Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
April 21, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


The opposition forces must sink differences and ...


National Convention 1974: HA T interest in Constitution Reform.

I g

A THUNDEROUS silence on the part of political.
groups in particular and the public in general has
attended the Report of the Wooding Commission

-eve r- *-laeIUerrtifmeFl-I mrui Iontn ago.
As far as the political groups are concerned
one reason for this silence must certainly be the
recognition that the Constitutional issue can make
or break their political fortunes.
As such, whatever their stated positions on
this issue, they all perceive the need to proceed
with due caution on such an important question.
The utter silence that emanates from the pub-
lic in general cannot be so easily explained. To see
the Public's silence as an indication of their apathy
is to be shortsighted in the extreme.
There is abundant evidence that the public is
anxious to see the discussion begin. The speed with
which the copies of the Report have sold is further
testimony to this.
The absence of such discussion therefore can
only be understood as a reflection of the lack of
commentary and discussion on the part of the
political forces themselves.
In this respect the ruling party must assume
the greatest burden of the responsibility. For not a
word has been heard from that quarter.
In fact however this is not surprising. This
Government has always demonstrated its unwilling-
ness to open up the aveAues of discussion.
The legislation enacted within recent years
against public meetings and political demonstration
merely emphasises this.
And this is fact is why there was a crisis, and
there continues to be a crisis. And this is also why
A TAPIA call for joint Opposi- -. .,. .
tion action was made at a
News Conference held at our
Tunapuna Headquarters on the
morning of Wednesday, April
17. Hosting Reporters were
Allan Harris, Administrative
Secretary and Baldwin Moo-
too, Treasurer.
On page four, we reprint
the Release issued by Tapia to i
the media and on pages two
and eleven we present a full .
analysis of the politics of con-
stitutional reform as Tapia sees
it. The major reason for the
political crisis in the country
is that the Government has
consistently blocked analysis
of that sort from being heard, Allan Harris

Wooding came into being in the first place.
Herein, of course, lies the revolutionary
potential of the constitutional issue. For its exposes
--witfClryital clafifyToaill-the citizens to see where
exactly the source of their enforced silence lies. It
pits the people in direct confrontation with the
And this is why those of us who wish to see
a new order in this country, one that gives to the
citizens the leading role in the control of their
destinies, must move now.
It would 'be foolish and irresponsible for us
to sit back and wait on this Government to grant
us their favors. We can expect no moderation or
conciliation. The fight was always to the finish.
We in Tapia have taken the first step. Our call
for opposition unity is not a facile appeal tobury
ideological and political differences.
It is rather a call for a joint effort to seize
the avenues of discussion and to create a forum in
which these differences could be freely and vigo-
rously expressed.
In short it is a call for a united effort to win
from the tight fist of Government access to Radio
and Television and for the creation of a Conference
of Citizens in which all political interests would
participate on an equal footing.
We are not however so naive as to believe that
all opposition groups will heed our call. There are
those who, as much as the Government, are happy
to see popular discussion and participation stifled.
But then Tapia has long ago recognized that
the constitutional issue would separate revolution
from rhetoric. Now that the line has been drawn
the division shall begin.

THE Address by Secretary,
Lloyd Best, to the first Sitting
of the. Tapia Annual General
Assembly -1974 continues this
week on Pages 6, 7 and 8. An
extract was reprinted in Tapia
last week on page 2. The
full text will be available in
booklet form next week under
the title Prospects for Our


Report Pa
2.& 11



Da Costa

Lennox Grant

Vol. 4 No. 16

25 Cents


1-- ----






layne got a

raw recoding





Opposition unity is the

only way for T&T to

profit from the Wooding

Com mission


THE PUBLIC has failed to exhibit even the
mildest reaction to the Wooding Constitution
Report and many people are wondering why.
If theGovernment stands to gain from silence
then, on the face of it, the rest of the country
should correspondingly stand to lose. The
only reason why the opposition has not seized
the opportunity to take advantage of the con-
stitutional issue is because we are too dis-
united to make the needed move.
It is natural and necessary that the individual
groups should have been concentrating not so much
on the constitutional changes being proposed as on
the politics of the constitutional question. In other
words, each political group has been calculating what
political gains it could derive from dealing in the
issue but owing to the public's coolness over what it
sees as far too many competing fragments, the profit
and loss account mostly turns out to be on the nega-
tive side. The inescapable conclusion is that unity
alone can save the day.
It is easy to see why the Government has no
interest whatsoever in any genuine constitutional
discussion. Those who are in possession of office
always prefer the limited and partial political agitation
that you get among youth day before, housewives
yesterday, guerrillas today, unions and sugar workers
day after, and so on.


So long as the opposition movement is confined
to one or two sections at a time and so long as its
political method is to make a stir for a few weeks and
then subside, the Government is safe. It can always
be shown that the cane farmers or the school teachers
or the fishermen are making claims at the expense
of all the other consumers or workers or citizens.
Agitation in the form of sick-outs, strikes or demon-
strations can always be shown to be a threat to
due parliamentary procedure, a subversion of law and
order. Moreover, agitation generates such a great
emotion that the movement can get by without erect-
ing the solid political organisation without which it

, Sir Hugh Wooding

could never prevail.
In contrast, the issue of constitutional reform
is not so highly charged with emotion. It is not about
urgent issues of bread and butter; it can be serviced
only by permanent political organisation. It becomes
important only when people, have passed the stage
where some particular issue has hurt them very deeply
and they have come to see that the solution to their
particular setof grouses is a change of the whole
Constitutional reform focuses on the inability
of the whole range of agencies in the community and
therefore in the State to meet the ordinary day to
day needs of people by acknowledging or even anti-
cipating their frustrations and giving them satisfac-
tion. That is to say, it focuses on tlfe incapacity of
the system of authority jto deliver law and order
because where ordinary day to day needs cannot be
met, there is no chance of maintaining law and order.
Our experience with the ISA and the IRA has above
all,'made that very plain.
From this point of view, it is clear that constitu-
tional reform at a certain point becomes the most
subversive and revolutionary issue of all. That point is
reached when it becomes crystal clear to the country
'that the system of Government is being put on trial.
Scrutiny falls on the inadequacy of the Cabinet and
the Parliament, on the corruption in the Army, the
Police, the Civil Service, the Statutory Bodies and the
Courts, on the incompetence in the Unions, the
Church, the University and all the established institu-
tions in the community and the State not excluding
the political parties and the local interest groups.
Specifically, the constitutional question today
casts a jaundiced eye on the claim of the ruling

party to have promoted political education and
morality in public affairs, and to have founded party
politics in a democratic and independent country. The
adoption of extra-parliamentary politics by the youth
in their huge multitude in the months before April
1970 followed by the widespread boycott of the
elections in 1971 by over 2/3 of the oTdinary. law-,
ab'iding electors established beyond dlou'c.t ti4-_jj".
country had lost faith in the hollow pretensions of
the Queen's Hall and Marlborough House Regime of

All of this, we can take it, the Government fully
understands. That is why the Prime Minister insisted
in the face of all the evidence in 1971, that there is no
crisis, there was no crisis, and I do not anticipate any.
He was ultimately forced to eat his words and to
summon the Wooding Commission into being but
only because the Government could save its skin by
no other political device 't followed that the Com-
mission thereafter always to be treated in official
circles as if it were a mere appendage to the normal
machinery of Parliament a special Select Commit-
tee, in fact. It followed further that it was necessary
for Opposition forces to disown it until its indepen-
dence of Parliament was made clear to all the world;
In point of fact, the Wooding Commission existed
as a living witness to the illegitimacy of Parliament
brought about first by the unsuitability of the West-
minster Constitution in our political context, second-
ly by the Government's ruthless abuse of its official
strength from 1962 to 1971 and finally by the
country's comprehensive repudiation of the entire
imposture in the 1971 election. The proof of this is
that the Government was forced to abandon the
Select Committee established-before the 1971 elec-
tion to recommend constitutional reforms.
What the February Revolution had forced him to
concede, the Prime Minister sought immediately to
take back. At the outset lie would give no guarantee
that the Wooding Report would be published. Then
the ruling party barred any official participation by
its members in the first round of public discussions
conducted by the Wooding Team. When Reports
came out of those meetings in different parts of the
country they were shamelessly doctored by the Go-
vernment Broadcasting Service so as to muffle the
political significance of what people in the localities
had said. Later. on the same weekend that the
Chaguarainas National Convention was opened, the
Prime Minister tried to overshadow the whole pro-
ceedings with his notorious San Fernando Speech on
the issue of Proportional Representation. At the
National Convention itself, the ruling paIMy sent an
ostentatiously low level delegation and pitched-its
conlributioin in tihe veiv lowest kev.
The overall slrategy was clearly one of toning
down the political discussion. The risk of opening
up free conllrovelsy witlliin the Iramnework of the
Continued on Pnae 11

At Arima: Tapia has consistently viewed the Commission as crucial.



