Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
May 12, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

SUNDAY MAY.12, 1974

Faces of our new


Pg 2.

Sidney & Paula Williams'
UWI Field Station
Sunday May 26, 1974
11.00 A.M.
in aid of
Echo Harps Steel Orchestra
Lunch $5 Drinks on sale;
Present tickets for Lunch






1, I lo

Lloyd Best

pgs 6&7


THE LATEST in the ongoing
series of Radio and Television
simultcasts one of the main fea-
tuies of the "Direct Docracy"
by which this country has been
governed since the "return of the
Messiah" last December, took
place on Wednesday night.
As usual it was mainly a tale
of ("everything borrowed, no-
thing new".) We wereinundated
with trivialties, which only served
to demonstrate once again this
Government's chronic incapacity
to deal with fundamentals.
We in Tapia would have
treated this latest mamaguy with
silent contempt it deserves, and
which was meted out to all the
other simulcasts, were it not for
one brief incident which demon-
strated for all to see the depths
to which this Government has

"Pussonal Nonarch" almost
at the end of his fireside chat,
was pleased to quote from a full-
page advertisement which ap-
peared in the New York Times.
The quotation from the
Chairman of the Board of Tesoro,
had that goodly gentleman as say-
ing that the Tesoro Board was
"extremely confident about the
stability of the Government of
Trinidad and Tobago".
The Tesoro Chairman also
went on to speak of "the un-
questionable integrity of the Go-
vernment with whom our rela-
tions continue to be excellent".
A drowning man would grab
atstraws,and a dying Government
would not hesitate to sing its
praises from a full page adver-
tisement which it paid for itself.
For make no mistake about
it, this is what those words from
the Tesoro Chairman amount to.
The Chairman is undoubtedly
aware that his little piss-in-tail
company has a better deal here
than it would get anywhere else
in the world, and who wants to
lose a good thing?
In Tapia Vol. 4 No. 6, Tre-
vor Farrell gave the story of the
rags to riches climb of Tesoro

tion about where the rest of the
money came from. It came from
the Government of Trinidad and
Tobago. So that when the Tesoro
Chairman says that he love this
Government he is not lying.
But there is another side of
the whole issue. For apart from
the fact that the quotation
amounts to nothing more than
"himself telling himself that he
love himself too bad", the use of
the quotation gives much insight
into the Afro-Saxon mentality
of this Government.
Nothing pleases the mimic-
men more than when words of
approval, and a pat on the back
comes to them from the metro-
pole. Nothing could have been
more pleasing than such fine
words in "The New York Times"
even though it was only a paid


This inward hunger for ap-
proval from the metropolitan
landlords is nothing but the
other side of a colonalist self-
It is a selfcontempt which
denies to our people any capa-
city for dealing effectively with
the problems that face us, and
leads to a perpetual search for
answers in the volumes of im-
ported formulae.
It is this very self-contempt
that has saddled us with Tesoro
in the first place. The belief
that our men could not run an
oil industry, when in fact Trini-
dad Tesoro is effectively run on
a day to day basis by nationals.
It is this deep-seated self-
contempt that has the Govern-
ment sending missions here, mis-
sions there, seeking handouts
everywhere, when we should be
moving with dispatch to take
complete control of all our re-.
It is a self-contempt that has
reached its lowest base when the
Prime Minister of this Country
could get on Television and sing
his own praises from a paid
advertisement in the New York

on the backs of the Trinidad
people. "Tesoro was nobody and
had nothing", when the Govern-
ment 'dragged it from the back-
woods of Texas.
Its assets were only $69
million and its net earnings were
only 3.6 million. Tesoro had no
previous international experience,
it had no marketing outlets, and
it was heavily in debt.

But this is not all. Farrell
goes on to show that instead of
Tesoro bringing capital to the
Country it came here with only
US $50,000 and because of the
Incredible stupidity of the Go-
vernment, got 49.9% of a Com-
pany worth $22 million.
There is of course little ques-











_ __ __

Vol. 4 No. 19

25 Cents

SUNDAY MAY 12, 1974

MAIN business of the day at the
Tapia Annual General Assembly
Part 2 held last Sunday at the Tapia
House was the election of the
National Executive for the 1974-
75 term.
The incumbents for the posts
of Chairman, Secretary, Commun-
ity Secretary and Education Secre-
tary were all returned unopposed.
Newly elected to assigned of-
fices were, Augustus Ramreker-
singh, Angela Cropper, Paula Wil-
liams, Mickey Matthews.
The full list of elected officers
is as follows:
Syl Lowhar Chairman
Augustus Ramrekersingh 1st Vice-Chair-
Mickey Matthews 2nd Vice-Chairman
Lloyd Best Secretary
Paula Williams Asst. Secretary
Angela Cropper Treasurer
Ivan Laughlin Community Secretary
Denis Solomon Education Secretary
In addition there are seven
elected unassigned members of the
Executive. The following people
were elected; R. Baptiste, B. Moo-
too, H. Joseph, A. Grant, K. Smith,
S. Solomon and V. Pierre.
The Executive membership al-
so includes seven appointed mem-
bers representing the Organisation
staff. Five of these posts have al-
ready been filled. Those appointed
L. Grant Executive Secretary
A. Harris Administrative Secretary
D. Pantin Public Relations Officer
M. Harris Campaign Manager
A. Atwell Director of Enterprises












S~ ..

pk ~


First Row: Lbodl Best, Paula Ililliamts.
Second Row: Sy'l Lowhar, Augustus Ramrekersingh, AlickeY
Matthews, Ivan Laughlin, Den is Solomon.
Third Row: Angela Cropper. Baldwin Alootoo, Volnev Pierre,
Alston Grant, Rutliven Baptiste.
Fourth Row: Sheila Solomon. Keilth Smith, Hamlet Joseph,
A lan Harris Dennis Pantin.
Fifth Row: Arthur A well, Michael Harris, and Lennox Grant.




e ffp

~c- ''

SUNDAY MAY 12. 1974

WHEN a person joins the Church, Lloyd pointed out,
there is a period of mortification when the old self is
killed off and the new self comes into being.
"I think we have reached that situation now; every
Tapia person must be torn by anxiety, where we are being
transformed from what has been called an intellectual
group, an educational group into a national political
He was speaking at the end of the morning session of
last Sunday's Annual General Assembly, Part Two, held at
the Tapia House; a session marked by criticisms and com-
ments levelled at the organisation by members and replies
and counter-replies both from the floor and Executive
It was in fact a morning of that free and frank dis-
cussion which Tapia has always boasted in its Executive
circles but which was not exposed to the general Omember-
Best argued that the welcome "revolt" against the
old generation is the culmination of the present growth of

"When I hear the widespread
morning, I know that we have won".
The discussion followed Reports
presented by Allan Harris, Adminis-
trative Secretary on the operations of
the General Office, Lennox Grant on
the TAPIA newspaper, Ivan Laughlin
on Community mobilisation, and the
Treasurer's report by Baldwin Mootoo.
The discussion centred around
four main issues: the financial situation
of the group, the production of the
newspaper, community mobilisation
and whether or not political mobilisa-
tion was affecting reflection.


Allan Harris in his Report
from the Central Office argued
that the change Tapia seeks,
cannot come from a revolution-
ary elite. The strategy for change
hinges on creating a large mass of
During the past year, the Central
Office has continued to play the
educational role of the group and this
centred on the publication of the
TAPIA newspaper, pamphlets and
other publications. The greater amount
of time of the Central Office was
absorbed in the production of the
.Other functions of the Central
Office included Media contact as Tapia
involves itself more and more with
matters of national concern; the acti-
vities of the new "special interest"
There are two full-time officers in
the Central Office the Administra-
tive Secretary and the Assistant Secre-
tary. There are six other persons em-
ployed by the Printing and Publishing
For its proper operations, the
Central Office requires more office
space, equipment and staff. The Print-
ing and Publishing Companies require
more jobs and more staff to handle
this increase, particularly in editorial
and supervisory capacities.
All this means finance. Since ex-
penditures can't be reduced then re-
venues must be increased. This requires
more than just verbal support. The
Group needs willing, active and con-
tinued participation by members. "Our
actions must speak louder than our
words," Harris concluded.
LENNOX GRANT in his re-
port on the paper pointed out
that the fact that TAPIA has
continued to come out weekly
over the past year is an achieve-
ment. The past year has witnessed
the closing-down of the Moko
newspaper after 5 years of publi-
cation and the Weekend Mirror
after 5 months.
Newsprint continues to rise in
price and is in short supply. Through-
out the newspaper business continues
to be precarious with the closure of
several well-established publications.
TAPIA has had no resident editor
since the end of last year. The new
year has been marked by the availabili-

discussion here this

Dennis Pantin reports on our

Annual General Assembly

ty, for the first time, at the Tapia
House, of all the facilities for the
production of the newspaper.How -
ever, there is no professional staff to
man the paper.
The Administrative Secretary,
Secretary, and Assistant Secretary and
Campaign Manager now edit the news-
paper on a part-time basis since they
all have other portfolios to fulfill.
The question we must now ask,
said Grantis whether we want a
paper, bearing in mind the other
political work and the costs involved.
If we do want a paper, what resources
do we need to publish the paper, and
what will be the relationship between
the paper and the other political work.
Grant argued that we have not
been able to throw up a second genera-
tion of cadres to take up the strain of
the publication of the paper. As a
result, the Secretary and a few other
Executive members have had to spend
much of their time on the publication
of the paper while doing other political


