentless war against
the vanguard of-the oligarchy nesting
like vipers in the bounteous folds of
his goodness. One by one he has been
exposing them to the spotlight of
national criticism. And with zealous
'righteousness, he sets up probes and
commissionss of inquires whose sole
purpose is to expose the myriad ini-
quitiesof the band of oligarchs.
If it' seems that these action on
the pait of Williams contribute to the
process of disintegration, we must try
Understand why this necessarily
ust be so. For whatever the other
motivations behind actions, Willi-
-:as' principal concern at the moment
Continued on Page 8.

1 I I I


AUGUST 9, t970. Vol. 1 No. 8
The country has to prepare for a
peaceful resolution of the coming con-
frontation between the old and the new
politics. The solution lies in the convoca-
tion of a Constituent Assembly which is
widely representativeof national opinion.
The Assembly must not only embrace all
groups of the new movement; it must also
embrace trades unions, business groups,
cultural associations and of course the
PNM and the official opposition Darties.
The discussion must range over the fun-
damentals Constitutional reform, the
role of the state, the role of foreign
capital, social and racial equality, econo-
mic reorganization. As people take sides
and real interests come into the open
lasting political alliances will emerge.

SEPTEMBER 28, 1970, Vol 1 No 9
The large number of people who
clearly are. convinced of the need for
fundamental change, and who perceive
the new possibilities must now collabo-
rate in organisig this vitally necessary
conversation. A Constituent Assembly
is the only means by which the present
national crisis can be peacefully and
democratically resolved.

NOV. 1, 1970. Vol. 1 No. 10
All government authority derives
from one source only, the people .. if
the population wants a Constituent As-
sembly the government must call one.
If the government will not the people
wlil do it for themselves. The people can
ignore the government but the govern-
ment cannot ignore the people.

\ ) v^ \ s \ ^ \\ ) \ \^ y ^) ) (

Sapi forked tongue?
Tapia's forked tongue ?

--- ---

"UDAY JUNE 9, 1974


7 7 ) ) )1 7 ) )

* pR p s





by Lloyd King _

These tremendous psychic and social pressures
of which the quotations given are evidence led to the
first and only Black Power movement in Cuba.
Evaristo Estenoz in 1907 founded the Independent
Coloured Party (Partido Independiente de Color) and
called upon the Republic to assign a province to
black men. In 1912, there was a rebellion which led
to the worst kind of white racist repression and set
the tone for future participation by blacks in Cuban
affairs: to seek to survive quietly in an officially
multi-racial society. Juan Gualberto Gomez,m ulatto
hero of the struggle for independence who had
encouraged his black compatriots to form themselves
into "Coloured Societies" (Sociedades de Color) to
defend their interests and fight for their civil rights,
was reduced to urging his people to practise a kind of
psychic suicide:
What have I said to my followers? We must
invent nothing, we may not allow ourselves
the pleasures or originality in any facet of
life, let us accept second-class citizenship:
The truth is that socio-political conditions in Cub2
,were as ripe as anywhere else for a negritude poet.
What situation can more deservethe thundering
violent rejection of some of Cesaire's lines in Cahier
d'un retour au pays natal.
The stimulus for "negroid" verse in Cuba was
the post-war interest of European artists and intellec-
tuals in "primitive" African art, and as far as music is
concerned, the interest of"art-music" composers such
as Stravinsky in musical folk forms. An example is
Stravinsky's "Rag time for Eleven Instruments" .The
"afrocuban moment", that magical period in the
twenties and thirties when afrocuban folk forms
excited the imaginations of young rebellious Cuban
artists, was the Cuban result. The social history
abstract we have offered accounts for the primary
fact in any account of Afrocubanism, which is that
in its first manifestations only white Cuban intellec-
tuals were involved. Guillen belongs to a second phase.


In truth, the European fad of the "primitive"
stood the Latin, postivist and racist conception of
the Negro on its head. Up to 1927, a Cuban, intellec-
tual, Alberto Lamar Schewyer, could write that
hybrid races were genetically regressive and that the
only contribution the negro has made to the Ameri-
can psyche is his ancestral slave mentality. In so
doing, he was going one step further than a famed
Mexican intellectual who saw Latin America's future
precisely in its racially and culturally hybrid structure.
His only reservation had been the view that
"Africanoid" features were aesthetically unappealing
and he therefore hoped that the African type would
be quickly absorbed through interbreeding.
From the very first poem of the Afrocuban
vogue, La rumba (1928) by the white Cuban Jose
Zacharias Tallet, the problematic nature of the Afro-
cuban experiemnt is made clear. Tallet, like those who
follow him, was a bourgeois radical and cultural
nationalist who, in seeking to enter the folk sensibility
and speak its language, only-managed to register
some of the external characteristicsof its "culture of
poverty" and the neo-African folk associated with it.
In general their efforts were superficial and ought to
have sunk into oblivion, except that from a sociolo-
gical point of view, they contributed to reaffirming
certain racial stereotypes. This quotation from Pro-
fessor Gabriel Coulthard captures in a nutshell some
of the primary characteristics of the poems "we
find Negro figures, male and female, caught in the
frantic contortions of Afro-Cuban dancing. There are
music, drums, maracas, guiros, guitars, rum-drinking,
voodoo possession, and sometimes crimes of violence;
the maddening rhythm of the drums shakes, the
dancers in an atmosphere of rum and sweat as they

Continued from last week.

writhe in distorted arabesques".
In Tallet's Rhumba, the atmosphere of sweat,
vulgar gesture and insistent drumming achieves a
particular texture from the smells evoked:
Madame Tomasa twists herself up
And there is jungle smell
And the smell of sweat
the smell of the female in heat
and of the rutting male
The titillated sexual fantasies of the white
bourgeois poet alas do not correspond to Fernando
Ortiz' conception of the rhumba as a complex cultural
phenomenon. In an essay in 1936,More about Mulatto
Poetry, he saw the rhumba as "the release of an
overabundant life force in a frenzy of all the muscles;
it is the hypnosis of music which embraces with the
magic of its rhythms". (Coulthard, op.cit., p. 30).


