Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
February 24, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text

?:.R THYE S;TU' OF 1
VoEl'. 4oS D FA: 24, i17. cT

The most exciting development
in the Road March competition has
been the launching of a guerrilla cam-
paign by calypsonians who feel that
the dictatorship, duopoly, two-party
regime, oligarchy whatever you call
it of Kitchener and Sparrow has
to fall.
In that movement Shadow has
been 'in the vanguard. Since his emer-
gence in 1971 at the Victory Tent,
he has been aiming at the Road March
by the technique of attacking,
threatening, robber-talking how he
will beat all comers, and Kitchener, in
For the frenetic energy of his
performances his voice comes over
on record with the tremulous urgency
of a pr- ---"- nI with a mission
'-" arTen a-TcTre t curnosity
the last four seasons.


i ..;
) L-



rs-~ 1

~.: *4~"

: r


't ..

~. ,!
r ~



PG. 10

The World

Oil Industry

PG.2 & 3

"When, however, emancipation came and the
masses took to the streets, the ruling class suddenly
4 1- ----I-

The PG.6&


In Africa

good old-fashioned jump-up. They ended in the February

wilirew h rphm /p OPIP/C-h tBItCnI lfflhieilliff'"ji x'b~ ,Qo.rfCJ nf ~

Tramping was outlawed, and the whole affair was
branded as subversive and violent. "
THE quotation above is taken from an article
by Syl Lowhar in which he was discussing the
history of Carnival in Trinidad. The quotation
refers, of course, to that period around 1838
after the emancipation of the African slaves. But
Lowhar might well have been writing about
Carnival 1974.
As if to prove just how little this society has changed
since emancipation the sugar workers have announced
that they will be coming to town on Carnival day in an
effort to highlight their struggle, and immediately me
Press has come down heavily "against the new revellers".
'',rtainly the intention of the Sugar Workers to play
!,,i' iusf he assessed as a tactical move. They hope by
this move to break "Government's silence on the
struggles of the workers and farmers".


If this were the only intention then the band would
not be worth all the trouble and would certainly not have
generated such vehement outbursts in the conventional
Press. For, in fact, Government's long silence on Sugar
has already spoken volumes for all those who have ears
to hear.
But the march of 20,000 Sugar Workers into Port of
Spain has implications that go far beyond the immediate
question of the economic plight of the workers and that
reach to the very foundations of the Nation itself.
Mr. Panday is right when he says "This is one time
they cannot say that we are marching or demonstrating.
For these are the two days of the year it seems that the
aw against marching and demonstrating are suspended.
The forces of reaction are as well aware of this as
Mr. Panday and their "large measure of alarm" has
nothing to do with the ridiculous assertion of the Express
that $4,000 worth of cane represents a "colossal waste."
Or that the name of the band is in poor taste.
It 'has more to do with the fact that they remember
all too vividly the otheroccasions not too long ago when
Carnival was used as a vehicle of political protest. Both
the Express and the Guardian have referred to Fr. Pascal
and the march of the fishermen of Cedros. Indeed the
Express has joyfully asserted that the fishermen ended by
having a good jump-up "in spite of their problems".
They have both seen fit not to mention other such
instances like the "ole mas" bands; "One thousand and
one White Devils" presented in 1969 and the Pinetoppers
presentation in 1970. For these of course did not end in

the Indians, for the majority of the Sugar WorKers and
Cane Farmers are Indians, are demonstrating in no
uncertain terms that they too have shrugged off the
impositions of the past and are ready to assert their


In 1970 the Africans marched to Caroni. Now in 1974
the Indians are marching to Port of Spain. The prospect
overwhelms. The Express shrieks in panic that lots of
liquor is imbibed at Carnival and that alcohol does not
make for easy tempers.
They unashamedly raise all sorts of dire fears of
"exuberant' revellers" breaking "through the sugar
workers line." In fact nothing would please Express more
than to see this happen. It would proof be that the old
divisions still afflict us.
And they know very well the answer to the question
they posed, when they say "Assuming that tnese two
young men manage to control 20,000 people in an
orderly and incident free demonstration, what would it
prove at the end of"
It would prove that emancipation has come and that
"the ruling class must withdraw from the celebrations."
The Express and the Guardian know where they stand
and why they panic. For them sugar shall make for a
bitter Carnival.