munity Secretary, Tapia has made
gains, has been able to build a
cadre of articulate men, with
insights, proposals, a newspaper,
with all its shortcomings and
Yet, the Group has adopted an
attitude of leusure in building organisa.
tion, an attitude which we have to
change. "When you are in the field, as
I am, and see the frustrations of the
people and realise the enormity of the
task to make change, then you must
sag when you understand that office
alone can't do it you have to build
trust and commitment before taking
The politics of community build-
ing, Ivan argued, is one of steady
routine building, with no publicity, of
face to face contact, brother by bro-
ther, sister by sister across the face of
the nation.
Change is being attempted against
a culture of instant solutions, a hostile
media and a Government which is
continuously wearing down the resolve
of our people.
To date we have consolidated com-
munity building in Fyzabad, La Brea,
Corosal, Diego Martin and Port-of-
Spain, where there are small groups
functioning on their own resources.
We also have men and some organisa-

tion in Claxton Bay, Marabella, point
Fortin, Laventille and the University
of the West Indies. In the Central
region, we have contact in the sugar
Several "special interest" commit-
tees have recently been established and
the Education committee is already
functioning. We have organised several
successful Sunday Assemblies which
have drawn hundreds of persons.
The Council of Representatives,

comprising Executive members and
area representatives, has been conso-
lidated, and now meets monthly.
We have to ask ourselves, the
Community Secretary said, whether
we want to change the society, or
whether we want to be just another
group contending for office.
"I see tendencies to let others do
the work and a tendency for people to

Power to the People
Tapia's New World
Tapia Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of the Public Service
Foreign Investment In T and T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Institutions
Foreign Capital in Jamaica
Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica
Underdevelopment and
Persistent Poverty
Readings in The Political Economy
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Economic
The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus
The Integrated Theory of
Development Assistance
Cuba Since 1959
Caribbean Community
The Caribbean Community
- A Guide

- C.V. Cocking
- Denis Solomon
- Mc Intyre & Watson
- C. Y. Thomas
- M. Odle
- Norman Girvan

- O. Jefferson

- ed Norman Girvan
- George Beckford

- Brewster & Thomas

- Roy Thomas

- Davidson L. Budhoo
- James Millette



$ 3.60










- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson 7.20

- W. Demas

~asslllll~ase --aas Ilg~ap



SUNDAY MAY 12. 1974

Michael Harris
THE Region, it would
seem, has come full circle.
The signing of the Cari-
com treaty by the" L.D.Cs"
on April 17 was only the
latest in a series of oppor-
tunities taken by its earn-
est advocates, to expouse
the idea of a new Carib-
bean integration.
The "Big Four" had al-
ready had their opportunity
in July last year when the
agreements for establishing
the Caribbean Community
were signed.
On that occasion, Williams,
Manley, Barrow and Burn-
ham, in their several inimit-
able styles, exhortec the
peoples of the region on the
absolute necessity for closer
integration, and the dire con-
sequences which would flow
from continued fragmenta-
In between these two
events there have been several
commentaries on the issue.
Williams himself had pub-
lished an article in a British
political journal entitled, "A
New Federation for the Com-
monwealth Caribbean?"
William Demas, already
dubbed "Mr. Carifta" by the
News media, was quick to
seize the opportunity to bend
pliable young minds to the
idea, and made no apologies
for addressing the students
at the Graduation exercises
of Queen's Royal College, on
the subject "West Indian
And one month ago the
Jamaica New World Group
sprang to life to publish a
paper by Vaughan Lewis en-
titled "The Idea of a Carib-
bean Community".

All this less than fifteen
years after that team of poli-
tical surgeons (Williams and
Bustamante) had performed
a most casual abortion on the
West IndianFederation and
pronounced it dead.
The current integration
movement, at least at the
level of the several govern-
ments, is strictly limited to
the economic sphere.
Yet, as Lewis has indicat-
ed, the impulse to integration,
just as the impulse to the
destruction of the last Fede-
ration, has come from domes-
tic politics.
And as he goes on to
observe, "The difficulty with

Only our


do bind

that is that domestic politics
are notoriously flexible". It is
a flexibility that has become
all the more pronounced dur-
ing the past five years.
The political landscapes of
most of the islands during
this periodhave beenscenes of
volcanic outbursts of violence
as radicalism and repression
in their various guises, meet
in a fateful clash.
From Jamaica, to Trini-
dad from Martinique to Suri-
nam, in Grenada and Domi-
nica, inAntigua and Guyana,
the iron fist of official repres-
sion seeks to crush what it
deems "subversive elements".
It is not that repression is
unknown to the peoples of
the Caribbean. Having survived
slavery the peoples of the
region are all too familiar
with the language of the
whip and chain.
But in the last five years
there has been, if one might
be permitted to use the term,
.a qualitative difference in the
nature of the repression. Re-
pression has become more
bold, more brazen, more bar-
In Jamaica, very recently,
the raw violence that had
long been tolerated in the
ghettos split over into the
surburbs of privilege and the
"socialist" Government of
Manley seized the opportunity
to respond withsome of the
most draconian political legis-
lation ever passed anywhere
in the Caribbean.
The Gun Court Act, which
establishes- a gun court and
provides for the indefinite
detention of those convicted,
can and will be easily convert-
ed into tools of political re-
In Martinique, labour un-
rest by workers on the plan-'
tations was greeted by the
police with a hail of bullets.


Two workers died and as a
result the whole of the island's
work force went on a general
strike. Virtual marital law
was proclaimed and iroop
reinforcements imported
from Guadeloupe.
In Grenada the violence of
officialdom put on its most
blatant mask as "Uncle Gairy"
sought with the help of his
personal troop of hachetmen.
to cling to power against the
manifestly expressed wishes
of the citizens.
Similar stories come from
the other islands. In Bermu-
da and St Lucia, black Go-
vernments accuse their own
people of racism and pass the
most stringent laws to pro-
tect the "poor" tourist from
In Guyana "Odo" Burn-
ham perpetuates his regime
by liberal doses of "law and
order". In Trinidad andSuri -
nam the repression that was
unleashed on the populations
after the widespread protests
of the '70s has never been
The scroll of repression
might continue. But enough
has been said to make the
point that, whatever the
regional policies being per-
sued by the various Govern-
ments, the Caribbean islands
remain, as they have always
been, inextricably linked by
the necessity of coming to
grips with a common histo-
rical heritage.
The three Furies of Carib-
bean history, Colonialism,
Slavery and the Plantation
have visited themselves, in
one form or another on all
the islands and have left in
their wake patterns of social,
economic and political exist-
ence which differ from island

to island only in details not
in fundamentals.
It is this parallelism of
existence that provides the
essential unity in the region, a
unity that exists regardless of
the policies pursued by Go-
It is this parallelism too,
that makes it impossible for
social and political currents
in any one island to be isolat-
ed within the confines of that
island alone.
All the Caribbean Govern-
ments are faced with social,
cultural and economic prob-
lems, solutions which demand
radical programs of recon-
struction. Such programs the

existnllg legillmC s a eI 11 ou()
iLcoimpctell or Iloo coliupro-
nised to deliver.
The radical fermniii of the
past five years that has spiced
throughout the islands lias
arisen precisely because tlie
need is seen for such radical
programs and because it is
rccognised that current pat-
terns of Governnent and poli-
tics are untenable.
The radicalism of the pre-
sent era, however, is not sim-
ply agitational. It is now
clothed in ideology and, in
some of the islands, grounded
in solid organization.
In the face of this new
force in the politics of the
region, the existing regimes
have no answer but terror
and repression. Moreover they
understand clearly that they
must stand together or sink
So that it is entirely under-
standable why at the signing
of the Caricom treaties by the
"Little Five" in April, the
Gairy delegation was given a
standing ovation.
How the struggle between
Radicalism and Repression in
the Caribbean will end no
one can say for certain. But
it would seem that History is
determined not to be cheated,
and Caribbean unity is not to
be denied. Even though it may
only be our chains that bind.






Tapia House 82-84 St 1Vincent Street Tunapuna







Is Stephens


.... ;. ;," *r -f,; .o '-, ,

.~~u _. s~~~-!~ ,~ ,



Allan Harris

IF WE didn't know it
before, now we know.
According to a- Guardian
report of Tuesday, May
7, Ivan Williams, Chair-
man of the National
Housing Authority, has
deemed it "impossible to
solve the housing needs'
of this country". No, not
even with billion-dollar
revenues from oil.
What we do know is that
this PNM Government has
never acted as if the problem
were soluble, nor even as if
they considered it an import-
ant issue.
Mr. Williams' remarks
were made during a tour of
the NHA's River Estate Hous-
ing Project in Diego Martin,
on May 6. Four hundred and
twenty houses have been built
there, and thereby hang a few

The first, of course,'is the
puny scale of the Govern-
ment's efforts to alleviate the
critical housing shortage. A
Government Press Release of
May 7, credits Mr. Williams
with the information that
"the National Housing Au-
thority will distribute 1,500
housing units in 1974 in
Pl6asantville, Malabar, Tuna-
puna, Cedros, Toco and
Buccoo in Tobago".
Yet Government statistics
for 1966 indicated that at
that time 75,000 units could
not be described asgood.What
this meant was that some
450,000 people were in need
of adequate housing.
To solve such a problem,
over 150,000 new three-bed-
room houses would have been
needed by 1980, easily over
10,000 per year.
Ivan Williams is quoted in
the Guardian report as saying
that "the only way we can
make a dent in the situation is
if more private housing de-
velopers are prepared to assist
in alleviating the problem".