The fundamental ambiguity of perspective of
the white cultural nationalists is particularly well
exemplified in a poem by Emilio Ballagas, Maria
Belen Chacon. Ballagas had a genuine interest in the
possibilities of afrocuban verse, which led him to
prepare two anthologies of "black" verse in the
thirties. On the appearance of Guillen's collection of
poems, Songoro Cosongo, in 1931, he hailed it as the
point of departure for an authentic Cuban poetry,
although after publishing a collection of afrocuban
verse, he turned back to the writing of "pure"
poetry. In Maria Belen Chacon, Ballagas claimed, he
set out to capture the root anguish of the exploited,
downtrodden Negro woman. "Maria Belen Chacon"
is a woman who dies of a pulmonary infection as a
result of brutally overworking herself as a washer and
ironer of clothes. The poet therefore intends to suggest
pathos, except that the elegiac intent is contradicted
by a sprightly refrain:
Maria Belen Chacon
Maria Belen Chacon
With your buttocks on the swing
From Camaguey to Santiago
From Santiago to Camaguey
More than this, the poet reveals that he had exploited
her sexually as well:
Nevermore will I behold my instincts
In the round and jolly mirror of your arse
The constellation of your charms
Will no longer now light up our fleshpot
Even when motivated by the best of intentions,,the
white bourgeois poet could not help revealing his
alienation from the folk.
In 1930, approximately two years after Tallet
started the Afrocuban vogue, Nicolas Guillen published
eight "negrista" poems in the newspaper Diario de la
Marina with the general title Son Motifs (Motivos de
son) and 1931 included them again with others in
book form, with the title Songoro Cosongo. Guillen
was immediately recognized as a writer who had his
finger on the pulse of folk sensibility. Thus Fernando
Ortiz writing in the jouralAchivos del Folklore
Cubano in 1930 hailed his achievement: "Guillen's
verse is not folklore in the original sense of the word,
but it is in so tar as it captures perfectly the spirit,
the rhythm, the piquancy and the sensuality of
anonymous compositions".
Guillen seeemd instinctively to realise the oppor-
tunity to blend the scribal and oral traditions and
derived the rhythms of his verse from a popular
musical form, the "son", which had been born of the
contact between African rhythms and the creole
environment, a form which had long been frowned
on by polite Cuban society. In one long magical
moment Guillen came to prefigure some of the ob-
sessions of future Caribbean writing. Cuba's two best

known composers of the time who had been experi-
menting with afrocuban rhythms immediately showed
an interest in setting Guillen's poems to music.
Eliseo Grenet and his brother Emilio, more popular
composers, also wrote music for some of the poems,
Negro Bembon, Songoro Cosongo, Tu no sabe singles,
and a later poem Sensemaya was the subject of musi-
cal ballet arranged by the noted Mexican composer
Silvestre Reveultas and performed in Mexico and Peru.
The poems of Son Motifs explore' awariety of
folk urban situations. Two of the poems Ay negra, si
tu supiera, (Aye, black lover, if you only Knew) and
Bucate plata (Go and look for bread) deal with
women abandoning their lovers because they have nc
money, a situation related to the effects of the De-
pression. Two others Ayer me dijeron negro (Yester-
day I was called nigger and Mulata refer to the antago-
nism between mulatto and black. In Yesterday I was
called nigger, Guillen strikes what was to be a recurr-
ing note ofhis verse, suggesting to some person who
passed for white that he has African/black blood:
As white as you look
I know your grandma (the cook)
Bring her out of the kitchen
Bring her out of the kitchen
Mamma Ines
This Caribbean picong, the sharp-edged social barb to
puncture the pride along the colour and class line.
The most disturbingly ironic of the poems is Negro
Bembon (Thick-lipped Nigger). The speaker, Caridad,
is presented telling her negro boyfriend with thick
lips not to allowhimself to be wounded by the mock-
ing intent of those who call him "negro bembon,"
and seeking to turn the epithet into a term of en-
dearment. Hers is in a certain sense a negritude posi-
tion, for she urges the man to assume freely a term
which the society uses in a denigratoryy" manner:
Why do you get so vexed
When people call you big-lipped nigger
Since your mouth is quite attractive
SYou thick-lipped nigger, you?-
However the poem cannot sustain a negritude inter-
pretation because in the last two lines we learn that
the "negro bembon" is really living off Caridad, his
mistress' earnings, whatever her line of work may be.
When he widened the collection of poems in
Songoro Cosongo, it was noticeable that many of the
poems dealt with the self-contained violence of the
low life of Havana. Velorio de Papa Montero, (Wake
for apaMontero)was inspired by a popular "son" of
the time, and evokes with a mix of irony and sadness
the death in a drunken brawl of a folk character.
Chevere (sweetman) is a short dense image of con-
centrated violence, orchestrating the movement of a
man's rage till he slices his unfaithful woman to death.
he slashes strips of shadow
till he runs out of shadows
and then he slashes to pieces
the flesh of his bad black mamma
Guillen's ghetto images were not calculated to
win the approval of coloureds who were seeking to

Continued on Page 8.




Continued from Page 5.

project an image of respectability, and in an inter-
view with Antonio Fernandez de Castro in the news-
paper La semana, we find him denouncing those who
were unwilling to acknowledge the "son" as a part of
their culture. These attitudes of shame and self-
contempt were particularly striking, Guillen noted.
since the "son" was popular in Paris and even in Cuba
was now accepted in the most exclusive society, and
yet many Negroes demonstrated public hostility to
this popular art form because it was lower-class and
"incompatible with their spiritual delicacy and their
grade of culture".
Angel Augier in his irreplaceable literary biogra-
phy of Guillen also gathers up some of the remarks of
white critics on the poems. In 1930, Juan Marinello
had grandiloquently proclaimed that Cuban poets
had a great responsibility to give to the continent the
song of the Negro with its present anguish and in
bright anticipation of its destiny. "No country as
much as ours", he wrote, "possesses the possibility of
this work of art and humanity' Here the negro is
marrow and root, the breath of the people". But
as Augier shows, there were critics who warned
Guillen that art has no colour and cannot be racial;
Jorge Manach hoped that Guillenhad written his
racial obsessions out of his system and would now
get on with writing poetry which was more universal
in reference.


