Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
May 26, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

SUNDAY MAY 26, 1974

IT TOOK, by his own admission, a
summons from the Multinational over-
lords to get Williams to leave the country
after he had been sitting tight for the
last four years. Nonetheless, it would.
appear from last night's Simulcast that
this Government is at last coming round
to the view long advocated by Tapia that
our position in the context of the Energy
Crisis is extremely strong.
At long last it seems tnat the Govern-
nent has moved away from their ridi-
ulous position that our oil is a "defensive
political weapon", and that all that is'
needed is to focus on "strengthening
B.W.I.A's position".
Tapia has long insisted that the greatest
benefit that we could derive from our
fortunate position is to move with haste
towards consolidating the idea of a
Caribbean nation.
In principle none would fail to support
the idea of developing energy-based and
energy-using resources of Trinidad to
create industries which in the first in-
stance would generate employment and
income within and, secondly, provide
a nexus around, which a viable Caribbean
economy can be built.
The critical question, however, is
whether those grand headlines could be
converted into programs of substance.
Grandiose aWnoQuncements are one thing
- practical implementation quite another.
And this Government's record does not
give cause for hope.
There are certain critical steps that
must be taken to realise the benefits to
be derived. Difficult negotiations must
be entered into with those very Multi-
national Corporations of which Williams
in his September 'retirement' speech had
so much to say.
In addition there are the treacherous
waters of International Markets to be
negotiated, expertise to be procured and
co-ordinated in an efficient way in the
formulation and implementation of pro-
grams on both a national and regional
But all this requires a Government
confident of the overwhelming political
support of the population, sure of its
technical command and leadership and
capable of instilling in its citizens a
vision of that better society. All of
these attributes this Government sadly
Tapia takes the opportunity again ot
warning this Government that the Multi-
national Corporations are determined to

OM I See


it s r

take advantage of any sign of weakness.
--.- We-shalLjo;tallov them to fritter away
the opportunities of a lifetime both for
the nation and for the region in useless
Tapia intelligence indicates that Amoco
has refused to relinquish control of the
natural-gas at the well-head off the
Eastern. Shore; they 'want to control
sales, prices and piping to Point Lisas.
Shell has objected to a Government
demand that the Refinery be refurbished
and expanded as part of a joint venture.
Thev are not renewing any marketing
contracts, they want out and they want
their assets valued in line with today's
elevated prices.
Texaco is saying hands off their refin-
ery. In the Western Hemisphere they
have a balance ,between one million
barrels of crude oil and refinery capacity
for exactly that amount. Trinidad is:
crucial to their whole scheme and they
intend to keep a closed fist.
These are some of the hard facts
that face this Government and in the
midst of these the signs of weakness
loom laree.
Our Techretariat which they recently
established is nothing but a white ele-


phant. It was hastily conceived, it was
inadequately staffed and it was also

poorly financed. its teriis-o%
identified no definite priorities.

Tapia has already pointed out that
the Diplomatic work involved has been
handled with incredible ineptitude. How
do they expect to evaluate the responses
received by the missions when the same
questions were publicly put to so many
countries all at the same time.
And above all, the pool of expertise
that is being drawn upon is woefully
inadequate to the task. On the political
side, it is well known that Williams is
talking only to Chambers, Mahabir and
Prevatt. There is clearly no intellectual
or political command in this bunch of
Sycophantic yes-men.
On the technical side, the quartet
of Alleyne, Rampersad, Moore and Lewis
are by now such an obviously tired
team that the bright'young technocrats
ii Trinidad House must be wondering
what is going on.
We now have the opportunities of a
lifetime and it appears more and more
certain that this Government is quite
incapable of taking advantage of them.

YOUTH, vitality, compe-
tence, ambition, drive;
these are some of the
quialitires that come to
mind when one tries to
assess the ISWE' group
production 'Tanti go see
Here is a group of young
talents who have dedicated
themselves to building some-
thing new in their chosen
field of activity. The quality
of the performances and the
enthusiastic responses of the
audiences to date amply justi-

i_, /

fy that act of faith of a few
months ago when the group
was launched.
'Tanti go see we, the
group's first public effort,
consists of dramatizations
of Caribbean prose and poetry
which achieve a 'multi-media'
effect through the incorpo=
ratino of singing, chanting and
recorded and live music (the

latter from Andre Tanker on
flute and Michael Coryat on
Formal stage presentation
is de-emphasised, which pro-
vides for the greatest intimacy
between players and audience,
and lends itself at times to
audience participation which
Lo'jmes easily and iinaitrllay.
A smooth-flowing pro-

gramme is divided into two
parts, the first and longer fo
which is called 'Into History
Now', and deals with the
experience of the West Indian
people. The second segment,
'Like a Band passing', as its
title indicates, glances over the
cor!o.irf"ul panorama of the-
contempo ary C'ribc:in

The programme draws on
the work of writers from
Jamaica Louise Bennet, Bongo
Jerry), Barbados (Bruce St.
John), Trinidad ( Victor
Questel), a n d Surinam
(Dobru), among others.
After a successful run at
the group's headquarters,
Kairi House in Belmont,
'Tanti go see we' moves out
to the Tapia House in Tuna-
puna with a performance on
Sntiitday., May 25, at 8.00
p-m lr ilince s 51. All are



- --

25 Cents

Vol. 4.No. 21

SUNDAY MAY 26, 1974


Race,class and ideology

THERE is no more teasing issue in,
Caribbean political thought than the
issue of ideology, race and class.
Tapia and our parent New World
Movement have often been accused
of being "half-caste" for failing to
support the orthodox ideology of
political mobilisation on the basis of
race and for being "idealist"for refus-
ing to espouse the materialist view that
"class-war" is the key to historic
At the Tapia House, our view has
always been that in the Caribbean,
above all, political behaviour has to be
explained in relation not to class-
consciousness or race-consciousness but
in relation to an overlapping con-
sciousness involving nationality, race
and class.
As we grope towards an authentic
interpretation of the political reality
in our own environment, we are en-
couraged by the recent emergence of


THE Western, so called free
world is in a state of intense
political upheaval. This is due to
the fact that in this era of the
transition to socialism, state-
monopoly capitalism in the indus-
trialised developed states and
imperialism in the "third world"
are in deepening crisis.
The scientific and technological

an anti-imperialist, Black Power
Marxism because that phenomenon,
absurd as it may seem, points to the
complexity which practical people,
humbugged by imported texts, are
discovering in the actual field.
We know that there exist people
of different social rank according to
their occupation, income, race, colour,
ancestry, political power and life-style.
But to translate that into a clash
between the bourgeoisie and the work-
ing classes makes as little sense as it
does to translate it into a clash be-
tween black-people and white people
or between African and Indian.
We feel that the search for two
historical finalists is just another ex-
ample of how our condition of power-
lessness and impotence invites the
easy, magical answer. To insist on
the paramountcy of race or class or
charismatic personality is really a way

revolution is leading not to economic.
and social progress but to alienation
and deterioration in living conditions
of the masses of the people.
Apart from the working class,
other social strata the peasantry,
petty bourgeoisie, professionals and
intellectuals, scientists and technicians,
students and youths, women, the army,
the clergy are becoming radicalised
and involved in the struggle.
But because of their relative poli-
tical immaturity, there is a great deal

-of requesting the djinny to deliver an
automatic constituency. People who
insist on doing so almost invariably
are pessimistic about the value of their
own political contribution.
My own view is that an enduring
and active constituency can be built
only by winning individuals to a par-
ticular political morality. People are
certainly predisposed- to be persuaded
or not, depending on the personalities.
involved and on the factor of race and
of social rank. But their choices are
not in any way finally pre-determined;
not on the evidence open to me,
especially in the Caribbean islands.
My old friend and colleague,
Cheddi Jagan, has always held a
somewhat different position. He is
much more certain that class consti-
tutes the decisive factor.
Tapia readers will be able to judge his
thinking in this area fJorfi fiTs paper
Lloyd Best

.,of ideological confusion. This has led
to disunity, in some cases to intense
quarrels and even clashes, in the ranks
of anti-miperialist forces.
In Guyana, the debate ranges
amidst a welter of ideological confu-
sion. Some non-Marxist elements attack
the People's Progressive Party (PPP),
for instance, for being "revisionist",
"non-revolutionary" and for practising
"conventional" politics.
Others equate the PPP with the
PNC as one of two monolithic blocs
exploiting race and keeping the people
divided. In a leaflet allegedly issued
on behalf of Eusi Kwayana, one reads:
"Burnham uses Jagan to unite his
voters,and Jagan uses Burnham to unite
his voters".


Eusi Kwayana, in his article "Burn-
hamism and Jaganism: The Politics of
the Old Order" In Black Scholar.
(May-June 1973) and in Race Today
(March 1973) perpetrates the same
falsehood, and on the issue of PNC
corruption criticizes "the attitude of
the PPP as a member of the establish.