/S Stephens



Professional journalists
have to declare some
conception of the role
and place of their pro-
fession in the society.

The spectacle of jour-
nalist fighting like dogs
over scraps must be a
faintly distasteful one
for knowing people in
this country.

The policy of giving
"our boys" the break
over 'outsiders" could
well be a way of preferr-
ing mediocrity to talent
that has proven itself
somewhere else.

Newsmalers' hit by

breakers in the air waves

Lennox Grant

WITH RADIO journalists Alfred
Aguiton and Astra Da Costa
finally suspended, as it were, in
mid-air between the country's

dad employees went back to
work last week.
Significantly, the Guardian,
reporting the settlement, pro-
nounced it a victory for the
Union of Commercial and Indus-
trial Workers (UCIW).
Recorded to the union's credit
are the firing-of Aguiton and Da Costa

- even before they started work the
winning of eight days' strike pay; and
two vague commitments from the
company to review the salaries of
Don Proudfoot and Winston Maynard
and to investigate the station's Pro-
,,rannire Direct or.
But by any kind of accounting, it
is hard to see how the Radio Trinidad
employees or for that matter, journal-
ism in this country, gained anything
at all from the issue.
There will be no Current Affairs
Unit in Radio Trinidad. The company
will have effected a net saving and the
"Newsmakers" kind of programme,.
which Agiiiton would certainly have



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RETURN TO: Tapia House Publishing Co. Ltd.,
91 Tunapuna Rd. Tunapuna, Phone; 662-5126.
Trinidad and Tobago.

introduced on Maraval Road, will now
be restricted to 610 radio no
Add to that the fact that with the
issue of Aguiton and Da Costa now
defused, the Radio Trinidad people
will still have to carry on the struggle
against the kind of media management
which made the issue possible in the
first place.
That, of course, is hoping that
they still see the need for a struggle to
But it is better to assume that they
had nothing-personal against the form-
er 610 Current Affairs team; better to
see the sacrifice of the youthful en-
thusiasms of Da Costa and Aguiton as
-regrettable but inevitable for the vindica-
tion of a principle.
And if it was principle that moti-
vated the Radio Trinidad strikers, then
they have to carry the struggle through
to where it leads: that is, to the kind
of policy of media owners and manag-
ers in this country which sees invest-
ment in staff development as a low


Radio Trinidad could claim at the
time it hired Aguiton and Da Costa
that there was no one on their staff
able to produce the Current Affairs
If that is not an admission of bad
management and personnel planning,
then it is an expression of contempt
for the staff, a contempt which would
justify the reaction that developed in
the Aguiton-Da Costa case.
What were the training programmes
offered to Ra;' 1 Trinidad staffers'?
And what were the indications that if
staffers undertook training on their
own that their upgraded competence
would be recognized by the station
and opport unities lor advancement
If the station managers were able
to make a confidently positive answer
to hliose questions, then they would
have had a powerful moral case. for
acting as they did.
Bul they chose the easy way out.
Instead of cuillivating competenlce at
hiome, by encouraging initiative. con-

stantly promoting higher standards
and rewarding promise, they tried to
buy it all in a package readyinade
from 610 Radio.
Now this has serious implications
for those employees who resigned
themselves glumly to wait around for
whatever the company would hand
them by way of reward whenever it
Because by and large the ones who
stick around to wait and hope for the
best are the ones whose prospects
offer least scope because of the limited
talent, enterprise, industry and flair
that they have.
And it's not only that; for talent
and initiative do not thrive in infertile
soil. There is indeed the likelihood of a
frustrated talented person not getting
better but worse with time.
In such a regime the policy of
giving preference to "seniority" for
promotion championed by the UCIW
in all the media as a simple, if not
cynical solution to the problem is an
extremely backward one.
As invoked in the Radio Trinidad
case, the policy of giving "our boys"
the break over "outsiders" could well
be a way of preferring mediocrity to
talent that has proven itself somewhere
And that consideration should cau-
tion those journalists who see "good"
unionization as the solution to the
problems of the profession here.
Because unions have a way of
settling for.generally accepted practices
which might be fine on a garment
factory floor but which would be
positively reactionary in the context
of newspapers and other media.
Who asks if the median pay rise
required in the media to bring salaries
and wages up to equitable level (given
comparable levels of skill, training and
experience) would not be 50% when
what unions gain ino their industries
averages at 20%.
So you find that though they are
all unionized, salaries in the media are
still lower than the national average.


That of course assumes some kind
of equalization criteria which journal-
ists, and not necessarily unionists, are
competent to propose.
That is to say, professional journal-
isrs have to declare some conception of
the role and place of their profession
in the society.
Which does not start with a union.
Rather it ends with a union that has
a philosophy of what it is intended to
defend not some vague generaliza-
tion of the rights of workers, but the
place of journalism and its worth.
It is when it came down to a
question of dollars and cents that the
real story of the Radio Trinidad dispute
The public learnt that the jobs
which led to the eruption of such
militancy and bitterness carried salaries
of only S800 and $600 for the Producer
and Assistant Producer of the Current
Affairs Unit respectively.
Such salaries would only be worth
fighting for if they meant significant
pay increase for tie fighters. And the
evidence is that they did.
The IUCIW was pressing for S800
and $700 lior Don Proudlbol and
Winston Maynard respectively, and
this meant upward "adjustments" for
len wiom thlie aggrieved staffers pro-
posed against Aguiton ;and I)a Costa
for thlie Current Affiirs jobs.
The spectacle of journalists fighting
like dogs over scraps mus1 be a fainllh
distasteful one for knowing people in
this coiillni\. It Clainnot have enhanced
the standing of the profession aIny in
the public e0 .
Hill il is thlie mieasmre ofl tlie squalid
ieIC:iiiiessoflie circiiimstaiices in which
journalists have to operile. SO)t w which
aii l\ iVo-ii -fioui i mli raice e L sale I tMi
coidl mtake in hlce \\week, is legilled




planting slums



Oscar James

learnt, by bitter experi-
ence over the Shell/Caro-
ni Swamp affair, that
their birthright can be
sold without their even
being informed.. No-one
yet knows the exact na-
tureof the mess of pottage
involved, but we do know
that the Shell Company
was "duly" authorised by
Government (that imper-
sonal collective noun) to
invest heavily in a barge
that threatens the exist-
ence of our bird sanc-
tuary and of the people
who earn a living from it.
.But Trinidadians can at
least make a fight of it: there
is a Parliament Building (even
if no Parliament) round which
we may drive our motorcade
(though protesting on foot
is forbidden) and we know
that the media no matter
how lazy and unenterprising
- cannot fail to publicize our
discontent since it happens
on their doorstep.
But what of Tobagonians?
There are at present issues in
Tobago which are even more
potentially dangerous for To-
bago, and therefore for our
nation, than the Bird Sanc-
tuary issue is to Trinidad,

important though that is.
Issue No 1: Who autho-
rized the building of a petro-
leum bulk storage complex at
Crown Point? What precau-
tions have been taken to
ensure that a single spillage
will not occur, destroying the
marine life of Buccoo Reef
and defacing the beaches in
the area upon which Tobago's
tourist economy is based?
Is any such assurance,
really possible? How many
people in Trinidad knew what
had been proposed before
the installation .rose before
their eyes?


Issue No. 2: Who is re-
sponsible for authorizing the
Sewa ge Disposal Scheme for
Soultwestern Tobago, de-
signed to spew the sewage of
50,000 people into the sea
which washes the Buccoo
Studies of the currents
and tidal patterns of the area
have demonstrated that far
more data-is needed before
any -reputable scientist is pre-
pared to guarantee that the
eco-system of the Reef will
not be destroyed by the efflu-
ents from the sewage plant.
It is true that the sewage
is to be "treated" before
being dumped into the sea so

that it will not poison the
tourists swimming at Store
Bay or Pidgeon Point.
But who has calculated
or can calculate the effect
which the treated sewage will
have on the chemical of the
water and, inevitably, on the
marine life of the Reef? Even
subtle changes in their en-
vironment can lead fish or
birds to migrate from their
natural habitat or cause un-
predictable diseases or muta-
tions among them.
As far as Tobago is con-
cerned (and Trinidad, which
trades on Tobago's tourist
potential) the Bucooo Reef is
the Goose that laid the Golden
Egg. Can we trust its future
to WASA? (Tobagonians are
not even sure whether in fact
it will be WASA or. some
international corporatioii
which will be responsible for
the operation of the sewage

0 0

Issue No. 3: Who autho-
rized the construction of the
housing estate at Bon Accord
financed by a large loan from
the Inter-American Develop-
ment Bank? The houses, four
feet apart to ensure greater
economy and higher profits
for the builder, are modelled
on the architectural delights
of the Beetham Estate.