One of the most hostile critics of the influence
of afrocuban folk forms on the wider Cuban sensibility
was a journalist, Ramon Vasconcelos. A self-styled
watchdog of Cuban culture, Vasconcelos wrote from
Paris to discourage Guillen from the idea that the Cu-
ban "son" could be used and become popular in the
way that the American "blues" had been since it was
not at all suitable for social commentary or serious-
purposes. Vasconcelos also reproached Garcia Caturla,
one of the white Cuban composers already referred
to, for using afrocuban rhythms in his "art-music'
compositions on the grounds that the neo-african
folk forms contaminated the Hispanic integrity of
Cuban life, and urged him to look into the possibili-
ties of the folk music of the white Cuban peasant.
Vasconcelos' attitude was so outrageous that one
would have expected a stinging reply, but Guillen's
answer was quite mild. He explained that his use of
the "son" 'was simply in line with the world wide
interest in popular forms, and that the "son" poems
were not in the majority in Songoro Cosongo, He
even went on to lament that it was a pity that to use
the speech rhythms of the folk seemed to require
But Guillen's basic answer to the critics was
contained in a preface of the first edition of Songoro
Cosongo. Cuba, he argued, was in a melting pot
situation, and a genuinely creole poetry could not
avoid neo-African references. The two chief races on
the island, distinct from each other in certain ways
"were hooked together by a submarine linklike to
those deep bridges which unite two continents. The
Cuban spirit is mestizo. And moving from spirit
outwards to the skin, we shall achieve our definitive
colour. Some day one will be able to say: Cuban
Guillen's aspiration was not original. It was in
the tradition of Marti who had said that being Cuban
was more than being white, more than being black. It
was in line with the civil Rights campaigns of Jan
Gualberto Gomez, of the politician Lino Don who had
been a friend of Guillen's father, and of Guillen him-
self in his column in the newspaper Diario de la
Marina. Even at this period, it is as if Guillen's yearn-
ing for integration was so overriding that he either
would not or could not distinguish between integra-
tion and assimilation; and what characterizes the
"Latin" cultures is their relentless desire to assimilate
the other. This was the ideology behind the Vascon-
celosessay,La raza cosmica, to which we have referred.
Guillen tacitly rejected the term "afrocuban"
from the beginning, by insisting that his were
"mulatto poems", and in his poems time
and again to a refrain which he regarded as his
strongest card, the insinuation that many many more
Cubans have African maternal forebears than are
willing to admit it. A typical example was La cancion
delbongo (Bongo song) where Cuban whites are told
there are those with parents of nobility from
who yet have relatives in Bondo.
But at no stage, whether at this time or later, does
Guillen sense a possible problem of identity or focus

on the ambiguous implications of the "primitive'
status ascribed to Negroes, or indeed on the wide
issue of the black man's cultural status in Westcern
civilization. lie seems to proceed as if lie regarded
Cuba as a self-contained entity. Thus in his later
"protest" poems when he looks outwards the only
problem he sees is the Civil Rights issue. And yet, in
so far as Guillen was felt to be exploring the cultural
particularities and the vitality of tlhe afrocuban sub-
culture, white Cuban critics reacted in such a way as
to confront him with the problem.
Juan Marinello, who, as we have seen, had in
1930, proclaimed that in Cuba the Negro was marrow
and root, turned round in an essay in 1933, negrismo
y mulatismo, and frankly contradicted Guillen's
thesis that Cuba was mestizo or mulatto in spirit. He
denied that the subterranean link between the races
existed and suggested that the truth was rather un-
pleasant: "To the average middle class white,
even if he pretends to accept the educated black a
black skin immediately brings to mind the slave
gang, the slave household, the galley slave, black
enduring clay, basis of the black's triumph". The
white Cuban remembers only slavery and a race's
fantastic endurance when he sees his black brother's
tremendous contribution in the liberation of his
country from Spanish colonialism. In reviewing the
poems in Songoro cosongo,Marinello went on to state
that the best poem inthe collection was one called
Llegada (Arrival, the one poem which had no
reference to coloureds

Curiously, it was a small group of white Cuban
intellectuals who showed a determination to validate
the afrocuban contribution to the island's culture.
Fernando Ortiz. the great ethnologist, and in the field
of literature the now famous novelist Alejo Carpentier.
In 1928, Carpentier collaborated with Amadeo Rol-
dan to produce an afrocuban ballet La reabambaramba.
In 1929, they put out El milagro de Anaquille. His
first novel Ecue Yamba 0 published in Spain in 1933
explored and sought to establish the validity of the
neo-African aspects of Cuban life, for he felt that, in
the hot house atmosphere of knavery, violence and
biutalicy wiclh characterized Cuban Society in tihe

to an age eld lore, had preserved a kind of integrity.
Some years later, he put on the mask of a ',white
nigger", and wrote a novel The Kingdom of this
world (El reino de este nundo) (1949), truly a negri-
tude novel. For in this novel, Carpentier focused
on Haiti's independence struggle, and assigned the
voodoo cult a primary significance as an ideological
weapon of liberation from the yoke of French colo-
nialism. An appreciation of what he calls the "maroon"
experience of the Negro in the Caribbean has not got
in the way of Carpentier's projecting Cuban -Carib-
bean experience as an integral part of a "Latin"
experience, as part of the history of a neo-mediter-
ranean diaspora.

In Songoro Cosongo, Guillen had captured
something of the downbeat of ghetto life, a sense of
its cynicism and violence, the rhythms of its speech.
His next collection of poems, West Indies Ltd (1934)
shows that his political awareness had sharpened, for
these were the years of the Depression and of the
inept and brutal dictatorship of General Machado who
finally fell from pewer in 1933. Behind him, there
was already the example of another mulatto poet
Regino Pedroso, who had been converted to Marxism
and the Communist Party in the twenties. In one of
his better known poems, Brother Black (Hermano Ne-
gro) Pedroso called upon his black brothers to acquire
a right consciousness, and to recognize that race pre-
judice was secondary to economic exploitation. They
ought to reconsider their role as entertainers for the
Western World and understand that they were a part
of the exploited proletariat. He also urged them to
remember Scottsboro, a town in Alabama which
became the scene of a cause celebre when eight out
of nine Negro boys, accused of having raped two
white girls, were sentenced to death. The racist Ameri-
can South helped to recruit blacks to the Commuiist
Party. In Cuba Black men were prominent in the
Party, and formed a solid part of its rank and tile.
Once Guillen got the message, his folk charac-
ters assume the elemental posture of exploited men.
The poet's own posture is that of a member of the
revolutionary vanguard, sharpening the consciousness
of the oppressed masses who might not have recog-
nised their condition and urging them to militancy. A
go'd example is the poem Sabas.
Why Sabas do you hold out your hand?
(This Sabas is really a foolish nigger)
Take your bread, don't ask for it
Take up-your light, take up your certain hope

Like a horse whose icems are firmly held;
In this poem, Sabas is a black man but this is
secondary to the fact that he is part of an insuffi-
ciently conscious proletariat. West Indies Ltd is a
work of transition, for here we are able to see
Guillen moving away from the afrocuban mood and
laying the stress on racial reconciliation based on the
concept of mestizaje. His peon Ballad of the Two
Grandfathers (Balada de los dos abuelos) has become
an anthology piece. It is a poem io which Guillen
imagines his Spanish slave-owning conquistador
grandfather and his African slave grandfather are
brought together by the mulatto poet's desire and, in
his imagination at least, are reconciled. The poem is
unconvincing because it fails to convey any sense of
the tensions, of the bitterness and pain, which
history tells us needed to be squarely faced before
genuine reconciliation could be possible. From what
Alberto Arredondo tells us in his book, El negro en
Cuba, Guillen's dream at that time was certainly
illusory, for after the fall of General Machado in
1933, a fascist mood led to blacks being openly at-
tacked in the streets without provocation and to
particularly nasty racist incidents a place called
Trinidad, which were later referred to as "the whiten-
ing of Trinidad" (La blanquizacion de Trinidad).