Following on this false theme, it
has been argued that both the PPP
and the PNC are irrelevant and must be
replaced by a "third force". This line
was persistently carried in the Sunday
Graphic by journalist Rickey Singh.
Later, Moses Bhagwan, PPP renegade,
who once accused the PPP of racism,
working now on the assumption that
Indians and Africans cannot be organ-
ized together, has set up under the
label of revolution a racial organization,
the Indian Political Revolutionary As-
sociates (IPRA), which would later
form a "revolutionary" coalition with
the other racial, presumably also revo-
lutionary organization, the Association
forCultural Relationswith Independent
Africa (ASCRIA).
A variant on this theme is that
"the PNC is tied to Washington, the
PPP is tied to Moscow, curse on both
houses; we don't want a change of mas-
ters, we want no foreign ideology, we
want out own ideology".
At a function in early March 1974
in memory of the late Alfred Jadonauth,
B.H. Benn, Moses Bhagwan and Miles
Fitzpatrick called for a "non-aligned"
group of political personalities and
figures. Fitzpatrick went further to

say that within the next decade, "the
Caribbean society will see the blossom-
ing of a unique form of Marxism, never
seen before in any other region of the
This line is akin by the PNC re-
gime's "two super-powers" theory -
Guyana and other "third-world" coun-
fries must beware of the two giants, the
USA and the USSR.
Despite their. radical and revolu-
tionary garb, these critics end up pre-
serving the status quo; namely, PNC
neo-colonial rule.
By equating the PNC with the
PPP and attacking both, without in-
depth analysis of their ideology, poli-
cies and programmes, they confuse
some people, prevent them from join-
ing or working in alliance with the PPP,
and thus either withdraw them from
struggle or weaken their effectiveness.


In this respect, although moving
from the "left", they achieve the
same result at home as the visiting
rightist evangelists (many of whom are
in the pay of the CIA) whose line -
politics and politicians cannot help
the people; only faith in God arid the
return of Christ will help them -
sanctions the continuation of PNC
rule; or at the international level as the
ideologists who put forward inthe
struggle against socialism the so-called
theories of "the stages of economic
growth", "convergence" and "evolu-
tion" to defend and maintain the
capitalist-imperialist system.
What is the reality?
Thoes who see only race in politics
see only a part of reality. The "two
monolithic racial blocs" idea, like the
"two super-powers" idea, interprets
reality quantitatively, and not quali-
tatively. Side by side with race, and
more fundamental, is class.
What is often forgotten is that the
Indian and African racial groups in
Guyana are not homogeneous, are-net-
uni-class. At the bottom of each group:
constituting the bulk are workers and
farmers; at the top, a small percentage
of middle-class professionals and capi-
talisy mainly commercial and in-
dustrial capitalists (tied up in some
cases with landlordism) in the case of
Indians, and mainly bureaucratic-capi-
talist in the case of Africans.


Admitting the racial factor, what
has been the basis of political rule?
Except for the movements led by H.N.
Crichlow (1920's), Edun and Jacob
(late 1930's and early 1940's) and the
PPP, leadership came from the top.
In the colonial era, many middle-
class Indian leaders joined with the
sugar plantocracy in its fight to con-
tinue Indian immigration. Sir Frank
Mc David and his ilk ruled in defence
of imperial interests and the local land-
lord, commercial and bureaucratic
capitalist elite.

In this neo-colonial period, the
PNC has supplanted them. Although
it invoked racial incitement to come
to power, experience is daily demon
strating that its rank and file support-
ers, although getting some marginal
benefits through the PNC policy of
discrimination, are experiencing grave
hardships because of its anti-working
class and pro-imperialist policies.
Organically, the PNC is a merger of
the Burnham-led breakaway PPP fac-
tion and the United Democratic Party
(UDP). Thus, from the very beginning
it was oriented towards conservatism
and racism. John Carter and Rudy
Kendall, leading figures of the United
Democratic Party (UNP), were also the
leaders of the League of Coloured

Continued on Page 10

SProspects for

our Nation25 cts






Tapia House 82-84 St Vincent Street Tunapuna


SUNDAY MAY 26, 1974


WITH President Nixon facing removal from office, his hard
line vs. Havana may be academic, while an increasing num-
ber of Western Hemisphere Nations are defying the economic
blockade of Cuba. Argentina, feeling its sovereignty chal-
lenged, agreed to permit U.S. auto company subsidiaries in
Buenos Airies to sell cars & trucks to Havana, and the
Nixon Administration was forced to "license" it.
Secretary of State Kissinger declared April 21 that
the U.S. has no intention of restoring diplomatic relations
with Cuba. At the Hemispheric Foreign Ministers' parley in
Atlanta, Ga., he at first went along with a plan to survey
govt's on whether to invite Cuba to the group's next
meet, probably in Buenos Aires., in March. Later, maybe on
Mr. Nixon's orders, Dr. Kissinger had to reverse even that
Whether Vice-President Ford, were he to become
President, would lift the blockade, is unknown. But with
more nations seeing the wisdom of renewing ties with Hava-
na, Dr. Castro need not depend any longer on a change in
the White House to see an end to the long, costly U.S.-led
Caribbean News


INDIA acquired on 14 March, 74 per cent equity shares
of Esso's business interests in the country and would
assume 100 per cent ownership of the American-owned
oil company in 1981. Agreements to this effect have been
signed in New Delhi. The government is also acquiring
from Esso an additional 24 per cent shares in Lube India,
thus raising government share to 74 per cent.
A separate agreement between the government and
Esso provides for supply of crude for the next seven years.
Esso would continue to bring in 2.75 million tonnes of
crude, the present volume of their imports, for the next
three years and half of that quantity during the following r.
four years.
The government would pay to Esso a total repatriable
amount of Rs 180 million in foreign exchange for 100 per-
cent takeover within seven years. The total repatriable
payment, including 100 per cent takeover, 6.5 per cent
interest on balance of compensation and dividends, is
computed at Rs 240 million over the entire seven-year
Indian News & Foreign Review



DESPITE its oil wealth, the new Caracas Administration
vowed April 29 it would establish an austere economy while
it revealed plans to nationalize the US-dominated iron ore
industry plus a broad range of other foreign-owned
The nationalization of foreign firms engaged in do-
mestic commerce of goods and services follows a decision
made by the Andean Pact nations. Areas covered include
electric services, security services, TV, radio, newspapers and
magazines in the Spanish language, internal transport, super-
markets, department stores and publicity services.
Among businesses affected are the big Cada super-
market chain, 50%-owned by the Rockefeller family, and
the department stores of Sears, Roebuck & Co. Mr. Perez
said the companies would have 3 years to sell a minimum of
80% of their shares to Venezuelans.
Despite oil revenues expected to hit about $10-billion
in 1974, Mr. Perez told Venezuelans they must end their
"spend-thrift" tradition. To restore previous buying power,
the nation's wage-earners will be given 5% to 25% salary
increases, with more money going to lesser-paid workers.
Also, all retail firms engaged in credit sales will only
be allowed a maximum of 12% interest per annum instead
of what the President said was now from 37% to 50%. He
ordered hospital rates frozen and a special commission to
study price levels of medicines.
Caribbean News


VIETNAM doesn't make the front page anymore, but the
war is grinding on, and increasing in intensity. More than
60,000 people have been killed in battles in Vietnam since
the so-called ceasefire was brought into effect with the
Paris accords of January, 1973. Moreover, the U.S. is still
heavily involved in the war.
During the first year of "peace" in Vietnam, the US
has spent only 25 percent less on weapons and ammunition
for the Saigon army than it did during the fullscale war year
of 1972. US Senator Edward Kennedy's special Senate
committee on refugees estimates that US spending in Indo-.
china is about $3 billion this year.
The US Defense Attache's office in South Vietnam -
originally scheduled to be dismantled early this year still
comprises about 1.150 people, according to official figures.
The US is not only propping up Thieu militarily. It is also
bailing him out from his enormous economic difficulties.
South Vietnam, which used to export rice, now imports
250,000 tons of-rice a year to teed the population. The
official unemployment rate in the Saigon-controlled areas is
25 percent. Inflation is soaring, with the price of rice
tripling in the past year. The South Vietnamese piastre has
been devalued 11 times since the ceasefire from about
350 to the US dollar in January 1973 to 560 in Janaury
Thieu has offered enticing terms of foreign investors
to bring cash into the country. These include 10-year tax
holidays, sale of land at below market prices and the right to
expatriate 100 percent of profits. But the investors have
shunned Saigon, because of its economic difficulties. Thus,
Thieu has turned to the US for more and more aid both,
to build up the war and to keep the economy from collapse.
Early this year, Nixon asked the US Congress for $474
million over and above the $1.126 billion he is already'
donating to his favorite puppet. While the House of Repre-
sentatives turned down the extra appropriation, experience
suggests that the government will probably find the money
for Thieu among its other substantial resources, carefully
hidden from the American people. Labor Challenge