Blockade Crumbles

Following General Motors Argentina's disclosure last
November that it would sell 1500 vehicles to Cuba,
other US auto suosiiarics in Buenos Aires have revealed
that they are after similar sales.
This seeking out of the Cuban Government as a
customer results from Argentina's boosting to $1.2
billion its credit to Havana.
Chrysler's subsidiary was said to be closest to a con-
tract involving the sale to Havana of 9,000 Dodge cars
over the next three years.
Approval by the Nixon Administration would seem to
be necessary. One Washington official said that licences
for the sale would be needed since the Buenos Aires auto
firm managers are US citizens. He presumed the aoolica-
tions would be turned down under the Cuban embargo
General Motors in New York said that it was seeking
a licence.



Station PG. 5

o Im
I]II s' ,

-co ou 0.~1111~








- ---------------:-----


Vol. 4 No. 8


25 cents





General Assembl

r :i


A, ,

April 7,1974

THE Annual General Assembly of Tapia will
be held on Sunday April 7, at the Tapia
House, St. Vincent Street., Tunapuna. The
Assembly in addition to electing the National
Executive for the 1974-75 term will assess
the work of the Group over the past year,
and lay the strategy for the coming period.
Over the past year local groups have
been consolidated and the Council of
Representatives, which brings together the
National Executive and representatives of
local groups, established. The Council meets
once per month.
In preparation for the General
Assembly local assemblies will be held during
the month of March in Diego Martin and
St. James; Port-of-Spain; Laventille; Tuna-
puna; Corosal; San Fernando; Fyzabad; La
Brea and Point Fortin. Members and
associates will be notified of time and of
place of these assemblies.

Work Expands

AT the New Year Assembly held at the
Tapia House on Sunday, January 20, 1974,
Ivan Laughlin, Community Relations Secre-
tary announced that in addition to working
among local communities, members of Tapia
had begun work in specific interest areas of
national life.
As a result communities of interests
were now being formed around the issues of
education, Housing, Sport, and cultural life.
Laughlin stated that the time had come to
continue this aspect of community relations
work in a more systematic and organised
way. "We have to expand this community
and I invite all invited brothers and sisters to
join the work."
On Thursday February 28, 1974 a
meeting will be held at the Tapia House
82-84 St. Vincent Street, Tunapuna at 8.00
p.m. to bring together those people who
have volunteered.
All interested members, friends and
associates are invited to attend.



SEIZE the time. Set-up a Petrochemical Industry making
final products and call Caribbean oil refiners and other
Caribbean countries together to work out a common
strategy on Petroleum;
This was the call made by Dr. Trevor Farrel, U.W.I.
Economics lecturer at a Seminar organised last week-end
by the Social Sciences Faculty at the St. Augustine campus
involving Dr. Farrel, Mr. Ainsley Mark and chaired by Dr.
R.D. Thomas.
In calling for the creation of a Petrochemical Industry, we
should not be thinking of producing intermediate products like
plastics but the final products
like plastic ware. Dr. Farrel
pointed out that at the last
count there were about 2,600 .
possible by-products from the
Petroleum Industry, including
most of the clothes which we
wear in this country.
A significant answer to the
problems of unemployment,
sugar or development of the
country as a whole could come
from these industries created as
by-products of Petroleum.


To achieve these ends, we
must gain control and owner-
ship of our oil resources.
The U.W.I. lectureeMt-,,
that s w.rhiwa~s- ogh since
we could own and control the
way we do WASA. We must
also have tankers to service the
Caribbean and other markets.
Do we have the expertise,
capital, or technology to
dev .)p these spin-off indus-
Dr. Farrel urged the negotia-
tion of contracts with the
Japanese and Germans who
would provide expertise until
we could train our own people,
would provide the capital, but
we would own the industries
created. In return, these oil-
starved countries would be
provided with supplies of
Petroleum and its by-products.
The advantage was the fact
that these countries, being
militarily weak, would not be
able to mobilise their military
forces for local interference in
the same way as the United
States. The time to move was
now, while the international
energy crisis was on, to
negotiate long-term agreements
while these countries are un-
certain of the future of
established sources of raw
It means that at the same
iie we will be able to break
dhe links with the North
American and European multi-
national corporations.
There's need for a confer-
ence of Caribbean oil refiners
to discuss the costs and gains
from oil refining and united
action and another meeting of
Caribbean countries to allocate
energy resources to the region.
According to Dr. Farrel,
there's oil in the Caribbean
sea. We must therefore form a
united front to take control of
the surrounding seas to gain
the initiative from the multi-
national corporations.