But in recent years pri-
vate construction has been
running at a rate just under
two to one compared with
Government financed housing.
What this means is that

the combined efforts of the
State and of private capital
have been meeting less than a
third of the Nation's needs for
new housing, if we are to
replace deficient structures
and keep abreast of new de-
In any case private hous-
ing is notoriously expensive
and would serve to intensify
the trends towards an increas-
ing gap in standards between
the new luxury developments
and the proliferating shanty-
Everywhere we turn we
see the brutal consequences
of Government's criminal ne-
glect of this area of human
welfare. Already forced to
live in sub-standard dwellings,
the majority of our people
are being subjected to escalat-
ing rents.
And from Diego Martin
to St. James to Laventille to
Arima, across the face of the
nation, houseowners have had
to band together to protect
themselves from an iniquitous
regime oflandownership which
allows a small clique to collect
rent, seemingly in perpetuity,
while doing as little as possi-
ble by way of providing ameni-
ties or general property de-
Only last week, labourers
at the Orange Grove Sugar
Estate, who have been
"squatting" at Trincity,had
their shacks demolished for
the fourth time by the agents
of a private land-development

Nothing so illustrates the
growing inequality in the
country as the plight of these
unfourtunates when compared
with the new-found comforts
of their neighbours at Trin-
city and Valsayn.
Another revealing aspect
of the NHA's River Estate
Project, is that these houses
have been built on some of the
most fertile land in Trinidad
and Tobago.
Of course such stupidity
is not new both private and
Government housing have
already gobbled up prime
agricultural land Diamond
Vale and Valsayn are perhaps
the m6st notorious. But what
it points to is the total lack of
any planning by the Govern-

Continued on Back Page


I -

Demolition squad

at work in

Orange Grove

Scott Ramjattan Grove Estate
WHEN the PNM support- The situation appears all'
ers of Shanty Town built the worse when we remember
shacks on Crown lands off that next door to these de-
the Beetham Highway, polished houses there is the
they were allowed to live TrincityHousingdevelopment
in these eyesores for many scheme in which people from
yearsoutside the area, with their
years, flashy cars and high life,'are
And when their shacks rapidly setting in.
were removed, these people So the people of the area
were given new houses on the are being neglected while
same sites plus the option to those with money from out-
possess these houses after a side are being encouraged.
few years' payment. Any sensible government
But when the citizens of would assist these workers in
Trincity mainly sugar work Ipurchasing houses by lending
ers -sought to build shelters them the necessary down pay-
for themselves on unused ment on by allowing these
lands behind Tacarigua, they people to purchase the land
were greeted by inhuman de- .- ,

- ---, -....... on wnlcn mey are now
molition squads, squatting.
These 'demolition squads, But the PNM appear to
without any regard for the be deaf to such pleadings.
suffering that they would However, they should under-
cause, uprooted and damaged stand that this time the people
what theseworkers have taken of Trincity are determined
years to accunm late ^ ( t e
years to accumulate. to stand up for their rights.
And as it has been neglect- And if the government
ing the demands of sugar wants confrontation,they will
workers in the recent crisis, have it!
so too the PNM seems to Is this the type of Go-
have no care for these home- vernment the people of Trini-
less employees of Orange dad and Tobago deserve?
dad an obg esre

SUNDAY MAY 12, 1974



I INVITE all Tapia people to assume that an
elections only six weeks away. It may not be;
but from now on, we must always assume that
it is. I would not be surprised if tomorrow
morning we were to hear a surprise announce-
ment to that effect. And I am not saying so
because the Government is obviously cam-
paigning even to the extent of serving biscuit
and coffee to old-age pensioners every time
they collect their $30 nowadays; nor am I
saying so because the conventional opposition
has succeeded in forcing the Doctor to call it
at last and relieve the pressure on the now-
for-now electoral machifies before they are
abandoned by all the opportunists who cannot
wait too long; no, an election may be round
the bend because Tapia has trapped the Go-
vernment into the bag of constitutional re-
form and the only way they could try and
avoid the cutarge we have been waiting to put
on them is by calling an election now.
It would be a catastrophic error to call an
election; but then anything that the Little King does
now is certain to lead him to the ultimate disaster.
In 1970, he got away by the skin of his teeth; in
1971, he chinksed with the Wooding Commission,
deluding himself that he was buying time for the old
regime; he failed to see that we had also cannily
conned him into also buying time for Tapia and the
new Movement to put in place the machinery re-
quired for victory. In 1973, he tried to manoeuvre
himself into a position where he coulp, claim that P
deluge of requests from citizens and groups ail over
the country had called him back to glory with a
mandate to govern forever. But Tapia and; Dr. Gock-
ing saw through the conspiracy early and by alerting
the opinion-makers, we robbed him of the vital ele-
ment of surprise needed to bring off the stratagem so
now he neeas another one of those low dodges again.
The only hope of staying in possession of the instru-
ments of the State by winning five more years of
office, is to chance an early election before the
constitutional reform. That is the ticklish corner into
which the Chief Executive has painted himself again.


Once the February Revolutioi had exploded
the myth of the PNM as a forward-looking govern-
ment,liberal in spirit and responsive to our demands
not only for cultural and political independence, but
also for social justice and economic control; once
it became clear that Williams was merely an academic
robber-talker who had not shown the slightest interest
as a statesman and administrator in the institutions
necessary to inspire a relevant body of indigenous
thought and an adequate strategy of action; once, to
our horror, it became clear that even Black Power
could be stigmatized as subversive, under a regime
that had once exploited the plight of the Negro in
the Caribbean for political and intellectual advantage;
once events had shattered all the hollow pretensions
of an ego-manic,power-crazy, vindictive, government,
suspect for its spiritual aridity, only one option
remained. That option, as Dr. Gocking put it in his
pamphlet, Democracy or Oligarchy, is "to hold the
stage in the second decade; of Independence ..."
Ever since the February Revolution, the out-
ward hunger of this iniquitous Government has been
to get hold, by hook or crook, of five years of legiti-
mate government in which to redress the historical
balance of those years of indifference to our sufferr-
ing when PNM was killing we softly. Five years for
capturing the young, for reasserting confidence in the
people, for rejecting change that would involve a
totalitarian society, for opening up the media to
democratic discussion and in general for falling into
the trap of Vernon Gocking's well-meaning but im-
practical suggestion of permitting a million flowers to
bloom a decade and a half too late. Five years more
of legitimate government, with the authority to
govern. That is the missing ball. And the desperate
concern of the Pussonal Nonarch ever since February
1970, has been when to make a bid to get it-and


In the election of 1971, no opposition party
was organised enough to carry the country but we
managed to prevent the ruling party from getting
the legitimacy they needed to govern by abandoning
them with a lame-duck Parliament. The dead Parlia-
ment was the result of a combination of NJAC's
political impact they promoted People'sParlia-
ment, of Tapia's intellectual impact we promoted
constitutional reform to bring representation before
election, and of ACDC:s electoral impact they
dramatized the boycott a few crucial, days before
the poll. Tapia alone of the opposition however,

Tapia Secretary, Lloyd Best

understood that when Williams called Wooding into
existence, he was putting his neck on the block
because constitutional reforms the most revolutionary
issue of all. It puts not only the government in office
on trial but the whole system of government as well.
If it is subversive to promote a search for cultural
roots, to demand an equitable deal for woodcutters,
fishermen, cane farmers and sugar workers, it is
infinitely more so to-insist that the entire apparatus
of the State is so corrupt, incompetent and inade-
quate to the purpose of the large majority of law
abiding citizens, that a total reorganisation must
Never for a moment did the Pussonal Nonarch
see this. In 1971, we heard that "there is no crisis,
there was no crisis, and.I don't anticipateany."Then,
when the Wooding Commissionwasestablished.outof
dire necessity, every device was employed to douse
the spreading constitutional flame.

What the February Revolution had forced him
to concede, the Prime Minister sought imme-
diately to take back. At the outset he would
give no guarantee that the Wooding Report
would be published. Then the ruling party barred
any official participation by its members in the
first round of public discussions conducted
by the Wooding Team. When Reports came out
of those meetings in different parts of the coun-
try they were shamelessly doctored by the
Government Broadcasting Service so as to
muffle the political significance of what people
in the localities had said. Later, on the same
weekend that the Chaguaramas National Con-
vention was ,opened, the'Prime Minister tried
to overshadow the whole proceedings with his
notorious San Fernando Speech on thelissue of
Proportional Representation. At the National
Convention itself; the ruling party sent an
ostentatiously low level delegation and pitched
its contribution in the very lowest key. The
overall strategy was clearly one of toning down
the political discussion.
TAPIA, April 21, 1974
All along, Williams has been afraid that the con-
stitutional question would awaken interest in funda-
mentals and force the country to take alignment on
one of the two political sides, crossing the traditional
and restrictive frontiers of race, religion, occupation.
personal following and apparent class and lining up
people in relation to the kind of society they want to
construct for an independent Trinidad and Tobago.
Williams has been mortally afraid of a political con-
frontation that could force him to identify the real
spokesmen for the country, select organizations with
the capacity not only for short-term, sectional agita-

Sign Posts'

Point To



tion but for long-term national mobilisation as well,
and for disciplined government and administration.
He is scared of a political assembly that may force
the Government for the first time to entertain back-
chat and feedback from people both technically
and politically equipped to match them in evbry
department of the political game.
Above all, the Prime Minister has been afraid
to permit an assembly of political forces among which
he would be forced to abandon the high and mighty
posture of a figure whose intellectual and political
authority cannot be challenged. Such an assembly
would in fact be the first Parliament in the history
of our country because, wherever the political leaders
are gathered together in one place, there and there
alone is where a legitimate Parliament is. And in
such a Parliament in Trinidad and Tobago today, the
PNM, great as it boasts it is, has a chance of prevailing
equal to the chance of a snowball in hell. Such an
Assembly would in the eyes of the country have the
power to take binding decisions and would resolve, in
one act of historic political significance, both the
constitutional and political crises by revealing what
are the organizations, plans and leaders in which the
country could repose its trust.