_ milk,



Vaughan Lewis

THERE has been a decided lack
of improvements in the relations
between St. Kitts and Anguilla
since the 1967 secession, and
certainly since the passage of the
Anguilla Bill in the British Par-
liament in July of 1971. This Bill
:had ao its purpose the provision
of arrangements for the separate
administration of Anguilla, and
made provision in particular for a
'British appointed Commissioner
jto be responsible for this Admi-
During the debate on the Anguilla
Bill, the Minister responsible for it, Mr.
,Joseph Godber, made quite clear the
British Government's intentions, in
remarking that he had assured the
Anguillans that the Government would
ibe "willing to reconsider fie position
!after the arrangements have been work-
ing for three years",Godber continued.
"If... they wish to continue on
the lines we are now establishing
with a greater degree of devolu-
tion of authority to their own
elected representatives, that can
also be done".
This is the course on which the
British Government is now set, in spite
of the change from a Conservative a
Labour Administration in that ccntry.
IMr. Bradshaw and the Government of
St. Kitts protested vigorously at the'
time, but they were, in effect, voices
crying in the wilderness.
Nonetheless, they hast of all,
should be surprised that three years
'after the 1971 Bill, with Mr. Web-
ster in Anguilla and Mr. Bradshaw in
'St. Kitts still at daggers drawn, and
unwilling to make any concessions at
all to each other, the British Govern-
ment should be willing to cc ntinue on a
course which must undoubtedly seem
to it as the one likely to be least
troublesome in the short run.


During 'the House of Commons
debate on-the 1971 Bill, Mr. Godber
also made something else quite clear,'
and it is worth quoting his remarks at
some length. If, he said, the. Govern-
iment of St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla intro-
duced in its legislature a law "terminat-
'ing the status of association of that
.State with the United Kingdom" then
the Bill provided that the Queen, by'
Order in Council, could direct that
iAnguilla would no longer form part of
?the Associated State. Godber empha-
Ssised the point:
"Were suck a law to be intro-
duced into the State Legislature
and the necessary constitutional
procedure to be gone through,
the Associated State would of
course becomefully independent.

This sub-section (of the Bill)
makes it clear tha the B tis
administration of Anguilla would
not he affected by such an event
and that, should it in fact hap-
.pen,.Her Majesty -by Order in
Council would have power to
provide a Constitution for An-
guilla "
The British Government's inten-
tion. Godber argued, was to provide
for 9 period of effective administration
iii Anguilla the only way in which it
(Britain) could "discharge their re-
sponsibilities for the defence and ex-
ternal affairs of St. Kitts-Nevis- Anguil-
la" and to try to use this period "to
enable tempers to cool".
Tempers nave clearly not cooled,
and the British Government working
on the principle enunciated by the
Labour Government during the 1969
Bahamas Constitutional Conference
when certain elements from that coun-.
try were contesting the idea of inde-
pendence, that "the wishes of the
people concerned must be the main
guide to action" are blocking Mr.
Bradshaw unless he can demonstrate
that he has consulted the "wishes" of
the Anguillan people.
Mr. Bradshaw has not been outwitted
by the British as certain correspon-
dents have been trying to suggest. He
has, without a doubt, known what
-the British were likely to do on any
issue that affected Anguilla. He knows
full well that the British see him, on this
issue as isolated, in diplomatic terms,
from his Caribbean colleagues, especial-

ly those from the independent states.
For all the anti-British froth that
was the order of the day in St. Lucia
on April 17th, it is more than likely
that Bradshaw was aiming his shots at
his Caribbean colleagues rather than
the British, in an effort to constrain
them to come a little closer to his
position rather than maintain the
stand-offish position that they have
held since 1969 at least.
The British are not anxious to
maintain constitutional responsibility
for the number of islets in the various
oceans of the globe which are now the
remnants of Empire. In addition, they
have never been particularly scrupu-
lous in constitutioral matters when
they have wished to arrange and re-
arrange their Empire. And they have
always known how to take advantage
of a weak diplomatic or political
position. What they are certainly no
longer interested in -is tolerating a
situation in which they are likely to
become embroiled in the political dis.
putes between contending political
parties in the colonies.
Recently, they have virtually
chased the little island group of the
Seychelles (population 52,000) intc
independence, in spite of the fervent
pleas of the political leader of that
country over the last few years that
what his people wish is integration, or
some from of association with Britain.
The British Ministers'made it clear
that they wished to establish no more
Associated States of the kind prevalent
in the Caribbean. And she has in fact


in ,w

De Luxe
Danish Teak finish
Living Room Suite
Reversible Cushions



68 70. HENRY ST.


SUNDAY MAY 26, 2974

settled her own global strategic con-;
cerns by detaching froni the Seychelles
a few unpopulated islands to consti-
tute the British Island Ocean Terri-



on sale


the House

00,I----L-~ ~_

But if Mr. Bradshaw wishes to go
into independence, then he, as Godber
made clear, cannot have Anguilla.
Their preference is for Britain, from
whom they have reputedly received
extensive amounts of financial and
technical assistance, rather than for
Mr. Bradshaw who like them, has to sit
at the British table in search of money.
As the London Times said in an edi-
torial on the morrow of the British
"invasion" of Anguilla in 1969,
"Recolonisation." is the best descrip-
tion of British activities'.
But the Times saw then as the
British Government no doubt sees now,
that to leave herself open to the charge
of wanting to sustain a British redoubt
in the Caribbean cannot be a healthy
thing,"Britain", the Times said, "cannot
drift along carrying a responsibility that
is obviously increasingly dangerous in
this race-conscious area. Anguilla is a
storm warning. To liquidate the British
presence there is important "
The question is whether the British
legislation of 1971 would still apply if
Bradshaw were to take this country into
some sort of regional integration
system that has the firm support of all
the Commonwealth Caribbean terri-
tories independent and non-inde-
pendent. It is highly unlikely that ,he
Continued on Page 9

SUNDAY MAY 26, 1974


Daughter of Zion and




With guitar strings
and tambourines that ring
in praise....

I listen to your voice,
O daughter of Zion,
I listen
While you sing praises to those
whose tied heads
have remembered always
the womb
from which we came.

For-there is laughter in eyes She had been for long,
today; to the north for long, coming
0 daughter of Zion, west by fire and flood, up
where the embrace of memory past the beach where
need not weep in dust tears and the fisherman's net
nor ashes, lay in tangles, had heard
need not shed tears those cries that littered
where you walk, the landscape with bleeding,
where your arms, your lJve, she had come shedding
your quiet steps are herscented pollen
once more the grace and pride along the path, trailing
of a people, the root again
I with homing flight and birdsong.
Daughter of Zion, beautiful leaves about her whispered
daughterof Zion, she was lift, but "
embrace us. did not want to tell it
so; was love, but left her kin
to show her kernel-seed
in the river which cradled
her days, nurturing their long-
ing for child's eye laughter
SI and the bursting
I mangoes' sweetness.
for she had seen the twilight
e seachdie beyond the cities'
sp racingig -- --.--muted dust;-had.come baclc.theuz.
deeptO o odO',? daizn
for new songs...o 0 dow dann
on the quiet river-bed, clad
A smile, in her petals and bird-song
your coarse laughter; singing; trailing her
BUT WE ARE. pollen and scented path...
S Onthis day for hers was the silent
On this first day, I turning of fire,
am as an ant, still, at the womb
pursuing by instinct of earth.
a thread
of light. I

other poern

Leroy C. Caliste

rising from earth
and returning
there a while, she spoke,
pointing to
the hurricane's eye.
She spoke, unraffled and striding
down a garden path,
through her rainbow curve, deep
in her jacket of petals.

I __ --


-I under chains and years and stones
down to the dungeon
to the slave-ships
to the sea ...

SThey sang -
some mad captain and his brood:
"How sweet the name of Jesus sounds
to the believer's ear".

We died then, under
the rafters and whip and daily
S refuse they called food;


- --- I


We died, to rise here, on this day
of black redemption...

Pain locked to iron and fire,
and, yes, that fixed fear
we feel, even here. ,

But they knew, the old ones, they knew
of our lasting fiies,
unquenched, when we bit
into the captain's throat;
when we jumped overboard;

They knew of this day's redemption;
returning to and with
our ancestors

ifis wedge oj siteLi-s; 'i'i tgin'
we now unleash,
in fruits
and into fruits
of our Ethiopia's awakening

Tomorrow, who knows,
I may be teh blossom
speaking ...
Which you

- 1 1


bird in flight
Sits freedom
ru fed each day,
w courses
falli7r, lirrfl t

aj jutng igni.
From this hill
memory drones
with songs
the cicadas sing.
And you are sprinkled
by the innocence
of dew and voices
of earth...
... that
sudden silence

L _i


Tapia House Group
82-84 St Vincent St., Tunapuna


(Surname) (other) blockletters



NAM ------------------------

ADDRESS -------------------------


Tel. No.