The Afrocuban vogue, that is that particular
obsession by a number of poets with the ghetto neo-
african life-style of Havana, is generally considered to
have petered out by.1936. And inthe light of what
has been discussed so far, one must now surely note
with ;. kind of irony that Guillen was hailed as the
rn..- sincere proponent of the vogue. The Cuban
critic Cintio Vitier wrote of Guillen: "that he writes
from within, and the Negro theme is not just a
fashion. a subject for literature, but the-living heart
of his creative activity". It is also interesting that
when he published his next collection of verse
Songs for soldiers, and ballads for tourists (Cantos
para soldados y sones para turistas) in 1937, in
which nco-African references were virtually eliminat-
ed, Jiian Marinello, now a Party clleagrey-hailed his
verse as a riumpitant achievement of "'mestizaje". In
an article The exploits and American triumph of
Nicolas Guillen (Hazana y triunfo americano de
Nicolas Guillen) he wrote: "This verse, this rare and
balanced expression is an American event of the
widest significance because it is a definitive triumph
of the American melting pot"
Since that time Guillen's image has been a com-
posite of these two images. The firm manner in which
Guillen dissociated himself from any connection with
negritude attitudes is but a part of a set of contra-
dictory attitudes displayed by him over the years. An
examination of his journalistic output shows that up
to 1959, he was addressing himself to the issue of race
prejudice in Cuba and greeting with approval Fidel
Castro's moves to promote desegregation. In his verse
on the other hand, he has tended to transfer his
,obsession with racism to happenings in the South of
the United States. He expresses a sense of horror at
the racist attitudes in poems like Little Rock and
Elegy to Emmitt Till, the latter based on an inizident
in which a fourteen year old Negro, Emmett Till,
was brutally and senselessly murdered in 1955 by a
group of whites.
The more I read Guillen's verse and prose, the
Inoer I have the impression of a man obsessed with
the injustices whichblack men have suffered, but also
as strongly concerned, in the Cuban context, not to
open himself to the charge of being "black racist".
Iire Marxist position in a sense offered a way out by
explaining racism exclusively in terms of economic
motivation. Nevertheless, occasionally, one can find
Guillen worrying about cultural identity as in the
poem The Surname, (El apellido) where he writes:
Am I Yelofe?
Nicolas Yelofe perhaps?
O Nicolas Bakongo?
What about Nicolas Banguila?
Or Kumba
Guillen Kamba. cli
Or Kongue?
Might my name be Guillin Konguc'?
Oh. who knows!
What an enigma between tlie waters!
But Guillen never pursued these doubts about identity
for lie had at hand hiis ready made foiimula which
sang of Cuba as a mulatto culture. ITn the opinion of
this writer, Guillen's best verse was written between
1930 and 1934 when Ior a magical moment lie put
Cuban sensibility in touch with -its folk and ghetto
cultul re.



-V-( C.Q C ( (k( -

Continued from Page 5.
is to try and buy time for himself and
his programme of refurbishing his
To a Government, devoid of legiti-
macy and fighting for its survival, time
is the most precious commodity. Ever
since the constitutional and political
upheavals of 1970, the Government
has been trying in every way to buy
enough time to put its house in order.
The critical point however was the
elections of 1971. The massive boy-
cott of the elections in that year
demonstrated in no uncertain terms
that the vast majority of ordinary law-
abiding citizens shared the disaffection
and distrust of the political system
that was demonstrated by the youth
of the nation in 1970..
Williams and the PNM may have
won the election in 1971 and with it.
all the seats in Parliament, but they lost
beyond the shadow of a doubt, any
claims to legitimacy. It is legitimacy,
the respect and trust which the citizens
place in a Government, that makes,it
possible for any Government to govern
The 1971 Parliament is certainly
legal. It therefore has the power to pass
any laws that it may wish. But it is
illegitimate, deprived of the moral
authority that derives from the confi-
dence and trust of the citizens. And
this is why the IRA and other pieces of
legislation are being :systematically
eroded and, moreover, why, in spite of
their "oil bonanzas", this Government
is incapable of instituting any pro-
gramme of National Reconstruction.

Williams himself as aware of the
significance of the 1971 boycott. So
after if immediately after the elections
he was blandly asserting that ',there
was no crisis, there is no crisis, and I
don't anticipate any". Some days later,
he was singing a different tune. For
the task of the Government then was
not simply the political one of main-
taining itself in power.. It had also
become the infinitely more difficult
constitutional one of recapturing its
Williams had then, as he has now,
three options. The first of these is that
he has the right at any time to call
another election. The risks involved in
this alternative are obvious. In the
context of the massive disaffection
with the party and the regime and the
complete disarray in which the party
funds itself, the PNM might very well
lose any such election.
Ironically, the only way in which
SWilliams can win an election now is if
he can make it appear that the opposi-
tion groups have forced him to call it. In
the first place this would force the
party back into line. Secondly it would
allow Williams to make the promise
of a legitimate Parliament to the coun-
Finally, and most important, it lets
Williams off the hook of having to
explain the country on his
stewardship of the last eighteen years
in the national debate on the report
of the Wooding Commission. Those
.political infants who speak so glibly
about "four-point consensus" had bet-
ter .understand that they are giving
Williams the only possible opportunity
out of his present dilemma. If they
continue to do so they are presenting
the country with two unpalatable
choices, either to support some over-
night coalition or to boycott the
elections again.
Williams' second 'option and in
many ways his best alternative, is to
let the game play out, even if it means "
the continuous and increasing erosion

jc (-- (-( ( ( (_ ^-





of all the institutions of the Old Order.
He hopes to gain time to refurbish..
his image and to separate himself from
the stench of decay by himself exposing
the dens of iniquity.
It is the option he has been pursu-
ing and the game he has been playing
ever since the elections of 1971. When
he called the Wooding Commission into
being, he was playing for time. He got
it. Two and a half years woth. But
the price he paid for that time has been
has been enormous and in the end will;
prove to have been excessive. By call-
ing Wooding into action he admitted to
'he country and to the world that there
did in fact exist a constitutional crisis';
and that he recognized that the. Parlia-
ment, which in normal times, has the
authority to make constitutional
changes, no longer possessed the legiti-
macy to
That was the position of 1971
and that is the position now that the
Wooding Commission has completed its
work. And the critical question that
arises now and that everyone is seeing


with crystal clarity, is what do we do
with the Wooding Report; Williams'
no doubt, would like to ignore it. Hie
cannot. He must now face the conse-
quencesof his action in calling Wood-
ing into being. The eyes of the whole
country, whatever their views on the
contents of the report, are focused on
it. Williams and the Government must