Now that the Wooding Commission has re-
ported,Williams' fearhas turned to panic.The Express
reports that the PNM has been told that constitutional
reform is of limited relevance now that the energy
crisis is hard upon us. Tapia has repeatedly said that
Williams is in our bag because we have put him in a
position where he cannot fail to act on the Wooding
Report and action is fraught with the possibility of
fatal error. What we in Tapia have demonstrated is
that political skill has far more important dimensions
than mere agitation in the public place; we have tied
up Williams with the kind of politics which does not
depend on crisis because it relies not on the rhetorical
exploitation of despair, anger and indignation but on
thought and insight and wit which can be exercised
in very normal times. Tapia represents the fearless,
confident, quietly effective politics ot a people who
have thrown the powerlessness and the impatience
of slavery, indenture and colonialism, out of the win-
dow of history for good.
Our presence on the stage of history is what
frightens the Big Doctor from conceding radio and
television time. The use that Tapia would make of it
to disseminate constructive ideas for a new society,
multiracial, democratic, participatory, humane, open
to all the talents, tolerant of discourse and dissent,


. .. .. ':

,kY 12. 1974




sensitive to the environment, solicitous of the weak
and the lame, receptive of love, free for experimen-
tation the use that we would make of it, on the
evidence of what we are and what we have already
accomplished, that is what dangles like the sword of
Damocles at the throat of the old PNM regime.
Nothing strikes more terror in the heart of the
Little King than does the issue of Proportional Repre-
sentation. We in Tapia are confident that we will
build a national political party so we can see propor-
tional representation in clear perspective as neither
good nor bad in itself but leading to consequences of
one kind or the other depending on the package in
which it is wrapped by the entire constitution and
electoral reform. If we designed a system of govern-
ment and politics which emphasized participation,
organisation, work and plan as against cabal, fac-
tion, personality, racism and the like, then propor-
tional representation could be adapted to bring the
undoubted gain of parliamentary strength for parties
commensurate with their political strength in terms
of votes. It is nothing to be hysterical about.
Those who make an unholy clamour about it
do so because they are relying on the narrow-minded
politics of race and sectional interest. These are the
exploiters of our traditional and unfortunate weak-
ness; they have nothing to offer but the negative
reversion to a cynicism which sees no hope in the
eyes of Trinidad and Tobago. They have no faith in
our capacity to save ourselves from perpetual civil
strife by raising our ideals into nobler realms where
every creed and race would truly have an equal
place. In practice, by upholding the principle of
sectional advantage, they are effectively condemning
the disadvantaged and.the dispossessed among us -
the African. and the Indian to the hellfires of a
wretched iniquity.
SWe have heard the sound and fury made over
proportional representation in the highest official
quarter and in conventional politics as a whole. We
are now hearing that the blackest thing in slavery was
not the black man and that race on a global scale will
inevitably lead to war. Why are we hearing all this
now? We are hearing all of this because the inevitable
effect of creating a climate of racial antagonism and
of legitimating it by scholarship so over-reaching as
to require a miracle if it is not to be specious, spurious
and suspect, would be to drive brothers into each
others political embrace since blood is always thicker
than water.
Yet for the ruling party, proportional represen-
tation is dynamite because the BlackPower revolt in
1970, exposed that there has been a complete evapo-
ration of trust in the leadership of the 1956 Move-
ment. Nobody knows exactly how the cookie is
going to crumble because the younger generations
are well disposed to have Africans and Indians unite.
And with the pack of half-witted sycophants and
dummies around him, Williams is incapable of dis-
tilling a sensitive judgement of how exactly to finesse
the hand. The party is divided as to whether to
concede proportional representation or whether to
remain adamant in opposition. And the infighting-
'which has followed the rise of Hudson-Phillips as
the face-man in front of the new oligarchy and the
defection of some of the party henchmen from the
old Doctor clique to the possibilities of the future,
could combine to break up the already limited 28%
electoral formation and that would be plenty plenty
trouble. If that happens, no, when it happens, is
crapaud smoke they pipe!
The Little King is therefore fighting shy of any
reform of the constitution that may open this
hornet's nest. Reform he wants, to hit Wooding's
incredibly low-brow- proposals away for a towering
six. As always, Williams will be fudging his proposals
from Tapia and coming out to play the actor bent on
giving power to the people, in exchange for a more


exalted place in history. But he will succeed in this
part only if he controls a legitimate Parliament which
contains genuine opposition leaders and which com-
mands some respect from the country. If he adopts
the Tapia proposal at a Conference of ICitizens or
some such occasion before the election few may
say it but all the opinion-makers will still know; and
there is no telling what the electoral effect might be if
an election were to be held shortly after that. People
may not show their support for Tapia when a long
and risky haul is involved but in a quick crossing, any
number could play. This risk, taken with the compli-
cations of proportional representation, is driving
Williams to hold a snap election soon, an election
before constitutional reform.
As always, the conventional opposition forces
are innocently playing into the hands of their un-
disputed leader, guide and master. Wooding and
Georges were beaten by Williams in their political
days in the 1950's and they have never forgotten the
lesson that he is their superior in that league. Wooding
opposed him from the right, Georges from the left.
We do not have to doubt their integrity their com-
petence or their desire to do their bes+ for their
country to appreciate that their proposaki are neces-
sarily influenced by the political experiences they
have had. The Constitution they have advocated and
the time-table of procedures set out in the accom-
panying letter both betray a fear that Williams cannot
be beaten by the ordinary play of political forces.
Ironically, the real effect of these proposals is
to make him harder to beat than he otherwise would
be. If he had had to choose his own moves, anything
Williams chose to do would have been denounced as
reactionary by a country that is implacably and
irrationally hostile to a regime with which it has just
fallen out of love. By giving him guides, Wooding has
given Williams the chance to pose as the most demo-
cratic leader ever, to follow the time-table to
the letter and to take the option of jilting us at the
very latest moment.


Nobody trusts Williams and in this case, un-
fortunately, it is to his very great advantage. Nobody
expects him to hold the election before the end-of-
November deadline set by Wooding. He would there-
fore surprise all the conventional politicians if he did.
And that is exactly what he is now planning because
it suit him to the ground. And this is where some of
his self-styled opponents in the Church, in the Press
and in the electoral parties have played right into his
hands by touting an early election based on the so-
called four-point consensus. We are urged that the
tensions can be resolved only by giving the people a
chance to elect a new government of their choice on
the basis of a vote for the 18-year olds, the use of
ballot boxes, radio and television time for opposition
and registration of all eligible voters.
These political intants are imploring Williams
to do exactly what it is in his very best interest to do.
What he does intend now to do is to accept these
proposals, present them as a reasonable concession
to the opposition, play the democrat, follow the
Wooding time-table and call an election sometime
between the end of July (six weeks after the May 15
deadline for submitting memoranda to the MdKell
Post Office at Chaguaramas) and the end of Novem-
ber. He is being helped to play out this scenario by
all those groups which have discarded politics and
gone off towards cultural, intellectual and military
pursuits, and which are organised for agitation but
cannot or will not deal in the vital issue of the recon-
struction of the agencies and institutions of the State.
Unless we are blessed by luck, I fear that our lack
of political experience, mistaken by cynics for



apathy, will show in a failure to insist on a democratic
Conference of Citizens. Instead a few will make
the error of submitting memos to McKell on sub-
stantive rather than procedural matters and the
the overwhelming majority will take no part in the
exercise whatsoever, and Williams will seize the oppor-
tunity to shelve constitutional reform, call an elec-
tion, and outmanoeuvre his conventional rivals again.
The only thing to stop him then would be an
overnight electoral coalition of many disparate forces
of the left, the right and the centre. Some forces are
clearly banking on this and the saying is that the coun-
try would not fail to back such a coalition to ensure a
PNM defeat. On occasions, we in Tapia, knowing how
badly the country wants relief, have said that such
a coalition would win though we have never
abandoned our scepticism about the.validity and the
potential for serious government of any short-gun
marriage. Now those who keep advocating an election
on the basis of a four-point agreement are handing
the old regime a victory on a platter. If Williams
conceeds the four-point agreement and manages to
postpone the debate on proportional representation
until after the election, he may be able to take the
risk and win. The balance has certainly shifted in his
favour now that some people have set up these four
concessions for the Government to make; and now
that the "illegal" 28% Parliament will be given legi-
timacy in the process of actually making these
four "democratic" concessions.