I enclose $1.00 for membership fee and
$ .......... for months dues.
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RETIRN TO: Tapia HLouse Piubi!shing Co. Ltd.,
unapu nid ; du.r , .:: 652-5 .
"inidad and Toba(o.


There are songs we remember:
goat skin drum
sound that calls us
over time and the years,
over hurt and the fallen gods,
I over the shadow
of frail inclination
to this meeting-place.

My brother, your quick hands
are landscaping
my village by the sea;
are throwing shafts
of light and colour
upon our waking pride,
upon our never defeated side
of life and life's substance.

It is from here we go,
feeding the power
of the spirit
with dreams and visions;
with clay
moulded in hands;

SWith tomorrows secure in hearts.
~i ^ --



, i


- --111~ ~ ~

- ---- -----------'



- - - N


AS THE February Revolution deepens into
its constructive phase, the new national
movement is slowly but surely acquiring a
solid base as we gain clarity on the way that
military, intellectual, cultural and political
activities all must hang together in a cohe-
rent and rounded whole.
On the cultural plane, what we under-
stood in 1970, was that Independence had
founded a nation-state but failed to free a
people. There began a desperate search for
identity, for settling who we are. Black
Power set in train a yearning for that
grace which can only come to a people at
peace with the cosmic forces for having
come to terms with themselves.
In the fullness of time Black Conscious-
ness had passed from the first explosive phase
of chauvinist indignation. Today's more
tranquil explorations of the history and
culture of our constituent peoples in much
more subversive of the Afro-Saxon order
because the watchwords are generosity,
magnanimity, spirituality the manifestations
of which are all around us.
Towards this development, TAPIA con-
tinues to unearth and present materials that
subvert the ignorance in which the old
national movement for whatever purposes
and motives has allowed our people to
wallow for an agonising decade and a half.
In TAPIA Vol 1, No 10 of November,
1970, Fitz Baptiste opened this series on
the "History of our Peoples" with the
publication of the lectures on Africa he had
delivered at the Tapia House. Since then
these pages have drawn on other fresh
scholarship notably by J. C. Jha and
on a wide variety of secondary sources to
bring to bear additional information.
This week's oferring is taken from
"Indian and Foreign Review". Fittingly,
it is an Indian perspective on the origin and
growth of African nationalism.

TO A world still nurturing at
least in some regions the image
of a "dark continent" the emerg-
ence of nationalism in Africa
was incredible. The "explosion"
of independence during the later
1950s and early 1960s on the
African continent was, therefore,
greeted with some disbelief and
Even in Asia, this awakening
among the African peoples was
not fully appreciated or realized
tI recenitl Nlureo\ el', lVeil those
w6 recogmised and acknowledged
the all-pervading anti-colonial
feeling in Africa would not con-
cede a longer history to the phe-
nomenon of African nationalism
than to the end of world war
But if we understand by nationalism
the undying spirit of independence of
a-subject people, w6 would have to
concede that this phenomenon in
Africa is roughly coterminous with
the beginnings of colonial conquest.
And it is and should be no surprise
that this is remarkably similar to
nationalism anywhere else. As Rotberg
argues, the "African experience" has a
close parallel in the experience of, say,
India, and African nationalism "has
qualities reminiscent of the older na-
tionalisms of Europe, Arabia and Asia".
Liberation from alien rule is a
consuming passion with subjugated
people everywhere. Resistance to con-
quest and rebellion after the conquest
inevitably give way to reluctant ac-
quiescence in the face of overwhelming
odds. But the spirit of independence
never dies, even in the hearts of men
who meekly accept the norms and
imitate the customs and manners of
the masters. Indeed, such men feel
more keenly the resentemnt against
discrimination, often based on the
assumed cultural superiority of a con-
quering race. It is this resentment,
shared by high and low among the
subject people, which kindles the dor-
mant spirit of independence and finds
expression in a variety of forms.
Throughout history, the awakening
of subject people and revolt against an
undeserved fate, have gone hand in
hand with cultural revival, which in-
deed is the sine qua non of emergence
of national consciousness. Pride in
their own past is the first weapon of a
subjugated people. If their subjugation
was ex post factor justified by the
proclaimed superiority of the ruler's



Julius Nyerere

culture and .civilization, the latter
must be fought on his own ground
and shown that the culture of a
conquered people was in no way
in CcOrio.
But pride in the past is also neces-
sary to recover self-respect and restore
self-confidence to a people long con-
demned to inferiority. Jawaharlal
Nehru's appropriate title Discovery of'
India bears witness to this phase in
Indian nationalism. Claude Wauthier
draws our attention ot the fact that
the movement for national emanci-
pation in African colonies was no ex-
ception to this general rule.


Indeed, cultural revival was all the
more urgent in Africa whose people
en masse were condemned by ill-
informed opinion as "bucolic .
without reason, wit or skill and with
no experience of anything at all" and
living "without law and order". These
views expressed by Leo Africanus in
the 16th century found further support
in pseudo-scientific theories, such as,
Arthur Gobineau's on the inequality of
human races, or that of Levy -Bruhl or
the pre-logical mentality of primitive
peoples, not to mention the ravings of
Robert Knox, George Robins Gliddon,
Josiah Clark Nott and others who
sought to show that negro slavery was

As Sheikh Anta Diop of Senegal
said in his Nations Negres et Culture,
"under the cloak of science", the aim
was "to make the negro believe that
he has never produced anything of
value". Charles de Graft Johnson of
Ghana laments the "widely held belief
that negro history begins with the
colonisation of lands inhabited by
'savages' who had lived in the same
primitive fashion from time
immemoria '.

Characteristically, therefore, the
African intellectual turned to ethno-
logy and history to rehabilitate the
dignity of his people. As early as 1868,

James Africanus Horton in his West
African Countries and Peoples. at-
tempted "a vindication of the native
African race".
Nhore as,: r'iiv' iiai t Ilorio ii was
Casley-Hayford, also of Ghana, who
wrote Gold Coast Native Institutions
(1903) and Ethiopia Unbound (1911).
In the latter work, he sought to show
that "Africa was the cradle of the
world's systems and philosophies, and
the nursing mother of its religions".
The South African, Molema, S.M.,
wrote about the Bantu Past and Pre-
sent in 1920. The Nigerian, A.K.
Ajisafe, and the Ghanaian, J.B. Dan-
quah explained the Laws and Customs
of the Yoruba People (1924) and
Akan Laws and Customs (1928)
The most famous among the works
in African ethnology is, however,
Jomo Kenyatta's monumental work
on the Kikuyus Facing Mount Kenya,
written in 1938. In the same year, a
Dahomeyan, Quenum Maximillien,
wrote on the laws and customs of
Dahomey, in Au Pays des Fons.
Mbonu Oiike of Nigeria (My Africa),
PaulHazoume of Dahomey (L 'A me du
Dahomeen .), Parmenas Githenud
Mockerie of Kenya (An African Speaks
for his own People), Sylla Assane of
Senegal (Une Republique Africaine
aux xix siecle), Ndabanigi Sithole of
Zimbabwe (African Nationtalism) and
several others contributed towards a
fuller understanding of the African
As Nazi Boni (Upper Volta) as-
serted in the preface of his Crepuscule
des TempsAnciens, their intention was
two-fold, to interpret African culture
to outsiders, and more importantly,
to reawaken in Africans themselves a
taste for their own ancestral culture:
Africa would not be itself it were
ashamed of a past of which it has
only to be proud and from which it
must draw the inspiration essential
for revival.
An equally important asp-ct of
cultural revival is resurrection ,f past
history. Here, too, African intellectuals
have sought to demolish the Pyth that
Africa had no history before the

conquest. Charles de Gr aft-Johnson (
Ghana (African Glory The Story o,
Vanished Negro COvilisationSSheikh
Anta Diop of Senegal (J 'Afrique Noin
Pre-coloniaiej, William Conton o;
Sierra Leone (West Africa in History)
Joseph ki Zerbo of Upper Volta (His
toire el Conscience Negre), Fily Dab(
Sissoko of Mali (Savane Rouge), al
wrote, mainly for an African audience
so that the:

Negro (was) able to grasp the con-
tinuity of his nation's history and to
draw from it the moral support he
needs to recover Ihis place in the
civilised world.

All these works of ethnology, his-
tory and law have been necessarily in
the English or French languages. Several
of them were written as doctoral
theses and most of them were ad-
dressed as much to the audience in the
metropolis as to the native audience.
Equally, the literary expressions of
African revival were in the languages
of the colonial masters.