Since he must play he would also
like to play on his own home ground.
In short he would like to take the report
to Parliament and let Parliament make.
all the critical decisions. All those
political anachronisms who insist that
the Wooding Report must be taken to
Parliament are merely aiding and abett-
ing hiii in this deception. Btit Williams
recognizes full well that this cannot
work.. For- a parliament that is unre-
presentative and illegitimate in the
eyes of the people cannot pretend to
be the final judge of the wishes of.

JAN 31, 1971. No. 13

The unconventional politics then is
not the politics of violence; it is a politics
that insists on participation and involve-
ment. It is a politics that departs from
looking for a man and seeks instead to
change the system The vital link
between the present and the future is
thus a national meeting of the people to
discuss reform and change.

JULY 25, 1971. No. 18'
l apia is not therefore optimistic that
the government would accede to any call
by the Commission for a Constituent
Assembly. We understand very well that
the Constituent Assembly, like all other
political instruments, has to be won for
the nation by political leadership, politi-
cal organisation and political ideas. The
political task of the moment is to per-
suade the citizens to fight for their
sovereignty over the government and all
the governments to follow.

the people.
And now, even as Williams make'-
his final desperate attempt to buy just
a little more time, by extending the
life of McKell's Secretariat, and even
as the process of disintegration reaches
the most privileged recesses of the
community, one option, one' solution
emerges in the eyes of the whole
population as the inescapable answer to
the crisis that grips the Nation. Now all
are beginning to see, what Tapia has
seen so long, that a Constituent As-
sembly, a Temporary Conference of
Citizens, is the only possible insti-
tution that will be able to claim and
assert any legitimacy.


The legitimacy of the constituent
Assembly derives from the fact that all
political groups, all community groups
will claim a part in its deliberations.
The will of the people expressed
through the representatives of the peo-
ple. And therein, of course, lies the
revolutionary potential of the Assem-
ibly, for it brings to the forefront the -
fundamental issue of Sovereignty, and
demands that the Prime Minister and
his Cabinet humble .themselves before
the wishes of the people..
Williams recognizes this and this is
why he is now trying, through the
medium of his "special correspon-
dents" on the Guardian's Editorial
Staff to confuse the nature of the
Assembly by dragging in the question
of National Consultation. But we shall
not be taken in by this. A National
Consultation is a far cry from a Con-
stituent Assembly. It is nothing btt'
executive impertinence masquerading
as democratic concern. We shall insist
that in any Assembly the Executive
recognizes that it must appear on equal
terms with the rest of the nation.
When the Assembly comes, as
come- it must, it will by its very
nature answer the question that Tapia
askde so long ago: who rules? For the
little king and his court the sands of`
time are fast running out.

JULY 30, 1972. No. 28

As we have been going around the
country people have been saying that the
Constituent Assembly is the thing but
how are we going to call it? When Tapia
said that the government should call it,
one reply came back over and over again.
In the same way as the government does
not have the moral authority to set up an
advisory commission of experts so also
it does not have the political interest in
establishing a Constituent Assembly ..
Under conditions of independence we
the people have to call the Constituent
Assembly ourselves.

MAY 13, 1973. Vol. 3 No. 19.
One problem is that the large majority
of citizens and groups still operate as if
we are powerless to effect any change
at all let alone dear the ground of the
government. The moment that we see our
strength we will all be able to call the
Constituent Assembly and inove ..
and that moment is soon.

( ( C( (C'L

3- T % % 1 1) 11 1I )1

Tapia's forked tongue?

. ;--- T .


: C i (

SUNY'AY JUNE 9, 1974


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Alive and keeping the Faith

Continued from Page 4
While denying any political.:
.connection. Mrs. Wiltshire
has been taking the "political"
charge head on.
Writing in HATT No. 1
of September 1972 she noted
that the charge of "being
political" has. been made in
"a disparaging manner and'
our reaction to it has been
One year .later she' was
again on the theme, urging.
her sisters to get involved,
engage in dialogue and lay the
ghost of "being political".


"Remember," she wrote
in HATT NO. 3, "that it is
political activity which-deter-
mines how many schools we
will have, what kind of trans-
portation system we willhave,
whether we will have rice to.
eat, how much money will be
flushed down the drain on
special works, what kind of
environmental programme we
snall have".
Last week: "I think it is
timewomen start re-examining
their understanding of politics
and what constitutes political
activity. While they maintain
a restricted definition of the


term thinking that politics
and political activity are the
preserve of political groups -
they are in fact restricting
themselves and the kind of
participation they can make".

I asked if this had been
found a big obstacle, in the
mobilization of women. "Yes.
Many women who have a con-
tribution to make prefer to
stand on the fringe .for that
'political' reason. And the
menfolk contribute to it".
Which led us to the ques-
tion of how men have related
to this new kind of women's
She distinguishes three
kinds of reactions: "those
who cheer us on and wish they
could join us. We'll continue
to keep them out, though
wanting to keep their good
"Because women, to
maximise our consciousness,
Shave to do it on our own
strength. To get ourselves
The second kind of man-
reaction is the same suspicion
that HATT is a front for some
kind of political group. But.
Faith Wiltshire repudiates any

"women's arri" type of role
for her organisation.
Then there are the men
who maintain a sneering,
superior, even one might say,
bitchy,kind of attitude. "Well,
we just discount them. They
just don't matter".
I asked: in what sense
could the Caribbean woman
be said to stand in need of
"It's mainly, I think, a
question of liberation from
her own attitudes. When wo-
men are quite sure of their
own abilities; that they are
human beings first, then wo-
men second, then the man-
woman relationship will take
on. a new and more meaning-
tul dimension. When women
become liberated, the West
Indian men will become
liberated in the true sense of
the word".