And then the Government still has a few im-
portant trumps to play. First of all, the Government
gains when the media are encouraged to open up in a
way that gives the impression of democracy while
effectively throttling discussion and talk. News about
NJAC, Tapia, and other formerly outcast organisa-
tion is now appearing all over the place in the
papers and on the broadcasts. At the same time,
substantive discussions are distinguished for having
few issues and no ideas for the simple reason that th!,
personalities who could articulate positions in a telling
political way and or with comfortable technical
command are always displaced by square pegs in
round holes. Political leaders can make news but only
charlatans can make discussion.
Secondly, the middle of the year is certain to
see a mini-Budget in the form of a White Paper on oil
and a new deal on flour,, rice and rising prices. We
may even have the long-awaited increase in tax allow-
ances and the separation of husband and wife ac-
counts as the compensation for the galloping cost of
living. The six-month limit of the rice-and-flour
subsidy has left the gate open for a Budget re-entry
in June, at the moment when it matters. The hesi-
tant projections of oil prices and the missions abroad
present a chance for Chambers to come back and give
teeth to the vague proposals for funding development
and for establishing a radical policy towards the
energy based and energy using'industries.
The sign posts are very clear that we are cur-
rently on an election road. Corruption in the party
and the public sector is being ruthlessly exposed in
the hope of exonerating the Chief Cook and Bottle-
washer and driving the back-sliders into line for fear
of being indicted in public. The effect may be that
the entire rotten structure will collapse under the
'weight of its own corruption and that, as Tapia fore-
cast on November 4 last year, the two factions will
only destroy each other. This is possible, likely even,
but, more arrogant than ever after .his second coming
for Christmas, the Messiah can hardly be expected to
take so dim a view of the matter. The Doctor is con-
fident that he will clean out the Augean stables and
edeem himself for a final ling at morality in public
affairs, West Indian nationhood, economic planning
for independence, political education and at the 18-
year old "perspectives for the new society".
On a political scene that is shifting rapidly
with every passing week, that is the prospect that lies
ahead. The conventional politicians may now
"succeed" in getting the Government to call an
election; but only the Government now stands to
gain from so magnanimous a concession. For the
opposition, it could only be a Pyrrhic victory. The
Doctor is seeing the opening. He knows now when and
how to get just one more term: five teeny-weeny

| ngg


SUNDAY MAY 12, 1974

Macbeth does Murder

Denis Solomon

I HAVE certainly seen worse
performances of Macbeth than
the one staged by the Southern
Drama Guild on May 2nd, but I
have definitely never heard one.
In the carnage with which the
play is liberally strewn the Eng-
lish language was the most pitiful
victim. Creole pitch accent tri-
umphed bloodily over Shake-
speare's iambic stresses.
Duncan was the first to give
us a taste of things to come:
So well thy WORDS become thee
as thy wounds
They SMACK of honour both
Thereafter, the attempts of most of
the cast to grapple with their lines
often had a certain ironic appropriate-
ness. When the messenger announced
Macbeth's approach to Lady Macbeth
One of my fellows had the speed of
Who, almost dead for breath, had
scarcely more
Than would make up his message
The audible gasp with which he re-
recovered his -own breath after this
marathon of elocution put us in imme-
diate sympathy with his colleague.
When Lady Macbeth chides her hus-
band for:
Letting 'I dare not' wait upon 'I
Like the poor cat in the adage
his retort is a feline hiss from which it
would have taken a sharp pair of ears
to disentangle the words 'Prithee,
Nor were the unfortunate incidents
all attributable to solecisms of speech
just as many were the result of
wooden acting, odd bits of business or
insensitive direction:
A heavy summons lies like lead
upon me
says Banquo, taking his seat on a
tree-stump carefully painted to look
like a toilet bowl.. WhenBanquo com-
ments on the domestic arrangements
of the "temple-haunting martlet" at
Glamis Castle with:
No jutty, frieze, buttress nor coign of
But this bird hath made his pendent
bed and procreant cradle ...
he ticks off the architectural features
on his fingers, like Emile Elias check-
ing his builders' work before deliver-
ing the keys to the National Hoiusing

These are extreme examples. But in
general there was the constant feeling
that the speeches were delivered, in-
deed whole scenes played, with an
intensity less appropriate to themes of
evil and redemption than to some
other, far more mundane concern.
Mavis Lee Wah as Lady Macbeth was
vocally and technically unexceptionable,
but even she, in the crucial letter
scene when Lady Macbeth muses on
the traits of character tnat might im-
pede her husband from the golden
round, seems to convey no more than
the self-congratulatory insight of a
housewife into the shortcomings of a
Macbeth, confronted in fairly rapid
sequence by air-borne daggers, Banquo's
ghost and the apparitions of Banquo's
progeny, fails to find the appropriate
mixture of despair, agony, fear and
rage that would enable us to pity as

well as abhor him. Instead he seems
to accuse the apparitions of hitting
below the belt, hectoring them with
an upraised forefinger which inevitably
externalises them, when in fact the
tragedy resides in his knowledge that
these apparitions are internal to him,
the spawn of his own guilt and so
The poetry of Macbeth is import-
and because the whole play is a poem
in which the fluctuations between
good and evil are marked by contra-
puntal images conveyed in some of
Shakespeare's most evocative and re-
sonant language. The image of the
martlet is balanced by:
The raven himself is hoarse
That croaks the fatal entrance of
Under my battlement'
The evil from which the unfortunate
land of Scotland must be purged is at
once evoked by recurrent portents
and contrasted with the virtues of the
departed Duncan and the saintly repu-
tation of the English King.
These fluctuations between good-
and evil, as always in Shakespeare,
centre on the lives of human beings,
midway in the scale between beasts
and angels. n this case,on MacbethBut
in this play they do not take the form
of fluctuations in external events.
Macbeth is a regicide almost as soon
as the play begins and in actions goes
steadily from bad to worse.
It is the contrast between Mac-
beth's knowledge of evil and his
inability to resist it that is at the
root of his tragic agony. His, intellec-
tual sensitivity and moral weakness are
contrasted with Lady Macbeth's moral
imbecility. All of which means, first,
that Macbeth is a very difficult role to
play, and second that in the produc-
tion as a whole the moral ambivalence
of humanity must be demonstrated by
a firm delineation of characters good
and bad.

Against the evil influence of-Lady
Macbeth must be set the good influ-
ence of Banquo. Although humanity
as a whole will always be both good
and bad, the individual humanbeing
always has a moral choice. Just as the
witches can harrass the mariner with
storms but cannot simply wreck him:
Though his bark cannot be lost
Yet it shall be tempest-tossed
so Macbeth may heed Banquo instead
of Lady Macbeth, though we know he
will not.
Macbeth is therefore one of the
least realistic of Shakespeare's trage-
dies, in that its poetic and philoso-
phical structure permits less idiosyn-
crasy in the interpretation of character
than perhaps any other.
Tnis is why in the most recent
film of the play, Roman Polansky
brings off a satisfactory minor coup
by making the Thane of Ross a sort of
lago, but must answer the charge of
distorting Shakespeare's moral purpose
by making Donalbain consult the
witches, .with a view to usurpation,
after his brother Malcolm ascends the
tanquo, therefore, above all others
must be unequivocally good, since he
is the external symbol of Macbeth's
conscience. In this production, he is
played by Melville Foster. This actor
is, for good or ill, the spitting image of
Senator Basdeo Panday, which would
not be a crime had he not emphasized
the resemblance by wearing dark
glasses. These he removed after his
death, with the unfortunate effect that


Mavis Lee Wah

Ralph Maraj


he looked, thereafter, far more alive
than before, in spite of the blood-
boltered Little Red Riding Hood cos-
tume he sported in token of his
Foster has evidently had success as
a purveyor of wry and self-depreca-
tory humour; in the role of Banquo he
is an effective Mercutio; indeed, for all
that we could hear of his lines most of
the time he might in fact have been
playing in Romeo and Juliet To
avoid a cloying Banquo is one thing,
but a cynical Banquo is a shot that is
simply not on the table.


Ralph Maraj as Macbeth, who
-affects a declamatory style of acting
that is strongly tinged with narcissism,
but in any case is inseparable from
the need for skill in elocution, was
himself far from exempt from such
full-blooded creolisms as:
Had I tree ezz I'd hear dee!
In the shortlines of dialogue he gabbled
or spluttered; in the long speeches he
charged precipitately ahead, shedding
syllables like raindrops. In:
Augures and understood relations
By maggot-pies and choughs and rooks
brought forth
The secret'st man of blood.
the augures became .ogres and the
choughs got lost along the way. In:
And that which should accompany
old age,
As honour, love, obedience, troops
of friends,
I must not look to have:
it was honour that missed the boat.
But most startling of all was:
Life's but a walking shadow, a poor
That streets and fruts his hour upon
the stage ...
and before we had time to wonder
what these intriguing new verbs might
mean,Birnam wood was upon him. and
he was atoning hypermetrically for his
earlier omissions with:
Blow, win! Come, wrack!
At lease we'll die wid our harness on
our back.