There were many reasons for this,
but the most important was that the
writers had to address a larger group
than would be possible if they wrote in
their own languages. But whatever
language was used, the theme, the
idioms and the message were essen-
tially African. And, as David Diop
put it:

By contributing with his writing to
the ending of the colonial regime,
,.tlle. Fr~Jch-speaking creative Negro
-', itei is assisting tile revival of our
national culture.

Revolt against colonial rule, re-
sentment at racial discrimination and,
Ibove all, thle terrible and bitter memo-
ries ol the "sl;ve trade" are the running
themes in Af;ncan literature. Senghor's
A.tliologie de la nouielle poesie negre
et malgaehe contains, many examples
of the slavery theme evoked by poets

OAY 19, 1974





like the Congolese Martial Sinda
Tchicaya V'Tamsi of Brazzaville,
Rabeaiivelo of Madagascar and Agos-
(Central African Republic), Amadou
Wade (Senegal), Armattoe (Togo),
Wole Soyinka (Nigeria) have expressed
their poetic resentment against racist
arrogance. At the same time, the
poets have glorified their mother
Africa, For their simplicity as well as
excellence, one may quote Martial
Afrique de Jadisk
Afrique, domptee
O, Afrique, ohoe notre Afrique
and Davidson Nicol (Sierra Leone)
I know not that is what you are,
Happiness, contentment and fulfil-
And a small bird singing on a mango
An aspect of the cultural revival in
Africa which is striking is its pan-
African character. This is, indeed, a
distinguishing feature of African na-
tionalism. When the African intellec-
tual speaks of the customs, traditions
and history of the past, he speaks of
Africa as a whole and not of any parti-
cular country. This is because, as Yves
Benot points out, unlike Asia and even
north Africa, in tropical Africa, all the
ancient structures, including the geopo-
litical, had been reduced to morsels.
It is not just a coincidence that
attempts as late as in the 19th century
at national consolidation, such as those
of Al Hadj Omar, Samuri and Shaka,
were frustrated by the advancing
colonial powers and their "empires"
broken up and parcelled out among
different colonial territories. At the
end of the infamous "partition of
Africa", none of the ancientpolitical
entities of tropical Africa, except
Ethiopia, survived intact. Hence the
focal point of African awakening has
been the entire continent, including
north Africa.

Casley-Hayford spoke of Ethiopia
Unbound; Charles de-Graft Johnson's
4frican Glory eliminates, so to speak,
the geographic and racial frontier of
the Sahara" and Sheikh Anta Diop

studies the entire gamut of mediaeval
African history in his L 'Afrique noire
Similarly, the heroes eulogised by
the African nationalist are drawn from
all over the continent. For example,
Shaka, the Zulu conqueror of the 19th
century, inspired litterateurs from
areas as far apart as Senegal (President
Senghor), Mali (Seydou Couyate),
Zimbabwe (Ndabaningi Sithole) as
well as from South Africa (Thomas
Mofolo, Dhlomo and Chief Albert


The link between the cultural re-
vival of Africa and national liberation
was firmly established by the first
conference of African intelligentsia
held in Paris in 1956. As Leopold Se-
dar Senghor, now President of Senegal,
told the first congress of Negro writers
and artists at Paris in 1956,"'African
literature is politically committed".
Summarising the achievements of

the congress, Presence Africaine noted
that it:
elucidated (the) basic truths 1.
No nation without a culture; 2. No
culture without n-pat't:3s No a,,teln- --"
tic cultural liberation without politi-
cal liberation first.
The second congress at Rome in
1959 proclaimed that:
Political independence and economic
freedom are the indispensable pre-
requisites of fecund cultural develop-
ment in the countries of black
Africa ...
In doing this, the two congresses
were only taking note ot the inevitable
connection between cultural renais-
sance and political independence.
The demand for the latter had,
however, a longer history than the two
congresses. As early as 1918-19, the
universal Negro improvement asso-
ciation (often called the Garvey move-
ment) demanded that:
the principle of self-determination be
applied to Africa and all European
controlled colonies .is which people
of African descent predominate.
The national congress of British

west Africa was founded in 1918. The
Tanganyika African association, the
precursor of the Tanganyika African
national union, was founded in the
.-..- -|j. -' f c -l- h-Thp -fT-_n reTs--~~e -
Senegal combined before world war 1
to elect an African, M. Blaise Diagne,
as their deputy in the French national
All over colonial Africa, the desire
to gain control over the management
of their own affairs was manifest in a
variety of ways.
It was, however, after world war II
that favourable conditions such as a
general liberalisation in the attitude of
colonial authorities, improvements in
communications within individual ter-
ritories and with one another, gradual
increase in the number of people
brought within the orbit of "modern"
economy and so enabled the Afri-
can elites to broaden the bases of their
politically-oriented associations and
launch mass parties, such-as the con-
vention people's party of Gold Coast

Cont'd on Page 8



Pt p hens


I- -- ----------- A

P AG E 8 TAPAl SUNDAY MAd6 1974soi
p ^^n^aj^

From Page 2

They hold important positions in
the PNC government. And conserva-
tives like Rahaman Gajraj, Guyana's
Ambassador to India; Lionel Luckhoo
and John Jardim are strong backers
of the PNC. The PNC's Foreign Affairs
Minister, Sonny Ramphal, is no social-
ist but is Guyana's most vocal spokes-
man at the UN and elsewhere.
Ideologically, the PNC's position
.; demagogic. It claims to be anti-
nmperialistby.talking about nationalism,
socialism and revolution. Recall that
the fascist Mussolini and Pilsudski
marched on Rome and Poland respec-
tively as heads of "revolutionary"
movements against the-bourgeoisie on
behalf of "the whole nation" and for
"the salvation" of the nation. So did
Hitler who led a national-socialist
"revolution" in Germany.
The PNC even prostitutes Marxism.
Higgins in the New Nation (7/6/72)
"Today, in the Co-operative Repub-
lic of Guyana, the revolutionary ac-
tions at Government, Party, Commu-
nity and individual levels hav now
become the new ideal, especially so,
since they are Marxist Burnhamist is
ideological content".
Marxism is revised, turned upside-
down on its head with the concept of
co-operative socialism: namely, that
cooperatives will be the means of
bringing socialism to Guyafa, and not
the reverse, as the PPP holds.


Like the Unidad Popular of Chile,
the PNC talks about ownership and
control of resources. But the Burnahm
government. unlike that of Salvador
,-Allende,does.ntStAt-ake-over-the com-
manding heights of the economy. In-
stead, with its "meaningful participa-
tion" and miniaturisationn" policies, it
is following the path of the discredited
Eduardo Frei's regime with its slogans
of "Chileanisation of copper" and
"revolution in liberty", concepts in
keeping with the new imperialist
strategy of "partnership".
What about the PPP? What was and
is its position?
The PPP started as a revolutionary
party dedicated to end foreign domina-
tion, to transform the economy and to
bring about social justice.
Prior to the 1955 split, its strength
lay in its broad-based, multi-racial
support among workers, farmers and
sections of the middle class, its weak-
ness was ideological disunity. Although
led by Marxists, there were among its
leadership many non-Marxist elements
social-democrats, petty bourgeois
professionals andothers.
In the post 1953-1955 period,
when the PPP and the nation were
united racially, the imperialists used
ideological differences to divide and
rule. .The Robertson Commission
(1954) which justified the suspension
of the Constitution and the forceful
removal of the PPP from the govern-'
ment in 1953,engineered the split, not
on the ground of race but ideology-
policies and programme. It recom-
mended an indefinite period of "mark-
ing time" so long as the PPP main-
tained "its leadership and policies",
and suggested that the socialists the
faction led by L.F.S. Burnham -
should break away from the com-
munists to save the country for de-
In the 1962-64 period, a change of
the Constitution (first-past-the-post
system of voting to proportional re-
presentation) and the ouster of the
PPP from the government were en-
gineered by the PNC and Anglo-
American imperialism. After meeting
L.F.S Burnhani in May 1962 in

Washington D.C., Arthur Schlesinger
Jr. recommended to President Kennedy
that Burnham and not Jagan should
be backed, and that the way to defeat
the PPP was- through a change of the
voting system.
But because the British government
had been committed at the 1960
London Constitutional Conference to
confer independence under the leader-
ship of the party which had won the
1961 elections, it could not easily
succumb to pressures from the Ken-
nedy administration. Thus, the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA)through its
agent Howard McCabe and its local
collaborators, fomented and financed
demonstrations, strikes and strife.
Racial disunity and strife then because
the excuse for reneging on pledges
solemnly made.
Clearly, those who see the PPP and
the PNC as "two racial blocs" have
blinkers. They see but do not really
comprehend. It is tantamount to poli-
tical dishonesty and opportunism.
To make the picture clearer, per-
haps we should compare Guyana with
Trinidad and Surinam where it is also
said there is racial politics.
In these countries, the so-called
Indian parties are quite different. In
Trinidad and Surinam, the leadership
is petty-bourgeois; in Guyana, it is