Tobagonians, never having
been slum dwellers, find it
difficult to appreciate that
these nice new barracks are
meant to "raise" their stand-
ard of living and should be
regarded gratefully.
Ironically, at a time when
Government is supposedly
urging Trinidadians to go in
for backyard gardening to
lower the cost of living and
feed the nation, Tobagonians
are being urged to forget their
own strong traditions of
backyard gardening and live in
crowded "urban" clusters in
the middle of rolling country-
As well as being sociolo-
gically ill-conceived, the Bon
Accord housing estate is a
landmark in bad (or non-
existent) physical planning.
Now that all the houses
are complete from the point
or view of roofs and Walls, it
has been found that the coral
formation of the land has so
far defied all the mechanical
equipment needed for laying
the sewerage system. So, no
On top of which is the
still unresolved problem of
where the sewage can be
dumped without threatening
the marine life of the south-
western end of Tobago (in-
cluding the Reef).
As already pointed out,
no definitive scientific studies
of currents have been carried
out which can guarantee the
safety of the Reef from the
discharge of sewage or other
effluents (e.g. detergent-filled
water from hotel launder-
The Bon Accord housing
scheme has therefore arrived
ai t t .. .. ., .,. ".
fuse to live in the houses and
the land refuses to submit to
the installation of sewers!
If Tobagonians had been
consulted about the solution
to their housing needs they

would have suggested that
Government merely supply
financial assistance to permit
each individual to choose his
house site and erect his house
with technical guidance and
Tobagonian len' han' from
their friends.
But the only people likely
to profit from such a scheme
would have been the Tobago-
nians themselves so bureau-
crats and businessmen natural-
ly regard it as "unfeasible".

Issue No. 4: Who estab-
lishes planning priorities for
Tobago? The proposed super-
highway (running through
good agricultural land) sounds
like a project designed to im-
prove Tobago's tourist colony
image but it is hard for Toba-
gonians to see its relevance
to a long term solution of.
their pressing problems.'
Is crash programme em-
ployment or an unnecessary
project any substitute for a
genuine development plan,
particularly for agriculture?

Issue No. 5: The same sad
lack of priorities and lack of
contact with the genuine
needs of the people are re-
flected in the decision (whose
decision?) to build a carpark
and grandstand in Charlotte-
As one Tobagonian con-
temptuously remarked: "You
could park anywhere in
Charlotteville anytime since
the place only have about ten
cars anyway.
But what about the
nursery school with 40to 0
clildrcn t-i at desperately need
help, or the youth group that
cannot afford to have their
instruments tuned to play in
the bandstand?"

Continued on Page 9.

_i^ Vi. -
"- ... ^ ^^,^, ^?,^ ^, .. * .'

"-.. .';, 2 .'.=_ -'i-":. d ''.": '".. ,. .., ,- .I~ 8


presentation by T.T.Archictectural Society
May 9 th,1974
Tapia House 82 St Vincent St Tunapuna




How Lance

back in town.
.A wiser man, a bitter
man, but a no less com-
mitted man.
The man, who has.
been one of the leading
figures in the new move-
ment in music in this
country, came back home,
with some vital insights
about the development
of our music .and the
nature of our society.
Nearly two years ago
Layne left for the USA
clutchingapile of tapes under
his arm..
They.represented the in-
vestment of all the savings
and capital he was able to
raise. Included was the master
tape of an LP record of his
own compositions 10 songs
to be published under his
own Jumbie Bead label.
The LP was the result of
weeks of work in Trinidad -
a project to which Lancelot

committed $5,000 of borrow-
ed money..
With typical high hopes,
he began looking around New
York, trying to make some
contact with the international
market, with West Indians
and others with an interest in
black music of the kind he
has been pioneering.
He hoped too, to improve
the quality of the stereo tapes
he had made here with the
firmlnternational Recordings.
"I recognized there were
limitations. Limitations I was
prepared for, because I knew
the situation here. But I did
not know it was that bad", he
explained last week.

Picture Layne now in a
Manhattan recording studio.
His tape is hooked up and
switch thrown.
"Did you say that was
stereo?" the engineer asked
as the music began to play.

Layne got a raw

recording deal

"Our listening experience of proper modern stereo is limited"

As far as he knew, it was,
Lancelot said. That's what
he had paid for.
The engineer invited him
to look at a screen on the
monitoring console where

true stereo indicators should
A weak line of light show-
ed up only now and then as
the music came over.
The engineer stopped the
machine and put on another
"Watch this! This is
Layne's eyes opened wide
behind his glasses as he saw
and heard the difference. It
was a no-go all that work
that went into that LP on
which he had invested so
much hope and money.
With the advice that Layne
should not send another cent
of good money behind the bad
puL uui n the recording, the
engineer packed up the tape.
But the Trinidad singer-
composer-producer was still
reeling from shock.


That recording, it was
clear, would never make the
big times Layne had hoped
for. The critical drawback: its
poor quality.
All the inadequacies dis-
guised on the recording equip-.
ment in Trinidad came out
into the open. Apparently a
whole channel never func-
tioned throughout the record-
ing in the Sea Lots studio.
"Now I know," Lancelot
Layne said last week, "how
much our listening experience
of proper modern stereo is
No more can he appreciate
the records he had heard
which had been made in Trini-
dad. Even his own recordings.
"When a producer has to
go outside and face the know-
ledgeable international world,
man you can't offer the kind
of thing we get here".
But why did he have to go
outside? Could he not capital-
ize on ignorance here and
expect at least similar success
to what his previous records
had had.
Layne of course was look-
ing for something bigger. With
$5,000 spent already, he had
to take a big gamble. Besides
the local market offers little
guarantee of being able to
recoup or to make something
So he was high and dry in
New York. With something to
sell that was not saleable ill

that market-
Ironically, it was precisely
the unconventional ideas he
used in making the records
which jeopardized their ac-
"It would have been a
worse LP than my previous
ones if I had pressed it locally
and gone ahead as usual. Putt-
ing my creations together re-
quired more sophisticated
recording techniques.
"There was a lot of heavy
drumming, super-impositions
and then there has to be a
system by which all sections
of the band can hold a certain
amount of presence. Every
instrument says something".
Now he knows what is
required: equipment which
could record separate tracks
for separate instruments; ear-
phones for use in the super-
impositions; specially tuned-
up musical instruments pro-
perly positioned in the studio
and maintained at proper re-
cording pitch.
It -is" when he thinks of
what he got instead, that
Layne gets bitter:
"Recording equipment
here is still behind the time,
but they charging ultra-
modern prices! $60 oer hour
studio recording time; $30-
$45 per hour charges for
mixing, equalizing and edit-
But having taken that
point, there is still the bank
to pay.From New York Layne
tried to send two tunes from
the LP'which he pressed as a
'45, for sale in Trinidad.
"I was trying to recover
some of the money I had
spent", he explained.


And then came the su-
preme disappointment: Trini-
dad Customs deemed the re-
cords foreign manufacture and
refused to let them in without
import tax which worked out.
at nearly $1 per record.
To pay that tax. after pay-
ing air freight charges would
put a prohibitive price on the
record in Trinidad.
Layne appealed to the
New York IDC office as a
"small businessman>". lie ex-
plained how lie came to he
pressing records ill the US:
that at 1 2 cents US per record
Continued on Page 10




MEMBERS, Associates and Sup-
porters of Tapia, Brothers and
Sisters all, Welcome!
We are assembled here this
morning for our Fourth Annual
General Assembly. With every
passing year, Tapia writes its
name in the annals of our politic-
al history. Besides, we write it
elegantly in pink and gold because,
by one of the accidents which
change the fortunes of whole
civilizations, our Annual General
Assembly falls in the glorious
season of the poui.
This year our Annual Assembly
falls on April 7 and May 5 one for
the pink and one for the gold. In
1971, the corresponding dates were
March 27 when we had our alto-
gether unplanned initiation in Mayaro
-and then again on April 15. In 1972,
they were March 5 and April 9 while
last year, 1973, which, in the end,
proved to be a yearofgreat abundance
- what with our Special Assembly on
September 23 and our Fifth Anni-
versary Assembly on November 18 -
we held only one Sitting of the
Annual Assembly.and that was on
March 18.
We are remarkably stable and con-
sistent in our habits; that is the revo-
lutionary thing about us. Tapia poses a
threat to that way of life and that
style of politics in which today you
up, you have vast multitudes of fana-
tical supporters hitched to your star
and the media can find no more
worthy newsmaker and then and
then tomorrow you down, everybody
stupesing when they call your name,
and you not in bodow!