For all that, he is an intelligent
actor. Very few actors have succeeded
as Macbeth, and Maraj cannot be
seriously be blamed for his recourse,
when defeated by the challenge of a
scene, to superficial vocal and gestural
mannerisms, such as irrational syntact ic
breaks a la Orson Welles or the point-
ing forefingers with which lie held the
fates at bay.
Tile scenes immediately following
Duncani's murder were admirable. In
Mavis Lee Wal's "who was ii that thus
cried?" we glimpsed the teri-ible lack

of inmaginationll that iiracleriCsc, Liady
Macbeth's sub-humanity. andi in the
intecrplay between her siliglemi]idedncl ss
aiId tllic Ilnib despair ill which NMlrai
collies Macbeth we see tlir point al
which Lady Macbeth hlersell under-
stands that their crime wilj lead i'l
When Macduff and Lennox conic
to awaken tli King, Maral finds exactly
thel right tone of despair and iumbl
resignation in which to greet them and
to pass the time of (lay with Lennox
while he waits for Macduff to discover
the horror he has committed.
I simply will not Tntertain any
objections to this review of the type
of "wha wrong wid Trinidad accent?"
or "why we cyar put on Shakespeare
in we own accent? Ent American and
Canadian does do that?" Even if we
accept that we can hear "dis," "dat",
"dese" or "dose" without offence
because that is how we say them here:
that it does not jar to hear "fear" and
"fair" pronounced identically because
we never knew they were supposed to
be different; that awhiffof manure
does not rise to our nostrils when
"down" is made homophonous with
'dung', we must still find it impossible
to deal creole-wise with English dra-
matic speech, and particularly verse,
for two reasons.
The first is that our "accent'' is
made up not only of pronunciations
of vowels, consonants and consonant-
groups that are peculiar to us (the
same is true of every dialect of Eng-
lish) but also of rhythmic patterns
that are based on pitch rather than
stress and which, even more import-
ant, relate to the meanings of word-
groups in ways very different from
English rhythms.
Secondly, creole speech is what
sociolinguists call a functional variety,
which is to say that the social functions
for which it is used overlap but do not
coincide with those of English. In
addition, creole is very strongly evalu-
ated by its own speakers as serving
unimportant purposes i.e. as being a
Boysie and Mameets vehicle of com-


A man called.Doob-did an experi-
ment in South Africa and in Jamaicr
in which he found that while Zulu
children remembered statements better
when they were made in English than
when they were made in Xhosa, but
believed less strongly in their truth,
Jamaican children both remembered
them less well and gave them far
less credence when they were made in
Jamaican Creole rather than English.
In one episode of the Freddie
Kissoon soap-opera "Calabash Alley"
a character says to another "Don't
you love me any more?" This sounds
unrealistic to a Trinidadian, who ex-
pects to hear "You doh love me again?"
but who, hearing the latter, would
nevertheless accord the scene less
serious consideration.
The problem of the West Indian
writer of naturalistic plays is there-
fore that he must create a vehicle that
fairly represents our everyday speech
and yet invest it with a dignity that
we do not ourselves accord it; that of
the poet is, in addition, to reconcile
the rhythmss of our speech' with the
flow of sound and meaning of the
English lexicon.
These two essential differences
between poetry and prose alnd between
the problems of rendering serious aind
comic imlaterial ill thle vernacirl:r. Were
clearly demllonsl.rIlkd in this prodluc-
tion of ,1achclth by the Porter scene,
which is not only comic but in prose.

Continued on Page 1 1



SUNDAY MAY 12, 1974


eyed" Arabs move on oil

Editor, Last Post

IN A recent TAPIA,
Lloyd Best took note of
a West Indian description
of Canada as the world's
richest underdeveloped
country. Nothing better
illustrates the aptness of
the description than the
position into which Cana-
da has been put as a
result of the current
world energy situation.
It was, therefore, incon-
gruous to see Canada respor
readily in February to Henry
Kissinger's call for a confer-
ence of energy-consuming
countries to develop a com-
mon strategy against those
awful Arabs. What the Cana-
dian government seems to
have forgotten is that Canada
is an energy-producing coun-
try, with an average daily
surplus in the neighbourhood
of 250,000 barrels of oil.
But tar be it from us to
associate with the likes of
Saudi Arabia, Libya, Vene-
zuela and Trinidad. We
would much rather think of
ourselves as being part of the
same club as the Americans,
the British, the Germans and
the Japanese, even if it means
being subject to the price-
raising initiatives of the pro-
ducing countries.


(It should be noted here
that Canada's consciousness
is well behind Trinidad's in
this regard. For if Trinidad
has suffered rebuffs in its
efforts to join the Organiza-
tion of Petrbleu a Exporting
Countries, Can'.da has never
even tried to join and so
far only a few small voices
have suggested that it should).
Canada's energy position
has been clarified in a new
The book,- Canada's Energy
Crisis, is by James Laxer, one
of the leaders of the Waffle
movement, a socialist group-
ing currently in the process
of forming itself into a poli-
tical party.
The Waffle was once a
left-wing pressure group with-
in the mildly socialist New
Democratic Party, and Laxer,
as its candidate for the leader-
ship of the NDP in 1971,
finished a surprisingly strong
second to the predetermined
winner, David Lewis. The next
year, the Waffle was drummed
out of the NDP by the party's
entrenched hierarchy, but it
has survived on itiown.
Increasingly, the Waffle
has focused on two issues.
One is what it calls the de-
industrialization of Canada,
the decline of Canadian manu-
facturing industry as a result
of foreign control. The other
is energy. It is the great
strength of Laxer's book that
he succeeds in showing the
integral relationship between
the two.
In the fall of 1973, Cana-
da's Energy Minister, Donald
Macdonald, said that Canada

could not cut back its oil
exports to the United States
without inviting possible reta-
liation in the form of cancella-
tion of the agreement provid-
ing for free trade between
the two countries in auto-
mobiles and auto parts.
That agreement, signed in
1965, destroyed the last ves-
tiges of an independent Cana-
dian car industry, but it gua-
ranteed that the American
Big Four car manufacturers
would maintain certain levels
of production in Canada.Since
Canada's car industry is one-
hundred-percent foreign-own-
ed, the threat of cancellation
is a serious one, and the
Americans have used it a num-
ber of times although they
have never actually carried it


The point to note is that
all the decision-making power
lies south of the border. As a
result of the increasing "con-
tinentalization" of the car
industry, culminating in the
1965 agreement, it is now
impossible to build a car-from
beginning to end in Canada.
Canada is powerless to
implement a strategy for the
industry. The Americans can,
and do, implement their own
strategy: should that strategy
at some point not include car
production in Canada, then
there will be no car produc-
tion in Canada.
Like the car industry,
Canada's petroleum industry
is almost entirely foreign-
owned, and largely in the
hands of Americans. Canadian
companies in the field are all
relatively small, and none of
them is vertically integrated
in the manner of the giant
"international majors".
Some Canadian companies
drill for oil, others produce
it, and still others sell it to
consumers, but companies
such as Exxon or Texaco
or Shell do all those things.
and more. It is these latter
companies that control by
far the largest part of Canada's
oil industry.
The difference between
cars and petroleum is that
while the Americans only tole-
rate the idea of automobile
production in Canada and try
to keep it down, they are
eager, one might even say
anxious, to get our oil. For
Canada has certain advantages
to the United States as a
source of petroleum supply,
proximity and political secu-
rity being the main ones.
Even if American energy
officials sometimes refer to
Canadians as "blue-eyed
Arabs" when Canadian oil
prices are raised, they know a
good thing when they see one.
Canada has a far more stable
pro- American government
than any of the other major
oil-producing countries, and
if it did try to kick up a fuss,
the'Americans, as we have
seen, have the means to im-
pose their will fairly easily.
"There is a clear link",
writes Laxer, "between (ana-
da's role as an exporter of

raw materials and semi-fahri-
cated products to the United
States and the underdeveloped
state of this country's manu-
facturing. Canada has been a
net importer of most types of
manufactured goods and has
been paying for these with
net exports of petroleum,
pulp and paper, minerals,
primary metals, lumber, wheat
and whiskey, In 1970, Canada
had a two and a half billion
dollar deficit in its trade in
manufactured goods".
What is more, the trend is
intensifying. "First, American
corporations, and later, the
American state", says Laxer,
"took steps which changed
the nature of the American
presence in Canada. In 1966
American corporations began
shifting their investments in
manufacturing from Canada
to western Europe. Their in-
vestments in Canadian re-
sources were increased".
Canada's function in the
American empire is to be the
supplying of resources. The
job-rich manufacturing indus-
tries are to go elsewhere.
This shift would be speed-
ed up still further by the
two massive projects now bc-
ing advocated by American

corporate intcicsts in Canada
a pipeline t be built
through tlhe Mackenzie Valley
in the Canadian Arctic li )
carry Arctic gas tothe United
States and southern Canada,
and the rapid developnlent of
the Athabasca tar sands in
western Canada, from which
(at least in theory) enough
synthetic crude oil can be
extracted to supply world
energy needs for centuries.
According to Laxer, neither
of these developments is re-
quired in the near future to
meet Canada's energy needs,
and both are being proposed
because they would suit the
convenience of the United

If these developments were
undertaken with foreign capi-
tal, that would mean they
would be undertaken under
foreign control. It could also
mean an increase in the de-
mand for Canadian currency
and a corresponding rise in
the value of the Canadian
dollar, thus further weaken-
ing our trade position in manu-
factured goods. If they were
undertaken with Canadian
capital (which, Laxer suggests,
the Americans might actually

piclci),then that would make
that capital unavailable for
the more important task of
developing Candaa's manu-
facturing industries.
Laxcr proposes a goal of
"publicly owned energy indus-
tries pursuing a strategy of
Canadian energy self-sufficien-
cy" and the phasing out of
energy exports. He sees this
as part of a new industrial
strategy emphasizing a
strengthened manufacturing
His book touches on all
aspects of the energy ques-
tion, both internationally and
as it affects Canada. Largely
as a result of his .attempt to
encompass such a wide sub-
ject in only 136 pages, the
book is not uniformly strong
on all points; many of his
arguments suffer from their
brevity. Nevertheless, his fac-
tual approach can hardly help
but awaken anyone who still
thinks that the energy crisis
was something cooked up by
the Arabs after the last Middle
East war.
Canada's Energy Crisis is
available from the publisher,
James Lewis & Samuel, 35
Britain Street, Toronto, Cana-
da, at $3.95 (Canadian).