Later she stressed: "HATT
is not against men, but for
Education she sees as the


"The degree of liberation
is directly related to the quali-
ty of education women -get.
Women's education- in all its
facets has contributed to
the devleopment of many of
our women.
"But still, we're sort of
holding back, not wanting to
give expresison to what we
believe deep down that we
have potential, not just for
taking care of a home.
"I genuinely believe that
women have a lot of talent,
energy, and stick-to-itiveness
- all of which are necessary
to help build a vibrant so-

city. Arid to the extent that
women are not educated to
want to use all their talents,
it means that the country will
never realise its fullest
Faith is nevertheless sure
that the Trinidad and Tobago
are in the forefront of the
movement for change ni the
West Indies. The clearest evi-
dence of this is the consumer
movement that HATT has
come to be. Like which, she
claims, there is nothing in the

And she cites HATT's.
educational endeavours in
their workshops, bulletins,
newspaper (three issues so
far) and the monthly general
meetings atwhich wide-rang-
ing and full discussions take

pi eses ON SALE

a the kouse
^^^ mk


Kanga! Kanga!
We know yith hearing !
We know yuh hearing!
We in de yard
a' ready, Kanga!
We here in de yard a' ready!

Kango, yuh say not tuh mourn!
Las' nightyuh say
not tuh mourn!
So we not goin' tuh mourn today, Kanga!
We not goin' tuh shed no tears
in dis morning' sun!
Dis morning' is not fuh cryin'

But tell de village, Kanga!
Tell de whole village
tuh wake up now, Kanga!
Tell dem is time tuh get up now!
Akoko still crowin'!
since foreday morning 7
An' de morning' come!
Kanga, tell dem de morning' come!

Kanga Brown! Ba Kanga O!!!
We know yuh hearing !
We know yuh hearing' we
calling 'yuh name!

Tell de people
de morning' come!!!
Tell dem
de morin' come!!!

Tell dem yuh children in de yard
a 'ready!!!
Tell dem we done in de yard

Tell dem it loud, Kanga!!!
3awl it in dey ears, Kanga!!!!!
WE HERE IN DE YARD Already!!!!!!!

Leroy Caliste

IL L I ~ IC-~sT I



THE .National Heart and
Lang Institute in the
United States has stated
that a totally implantable
artificial heart capable of
meeting the physiological
needs of a human being,
powered by a.renewable
battery' or an atomic
Energy source, and com-
patible with patient com-
fort and rehabilitation, is
likely to be developed
'within the next decade.
Some of the social impli-
cations of this very advanced
item of medical technology
were described by Dr..Alfred
* Gellhorn, then dean of the
School of Medicine at the
University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia, and now direc-
tor of the Centre for Bio-
medical Education,, City
College of New York, at a
round-table conference held
last November in Geneva un-
derUiewoe.nd WHO auspices.

The subject of the meet-
ing, organized by CIOMS -
the Council for International
Organizations of Medical
.Sciences of which Dr. Gell-
how is president was the
protection of human rights in
the .light of scientific and
technological progress in bio-
logy and medicine.
The .fact that the artifi-
cial. heart has not yet been
developed to the point of
human application offers an
opportunity to study its im-
plications and weigh the ad-
vantages and disadvantages
which lie ahead,Dr. Gellhom
stressed, and he asked:
"What is our reaction?
Shall we cry hosanna and
'surge full"speed ahead? Or
shall we point to the symbo-
lical role of the heart as the
seat of the soul and the fount
of love and sorrow, the re-
moval of which and its re-
placement by a machine
would create only a mas-
querade of a human?"
The Artificial Heart As-
sessment Panel in the United
States put it very neatly
'Will its (the heart's) replace,
meant by a mechanical pump
and motor not merely place
technology deep in a man's
bosom, but place man more
deeply in the bosom of tech-
In the past, the physician's
ethic was to preserve the life
of his patient at all costs. But
as technological means of
maintaining respiration and
circulatory function have be-
come more sophisticated, the
quality of living has come to
be recognized as a necessary
consideration in the preserva-
tion of life, Dr. Gellhorn
"If the artificial heart
merely makes it possible for
a man to survive, while the
quality of his life in terms of
his activities is very poor,
then there is a very real ques-
tion as to whether this con-
stitutes a benefit to the indi-
vidual". .
The issue is also import-
ant, Dr. Gellhorn said, from
the standpoint of society.
"If the. individual to whom
an artificial heart has been
given has the capacity to per-
form well and productively,
then it is an advantage to
society. If, on the other hand,
he is made a living invalid,
then the costs to society have
enormously increased".

I Love

you with

all my...

Assuming that the artifi-
cial heart is entirely successful
and that it extends an indivi-
dual's useful life for ten years,
what are the implications for
the young people coming up?
Will they be held back in
terms of assuming their re-

Man born in Gemini.
Your life, full of changes, can make ha]
a wife Live lives full of embraces.
Man born in Gemini, spend more time i
home or else you will find that your bird ha
Man's destiny they say is in the stars,
fate, in his hands.



sponsibilities, or should so- have to hold off having child-
ciety plan alternative uses for ren until a later age, so that
people whose life has been we should not become over-
extended? populated.
If the artificial heart were Population specialists are
to result in a significant in- in some doubt as to whether
crease in the number of older this would actually occur. But,
people, young people might said Dr. Gellhorn, if it did

result in delaying the period
of child-bearing, this would
beavery serious consideration.
Yet another aspect is the
cost of the technology. It has
been estimated that in the
United States 50,000 persons
a year would be suitable to
receive an artificial heart and
the opeartion would be per-
formed at a cost of perhaps
$25,000 -. making an annual
total of $1.5 billion.
"Since $25,000 would be
beyond the reach of most
patients", Dr. Gellhorn said,
"the cost would have to be
borne by society. The ques-
tion therefore is: dose society
want to spend its money in
this way?"

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Thefollowingletter addressed
to Tapia Secretary, Lloyd
Best, was received recently,
The envelope bore anAntigua
post-mark For the informa-
tion of our readers, we publish
it in its entirety.

AS Chairman of the Tapia
Political Group, "you have
from time to time in the past
made hostile remarks and
criticisms against B I a c k
Groups and persons in Trini-

Dear Editor,
Kindly allow us a part
of the valuable space in
your reknowned news-
paper to comment upon
an issue presently in the
forefront of the news.
This issue which not for
the first time has been
brought to the attention
of the Public, concerns
arrested persons, accused
of crimes and statements
allegedly given to the Po-
lice by such persons.
The presence of Police
brutality in our small com-
munity is not new to the ears
of the ordinary man in the
streets nor the Magistrates
and Judges in our Courts
today. But it is a problem
which one has to be acquaint-
_ ed with not just through ex-
perience but most- of all by
ear. It is not a recent strategy
adopted by the Police but it
has existed for many years
now. We, the undersigned,
have been unfortunate enough
to have been on the receiving
end, experiencing the fierce
and cruel treatment.