DR. Farrfl warned that
the game is not over. That
the oil companies backed
by their governments still
have fight in them.
He pointed out that one
possible manouevre by the oil
companies and oil consuming
countries to allow the
oil producing countries to take-
over 100 per cent ownership
of the oil industry in their
own countries.
This would destroy the
trade union unity of OPEC.
The idea being that the oil
producing companies would
compete with one another for
markets an. this would not
only destroy OPEC but result
in lower prices to the oil con-
suming countries.
Dr. Farrel did not know if
this would happen but pointed
that the oil producing coun-
tries had different rates of
economic growth, of popula-
tion and of aspirations.
For instance, there would
be need to share out the exist-
ing world market or demand
among the different producing
countries. The proportion
allocated to each country will
be a difficult task since each
country would want to achieve
the most gains possible for its
own country.



-~:7 1~J~UftL
Slow. ~ ~ ~ L ~




TODAY the Initernational Petroleum Industry, outside the
Socialist countries, is controlled by seven main companies,
known as the Seven Sisters. Five of these are United States-
owned and controlled companies Esso which is Standard
of New Jersey, Texaco, Gulf Oil, Standard of California,
Mobil Oil, which is Standard of New York.
One company is British British Petroleum while the seventh is
a British-Dutch conglomerate Shell.
Between them, they control the marketing, refining and
production of oil in Africa. The Middle East and the Caribbean.
Petroleum is in fact the world's most important commodity.
Every form of transportation requires Petroleum. It is critical to a
wide range of modem industries. At the last count the list of by-
products from oil stood at 2,600 and is still rising.
Most of the world's petroleum outside of the United States
and the Soviet Union, is found
in the Middle East, Africa and
'Latin America.
Yet most of it is consumed
in the North Atlantic coun-
tries of Europe and North
America, that is, the industrial-
ised countries.
The link between the oil
producing and consuming coun-
tries is the -multinational cor-


In .the early days of oil
exploration,. producing coun-
tries virtually signed away their
resources under the original
concession agreements. These
agreements allowed foreign
countries to explore, exploit
and export natural resources
without any idea of the
quality, quantity or value of
the resource.
In return, the producing
country got a fixed royalty.
This concession system, Farrel
pointed out, was a by-product
of dominance' by one or other
of the metropolitan countries.
One of the turning points
was the decision by Winston
Churchill to change the British
Navy from using coal to oil as.
an energy source. The Anglo-
Persian company was set up m
what was then Persia (now
Iran); This company was later
to' become British Petroleum.
When Iran protested the un-
fair and exploitative practices
by thislcompany, Britain took
the matter to the World Court

in the Hague and won.
A number of these MNC's
formed the Iraqi Petroleum
Company (IPC) to share up.
that country. Shell held sway
in Indonesia which was a Dutch
colony at that time. In Vene-
zuela, the American companies
were in control.
Over the psri.d between
1946 and 1970. t, c average
rate of return on investment
by these oil companies varied
between 35 and 65 per cent.
Dr. Farrel, said that in other
sectors of the economy, a rate
of return on investment of 12
to 14 per cent is considered
These companies were all
vertically-integrated. That is,
they looked for the oil, drilled
it, refined it, shipped crude or'
refined products in company
boats and sold it through their
pwn retail orgamrsations. up to
recently, therefore, there was