... Tapia is something else! We have a following of 71 today and 72 tomorrow;

Tapia is something else! We have
a following of 71 today and 72 to-
morrow; that is the kind of slow
building we opted for from the start. It
is a revolutionary political organization
because it responds to the yearning of
our bewildered people, after centuries
of wallowing in impotence after years
of drifting in the wilderness picking up
the pieces of a broken dream, after

months of agonizing search for a new
hope; Tapia responds to that yearning
not only for a new morning, a fresh
dawn, but for such permanent, pro-
fessional and participatory organiza-
- tion as alone can service the needs
of a people no longer in the chains of
slavery and colonialism and determined
to occupy their land in freedom.
We are a revolutionary political

movement because we have been grow-
ing organically, step by step climbing
the steep hill of community organiza-
tion, into a political party which could
survive to resolve the underlying and
fundamental crisis because it possesses
the solidity and the strength to cope
with the succession of symptoms of the
sickness which, from month to month,
and increasingly from week to week,

OUR stock-taking must begin with crisis in the civilization at large. It is
a commonplace that., not only our country but the entire region and
indeed, the whole world are today in the midst of a political and
economic crisis. Less than three weeks ago a "London Times" report
dwelt on the theme that Western democracy may have only another 20
or 30 years of dwindling life, that scarcely a country in the European
Nine has a really popular and confident government with a clear mandate.
"Flimsy coalitions are becoming the order of the day. Even in Scandinavia
the solid ground of socialdemocracy is beginning o crack, and now Britain,
the supposed model of stable liberal democracy .is showing signs of
instability". The Times, March 20, 1974, p16.
The spectre of a return to the conditions of the 1930's haunts the world. These
conditions bred totalitarian regimes under Stalin, Hitler, Mussolini and Franco, led
to dog-eat-dog economic policies of chauvinist protection and threw countries like
our own into economic confusion with rising prices, mounting unemployment,
social unrest and political upheaval. Today the world economy is again being
ravaged by galloping inflation, exchange instability and balance of payments
problems aggravated by the impact of the energy crisis on import prices as
all producers and consumers attempt to save their own skins at the expense of

everybody else.
When to this pronounced disorder
the political confusion caused by the
Government of Chile by the most bar-
barous reactionary manoeuvres, by the
exposure of the tremendous capacity
for corrupt Executive manipulation
which is present in the political system
of the United States of America and
by the emerging weaknesses of Western
liberal democracy,the world back-
ground to our own evolution here in
Trinidad and Tobago is a breeding
ground for pessimism and doubt and

in the international economy is added
overthrow of the legitimate socialist


Such is the decor against which'we
come out to play. At home, three
factors frame the evaluation which we
must make. The first is that the festive
season which embraces Christmas,
Carnival and Cricket has now at last
come to a close. The harsh realities ;f

politics and life which we try to soften
by a fling of fete and frolic must now
be faced. Unfortunately, we are not in
a strong psychological position because
whatever fortification we may have
gained from the extended season of
fun, has in the end been demolished
by the catastrophic defeat of the West
Indies in the fifth and final Test at
the Queen's Park Oval. Our ability to
stand and fight and our revolutionary
patience and stamina were again on
trial in that match and the failure was
such a shattering blow to national self-
confidence and pride that bitterness
today hangs like a pall above the land.
The second factor is the failure of
the billion-dollar Budget to restore a
climate of solid optimism and hope. We
came to the Budget this year basourdi
with licks. Prices during 1973 had
risen by 23%, according to official
figures which are designed to paint thel
rosiest possible picture. By Christmas,
our dollar was worth three-shilling
at the most. Food prices had leapt
nearly 30% as compared with 24.6%
in the whole of the first four years of
the February Revolution from 1968-
72. Living accommodation prices had
jumped 23.3%, clothing 11%, drugs.
7.5% and services 6.9%. Over the year
shortages had embraced milk, sugar,
rice, flour, cheese, meat, cooking-oil,
fruits, kerosene and pro-gas. It had
been a consumers' nightmare of
spiralling inflation and maddening
When Budget time came round inl
January, we had been given an object
lesson in the failure of the Govern-
ment's economic strategy to create an
economy which could feed, clothe and
shelter our people out of tlie materials
of our own land and willtoutl udue
dependence on the outside world (;and
its corollary in excessive vullnelraility
to the vagaries of fort ine).Nothing to
dramatised the absurdity and the irre-
levance of cecoinonic planning in lhis

country as the shortage of rice, going
at over $1 per pound at the height of
the shortage. The moral of it all was
that a total economic reconstruction
was needed, an entirely new harnessing
of our productive forces with all that
that would dictate by way of rededi-
cation and fresh commitment.
And as luck would have it, the
international forces put a victory right
into the laps of Trinidad & Tobago.
The sudden onset of the world energy
crisis by the Arab-Israeli conflagration
and the decision by the Arabs to use
oil as a political weapon, created for
us an opportunity a golden oppor-
tunity in the form of a windfall
income from our major export. For the
first time in nearly 15 years oil was
simply spinning money national
income, government revenue and
foreign exchange and on a scale
infinitely greater than in the boom of
the late 1950's..In one year Recurrent
Revenue skyrocketed from $474.2m
to $923.5m, a leap of $450m. Finan-
cially, the stage was set for that Na-
tional Reconstruction which Tapia had
called for on March 19, 1970, after
which the Government had shamelessly
fudged when things got hot at the
end of April.
So the stage was set financially.
And psychologically too. The year
1973 had shown the country that we
had to reorganise or starve. The
stumbling block in the way of pro-
.gress was political and nothing else.
Withl a corrupt and incompetent Go-
vernment and a moribund and obso-
lescent party in charge of tle country
there was simply nothing we could do.
The oil policy and the Budget proposals
could make no sense of the chance we
had because the Government had been
doing no planning whatsoever ai
was rudely exposed by their faiiluui
to deliver ciliher a Trinone Speech or :
five Yean Plan. Out of the ji;\\, il
victory thc somehow m0tnaged o
snatch defeat.

01"L HAS -PUTs IB~ VI'CTe,


Tapia in force at the first meeting of the Constitution commission in Arima.

Members, Supporters, well wishers and friends at a Special Tapia Assembly, 1973.

breaks out like so many funning.sores
on the face of our ailing country.
Tapia is a revolutionary political
organization because we are resolved
to resolve the national crisis in the
interest of,.and with the continuing
and active support not of any special
section or interest, but of the large and
overwhelmingmajorityot disadvantag-!
ed but law-abiding citizens in a demo-

cratic and participatory Republic.
Such a creature as we are is not
like a passing crowd. I can therefore
repeat what our Editor wrote in his
Report on the very first General As-
semby1 in 1971, "In the life of an
organization as of an individual it
is important every now and again to.
make a pause, to retreat temporarily
from the ongoing stresses of everyday

life this entails taking stock of
In a political organization, taking
stock of ourselves, means also taking
stock of the State, the Government,
and the community as well. A political
party makes a bridge between the
State and the particular Government
which controls the State for the time
being and the community of people

by whose consent the State has been
established andthegovernment elected.
It does not live in a vacuum. That is
why Tapia does not have to announce
one morning that yesterday we just
form a party. A,party exists in the
eyes of the beholder. It exists only
when people cannot help seeing it
because it is making so visible an-im-
pact in the entire political field.


THE oil policy of the Government turned out to be like the oil policy
of a Government with two left foot. They failed to grasp the origins of
the energy crisis and they still .don't understand its meaning largely be-
cause they had previofisly failed to understand the workings of the oil
industry and to the multi-national corporations that dominate it. In
September we had been treated to a discourse on the multi-national
corporations but since the aim was merely to display erudition and
bolster intellectual authority rather than to inform policy and planning,
the discourse was hopelessly elementary. It failed to deal with corpora-
tions as highly complex organizations which behave quite often as
good citizens; it failed to deal with the both-sided character of their
declarations; with their skilled manipulation of religion and culture,
of technology and economics, of diplomacy and war as instruments of
control; in other words, it characteristically failed to look at the issue
"politically". We were simply served with analysis. But the problem is
not simply to understand the world. We must change it too.
The Government's failure to do its homework led first of all to uncertain
price projections. The Budget took two quite different positions on what might
happen to prices. But more than this, our entire strategy of dealing with oil
is misguided because we see it as a defensive political weapon in a country which is too
small to make any serious impact. The result was that we again sought a surrep-
titious entrvinto the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries and again we just
get bouf on the quiet.Tapia then had to
break the story. Then too we embarked
on the hare-brained scheme of sending.
missions to every corner of the world
which means that our normal dip- mean more income for the same out
lomacy is regarded as incapable of put. It also means that oil in the bus
doing its job and that everybody is is worth more than oil in the hand
alerted to what we are doing so it is Number three, we did not thin
going to be impossible to assess the through our oi towd te
through our policy towards the energy'
meaning of the information brought based and energy using industries
back by the missions. We seem not to entione
know that diplomacy is defeated by were little more than cliches:
noise which empty vessels always au seltin onge-ron, liqu
make If we were clear on the aluminium smelting.sponge-iron, liquid
make -. If we were clear on the
natural gas. What the country needed
possibilities we would have devoted .
was bricks and mortar, concrete pro
our attention to quiet sales of oil to or
jects and marching orders.
India and the West Indian islands while js ad m g
Number four. We bungled ou
centering our oil diplomacy in Cara- N f W b
chance to alter the whole retailinl
cas and in Cairo. Cairo because Cairo r
structure. An imperfect understanding
is at the hub of Arab politics and oil of w w i l h Govern
of what was involved led the Govern
is.politics first, economics after. m t m
ment to make a gift of $35m to th
.Bad diplomacy; that ;;as error companies in the mistaken attempt to
number one. Number two we look it subsidise the price of gasolen. Th
for granted that we should increase change needed was to haye localised al
our output of crude when, with rising the retail stations and to have trans
prices, it would have been better to
think about conservation. Rising prices Continued on Page 8