Under the leadership of both Dr.
Rudranath Capildeo and Vernon Jama-
dar, the Democratic Labour Party
(DLP) was social-democratic, similar
to the PNC. But there is also a similari-
ty between the PNC government and
that of the People's National Move-
ment (PNM) led by Dr. Eric Williams.
This explains why the DLP did not
join the NJAC revolt against the PNM
regime in 1970- the DLP is obviously
more afraid of revolution than of the


Like the DLP, the Surinam Party
led by Mr. Jaggernauth Lathmon does
not want any basic change of the
economic structure.
Personalities Jagan and Burnham,
Williams and Jainadar, Lachmon and
Pengal race and religion cannot be
divorced from politics. But far more
important are policies and programmes.
"For which class" is of more funda-
mental consideration when one thinks
about a party.
The PPP is a revolutionary Party
based on the ideology of the working
class and national liberation Marxism-
Leninism. Itplays a vanguardrole firstly
in educating the masses by explaining
why things are bad, why they will get
worse and what must be done to make





jna i als

From Page 7
(Ghana) the national council of Nl. I .,
and Cameroon, Kenya African union,
Tanganyika African national union,
Rassemblement Democratique Afri-i
caine of French black Africa and such
others. At the same time, attempts to
use industrial strikes as political wea-
pons became frequent during the 1940s
and 1950s, especially in the Sudan,
Rhodesia, Congo, Ghana and Nigeria.
A significant development imme-
diately before and, more discernibly,
after world war II was the "terri-
torialisation" of African nationalist
politics. The colonial authorities who
had the power to shape political move-
ments successfully compelled pan-
Africanist political movements to work
within the framework of tle colonial
administrative units. This was true es-
pecially of former British Africa, where
successive doses of "representative"
democracy were granted to the terri-
tories like the Gold Coast, Nigeria,
Kenya, etc. individually at different
Progress towards independence
within each territory could be gained
only by sacrificing concern for pan-
Africanist interests. This was evident
in the case of Ghana and Tanganyika,
especially. In French-speaking Africa,
territorialisationn" of nationalism
came after the Lio-Cadre reforms of
1956 which launched the individual
territories of former French west and
French equatorial Africa onl their march
to autonomy and eventual independ-
ence. There, again, one of the strongest
ctdvocntes of pan-Afiicanisl intlrcests.

slavery katibo -
(possumtree burned) By R. Dobru

Guinea, was the .first to choose an
independent road to freedom.
Lamenting the "lure" of independ-
ence prevailing over "unity", Doudou
Thiam, a former foreign minister of
Senegal, hoped that the ideal of African
unity would again assert itself. Unity,
in fact, never left the lips of the Afri-
can leaders. And, as has been seen, the
base for the consciousness of African
oneness was strong in the movement
for African cultural revival.
But with robust commonsense,
African political leaders accepted the
limitations imposed by the colonial
interlude. Thu_, "nationalism" has
been politically confined to individual
territories, however artificial and
"arbitrarily-contrived" they may be,
and the "colonies-turned-states" are
now the focus of "nationalist" aspira-
tions and nation-building efforts.
Equally sensibly. African statesmen
have agreed in unison to sanctify the
political frontiers imposed front outside.
Pre-colonial African societies had
been so ruthlessly fragmented that any
irredentist or revanchist aspiration of
particular ethnic or linguistic com-
munities would spell a danger to
almostevery established state in Afric;l.
Thus, African nationalism has been
localized and particularised to indivi-
dual countries.
The pan-Africanist aspirations of
the colonial era have, however con-
tinued to inspire ltoui'hl i' !U 1

them better;and secondly, in organising
the people to take power anti-
imperialist, pro-democratic and pro-
socialist power.
The PPP is relevant. That's why
the PNC is forced to lift in an ad hoc
manner parts of its policies and pro-
gramme. Those who charge that the
PPP is not relevant must set out their
programme and not limit themselves
to mere talk about race and personality
The PPP does not claim that it is
the only anti-imperialist force in
Guyana. From a mass national party
(with strength and weaknesses), it is
being transformed into' a Marxist-
Leninist party. As a mass vanguard
party of the working class, it recog-
nizes that apart from the working
class, there are other classes and strata
-the farmers, intellectuals, students
and petty bourgeoisie which can
take an anti-imperialist position. Con-
sequently, like the Vietnamese Work-
-ers Party (communist), the PPP is
willing and anxious to cooperate and
work with other parties, groups and
even progressive individuals, who are
opposed to the puppet PNC clique in
power and the imperialists who back it.
But this can only Wotne about
when there is a willingness on the part
of those forces to work genuinely
with the PPP and not to subvert or to
destroy it. So far as the PPP is con-
cerned, it does not intend to liquidate
itself. On the other hand, regardless of
ideological differences, it will work
assiduously for unity and united action
against racism and state-monopoly-

independent Africa. Initially riven into
groups opposed to one another, such as
the Casablanca and Brazzaville groups,
the African states rallied around the
organisation of African unity ,., May
The OAU may be an inadequate
vehicle for the expression of pan-
African nationalism of the colonial
era. But it represents a politically saga-
cious approach to the problem of
unity in a continent so severely frag-
mented by recent history. In the
founding and functioning of the OAU.
African nationalism has proved itself
to be a more potent force than Asian


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SUNDAY MAY 26, 1974

SUNDAY MAY 26. 1974'

From Page 4
British would stand in the way of such
a system or West Indian state, by
attempting to keep Anguilla away
from it. But would they take the
responsibility for letting Anguilla go
into it as part of St. Kitts-Nevis-
This is highly unlikely; and the
Anguillans would in any case attempt
-to resist it while none ofthecurrently
independent states would wish to sup-
port the use of force in order to bring
Anguilla in. The most important West
Indian state Jamaica,is after all founded
on the principle of secession.
It is here if Mr. Bradshaw is
truly committed to West Indian inte-
gration, that he will have to make a
concession on the issue of Anguilla
itself. He will have to be prepared to
concede the right of direct governance
of Anguilla to the principle of parti-
cipation in a collective political system
in which Anguilla is a part, but not
necessarily a part of the combination
of St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, which
after all was organised by the British
without deference to the wishes of the
Anguillans, Mr. Bradshaw or anyone

else but themselves.
We now have to begin to reorganise
the pumlcal system ot the Caribbean
in a manner that makes political and
economic sense. St.Kitts is a sugar
island at least at present; it is also
beginning the shift towards tourism.
The interests of its peoples lie in be-
ginning now to establish functional
connections, with those units in the
Caribbean which have bargaining
strength in sugar and technical strength
for the development of that industry.
Anguilla should in fact come into
a constitutional sub-unit (i.e. within a
larger Eastern Caribbean State) along
with the current British Virgin Islands
all of which need to have some effort
made towards the development of their
.infra-structures, and which have an
interest in the development of tourism.
Each island of this grouping must,
and would, have its own representative
system to the extent that its economy
can afford this but would represent its

interests at the highest levels of the
new state, through this constitutional
unit. In this way, Anguilla could exer-
cise its right of self-determination, but,
like every other Caribbean island, within
the framework of the larger Caribbean
political unit that is widely conceded
as necessary for the very survival of the
peoples of the region.
It is here that the British must be
pressed to do their bit. Once the
principle of a representative system is
conceded to Anguilla, and the units of
the Eastern Caribbean (in particular
Trinidad, Barbados and Guyana) have
made known their intention to organise
an Eastern Caribbean state that recog-
nises the principle that representation
and authority for decision-making must
have its basis in the island and the
island political system then the
Anguillans must be induced to move
into the new system.
The British must clearly and with-
out qualification then remove any

Ball in our court

BIM Poet delights in P.Rico

much so that in response to a
question from the audience,
the poet elaborated at some
length on the semantic im-
portance of tonal nuances,
showing, by example, how a
single word can produce several

meanings by merely altering
the pitch of its syllables.
If poetry is, as Bruce St.
John insists it is, primarily for
the ear. then he is clearly in
-the poetic mainstream. And
regardless *of where poetry

and the poet .are those who
were listening in the Confer-
ence Room of the Library on
Thursday, March 28th, from
10.30 to 12 noon, surely
know what an excellent ex-
perience it was.