The inhuman acts meted
out to the accused is mainly
directed towards the end of
"receiving' a statement from
him. It will be easy to accept
this if you understand that,
having been apprehended by
the Police, you are entitled to
remain silent, knowing a
charge may be hanging over
your head.
This situation has come
about, firstly because of the
lack of diligence (we would
say) in Police investigations.
Secondly, being anxious to
solve a crime, not crime in
general,they abuse the powers
of arrest. Thirdly, if you had
been convicted before a simi-
lar offence, you are usually
checked out if some other
offence of the kind is com-
mitted and for some arbitrary
reason, they try to pin this
charge on you.


Therefore, wishing to re-
main silent plus Police an-
xiety to put a statement be-
fore the Court to convict
you, result in Police brutality
(because in a 'frame-up' the
Police could depend only on
the 'alleged' statement of the
accused to gain a much desired
conviction). So that all mo-
rals are cast aside and there
is no justice. With the above

dad and Tobago, in what can
only be regarded as a deli-
berately obstructionist man-
Even worse from a revo-
lutionary point of view is the
fact that you make these re-
marks publicly, washing
Black People's dirty linen in
public. That was in the past.
Today, the revolutionary
struggle in Trinidad and To-
bago has reached the level of
guerrilla warfare against the
government of Eric Williams,
and asyou yourself must know

in mind, you cannot take it
The accused's statement
is usually 'written' by the
hands of the Police them-
selves, not because the accus-
ed cannot write but (as in our
cases) would not write any
statements that would show
him guilty in Court. There-
fore,you are usually presented
with an already written state-
ment, for your signature.
Sometimes it is written right
before your eyes. At that
state, knowing the statement
would be put in evidence
against you in Court, and not
willing to surrender your
freedom so easily, you will
refuse to sign it.


At such a refusal, the
uncivilised tactics of the Po-
lice are brought into play.
Some accused might stand up
manfully but unfortunately
they eventually gain the upper
hand (or is it the upper-
cut ?) forcing you to


from the media, our young
sons and daughters are being
killed, terrorized, and subject
to victimization by Eric Wil-
liams and the non-Black Syn-
dicate which "advises" him.
In other words, Mr. Best, we
have passed the stage of inter-
necineback-bitingand cutting-


In addition, the Revolu-
tionary Struggle in Trinidad
and Tobago is, and has been

give them the required signa-
ture. Then the accused is
committed to prison where
he sees a doctor the morning
after. He would then complain
to the doctor about the blows
and his feelings (as we did)
hoping his complaints would
be noicd and an cxatiniiniaoi


No such thing is done so
when a prisoner charges in
support of his objection to
the statements produced as
not given voluntarily and
complains about Police
threats, intimidation and bru-
tality, there is no medical
proof. (What proof do the
Magistrates and Judges ask
for to support this charge).
Therefore, the unfortunate
prisoner is again left holding
the dirty end of the stick.
First by the Police then by
the Magistrates and Judges.
We believe the Judges are
acquainted with the torture
tactics, even if only from the


since late 1973, orchestrated
by a leadership quite different
in its thinking from those of
The most important qua-
lity of this leadership is its
absolute secrecy, solely to
a"oid the inevitable victimiza-
tion and terror tactics of the
Williams Syndicate. For this
reason, to protect the leader-
ship, we have refrained from
communicating with you be-
cause we are aware of your
non-violent stance politically.
We feel, however, that the

point of view of the man in
the streets.
In the light of above, we
suggest the following:-
1. That the Court accept
only statements written in
the handwriting of the accus-

2. That, in every statement
to be presented as evidence,
the accused be allowed a
witness, a lawyer or friend or
relative of his choice whc
should be present at the time
the statement is being given.
If the accused cannot write,
his lawyer, friend, orrelative
should write and sign on his
behalf. A Justice of the Peace
should also be present.
We all will agree that Jus-
tice must not only be done
but must also seem to be
done. Remember Give Jus-
tice to People of the Lord
for he knows and sees all
things and will continuously.
guide the People to find
Judgment which is final.
Jeremiah Seeberan Damian.


time is ripe for us to outline
for your protection and bene-
fit, the basic ground rules by
which revolutionary struggle
is to be conducted in Trinidad
and Tobago by all groups,
particularly Black Groups
such as yours, and to this
end, the leadership of the
Revolution have advised that
you be notified of the follow-
ing revolutionary laws which
are in effect, and which will
remain in effect until we
have put the lights out in the
Williams Mansion.


1. .No Black Man, or Black
Group must attack another in
2. No criticism of Ideology
must be made by any Black
Group against another Black
3. No comments on stra-
tegy must be made by any
Black Group against other
Black groups, or any such
4. The enemies of Black
People in Trinidad and Tobago
are Eric Williams, Errol Maha-
bir, Kamal Mohammed, Ove-
rand Padmore, Wahid Ali,
Ellis Clarke, and the members
of the non-Black Synaicate
which "advises" them. To
these alone must criticism be
5. The Punishment for
breach of any of these basic
laws or ground rules is fami-
liar to you from your exten-
sive readings on revolutionary
struggle of an armed kind.
The current leaderip
does not "advise" people who
err in any of the above ways,
more than once and we are
"advising" you now. Stop
being a half-caste, and become
a full-time Black Man. We do
not care one jot about your
French wife. That is your
business. All we are concerned
with is that you observe the
ground rules. Do your own,
thing, Mr. Best, but avoid
washing dirty linen in public,
so long as Black People are
Cool It,
The Brotherhood.