Tapia House 82-84 St Vincent Street Tuinapina

,PPJL 21, 1974C



Oil has put victory in our lap

From Page 7
formed them into consumer co-ops
owned by the taxidrivers 'the motorists
,and the housewives.
Number: five. The Participation
policy of the Government is to be
based on a new taxation regime and
on State ownership of shares in Texaco
and Shell, But what is stopping us
from taking full control of the goose
that lays the golden eggs? By. our
calculations, the industry is not worth
more than $2 billion and it can be
shown that we could buy the industry
out with taxes in three yeais at the
Number six. We have made no
plans for acquiring the skills to run
- petroleum and natural gas ourselves,
For years Tapia has been proposing
that we establish aTechretariat- pre=
ferably at the level of the CARICOM
Secretariat to put together a Team
equipped to deal in oil at the highest
decision-making level. Only this year
did they start with a little shame-faced

operation in Chaguaramas. And the
pledge of how serious we really- are is
to be found in this ludicrous plan to
establish .an Institute of Petroleum
rather than to see that there exists a
Department of Petroleum Engineering
at the University of the West Indies.


Six errors. Plus the fundamental
misconception of strategy and of plan.
Seven deadly sins in all. On top of this,
we have planned nothing serious with
the tremendous $450m increase in
petroleum revenue on current account.
The Budget concentrated on measures.
of electioneering relief which will
neither bring the Government votes
nor cure the basic economic ills. We
are going to subsidise flour and rice,
we are expanding the crash programmes
to improve roads and public buildings
and we are relieving a large number of
citizens, of hardly more than $25 of

taxes a year in any single instance. But
what did we do for the economic trans-

formation of the country; for the
things of the spirit in sports or the
arts or in education? What did we do
for health and welfare that could make
a serious difference? What did we do
for building the West Indian nation?
The answers have already been
provided in the analysis we have made
in Tapia. And invariably the answer is
nothing'at all. Whatever hopes were
engendered by the coming of the oil
bonanza has been dashed by the in-
competent handling of the Budget, by
the failure to'commit thecountry to a
plan for which we would work.
The result is that the country,
now more than ever, has to consider
the political questions. How are we
going to move this unwanted and
iniquitous regime and replace it by
something new?

THIS, brings us to the third fac-
tor of which we must take ac-
count in making our assessment
of the political times in which we
live. That factor is the impending
-resolution of the constitutional
crisis through consideration of
the Report of the Wooding Con-
stitutional Commission. Most peo-
ple see the constitutional issue
-as important only because our
colonial experience has led them
to expect that a change of re-
gime follows the introduction
of a new- Constitution and new
elections. Under the colonial re-
gime that is what happened.
There would be a riot, or a de-
'monstration by large crowds, the
imperial power would appoint a
Commission, the Constitution
would be amended and there
would be fresh elections.
Following the eruption of 1970
and the appointment of the Wooding
Commission, in 1971, and now, with
the Report completed people expect
elections this year. Wooding has en-
couraged these expectations by pro-
posing a very definite time-table
stipulating that the Report be dis-
cussed for 3-4 .months, the Constitu-
tion be introduced on August 31 and
elections be held shortly after that.
Williams has also encouraged these
expectations first by planting in his
re-entry speech of Dec -2 the idea that
elections be held at the earliest possible
date; and secondly,. by appearing so
far to be intent on following the
time-table set out by Wooding.


The big question being asked against
this background is who you go. put?
Which party is able and willing to
compete against the PNM in October
or November and win? Which party
and which leader will the country
choose when Williams "retires" as he
.promised to do on December 2, .on
the eve of the new elections?
Well the first thing we in Tapia
must be clear about is that we are no
longer politically in a colonial
situation. Williams is now both a player
and the umpire so it is a different
ball-game altogether. We cannot take
on face-value the suggestion that there
is going to be an early election or that
Williams is going to bring PNM up to
the starting gate and then bow out.
That would be to take a six for a nine.
It does not make any political sense.
It would make political sense only if
PNM were sure to win. Why should

they hold elections two years early if
they stand a chance of losing? Because
the country thinks there should be a
new election? Since when PNM has
respect for the opinion of the country?
The question therefore is whether
they can hold an election this year and
win. I do not think the country would
let it happen. People are so determined
that they should go that, rather than
let them win, some radical forces have
said they would back even a makeshift
coalition to ensure a PNM defeat.


We in Tapia must be very sceptical
about these overnight coalitions but
PNM has to take them into account
and they are unlikely to take the chance
with any early election. In any case,
they can scarcely have made up their
minds because their chances in the
next election would depend on what
constitutional and electoral changes
have been agreed upon.
The issue of constitutional change
is therefore politically very important.
The changes that we make in the
Constitution will determine when and
perhaps whether we will have the next-
election. More important to Tapia is
that the political discussions and the
political alignments which take place
over the constitutional issue will settle
the question as to which party and
which leader the country go put?
People who do not 6r will not
understand the politics of the consti-
tutional issue offer two other political
choices. First, there are those who
say that constitutional reform is irre-
levant the important thing is to.hold
a fresh election and let the people
vote for a Government of their choice.
The question is how are they going to
get Williams to call an election before
the current term is up? The Tapia
answer is that they never will.
The second choice which we are
sometimes offered is the choice of a
military coup. It is said by many
people including large numbers of
business and well-to-do- people in pri-
vate that the only way this govern-
ment can be moved is by force. Well,
the Tapia answer to that is that in
Trinidad & Tobago, armed struggle
by a handful of dedicated rebels cannot
succeed because the State and its
allies abroad are much better armed
than such a group could ever be. It is
therefore not feasible and it is not
desirable either because the Movement
would have no popular political base.
If it had a popular political base,
there would be no need for a military
We therefore rule out mere elec-

tions and we rule out a military coup.
Our strategy aims at revolutionary
change involving the large majority of
the people in a struggle to win our
political freedom back. That strategy
involves education and agitation to
persuade our people to a plan for a
different kind of State, a different
pattern of economy, and entirely new
social and cultural relations. It is a
strategy which passes along the con-
stitutional road. But if the PNM Go-
vernment sets up any roadblock we
shall have to sweep it away. The revo-
lution will then have to be made in
heat though we would prefer to make
it cool.
The constitutional road means that
we must build a durable political
party with a chance of harnessing the
entire universe of Trinidadians and
Tobagonians in search of a better
world. Such a party must have two
essential ingredients the first being
ideological clarity, the second being
organisational solidity and strength..
We need ideological clarity about
ends and we need ideological clarity
about means. In Tapia we dream of a
New World where humanity would
walk tall, in charge of the place, in
communion with one another and
with the cosmic forces which wander
in the land. We have already published
our proposals in the little booklet
entitled Tapia's New World.


We reject the easy appeal to some
group created by God or by some
large historical force. We are prepared
to work for the support we get..And
from the very beginning of our exist-
ence, we have promised to deliver
80,000 people into a single place
representing a considerable force in
the local areas. We are going to deliver
every one and if we have 100 now we
will get the other 79,000; and if
necessary, we will get them all in
Tapia rejects, the easy appeal to
personality and public relations gim-
micks. Whatever our Group may be
selling, we are certainly not just sell-
nig men except as vehicles for a dif-
ferent way of life. We are selling
instead, West Indian nationhood, poli-
tical education, an equitable, honest
humane and participatory Republic.
The organizational solidity and
strength that we need has also to be
built by work; it has to be fashioned
with care. The house that we build
must resist the storm, the gale and
the tempest; it must stand the test of