Bruce St John

BRUCE St. John, the
well-known yoet from
Barbados, visited the Ma-
yaguez Campus in Puerto
Rico March 28th and 29th
to conduct a variety of
informative, provocative,
and delightful sessions for
the English-speaking Uni-
versity community.
Professor St. John, who
was recently chosen Dean at
the Cave Hill Campus of the
College of the West Indies,
was obviously comfortable in
his role as public lecturer,
classroom discussant, and,
above all else, poet,
Although the general ses-
;ion held Friday morning the
29th, during which he intro-
duced his audience to the
rhythms of calypso and the
steel band via phonograph, and
to the sights of his native
Barbados via slide projector,
was well-attended and appre-
ciated, it was his discussion
and reading of poetry on
Thursday morning in the
Library's Conference Room
that was clearly the highlight
of his visit.
Professor St. John. while

he talked of the necessity of
visualizing poems and of the
Snerd T7i capture -1 with-eco--
nomy an original reaction
to events ("I never saw it like
that before", should be the
reader's as well as the poet's
reaction), is most attuned to
the dimension of sound and
In poem after poem, start-
ing from the three he read
about cane-cutting, moving to
his wryly ironic comment on
the way invited guests have of
becoming intrusive, abusive
foreigners, including a
"naughty" poem or two and
some poetic criticism of edu-
cation, and finally reaching
an emotional peak in his
mournful poem about a son's
recollections of his mother's
death and burial in which the
refrain "Ah, boy" serves as a
ritualistic confrontation with
pain as well as a consoling
rhythmical caress, Bruce St.
John showed his loving debt
to the music of poetry.

The sound of the speaker's.
voice, almost invariably in
dialect. was crucial to the
meanng of the poetry, so

---- -DON4 TION $3.00

I~ ~je1A~


Power to the People
Tapia's New World
Tapia Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of the Public Service
Foreign Investment In T and T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Institutions
Foreign Capital in Jamaica
Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica
Underdevelopment and
Persistent Poverty
Readings in The Political Economy
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Economic
The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus
The Integrated Theory of
Development Assistance
Cuba Since 1959
Caribbean Community
The Caribbean Community
- A Guide

- C.V. Gocking
- Denis Solomon
- Mc Intyre & Watson
- C. Y. Thomas
- M. Odle
- Norman Girvan

- O. Jefferson

- ed Norman Girvan
- George Beckford

- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson

- W. Demas

- Brewster & Thomas

- Roy Thomas

- Davidson L. Budhoo
- James Millette



possibility that Anguilla can simply
remain a colony of Britain. If Britain
has no interest in the maintenance of
any imperialist constitutional presence
in the Caribbean region, then she
should have no difficulty in taking this
Clearly, ,however, the ball right
now is in the court of the Caribbean
politicians, not in the hands of the
British. Self-determination means, in
the first instance, having the political
will to organise things for ourselves.
If the politicians of this region are
concerned to push ahead with their
oft-stated intention to ldecolonialise
the Caribbean and meaningfully inte-
grate it, then it is for them and for
those in particular from the currently
independent states to take the initia-
tive on the Anguilla question now, in
the context of this intention. They
must indicate the way out of the dilem-
ma to Mr. Bradshaw, and induce him to
make such concession as is necessary.
Otherwise their verbal support ior
Mr. Bradshaw in his present predica-
ment will be worth nothing; and the
sooner Mr. Bradshaw were to come to
this realisation, the better.

-, -9~g_ *8 1 *

Friday May 31, 1974 8.00 pm to 4 am
Artists: Chalkdust Valentino, Explainer, Allrounder and
Music by: Traficans, Andre Tanker, The Mau Mau Drummers
Esquires Now, Deltones Solo IIarmonites National
Lottery Third World, C.I.B.C. Starlift andArt de

$ 3.60










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SUNDAY MAY 26, 1974


AFRICAN Liberation
week, May 19-25, has
'been marked by corn-'
muinity rallies featured by
discussions, poetry read-
ing and drumming. It will
culminate with a rally on
May 26 at the Thunder-
bird Terrace, Pointe-a-'
Pierre Road, San Fernan-
do to commemorate
African Liberation Day.
The rally begins at 10.00
a.m. and will go until 12
Among the artists appear-
ing/will be Calypsonians Pro-
tedtor, Valentino, Relator,
All-rounder, Unknown and
Andre Tanker. Drummers will
include St. Helena Tassa.
Drummers, Chase Village
Tassa Drummers, and the Bara-
taria Freedom Drummers.
The Free French Steel
Orchestra will perform as wil
the Southern Contemporary
"Dance Company and the In-
dian Dancers. There will be
poetry by Lasana Kwesi and
Bro. Umze.
Black Art and Craft, a
display of African Fashions
and Hairstyles at 2 p.m. and
revolutionary drama by the
Black People's Theatre en-
titled "Before Nowand Then "
Also scheduled are raps by
Bro. Daaga (Geddes Granger),
Bro. Duguma Kambon (Dave
Darbeau), Sr. Olabisi (Joy'
Alfred) and Bro. Sekou, Chair-
man of NORS.
Ldmission is free.


THE -Trinidad Theatre
Workshop presents
"Readings" by Carolyn
Reid-Wallace at the Little
Carib Theatre, White
Street, Port of Spain on
Thursday, May 30 and
Friday, May 31.
A Fullbright-Hays lecturer
in American literature and
Modern Poetry now teaching
at the University of Guyana.
Dr. Reid-Wallace performed
briefly, but with great impact,
at the USIS Library in Port
of Spain and the St. Augus-
tine campus of the University
of the West_-ndies in March
this year.
The Trinidad Theatre
Workshop is bringing Dr Reid-
Wallace to Trinidad for a full-
scale performance as part of its
active participation and deep-
ening involvement in the
Caribbean arts.

Late last year the Work-
shop staged the very success-
ful performances by the Guya-
jnese actors Ken Corsbie and
'March Matthews in "Dem Twa".
"in March this year Workshop
'Director Derek Walcott pro-
!duced his play "Ti Jean" in
ISt Croix with a local group,
The Courtyard Players. Wil-
bert Holder also went to St
Croix from Trinidad to play
the lead part of "The Devil"
in this staging of "Ti Jean".
This week Derek Walcott's
'"The Charlatan" is opening at
Ithe Mark Taper Forum in Los
.Angeles working with Mel
Shapiro, the U.S. Director of
"The Charlatan".
Tickets for "Readings" go
on sale next week at the Singer
Mall on Frederick Street and
are available from the mem-
bers of the Trinidad Theatre
Workshop. Tickets are being
sold at $2 each. J

A PROGRAMME of entertainment dubbed
"Concert Night"wvas presented at the Naparima Bowl
recently by the students and staff of San Fernando
Government Secondary School. There were two
shows a "Matinee" at a lower price for students,
and an evening show at 7.30 p.m.
The two hours of entertainment included
Music Festival pieces, group and individual dancing,
skits, a played and original music. The show reached
exciting heights, especially after intermission, when
much creative talent was displayed by-loth teachers
and students.
It was an entertaining evening and a fine
school effort.

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S.the inside story,
int nrxt ome youe on the insie looking out through 0 NACO's small, safe openings assuring protection from
NACO Louvre Window, take a closer look at the window accidents with small children.
self You'll make some very interesting observations A s steel safety-bar for protection from burglars
or instance, you're bound to be imoressed with:- an optional extra.
ACO's clan,modern design in perfect harmony with 0 NACO's easy-to-clean features labour savings
e latest building trends.e We could go on but we don't think we have to.
rAC's neat, flush-fi'ing handles ensuring trouble-free, Except to mention that NACO LOUVRE WiNDOWS
nACOg -tip c control are also economically Installation is simple, and broken gss
ACO's 900-plus opening for extensive ventilation otrol is speedily and inexpensively replaced.
om down-draught to dreconvincedthat you're convinced. And with so
ACO's centre-pivot'g dfeasiu for perfect louvre- balance; mitch going for theay we think you'll agree that
ey cannot blst open or closed remain in the position NACO LOUVRE WINDOWS aren really wort looking
u chooseinto. Nowl

or nsaneyourebond T b mRese INIDA AN TO AGO. s TEel- 62 et-32866 poetinfombrlas.

Wayne Brown


nothing, his destination.

.pp--l I--------



(On the death of Eric Roach and after reading the eulogies)

"To die like a speckled fish to beguile a brown-faced
audience even for a while."
Edgar Mittleholzer

Roach gone, the carrion
who drove him, hurt hawk, from the echoing air
with their hunger for bloodbath, their shrill caws
of treachery,
shriek with excitement
Dead; and to them he is Hero.
Carrion like them dead.

But if, or for how long, he tread
that narrowing have, observing
the sheer light of those first words fail
in their fustian heaven,

Nobody knows,
or will, now.
Love overgrows a rock,
but not a raftload of schisms.

At Quinam Bay,when the tide goes,
the ocean upholds itself
still, without contradiction -
And it is the sky that shatters.

Diarist, there are matters
best left to these birds and the sand's blowing.
Walk softly here.

And do not talk of the hawk on the air,
or of the plankton's release from its drifting.
Spare him the folk he could not save.
Leave out the landscape he loved.

However green the shoreline,
however blue the sky,
face down he came to the beach.