no market price for oil since
the oil moved vertically along
These companies inter-
locked. Sometimes, the multi-
national corporations would
unite to form one company in
a producing country.
In the United States, the
director of Standard Oil,
Indiana, which is the parent
company of Amoco in Trinidad,
would sit on the same board of
directors of Chase Manhattan
Bank for example, as would
another director from Texaco
or Esso.
The class affiliations of
these board directors were very
close. A top ex-navy man may
sit on the Texaco Board, al-
though he was no experience
the Petroleum Industry. His
usefulness would come in using
his former navy contacts in
getting contracts for that oil
The U.W.I. Lecturer pointed
that this was no "jive board of

example, these are serious
Because of their class links
these corporations are able to
influence their governments
internally and externally. That
is, they can persuade their
governments to intervene mili-
tarilyor otherwise in another
country which is threatening
one of the multinational cor-
While these companies for-
mally praise the free-enterprise
market system and decry
centrally-planned economies,
their planning units are some-
times larger and better or-
ganised than even some
centrally-planned economies.
The multi-national corpora-
tions plan for 30-40 years
ahead. That is why today the
oil companies have begun buy-
ling stocks in coal and uranium
companies which are substitute
energy sources.
Because of this co-ordinated
and high-level planning, their
subsidiaries have no initiative
ibut must operate within the
global plan of the MNC.

IN 1951 the Government of Iran nationalised the oil com-
panies. The oil companies got together and cut off all
markets from Iran for two years. In the meantime, the
American Central Intelligence Agency (C.I.A.) organised
the overthrow of the then government of Iran.
As a result, the oil flow was resumed and the Ameri-
can companies were given a share of the Iranian oil re-
sources in reward for their efforts.
Dr. Farrel pointed out that the Iran government failed because
it was not prepared for the bitter onslaught by the metropolitan
However, one advance was made. The right of Iran to owner-
ship of its oil resources was recognized by the companies. This
provided a wedge in the door. Soon Iran and other countries began
to make deals with Independent oil companies; that is newer com-
panies who would take lower profits in order to get a slice of the
oil business.
The established oil companies became worried by this competi-

tion from the newer companies
and posted prices were cut in
1959 1960 as a measure of
weeding out the newer com-
panies who would not have the
reserves to stand the prolonged


The effect of the cut, was
that the producing countries
began to receive less revenue
from the oil companies.
As a result, OPEC. The
porting Countries was formed
o>rthe urging ot Venezuela.
In other words, the oil
producing countries formed a
trade union to bargain with the
oil companies. In its early
years OPEC was not very
active or effective.
In 1967 there was the Arab-
Israeli war and the Suez Canal
was closed. This meant that oil
tankers had to make the long
passage around the Cape of
Good Hope to bring petroleum
to the North Atlantic. This
raised freight charges and oil

Around the same time
Libya's oil reserves were being
Tapped. This country, closer
to Europe than the Middle
East also had very good, low
sulphur oil, which is in high
demand because of anti-pollu-
tion regulations. The com-
panies therefore began to
exploit Libyan oil for the
lucrative oil markets.
Two years later, King Idris




S a- soft, light

_i and delicious.

of Libya was overthrown by
Colonel Gaddafi, in what may
be one of the most historic
events in contemporary his-
tory because Gaddafi began to
deal with the multinational
He first sent his Ministry of
Petroleum -and Mines to
negotiate with the MNC's but
ito no avail. He then sent his
Prices Commission. Still no
Gaddafi then took charge
himself in 1970. He picked
out the weakest oil company
among the multinational cor-
porations in his country-
Occidental. He told the corm-
pany that they were polluting
the environment and had to
cut production.
Being a relatively small corm-
pany, Occidental could not
meet its market demands from
other sources and therefore
gave in to the demands of the
Libyan Government.
Gaddafi then turned atten-
tion to another of the oil com-
panies, told them they were
polluting the environment, cut
And in this way, The
Libyan Government was able to
make a break-through in its
negotiations with the oil com-


- I

I- ----- ----I- --------~








Attack on

Road March


JARY 24, 1974

;"'; -`
e-. ;