Dear Sir,
The Evening News of
Monday 8th April con-
cluded, after reading or
listening to' Mr. Best's
statement to his Tapia
Group on Sunday 7th
April, thit Mr. Best is
Best's :statement claims
that arm revolution cannot
succeed in Trinidad and To-
bago, but what the vocal
majority would like to know is
whether talk would succeed
with a tyrant as Eric.
Professor Gordon Lewis
made the same statement a
few weeks before Best did,
but his reason was not the
same as that of Mr. Best
Professor Lewis felt that
armed revolution could not
'succeed because our people
are too divided internally,
whereas Best feels that we
cannot succeed because the
external friends of the Es-
tablishment are powerful.
The strength of external
forces did not cause failure in
Nigeria nor in Vietnam this is
because of the strength of the
internal force, but here in
Trinidad where we have so
many British trained Sabo-
teurs "as evidenced by five
GCE passes at ordinary level"
one would naturally expects
the sympathy obtained when
the Public servant or teacher
says that he feels sorry for
the sugar worker but that
there is no need why the
hungry cugar worker should
come to demonstrate in Port
of Spain on Carnival Tuesday
to prevent the Public Servant
from preparing to throw away
a six hundred dollars
(5600.00) carnival costume
on Ash Wednesday morning.
The sugar worker is con-
cerned with his stomach and
that of his family, the Public
Servant in his Sinecure is
satisfied with showing, the
Tourist how he can play the
In any case British trained
Saboteurs know one thing
and that is power to be cor-
rupt, and they feel that vio-
lence can cause them to loose
toomuch that is material.
All, every one of them,
they see law and order as
their protector when they
obtain power. Before they
obtain power they'pretend
to like justice.
(I know that Tapia and
the Evening News would say
that this letter is too long,
not that it is illegible, so that
w8n't publish it). Yet they
feel that the vocal majority
whom they grant no privilege
to voice thei; opinion, and
whom the regime has made
laws to prevent us from de-
mnonstrating, can solve our
problems by going to the
polls in a "democratic way"
every five years.
This will be publish
though. I am sure ... Wait and
see. P'I .1ssionals and Workers
of Trinidad and Tobago
Selwyn II. Charles




J -E-E-Z-A-N-A-G-E-,S



I WENT to see Jesus Christ Superstar and was frankly
bored most of the time. Some weeks ago, right after
Carnival, in fact, someone phoned in to one of the Radio
Stations to complain that steelbands had sacrilegiously
played the Superstar theme-song on Jourvert Morning.
This really just shows how naive and absurd many Trini-
dadians who pride themselves on being religious can be.

The truth is that the film
might have been religious had
it been frankly irreligious.
Instead it is neither hot
nor cold,_ and should there be
a Judgement Day, it will cer-
tainly be among those things
which God will- spit out of
His mouth.
In'the meantime, I don't
mind spitting it out a little, as
a film which is totally hostile
to the heroic texture of Jesus'
life and death, whether you
regard him as God made Man, or
as a remarkable but self-de-
luded visionary.
'o those who seriously
think of the film as religious, I
would simply point out that the
story writers have. been true to
the modern American spirit by
arranging the resurrection, not
of Jesus, but of Judas.
In so doing, they were true
to themselves, for Judas is the
only figure in the film who has
real life in him. It is not un-
noticeable that he is cast as a
black American.


Point two: the film dodges

011 CI It. srao1U1C. JI ,3Iytrrrr~narrt- L 1__

poses. Examine the lyrics of
Mary Magdalene, in her very
pretty song "I don't know how
to love him".
The words that echo from
that song, in my mind, are:
I've had so many men
before in very many ways.
Decadent America trans-
ferred to Judea. Mary is the
swinger, the pretty girl, hot on
pot, orgies, wife swapping, try-
ing out the arts of the flower
And what she is saying in
the song is that she cannot
imagine a relationship with a
man, other than one which
involves sex.
Mary is a daughter of post-
Freudian Western civilization,
she is one with all of us who
cannot imagine virility minus
erection, except of course in
the substitute but substantial

forms of man wielding a gun,
sword or some other phallic
I wouldn't be at all sur-
prised if Jesus and Mary Mag-
dalene are so closely featured
in the film because the kind of
people who wrote the script
were worried that, had they
stressed Jesus' relation with
Peter or John, they would have
surfaced the embarrassed
thought that Jesus was homo
not heterosexual.


Because Western Civiliza-
tion, unlike the East, has almost
completely lost the tradition
of a belief in the Great Teacher,
The man set apart, who has
disciples, The Master, not to
even speak of a capacity to
believe th., Jesus was God,
the Supreme Reality assuming

Mary Magdalene is talking
the truth, not only for herself
but for those who are inclined
to take the film seriously.
"I don't know how to love
him". For modern man in the
West is no more capable of
positing love without sex than
of advertising Naco louvres
without a bit of voyeurist pitta
patta from Ed Fung.
I want to say that, pro-
perly rewritten, I can imagine
the plot of J.C. Superstar being
both dynamic, subversive and
who knows, even religious.
Here are some suggestions.
For an American version,
the cast should be changed.
round completely. Christ must
be a black man, a cross (if one
might use a pertinent word)
between Martin Luther King
and Malcolm X and the Sole-
dad brothers.


m -o

-ge fim

However, you see the divine
spark in him, it is easy to
imagine such a Man chastising
the ungodly, suffering agony
and being put to an inglorious
death by the rest of the cast
who would consist of:


For Herod and his crowd
A group of black and white
liberals urging petty reforms
and making up to the Establish-
Is there any difficulty ima-
gining an American President
as Caesar?
For a West Indian.version,
Jamaica offers thl best images.
Christ as a rastaman, Members
of the ruling brown middle
class, (guess who?) as Herod
and the crowd.
The U.S. President and the
State Department can stay as
Caesar and Imperial Rome.


Such a film with the script
rightly written would be as
scandalous in the North Atla)-
tic community as the original
Christian message was when
Paul that rigid, puritan patriach,
belted it out in the first Chris-
tian century.
It would be more than
Billy Graham and his crowd
from Minneapolis Minnesota
would ever be able to take.
Because in such a film, Mary
Magdalene won't be singing
"Everything'll be all right",
she'll be singing "We gonna
set the world no fire", which
is what I always thought the
original Christian message was
all about.

Malcolm Buggeridge




the time

TAPIA is calling on all oppo-
sition forces to promote a
free political discussion of the
constitutional issue on radio
and television; and to join
together to hold a Conference
with the Government on the
Wooding Report the de-
cision of the-Conference to
be binding on the unrepre-
sentative 1971 Parliament.
WE are satisfied that all along,
the Government has been
blocking attempts to bring
the constitutional issue alive.
We have taken note of the
fact that, in spite of the im-
pression given to the country
by the publication of 50,000
copies of the Wooding Report
at only 25 cents, there has
been a resounding official
silence on radio and television.
THE country must demolish
this wall of silence and open
up a free discourse that would
accord equal exposure to all
political opinion.
THE only way to achieve.this
is for the opposition to band
together, insist on political
time on radio and television,
repudiate any idea of another
1962 Queen's Hall National
Consultation, and promote a
Conference of Citizens with
powet-to bind the Cabinet.
TAPIA is certain that oppo-
sition unity to this end would

find widespread support up.
and down the country. Such
a sinking of political differ-
ences would be modest, con-
structive and feasible. It would
not require any group to
abandon its ideology, pro-
gramme, organisation or
leadership; nor would it offer
the, magic of any overnight
IN January 1971 Tapia joined
URO in the hope of achieving
a similar collaboration. In
November 1971, we joined
the. Assembly of Free Citizens,
with the same objective in
0 0

NOW in 1974, when the issue
is certain to be finally re-
solved, we are prepared for a
third time to embark on a
scheme of joint action with
the forces of the opposition
in the cause of fundamental
WE fear that if the opposition
failed to get together and
continued to confront the
Government with a number
of disunited fragments,we risk
being forced to capitulate to
the wishes of the old regime.
WE warn that the frustrations
bred by such a defeat could
lead to costly civil strife. The
nation would then have only
the opposition to blame.
Press Release April 17, 1974.



Rates tor 26 issues


Tapia House Bookshop


f 4.00

Government planting slums in Tobago

Continued From Page 4

In a very real sense all
these issues are constitutional
issues because they are ques-
tions of how decisions are
made in a society. Tapia main-
tains that our society must
be reorganised with the em-
phasis on local government
and community participation
in order to give real powers
of decision back to the people.
Tobago is a special case
which dramatizes Tapia's call
for decentralization and lo-
calization (See Tapia pam-
phlet "Power to the People").
One radio commentator

remarked during the Consti-
tution debates, that Tobago is
"dear to the hearts of the
Tapia House Group". Tapia
has in fact been campaigning
consistently for Home Rule
for Tobago a constitutional
arrangement that would be
far more meaningful that the
present "decentralized" but
powerless Ministry of Tobago
(Decentralization, inciden-
tally, means.more than erect-
ing a ministry building outside
of Port of Spain, whether in
Tobago or Caroni, while all
essential decisions continue
to be taken in the capital by
the Doctor through his pup-

We argue that decisions
affecting Tobago's develop-
ment must be taken by bodies
whichTobagonians can iden-
tify and influence. Tobago
must have its own Tourist
Board, Industrial Develop-
ment and Finance body and
above all, its own Develop-
ment Planning Unit.