But rest him, in cadence unadorned
as bread, there, where the ocean fed
him back to the shore he turned from;

Not free, free at last, Carrion,
but locked
in his tiring dream of destruction

Within his head full of salt,
his lost craft,

SUNDAY MAY 26, 1974

Chris and Lisa

is the latest addition to
our West Indian artists
* who discover the beauty
of our natural world -
not only the world of
our people, but also the
visual beauty in which we
live here and now.
She wanted to breakaway
from the traditional exhibi-
tions of paintings, sculptures
etc., by introducing us solely
to batik 'art' (a printing tech-
nique from the Far East: a!
'wax-resist' is applied to cloth
w which is then dyed).
And this she did with a
beautiful variety of coloured

materials hanging across ceil-
ings, walls and even windows
in the Humming Bird Room
of the Trinidad Hilton Hotel.

After trying her hand at
painting and etching, Valerie
Belgrave has now displayed
undeniable innovation and
imagination in her choice of
subjects and colours.You get
the feeling that she sincerely
desired to merge our different
origins: Asian, African and
European. And this conscious-
ness of our own values and of
Sthe rich possibilities which
exist for creating a unique.
style out of everyday life is
Most of the wall-hangings
create effects of rhythm and

remind us that colour has a
value apart from that of imi-
tating natural appearances.
However this medium of ex-
pression is limited and the
materials are somewhat im-
permanent. Mother, 'Wait-
ing' 'Two cultures one peo-
ple' touch a nerve and pro-
voke anxieties; yet these are
very much alive with hope for
the future. 'La Trinidad'
seems to suggest something
vital with exuberant Trini-
dadian colours, yet it reflects
Miss Belgrave succeeded
in putting across something of
her social awareness and the
result is very worthwhile. She
is not only suggesting but
insisting on her dream of a

society where different cul-
tures will blend together. She
sees hope and this is what is
so significant in her work.
It is refreshing and stimulat-
ing even.
Although the motifs of'
the wall-hangings were a real
attempt to depict a Trini-
dadian's way of life in a
semi-abstract form much'
more enjoyable were the end-
less lengths of material wait-
ing tobe draped aroundshapes
and shades of black, brown
and white Here is a signi-
ficant step towards our own
creation of fashion.
Imagine what beautiful
dresses, head ties, shawls, and
curtains'could be decorated
oy a oatik which admitted
that our plural-culture has a

wide diversity of sources to.
draw from!
1TMiss Belgrave persevered
in her endeavours, she c6uld'
very well pioneer a new West-
Indian art in textile for she
Captures themes and charac-
ters umnque to our environ-
ment.And such decoration
of ourselves and our surround-
ings with a style and an art
that depict the origins and
ways of our people, would
make them so much more
natural and therefore so much
more beautiful.
Would not another setting
for her work have been more
suitable? One can only hope
that the people she so vividly
illustrates will be able to find
their way to the luxurious
Trinidad Hilton.

Nj .---- -.--- ii

im fils soniary can .
in the measured span
yesterday's tumult
and today's
one man sits
for hour
deepening hour
how lazilv
each nmpid wave
seeps through porous
rolls slowly up
the slight incline
to nudge the rain puffed
to return
slowly to the sea.
To the sea always
this timeless return.
And so
in the singing surf
one child
is dancing
in the morning's soft sun
"Look at me! Daddy! Look
at me!"
Plunging underwater
she surfaces
eyes shut tight
gasping mouth
working like a fish
her pride
a startled glistening.
And so
this humbling gift
makes tomorrow lift
beckoning the promise closer.
Raoul Pantin

Beatik as Craft end Art form


And so


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7 6,- S t e .D. .O.X.'.
Yc~I 78th Scot
LT. S. 70o,2110~1
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164 48


LAST Wednesday May
22, Corosal formally
launched its Tapia House
Group and elected three
officers to conduct exe-
cutive business.
A large number of youths
gathered to hear Community
Secretary Ivan Laughlin, re-
count the history of co-opera-
tion between Tapia and the
Bl ackgold Co-operative
which, he 'said, "has now
reached the stage where the
brothers are ready to form a
directlypolitical organisation"
Elected Corosal Chairman
was Kelvin Ramsumair who
told the gathering that for a
long time he used to cast the
Tapia paper aside because it
had no "entertainment" -
until he discovered what an
education it was.
"For a long time", he
continued, "I knew I should
have initiated activity to start
this Group but I have been
shirking the responsibility?
now I can shirkit no.longer".
Two Atwell brothers, Cal-
vin and Everilde, were elected

--I--- ~ ~~ U--seP----~-~~e~ c,-

Tapia Secretary, Lloyd
Best, urged that we had to
change not only the Govern-
ment but the system of go-,
vernment and the organisa-
tion of political life in the
local areas. "New wine", he
said, "new bottles".
Tapia Vice-Chairman,
Augustus Ramrekersingh, and
Lloyd Taylor, roving Tapia
Organiser from Barataria, also
attended the launching cere-

Group Launched in Corosal

ON THE 25th May, 1974, proclaimed African Liberation
Day, Black peoples of the world join together with their
African brothers and sisters on the continent, and through-
out the rest of the world in a day of solidarity with Afri-
can Freedom Fighters.
That is why peoples of Asia, Africa, Latin America, the
Caribbean and other Black peoples scattered over the globe, feel the
pain of those on the continent who are under direct white colonial

It is their pain, it is our

In India the recognition
of common bonds of suffer-
ing and exploitation and the.
concern about the crimes
against humanity committed
daily in Africa by the white
invaders is reflected in the
importance given to observ-
ances of solidarity with our
brothers and sisters fighting
on the continent.

For example, in 1972 the
ruling national Congress joined
with nine other national or-
ganisations, -including even
the. main opposition party -
the Communist party of India
to sponsor a solidarity
meeting in New Delhi on
----Africa Day (June 26th)." 5
......... -n the Natinna Jo.nint

Actiri Committee and all
Black peoples of the Carib-
bean who love Freecom share
the commitment of all those
peoples determined to see a
liberated Africa.
This year, particularly be-
cause of the importance at-
-tached to the upcoming Sixth
Pan African Congress in Tan-
zania, many of the organisa-
tions engaged in struggle in
the Caribbean, including
NJAC in-Trinago, are observ-
ing May 19th to 26th as

African Liberation Week. In
Grenada the New Jewel Move-
ment has declared the entire
month of May African Libera-
tion month.

At this time we extend
our brotherhood to those who
are involved in armed struggle
to free white domination and
exploitation, especially those
in Azania (South Africa)
where both African and In-
dian people are ruthlessly de-
hurpanised. Namibia (South
west Africa, Zimbabwe
(Rhodesia), Angola, Mozam-
bique and Guinea Bissau.

Our brothers and sisters.
in the so-called Portuguese
territories- are in 'particular
priced O die :LC'riLinuirig com-
mitment of peoples inside
and outside of Africa to see
them free in the light of the
manouvres of the new Spinola
Government in Portugal which
is just as determined as the
former Caetano clique and its
NATO allies to continue to
control the destiny of the
peoples of Africa.
We agree totally with the
representatives of the people
of Angola, Guinea Bissau and
Mozambique who say that
there can be no peace with-

out total freedom.
As Frederick Douglass
said, "no man can be halt
free and half slave".
During African Liberation
Week we are focussing our
attention to on the solidarity
of Black peoples in the Carib-
bean with each other in our
struggle for free and united
Those who are against our
freedom want us, to remain

Open House

House' series continues at the
Tapia House next Thufsday,
May 30, when Dr. Peter Bacon.-
of the Department of Biolo,
gical Sciences, UWI, will lead
off a discussion on "The po-
tential for Turtle farming- in
Trinidad and Tobago".
Dr. Bacon has done ex-
tensive research on the marine
turtle and has been in the
forefront of the movement
for conservation of the turtle
Copies of his work, "The
Status and Management of
the Sea Turtle Resource in
Trinidad and Tobago" will be
available. Starting time is 8.00

victims of1he 500 years old
conspiracy to deny the sons
and daughters of Africa
kncvledge of themselves and
:;to make Africans the objects
of disrespect by other peoples.
;. BI;.ck peoples in the Carib-
Sbean should be aware of and
shouldidentify with the armed
struggles being waged to free
millions of Africans on the
continent from the yoke of a
most brutal colonialism.

Blackpool's 5th

BLACKPOOL Sports and
Cultural .Club of Tunapuna
have scheduled a two-w..oc-
progranime'- 'o"aff f r
commemorate the organiza-
tion's Fifth Anniversary. The
opening ceremony is carded
for Saturday, May 25, at
4.30 p.m. at the Clubhouse
on Upper Tunapuna Road.

Between blockoramas on
Sunday, May 26, and Sun-
day June 9,a wide variety of
events, for each day of the
two-week programme, has
been planned. There will be
Table Tennis, All Fours, Film
Shows, an Oriental Day and
other communities activities.

5 0

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o On May 26th, 1974 C

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0 C

0 V^ Tickets Available From Tapia Members Or Call 662-5126 C
0 Map on Right for Direction

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