r I I -IbL--~~ a"ss~-~sa~sli~p


SUNDAY MAY 12, 1974

Report on our Annual Assembly

paper as an organ of a
know it all. I don't see us buckling station because it bec
down to the rigors of unconventional gorging on itself, re
politics. Do we have the commitment and not outward.
to bring about Tapia's New World! The paper, while
SYL LOWHAR, Chairman, work of the other dai
wondered whether we were sacrificing must do more than r
reflection for mobilisation. There is a intellectual elite.
danger in allowing the Secretariat to "There is a view I
dominate the organisation. Syl warned a paper as lucid as thi:
that in an attempt to skip a step, to ing out more widely. T
move on, we are likely to create Grant, let us have a p
dangers, political'platform rathe
After calling for half a minute of platform which is a ne\
silence for Eric Roach, Syl argued that To Ruthven Baptis
the newspaper will become more popu- of the internal edu
lar and its circulation will grow when bers was important
Tapia becomes a mass movement, had. been failing in t
"There are those who believe that agreed with Syl Lowh
the paper should satisfy the country, for reflection.
should have all types of columns and For Mickey Matthe
professional staff. I maintain that the new Second Vice-Chair
paper is a political organ and it is not ment with Tapia satisf
surprising that it reflects political be with men who rejec
matters". dog society, men who
MICHAEL HARRIS, Campaign ideals for a new socie
Manager, the next speaker, disagreed brotherhood and cama:
with Syl. It is not enough to see the are any problems in


Dear Sir,
I WISH to draw your
attention to a matter that I
consider of extreme import-
ance and which I hope you
will view in the same way.
During the last few months
I have had fairly close con-
nection with Anthony Faltine
and have got to respect his
character and his concern to
make something of himself in
the world.
As one of the most re-
narkable of modern politi-
cians and lawyers has told me
regarding some other distin-
guished persons in Trinidad
who were brought before the
courts: he asked personally
that they should be pardoned
whatever the decision of the
court which was trying them.
His reason was that even

if they were found guilty of
subversive activity, there was
at the time in the island as a
whole, a general feeling that
some sort of extra-parliamen-
tary action should be taken.
It is owing to these senti-
mnents that Anthony acted in
the way he may have done,
and I believe that both his
family and friends in Trini-
dad, and both the friends and
respect that he has earned
here should weigh heavily in
giving him opportunity to
become a useful citizen in
a country which.badly needs
them at the present time.
Hoping that you will add
whatever strength your pub-
lication has to this request of
I am sir,
Yours respectfully,
C.L.R. James.

Our coverage of


is unsurpassed anywhere

for focus and point.

Keep abreast of the

real currents in the

Caribbean Sea.


Trinidad & Tobago -
Other Caribbean -
North America

Britain L 8.00U.K.
Europe 10.00
Overseas Deliveries airmail Surface Rates on request
Back issues available send remittance to TAPIA

S1 2.00 TT
18.00 WI
12.50 US

political organi-
comes an organ
aching inward

not doing the
lies or weeklies,
reach out to an

have in mind of
s one but reach-
o quote Lennox
paper which is a
r than a political
ste, the question
ication of mem-
and the Group
:his respect. He
lar on the need

ews, the group's
nan, his involve-
ied the need to
ted the dog-eat-
Sshared similar
ety, a spirit of
raderie. If there
the group we

have to settle them quickly to carry
out the work for change.
Irma De Lima argued that some
people are in a position to be more
committed or appear more committed
than others since this depended on
where you work, personal obligations
and disposition.
It is easy to get intellectually
aroused by Tapia, but it was more
difficult to transform that into actual
work. Agreeing with Syl, Irma said she
has joined a political organisation and
not a newspaper.
Denis Solomon said that everyone
felt the need for a professional staffing
of the newspaper but that this was
not possible with present resources.
Using the example of the New 'States-
man newspaper of Britain with a range
of contributors who were not profes-
sional journalists, Solomon asked the
question how TAPIA can become the
New Statesman.
The only thing we can ask at
present is for members to commit
themselves to doing more writing for
the paper.

FOR his 18 years un-
blemished service a
former employee of Carib-
bean Packaging Industries,
Champ Fleurs received as
an ex-gratia payment,
following his dismissal, a
mere pittance of $1,000,
as "full and final settle-
James Thomas, the work-
er and shopsteward with the
Union of Commercial and
Industrial Workers, made it
clear that he was forced by no
one to sign for the pay-off.
But, he said, he felt un-
able to do otherwise because
he was told that the company
was under no obligation to
pay a single.cent, and because
as well of the defensive atti-
tude taken by his union to
the reasons leading-up to his
According to him he was
fired for allegedly assaulting
a company supervisor. On the
night in question Thomas said
that he went to the company's
place for paper. And the inci-
dent occurred when he reluc-
tantly entered the premises
for a few paper bags after the
guard insisted that it was
all right for him to go in.
The supervisor whom he
approached for the bags
turned away from him. Tho-
mas then dropped a curt re-
mark. The supervisor then
spun around and faced him
aggressively. He made a de-
fensive chuck at her. She
then grabbed a piece of iron
but was disarmed by co-work-
ers. And that was it as far as

To Buntin, TAPIA had been
)ne of his schools since leaving ele-
mentary school. Tapia has grown from
a social group into a political move-
ment. To take power, he argued, you
need more politicians than educa-
Dennis Pantin felt that the growth
of Tapia was comparable to that of a
one-man business which at some point
reached its "outer capacity" since the
one-man or few multi-talented men
could do so much and no more. At
this point, one had to bring in the
accountants, engineers, managers,
otherwise the business would stagnate.
Tapia had been formed by a few
men of high ideals and energies of
which Lloyd Best was the best example.
But the point has now reached where
there is need for organisational struc-
tures, bureaucracy, in the good sense
of that word, to share the work.
Otherwise, the group will soon
reach its "outer capacity" to grow,
not necessarily in membership but in
organisational strength; if this has not
happened already.

Vendetta against

a Shop Steward

his involvement was con-
cerned,remarked Thomas.
Following this incident
James Thomas received noti-
fication ending his employ-
ment effective from Decem-
ber 14 last year.
Up tothe time the matter
was first taken up for con-
,ciliation. by the Ministry of
Labour the company was even
more adamant on its stand.
Then the union argued for a
temporary suspension. The
company refused to budge
even when its personnel
manager could offer no evi-
dence against Thomas' other-
wise untarnished service.
When the question of a
pay-off was raised the com-
pany at first responded with
an offer of $700, and later
$800, James Thomas said.
Two months after the com-
pany capped this offer off-
with a further $200, and
Thomas was called in on
March 5, 1974 to sign.
All along, Thomas said,
the union's attitude was a
defensive one. For while it
did not force him to sign he
was certain that as far as the
union was concerned better
could hardly be expected in
circumstances. And the union
took that line only because it
did not want it be said that it
had forced him to sign.

This swift, opportunistic,
.and callous move to terminate
the shopsteward's employ-
ment may well betray a long-
standing attempt to get at
him. Thomas himself does not
rule out a vendetta. Accord-
ing to his testimony he has
always been an unpleasant
needle in the company's side
whenever the workers' griev.
ances came up.
Once in 1968 he and a
couple of workers carried a
report to the Express. Tho-
mas said tha: he was subse-
quently warned by a top
official that the next time he
was going to be dealt with.
Later in 1971 another
team of workers including
himself reported to the Minis-
try of National Security the
trials workers underwent at
the hands of an expatriate
official. The official was later
forced to leave thus making
way for junior staff to occupy
senior positions.
When contacted, the Per-
sonnel Manager ot CPI, Mr
Rampersad, said that he had
no comment to make, and sug
gested that the union be ques-
tioned. But Dennis Beddoe, a
senior Grievance Officer,
UCIW, was equally non-com-
mittal and referred the matter
to the company.
Lloyd Taylor


on sale


the House


Proposals following the
February Revolution

March 19,1970

Lloyd Best




--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------
----------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------I

five dead this May FR AG
month. I
The poet by his own
The others: the sudden
I kick in the chest. I
I June
will be different. A
I Lessen
S time must lessen
I all this tragedy.


'Brotherhood of the Road'
manipulating your car
downrp Chag
past is mine:

selling me early morning rock face
S conversation, every lulled bay
Words every hill
manufactured emblazoned
I by experts self pink, gold, green I
The taste of your voice And
is gall on my tongue O yes I
a heavy dullness on my heart. I know
"So Roach did a Hemingway it's occupied now
Chit-chat. by another army.
Chat-chit. But
S 'Let it be' about things
I hitm ab that are yours
'Let it be' : you can wait
S This road flashes past be easy
like the brotherhood take
that never lasts. your own
I Breathing long
S the balmed down air l cool
"um-hum" you sweet
"um-hum "you time.
"um-hum" you to death.
me I