Day by day events in
Tobago, which the "national"
media fail to report prove
(the wisdom of Tapia's con-
tention. Who now takes de-
cisions affecting the future

of Tobago? How are the peo-
ple consulted? In what forum
can they complain? Can they
hope, by expressing disagree-
ment, to change the decisions
The self-styled spokesman
for Tobago, Mr. A.N.R. Ro-
binson, apparently sees no-
thing wrong with the present
machinery of decision-making
for (not by or in) Tobago
lor lie has repeatedly said that
he considers constitutional
questions to be irrelevant.
In fact lie is lar too occu-
pied will the volc-catching
gimmickry of giving his party
a racially-balanced "I:eader-

ship" image to spare time for
the deep-seated problem of
giving to the people all
our people the power and
dignity to make their own
After all, as an old-style
politician with a new-style
dashiki and Afro iairdo, he
knows that the present con-
stitution is ideally suited to
keeping the people mute and
manipulatable --by him as
well as anyone else.
But the issue in Tobago is
not wlheller a native son will'
eventually wear the crown.
bul whether the "'natives"
will ever control their own

I~a~ NOW


Jesus Chris "t, Su P" ets tar.

$ 7.001
$1 Z.00


From Page 3

as top-level.- remuneration .in the
"Station of the Nation"!
Yet the UCIW is seen to have won
the issue. What the hell could it have
been doing for its Radio Trinidad
branch all the while, if its members are
-obviously so badly paid?
SMeanwhile, a howl of outrage went
up from the Express for what is called
"A. Shocking Surrender by Radio
The paper whose employees are
also represented by: .CIW dealt -out
liberal servings of criticism to both
parties in the Radio Trinidad dispute.
The Journalists' action in throwing
out Da Costa and Aguiton it denounced
as showing an absence of "sectional

a a
Newsma, rs, 'h

The management it condemned as
"extraordinarily weak", ending up
with the argument that workers, even
journalists, must know theirplaceand
not try to dictate to management.
The illogic of that position lies in
overlooking the fact that, in the Radio
Trinidad case, it was "sectional
solidarity" which brought about the
"shocking surrender" of the manage-
For if indeed the Radio Trinidad
journalists were, lacking in solidarity,
then the management would have had

its way, thus answering the question
the Express editorial asked: "Who is
running the station the workers or "
the management?"

The issue however, is unhappily
more complex.
The issue in fact is the aims of that
desirable "solidarity" and as well the
aims of running the station or the
Meanwhile, too, the BOMB has
been running a column of anonymous
but richly informed commentary on

the radio stations and television )ro-
Closer reading, though, would rc-
vcal that the criticism of Radio Trini-
dad had been more "balanced" and
more hopeful. "Big Eyes and Big
Ears", as the column is called, has
offered warm approval of the stations'
infusion of "Keens Douglas-Aguit6n-
Da Costa new blood", wishing it a
"perhaps challenging future".

When, by last week's column,that
"future" seemed about to be aborted,
the writer called on JATT to "come
into the act" and check the impudence
of the "fifth-raters".
And meanwhile, JATT, under the
leadership of Nazim Muradali of 610
Radio, was having cocktails with the
Goverrior General.

----------------------------------------------- -- --------
--------------------- -----------------------------------


Letter to the editor

Dear Sir,
I must commend TTT
-for a very educational even-
.ing two Mondays ago on the
programme 'Mainly for Wo-
men'. It was indeed wonder-.
ful to view a show especially
projected to the African
woman in the community.
More shows of this nature

* George Beckford Lloyd Best

Tapia House Bookshop

can certainly help to bring
about the self-pride that we
Africans lack.

One sore point about the
show is the negative attitude
of Hazel Ward. I thought she
was rude and insulting; Afri-
can women should not try to
ridicule one another.

* Clive Thomas

Instead, we ought to bea-
source of strength to each
other in our fight for our

I certainly hope that I
have not seen the last of such
shows, for nothing but good
can come out of them.
Babatunde Ome


* Lloyd Braithwaite *. & Others

Tel: 662-5126

-- ,* .- U -


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offshore production platforms over twenty miles out at sea some
time ago It was a new experience for us. but it was all part of
our lob The Industrial and Building Products Division of
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Apart from installing suspended ceilings, we also construct
shop fronts and partitions for business places. install NACO
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.'- -.- .. ultra modern 'Flecto finish' to walls and floors.
Also,'we supply Kwikset locks. Gibbons Ironmongery,
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Sf,- -adhesive, Ibiboard. laminated plastic sheeting and Ibi Ace
; decrative prywood,.and more'
-.'y'. Ie have a service you could use, give us a call at 62 32866.

Sng.p you.- ,-.
:.- , '':' ... ..". "'1 -




THE Village Olympics
are on. Amidst reports to
the contrary, Linton
Brown, Chairman of the
Central Organising Com-
mittee, in a press confer-
ence held at Hilton Hotel
April 17 last, has allayed
all doubts.
The formation of Area
Committees ought to ensure
better organisation of the
Olympics this year. In pre-
vious years last minute an-
nouncements of and unilateral
postponements of matches
created much chaos.


Says Linton Brown, the
Area Committees will be given
a great deal of autonomy
particular in the preliminary
stages of the games.
Greater attention will be
paid this year to the registra-
tion of players. Registration
forms will have to be made
out in triplicate and this will
go a long way towards facili-
tatSng the arbitration.of pro-
tests and disputes.
The Central Committee
Chairman also revealed that
villages will be given financial
assistance for.the purchase of
The tentative date for the
beginning of bte Games is
June 16 and Villages intending
to participate are reminded
of the closing date of entries
-May 31st.

From Page 5
it was still cheaper than the
50 cents TT it would cost at
home. That his was a special
case of, hard luck, but that
he was showing some entre-
preneurship in trying to bounce
They were sympathetic
but helpless.
So the two tunes "Fitting
Pieces Together" and-"Lemme
Roll You" By one ofTrini-
dad's foremost young musi-
cians and composers, a man
who showed his determina-
tion to crash the export mar-
ket with one of our surplus
commodities music have
been considered a foreign
im port.. ... --
For 13 months Layne
froze and scrunted in New
York. He tells stories of work-
ing as a car park attendant in
the heights of winter. His last
job: a pest exterminator in
the Harlem ghetto.
Back home now, he hasn't
given up. He expects to make
use of the contacts he made
:, nong "culturally inclined"
people in New York.
He did radio interviews
and had some of his tapes
played on the air "as a cul-
tural statement". They're no
good for commercial pur-
poses, he was told.
In the meantime, he wants
to give the message that we
can't make it in the world of
music unless we get more
competence in the technology
of the industry. [L.G.j





Agriculture in the



, 142




- -- -



Opposition unity is the

only way for T&T to

profit from the Wooding


From Page 2
Wooding investigation was that it would awaken
political interest and force the country to articulate
positions fully and align itself on one or the other
political side. Such a political confrontation would
-have forced the Government for the first time in its
history to entertain feedback and backchat from
opposition both technically and politically equipped
to match them. The political consequences of such a
development would have been three fold.
First, the controversy would have negated the
repressive legislation which has thrown cold water
on public meetings and marches and political activity
in general. Secondly, it would have dethroned the
Prime Minister from the seat of authority on which
he always sits above the political discourse th<
better to have the last word, unchallenged. Thirdly,
and most important, a genuine Parliament would have
- been restored.
r riri MIfITARY

A genuine political discussion which forced the
Government to account for its stewardship of the
Constitution would have effected the restoration of
Parliament outside the Red House in that it would
have identified the real spokesman for the different
interests throughout the country. Wherever these
spokesmen are all making their appearance, that is
where Parliament is. If Wooding had succeeded in
bringing them together, it would have been the first
step towards a reconstruction of the system of politics
and government because the discussion would have
achieved what the 1962 Parliament and the established
political parties had ignominiously failed to do, that
is to convoke a representative assembly with the
moral authority to take binding governmental de-
It must now be clear to the entire country that
the Government has been systematically blocking
the emergence of any such assembly. It has no other
choice because its tenacy of office depends on the
survival of the illegitimate Parliament in the Red
House, which is to say, on the system of unrepresen-
tative political parties.
What is not so well appreciated is that there are
other forces in the country besides the Government
whose bread is buttered on the same side as the
1956 regime. They are equally afraid of organised
political discussion on the issue of national recon-
struction and constitution reform which must
always go together. They offer two other choices,
one being the holding of elections the other being a
military confrontation.