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Augustus Ramrekersingh replies to Ruthven Baptiste



MY FRIEND and col-
league, Ruthven Baptiste,
wrote last week that Clive
Lloyd recently named
WI captain for the tour
of India-Pakistan Sri
Lanka brings to the
captaincy the valuable
qualities of dedication
and discipline. Moreover,
he felt that Lloyd was
the right man for the job.
I want to examine the
choice of Lloyd, starting with
his performance as a batsman.
Lloyd first made his appear-
ance in test cricket during
the 1966-7 tour to India and
Pakistan. He played, accord-
ing to reports, some very fine
innings. _By the end of that
tour he was being hailed as
an exciting batsman with a
great future. Not much dif-
ferent from the way in which
Australian critics hailed Nor-
man O'Neil in the late1950's
and later Walters in the mid-
Lloyd's first innings in a
test at the Oval in 1968 was a
tremendous one, a savagely
hit century against Snow,
Brown, 'Jones, Titmus and
Hobbes. The key ingredient
of that innings was power, a
sharp contrast wtih Graveney's
sophisticated century in the
previous innings. We were all
enthused by our first expe-
rience of Lloyd in a test

In the next two series -
1968-9 vAustralia and 1969 v
England his performances
were reasonable in the general
context of a difficult period
for West Indian cricket.
The critical juncture came
during the 1971 home series
against India. Faced with the

formidable Indian spin, Lloyd
averaged under 30, with a
highest score of 61 made in
the last innings of the series.
It was his only half century
of the series. What struck me
about Lloyd in that series
was not so much that he made
few runs, buttheincompetent
manner in which he a pro-
spective great handled the


His batting against New
Zealand (1972), Australia
(1973) and MCC (1974) was
on the whole neither consis-
tent nor polished. One not-
able exception was his hard-
hitting knock of 178 in the
Guyana Test. It was a match
which we lost after a dramatic
second innings collapse.
Against Australia andtheMCC
what struck me most was
again the manner in which he
was dismissed on most occas-
sions. For a powerful hitter
too often was he caught close
to the wicket off bat and pad
(Sometimes off bat alone).
Kallicharan, shorter than
Lloyd by at least a foot, was.
able to kill the spin and keep
the ball down, safe from the
fieldsmen. Surely, Lloyd's
failure was one of technique.
and there have been no tangi-
ble signs indicating that he is
improving in this respect.
To be fair to Lloyd, how-
ever, one must concede that
he has thrilled English crowds
by some exciting batting in
county cricket, especially in
limited over games, and by
some superb strokeplay in
last .year's tour to England.
We in the West Indies have
rarely been blessed with the


good fortune of the metropoli-
tan crowds;
For me, Lloyd's batting
career so far has been one of
unfulfilled promise.
31 Tests
2135 runs
Average 40.18.
The inconsistent Lloyd
cannot automatically com-
man a place in the W I team as
a batsman. There are other
worthy contenders. But it is
popular to say that what he
does not make with the bat he
saves in the field. Sure, Lloyd
is a magnificent fieldsman.
But one cant pick a-batsman
simply on his prowess in the
field. If so, then Sheldon
Gomes wouldbe a certainty on
every WI team. Lloyd is a
batsman and he has not batted
well at most times. As for his
bowling, the less said the
In spite, of all of this
Lloyd has been named cap-
Baptiste is right when he
says, "It is as a fieldsman that
his dedication and discipline
can be clearly seen". What
Baptiste should have proceed-
ed to ask was: Are these quali-
ties displayed other than in his
fielding? If they are in his
batting then something is terri-
bly wrong. Discipline and de-
dication are worthy of far
greater results.

There have been occasions
in the past when captains
have not been able to win
selection in their own right -
Worrell was past his best as a
batsman by the time he was
named captain; Jack Chetham,
who captained South Africa
in the 1950's, could not make

the team on grounds of tech-
nical competence. But both
these men, especially Worrell,
brought to bear certain extra
qualities which inspired their
players to realise their poten-
tial, to express their person-
ality. Does Clive Lloyd bring
any of these extra qualities
to the captaincy? The evi-
dence, as far as I can see, indi-
cates otherwise.
I am not asking Lloyd to
be another Worrell. Such men
are rare; men who overflow
with humanity; who can win
respect and inspire discipline
through personality .and ex-
ample rather than as is the
habit in the WI through
authoritarian domination.
There is no reasonable
ground for the choice of
Lloyd as the new West Indian
captain. I would be overjoyed
for him to prove me wrong in
the months and years ahead.


In the context of what I
consider a dubious choice of
captain the role of the manager
becomes critical. In a signifi-
cant sense Frank was captain,
manager and father And here
again I want to take issue
with the choice of Gerry
Alexander, ex-Cambridge dou-
ble blue and ex-WI captian.
The ideal manager of a
WI team is Wes Hall, who
understands people in the
noblest sense. I do not know
whether he was asked or if
he is not-available.
I hope he has not been
by-passed because of a bias
on the part of the selectors
and the WI board. If it is that
he is unavailable on grounds
of work, for example, it
raises a very fundamental ques-

Child Care and Family Education

From page 2
The report also warned that "in a
developing territory the limited re-
sources should be spent on the training
of personnel rather than on the con-
struction of elaborate centres". As to
the type of training, the report states:
"Training should be provided for men
as well as women, as the value of both

has been recognized in programmes for
children and parents. A useful type of
training for many Caribbean territories
would be a short initiatory training
course for school-leavers as a means of
recruitment. This could take the form
of a course in social welfare at the
sub-professional level with broad-treat-
ment of the subject. Such courses
would be useful in turning out assist-

ants to nurses and other aides to
assist professional staff and increase
the scope and effectiveness of services
and programmes of many types".
How are all these programmes to
the financed':To Mrs. Solomon this is
the least worrying question. She sug-
gested that the revenue accuring from
the 5% Unemployment levy should be
used in this direction, a superior alter-

native to the crash programmes and
something more satisfying to those who
fall within the ambit of this levy.
Mrs. Solomon ended on the follow
ing note: "The master key is a
community-based, multi-disciplinary
programme for child care and family
education. But can you establish such a
programme in the absence of machinery
for local government"?

Printed by the Tapla House Printing Co. Ltd., for the Tapia House Publishing Co. Ltd., 91 Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna, Phone: 662-5126



tion. Are. managerships on
foreign tours the exclusive
preserve of the leisured class
and the self employed pro-
fessionals? Just as many of our
talented sons and daughters
-e debarred from political
activity in this country because
the structure of employment
gives the government great
control over jobs, so too, men
of character and competence
in the cricketing world of the
WI are denied the opportunity
to serve as managers on tour
because they, simply can't
afford fie .financial sacrifice
if may entail'So that managers
are largely men of leisure,
men with economic indepen-
dence, who may or may not
have the necessary qualities of

It was the same Alexander
brilliant wicket-keeper
though he was who con-
tributed, through his lack of
empathy with less fortunate
persons, to the destruction of
Roy Gilchrist. In fact, their
big flare up came during the
tour to India and Pakistan
at the end of the .fifties.
A captain and a manager
with weak claims to their
positions and a relatively
young team (1 hope) and off
to a gruelling 5 month tour
to the east. Will skill alone
triumph over team spirit and
I hope that we win, es-
pecially against Pakistan, a
powerful side by any stan-
dards. More important,
though, I hope that Clive
Lloyd proves me wrong and
establishes himself as- a cap-
tain of distinction. More than
any other thing I feel we
need this if we are to return
home victorious.