------------- --------------- -------------------

Woman I
Jagan expects confrontation in soak me
in your furred cool
I no longer ask why envelop me
DR. CHEDDIE JAGAN, were concerned the grave I in the mornings fragile in your mystery. I
leader of the opposition economic situation was less u y anI as mioe s siave Murmur songs o
People's progressive Party the result of the energy crisis I Iwake early "Orisha".I
in Guyana, is certain that that ot the Governemnts I before the obscene Fold me
the present situation in "misrule, mismanagement, would be to make for greater I frenzy tights a foetus.
th corruption and discrimina- cultural understanding be- I
that country is going to corruption and discrimina- cultweentheAfricansandi In- before the daily down Revolute.
lead to a direct confron- dians and thus to facilitate town jive Make us free.
station with the ruling The effects of the econo-, the mass mobilisation of work- to go striding hurriedly
PNC regime of Forbes mic crisis were already being ers on grounds other than across a gravelled
Burnham. felt. There were continuous racial. driveway
I across a mottled I
upheavals throughout the This in fact was the stra- I across a mottledwn
Speaking at a Press Con- country. The Sugar Workers, tegy being pursued by the t
ference earlier this week. Dr canefarmers, milkproducers PPP in conjunction with its to a bamboo grove
Jagan revealed in a prepared and ricefarmers were all agi- present boycott of the Parlia- through whose
statement the serious dimen- stating for better economic ment. Silvered mesh
sions of the economic crisis deals. "We intend", said Jagan, a flat dry river
facing Guyana. "to get into every mass orga- courses through an ocean I
The statement pointed to MIGRATION nisation in Guyana and to of green
"the record breaking balance- demonstrate as far as is possi- wet still
of-payments deficit in 1973" Unemployment, Jagan ble that the present crisis, and before that day
to the increase in the cost-of- Uhardened.
livingto the in crease in the cost-of- revealed, now amounted to the hardships people are fac- hardened.
living index and particularly about 30% of the labour ing can be only solved by a Themonsterloomed
to the rise in food prices. force and was substantially complete change in the econo- the monster loomed By RaoulPantin
yawning lecherous
greater in the rural areas than mic and political system. ning
INFLATION in the towns. grinning at us.
"There is a growing I I take off I
In addition the statement he result of this was that awareness in the country that I no longer ask why.
went on to say, "Standards of rural-urban migration now PNC sloganeering and pro- I I saw I
amounted to nearly 25,000 a I
living have deteriorated as amounted to nearly 25,000 a mises are mere demagogy the monster's identity.
result of inflation and wages year. That short term effect never to be fulfilled, that I I
freeze. The purchasing power of this migration would be the conditions will further dete- '
freeze.creation ofshanty towns as in I
of the Guyana dollar declined Venezuela, Jamaica and Trini- riorate. I
by nearly 13% between Janu- dad. In fact this was already en ts awareness
ary 1972 and August 1973". reaches far enough there will I
Dr. Jagan made it clear be a confrontation, and said II
that as far as he and his party Tlhe long-term effect Dr. Jagan, we will be ready.----- --

-rs. Andrea Talbutt,
sceaIrch Institute for
Study of Man
162, East 78th S.tret.
1O"K, .*Y. 10021
Ph. Lehijh 5 8,8
L- *3. .,





Ruthven Baptiste

WINDBALL league opens
in Tunapuna. On Sunday
last, May 5, the Hon.
Frank Stephen bowled
the first ball to Turban
Band Curry Man ufacturer,
Nanak Hardit Singh to
launch the opening of the
Macoya Windball league
at Constantine Park Lawn
Tennis court now con-
verted into a windball
cricket court.
Owing to the lack of
facilities, the high cost of
equipment, windball cricket
is gaining popularity. Unlike
football and cricket for which
equipment costs have become
prohibitively: high windball
cricket can be started with
pieces of wood and pitch oil
pans lying in backyards.

Eleven teams participate
in the league and each repre-
sent identifiable localities
within the Tunapuna district.
1) The Churchyard boys
of Central Tunapuna whose
remarkable victory over a San
Juan team was reported in
Tapia (Vol. 4 No. 5)and who
in another match at Auzonville
Park showed the West Indies
team how to bat in a crisis
when a last wicket pair added
fifteen runs in forty five nerve
racking minutes to save a
match of prestige in what was
virtually a clash of Up the
Road Tunapuna and Down
the Road Tunapuna.
2) Block masters of West-
ern Back St.
3) New Experience of
Henry Road near the Honey-
moon Savannah.
4) Block Boys of St Cecilia
Tr which is located on the
Eastern Tunapuna.
5) Pire Brigade Boys of
Pasea; as their name indicates
they play on the ground space
at the back of the Tunapuna
Fire Station.
6) Klondykes of the Settle-
ment of Lower Macoya Rd.
7) Streakers of central
Back St.
8) Gardens United of
MacoyaGardens,the Diamond
Vale of Tunapuna.

letters in three divisions -
Intermediate, Under 19 and
Under 15. In basketball they
participate in the East Ama-
teur Basketball League and
they contest in the Federated
All Fours Competition.
The club raises its finances
through parties, raffles, ex-
cursions and employed mein-

9) Park Boys of Auzonville
Pk where the famous Sir
Frank Worrell team of the
mid-sixties emerged.
10) Settlement Sports of
the Settlement.
11) Turban 11 a team
sponsored by Nanak Hardit
Singh, a Community conscious

As this is only the first
year of operation andthe
football season about to begin
only a short programme is
planned one round of
league matches and a one day
limited over knockout series.
Each team makes
a ground available to the
league. Honeymoon Savan-
nah, St Charles R.C. church-
yard, Central School Ground
on Green Street, Constan
tine Park, Settlement Savan-
nah, Auzonville Pk and the
Fire Station Ground. The two
teams from the settlement
share the same ground and
Constantine Park is a three
in one ground.

The rules of the league are
smiple. Each team supplies an
umpire and the home team
defines the boundaries, and
supply the wickets (four pitch
oil tins) Wet balls are dis-
Matches are run off on
Saturday evenings and Sun-
day mornings.


The league is organised by
the Macoya Sports Club which
was founded six years ago by
Andy De Rosia, Farzan All,
Michael Celestine, Ellis Thorne
and Hafeez Mohammed, to
Splay in the East St George
Colts Cricket League but,
when they outgrew Colts cric-
ket they went on to play in
the Trincity Cricket League
at Championship division.
Since that time the club
has expanded to other sports
than cricket, football, basket-
ball table,tennis, and even All
In football, they partici-
pate in the Eddie Hart League.
under the name Macova Gay-

bers pay an annual subscrip-
tion of five dollars and un-
employed pay $3. On June 3,
the club is organising a Bazaar
/Block-O-Rama in another of
its fund raising ventures.

The club plans to organise
other games than windball
cricket. Itintends to organise a

Basketball league and Athletic
' Meetings.
The club meets every
Thursday night at 8 o'clock
under Mr. Ramrattan's up-
stairs house which perched
on a land rise on the northern
side of Constantine Pk, stands
like a benign custodian over-
looking the Park.

NJAC Pan-African pamphlet

THE National Joint Ac-
tion Committee has issued
a pamphlet devoted to a
consideration of the up-
coming 6th Pan-African
Congress which is to be
held in Tanzania from
June 3-13.
In an article entitled
"Pan-Africanism and us"
NJAC described the philo-
sophy of Pan-Africanism
as the expression "of the
need felt by all the scat-
tered elements of the
African race to find com-
mon ground to struggle


From Page 5

So that while the Minister
of Agriculture is trumpeting
the cry "Grow more food",
the Minister of Housing is
ploughing up good agricultur-
al land to plant sewer lines,
and clearing top soil to lay
asphalt and concrete.
The PNM have never ma-
naged to work out an overall
strategy of transformation for
the country, so that every
thing is necessarily ad hoc,
now for now. The left hand
just does not know what the
right is doing.
And of course the Minister

for Freedom from all
forms of white domina-
The presence of delegates
from the Caribbean region,
the article goes on to say will
represent the most concrete
identification so far of the
Africans in the Caribbean
with the problems and aspi-
rations of Africans in other
parts of the world.


The article pointed out
that though Africans from
the Caribbean had always

played a significant role in
those Pan-Africans movements
this was the first time that the
region will be represented by
a delegation.
The Caribbean delegation
to the Conference intends to
accuse the Government of the
Region of selling their people
to foreign capital and of be
trading the goals and the
struggle of all African people.
The article also goes on to
accuse the Governments of
the Region of making Des-
perate moves to prevent the
delegation leaving for Tan-

Housing Absurdity

of Housing never bothers to
inform his colleagues at Edu-
cation or Health or Transport
that the new communities
he is laying down will generate
new demands in all these areas.
Beyond the matter of go-
vernmental co-ordination,
PNM policy has not even
begun to consider questions
of reorganising the banking
sector to. give priority to
finance for housing; or of
organising serious research
and development into new
materials and techniques to
reduce costs.
No Government minimally
- interested- in the welfare of
its citizens would sit by com-

placently and allow as des-
perate a situation as we find
ourselves in to continue in-
definitely. PNM just doesn't
The Prime Minister is now
making a grandstand play
about the alleged insensitivity
of his former protege, Ivan
Williams, to the welfare of the
St. Clair residents who live
near to the proposed stadium.
What is to be said of the
insensitivity of a Government
which fri!ters away millions
in such ill-conceived schemes
as the proposed stadium while
half its population is left to
languish in sub-standard


From Page 8
This enabled it -to be
marvellous comic effect
Bickram, who turned the

acted with
by Ronald
Porter into

a drunken old estate coolie. But the
poetry, in spite of director James
Lee Wah's fine attempt to give the
play a "local habitation", could only
be tackled with the resources of Eng-
lish elocution; and this was the major
failure of the production.
S 'Although Ithere could be no better
evidence than last Thursday's per-
formance that there are two languages

in this country, a theatrical performn-
ance is precisely the event Irom which
it should be impossible to deduce this.
A French actor playing in an English
play cannot play his part in French: he
must learn English.:
So to present English plays the
West Indian actor must master Englisl:
(perhaps West Indian Eniglish but not
"West Indian creole). Many have in
fact dc.,e so Albert La Veau, Slade
Hopkinson, Mavis Lee Wah, James
King. The Drama Guild must seek to
do likewise.




F ~