Obviously, an election would be a very construc-
tive thing if it served to spell out the issues to the
country and so present us with clear choices on
fundamentals. Since proportional representation has
become such a major issue bridging both electoral
and constitutional reform, how could we proceed to
hold an election without settling the entire con-
stitutional question including the kind of Parliament
we would be sending our representatives to and the
kind of distribution of power we would like to see
them entrusted with?
How could we proceed to hold elections without
first deciding who should be responsible for drawing
boundaries nad supervising the polling arrangements?
Or are we going to place our confidence in the Govern-
ment which has misgoverned the country into
crisis? Moreover, how do we expect to have an elec-
tion called except by engaging the Government in an
issue such as constitution reform the outcome of
which could dictate an election before the term is out?
The answer often suggested is that we must re-
move the Government by force. This view is very
widely held mostly in private by those of us
who despair of their political wit and skill and strength;
they feel too impotent to rely on anything but the
false magic of violent upheaval. It is tragic that many
do not see that a military coup by a handful of
dedicated rebels would be the surest pledge against
the emergence of a regime with a genuinely popular
base. Or that those who do see it, advocate coups
purely as a defence of'a regime that they find con-
genial to their current mode of living without doing
any work whatsoever.


The only genuine option for change involving the
consent of the large majority of the people must
necessarily pass along a constitutional road. In the
absence of a Parliament which is representative of
the country and of an electoral system whicT- could
bring into being such a Parliament, our only eicourse
is to a Conference of Citizens or Constituent Assembly
with an independent Chairman, involving all political
interests on an equal footing, and endowed With the
power to bind the country by whatever decision it
takes in regard to constitutional and electoral reform.
The important thing about such an Assembly is
that it is both highly desirable and eminently feasible.
That is to say, it could be achieved by the forces of
the opposition even if the Government were unwilling
to concede it.
Try as it may the Government cannot now
escape acting in regard to the Report of the Wooding

Commission. A decision by Parliament alone is not
on the cards because Parliament is not acceptable to
the country and the Government must at least go
through the motions of satisfying the wishes of the
The Prime Minister is now bound to call a Con-
ference of Citizens. The issue is whether the Confer-
ence would turn out to be a National (Consultation
that would leave ultimate decision with the un-
representative Parliament and the Cabinet or whether
it would turn out to be a Constituent Assembly in
which the views of all political interests wduld have
weight commensurate with the impact they have
upon the country.


The issue will not be settled by law or by the
current Constitution. It will be settled by civil war or
by politics provided that the opposition forces can
find the political wisdom and the political skill to
tum the Government's National Consultation into
a People's Parliament which, because it would truly
represent the country, could proceed to take decisions
that- are binding on the nation. If we fail in this
regard, crapaud smoke we pipe. The outcome would
then have been another Queen's Hall bramble.
The conclusion is that if we are to get a peaceful
reoslution of the constitutional and political ,crisis,
the opposition will have no choice but to pull itself
together to fight this vital issue the opposition
which genuinely wishes to see a new regime of govern-
ment and politics. It would be unreasonable to expect
the different parties and groups to abandon their
ideological positions, their manifestoes and their
But what could be more constructive now than
the sinking of opposition political differences in order
to promote a Conference of Citizens which could
ensure that all parties and groups are accorded an
equal political exposure?
Such a sinking of political differences would give
the country a chance to form a judgment of the
choices which exist. It would be a matter of great
surprise if the large majority of the people did not
support opposition unity of this constructive and
modest kind.
The first step in the right direction must be joint
opposition insistence on radio andTV time forbona
fide political discussion. The surest sign that the
Government is not seriously interested in activating
the constitution issue is that, although it has printed
50,000 copies of the Wooding Commission Report
and priced them at 25 cents a copy, in the media
that would really involve the people, not a drum is
heard, only a funeral note .
It is now up to the Opposition forces to work together
to bring the issue alive first on television and radio
and then before a Conference of Citizens

lirs. Andrea Talbutt, a c
Research IAstLtute for
Study of I4an,
162, East 78th Street,
NEU1 YORK, i,.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,



Ruthven Baptiste

THAT Oval pitch is a
giant killer. Time and time
again we have seen teams
collapse there. Only on
precious few occasions
have large scores been
compiled on that ground.
Over the last four seasons,
Trinidad with the best spinn-
ing team in the West Indies
have been unbeaten at the
Guyana, in this year's
Shell Shield, with its strong
batting line-up-Kanhai, Kalli-

Power to the People
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Tapia Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of the Public Service
Foreign Investment'In T and T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Institutions
Foreign Capital in Jamaica
Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica
Underdevelopment and
Dependence :
Persistent Poverty
Readings in The Political Economy
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Economic
The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus
The Integrated Theory of
Development Assistance
Cuba Since 1959
'Caribbean Community
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- A Guide

charan, Lloyd, Baichan and
Fredericks lost to a much
more inexperienced Trinidad
Jamaica's record here has
been the worst of all our
Shell Shield opponents.
Barbados, whose healthy
approach to the game is a
model for cricketers any-
where, has not had a good
record here either. She lost
in her Shell Shield encounters
with Trinidad in 1971 and
And so, the collapse of
the West Indies in the final
test is not as odd an occur-

- C.V. Cocking
- Denis Solomon
- Mc.Intyre & Watson
- C. Y. Thomas
- M. Odle
- Norman Girvan

- O. Jefferson

- ed Norman Girvan
- George Beckford

- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson

- W. Demas

- Brewster & Thomas

- Roy Thomas

- Davidson L. Budhoo
- James Millette



ence as we may think.
But even if we allow for
the fickle Oval pitch and add
the possibility that after the
first three one-sided tests the
WI became overconfident,one
still feels we should not have
lost this Test Match.
This disappointment with
the WI's defeat may lead to
the witch-hunt which followed
upon the WI tour of Australia
Who can forget when,
during the last test of the
New Zealand eg of the tour,
the team for England (1969)
was announced and five play-

$ 3.60'










0 1

ers participating in that match
were dropped?
Comments in the daily
press since the defeat reek
with vindictiveness. One of
them even called for the re-
turn of Charlie Davis, omitting
from his considerations the
emerging stars Larry Gomes
and Nolan Clarke who should
be members of the touring -
party to India later this year. :
Larry Gomes' 98 against .
Guyana and 68 n.o against.
Jamaica and Nolan Clarke's
century against the MCC re-
veal that they are ready for
the big time. ,
What's eveo worse than a
witch-hunt that for the India
tour we may opt for players
who simply stay at the wicket,
or bowl a good lengthfor an

.. _... -.i initiifc'iinfr iffe'l i v-

tharthe 1960/61 series ought
to have put paid to.
After that tour the term
"bright cricket" gained cur-
rency, it came to identify a
positive approach to the game
which contrasted to the wars
of attrition in the fifties.
Whereas captains were
content then to get their
bowlers to sustain a good
length, set a defensive field
and frustrate a batsman into
making rash shots, the positive
approach sought to exploit a
batsman's faults, feed the bad
shots and set the appropriate
traps in the field. The latter is
a far more difficult and ima-
ginative game and superior to
the textbook formulations.


The modern captains who
have been noted for this posi-
tive approach have been Ray
lllingworth and particularly
Gary Sobers and lan Chappell.
Rohan Kanhai, I am
afraid, is not in that league.
In my view, he is too im-
pressed by the non-positive
element (the predominant
element) in English cricket. In
the West Indies, the backfired
declaration in 1968 and our
bad fortunes up to 1972,.
lured into playing safe, too
When we failed to move
in for the kill in Jamaica, we
could have praised England
for their fight and determina-
tion, but to repeat the failure
at Kingston is too much.
Like Tony.Cozier I have
very strong reservations about

Kanhai's- captaincy in this
For one thing, he has
made it abundantly clear that
the only bowler he is really
confident in is Lance Gibbs
and I don't believe that has
helped the averages or the
confidence of the younger
bowlers. Inshan Ali in parti-
In his two matches in this
series Ali's averages have not
been reflecting how well he
has been bowling, especially in
the last test.
Indeed Ali presents prob-
lems to a captain. Occasionally
he over pitches and drop
A captain will then have
to consider whether-he will
S.spread the field to save thea

have players close in for the
catch. Of course Kanhai opts
to save the runs.
On the less responsive
pitches at Sabina, Kensington
and Bourda, Ali is not as
dangerous a bowler as he is
at the Oval and less aggressive
field placing is justifiable.-
The failure to capitalise
on Ali's talents to the maxi-
mum, Sobers dropping Boy-
cott off the luckless Ali and
J ulien and Lloyd's poor assess-
ment of the batting condi-
tions were the factors mainly
responsible for our defeat.
The lean period in our
cricket has soured our thirst
for bright cricket and this last
test will magnify our sourness
even more.
However, 1960/61 has set
standards for our cricket as
well as Australia's. In reaction
to the backfired declaration
in 1968 some of us have been
equating maturity in cricket
with the capacity for playing
attrition cricket.
We should disabuse our-
selves of that view. The Aus-
tralians who are playing their
cricket brighter than ever and
who have not opted to play
attrition cricket have demon-
strated how discipline and
enterprise can be wielded into
a creative and lethal weapon.
In the West Indies the
enterprise is there but
the discipline is inconsistent.
To my mind t e discipline
and national prid ve dCemand
of our cricketers would not
be supplied until we are for-
Imally & genuinely united into
one West Indian nation.






- I