Tobago Little Seven
Orchestra at Brassorama
last Sunday was to be
marked by incident. After
.an irritating delay before
beginning to play "Priest",
their 'first tune, electrical
power soon gave out,
leaving the brasses to blare
without the back-up
rhythm of organ, bass and
As the music stopped
and the audience began to
give. voice, emcee Bob
Gittens made some acid
crack about Trinidad-
Tobago connections seem-
ing never to work out.
But the band froni the land
of Better Village theatre
champions had more surprises
in store. 'At one point two
trumpeters stooped to pick up
conch shells and blew a few
little blasts. Gimmick.
And then, in the middle of
the second tune "Baseman",
two figures made their way
cetre-stage o from the wings.
The crowd shrieked as the
white-sheeted figure, holding a
black, styrotex John Buddy
Williams-type string base, sidled
across the stage.
"The Baseman'" The ghost
-of The Shadow's Baseman was
pursuing t a character wearing

the Little Seven uni
purple jacket and Arab
"Is me for real, the Base
from hell." The Little S
Orchestra was expressir
not-too-literal ,theatre the
tasy of calypsonian, The
dow whose intriguing 1'
song is overwhelmingly
most popular in town.


He thought he would
up calypso. and go. and Tobago, Shadow's
relates. But then this gh
baseman intervened. Drum
into the singer's head
irresistible bass lines, the
in mih head" just would
Shadow has to come
to calypso the only w;
exercise the infernal spirit
his brain is to put it in. e
body's head instead
And if in that way Sh
wins .the Road March this
if that. is, the bands ai
seized by the spirit as to
"Baseman" more than
play any other tune, there
Baseman from hell will
out to be a good angel fo


It is more than the m
prize that he (or
would get which make
Many calypsonians cherish
high hopes of producing
Road March every year.
fact is, in a Carnival w
organisation and direction
been more and more re
from the people who i
come out to play, the
March winner chosen as
electoral college comprisi
the bands, is the nearest
we have dor democratic
And even that has sust
a steady assault of r
years. Precisely because
aot democratic enough.
arguments from other cal
nians and ordinary people
that .tunes other than tho


Kitchener and Sparrow never
stand a real chance-*
"Road-march dictatorship",
calypsonian Lord Superior pro-
-tested last year. But Ithe meta-
phors get mixed up. Is it really
a dictatorship when the crown
changes at least between two
men as different in style as
Sparrow and Kitchener, and
when the contest is keenly
followed every year. and the
race nearly always close?


Seven No, it hasn't been a case of
ig in Bim and.Barn..Where there is
fan- nonstandard to judge excellence
Sha- beyond what the people seem
974 .tfp like best, then you havetbo
t he sayIi i,. bests ,The ost deserving
tune each year, has been the
S one chosen as the Road March.
S Unless you have evidence of
It' is not so simple either.
give How do you get out .of the
plant circularity of the argument?
song ,Well, you have to say there's
costly never a pure case. In other
mning words, you can't assume that
the \ the bands play what the people
"man like best and not what the
.'t go arranger finds most conducive
to the ideas he wishes to use.
back And then you con-
ay to sider the factors mentioned by
from Superior ("If Supie tune sweet,
very- play it") which have to do
which the demand ,for equa
adow radio exposure to deserving
year, calypsomans.
re so But short of legislating that
play disc jockeys or whoever
they select the records played on
n the the radio stations give equal
turn exposure to all contenders and
r The the myriads of ludicrous prob-
lems, that would involve, what
can you do, but hope that a
sense of fairness will prevail?
Or arguing with the certainty
loney of-hindsight that you can't
she) keep a good man down?
s so Things have gone beyond all
such that. Sometimes it is clear that
Sthe such and such tune is un-
The doubtedly the favourite. I have
hose to say it;, you can feel it.
n has
Road But most times a number
f by of tunes seem equally popular
ng all but precisely because the Roac
thing March is not a hit parade ir
seec which the top tune is.the ont
S which presumably sells mos:
ne or is played most in jukeboxes
recent say, the thing is more complex
it s In the American pop musit
The charts, if a tune isn't recom
ypso- mended by the trade magazine
le are ,"Billboard" or "Cashbox"
se by '

then its a no-go. No dealer will
sell it, no DJ play it.
And if Kitchener has learnt
the secret of writing tunes so
that the panmen can immedi-
ately see the possibilities or of
composing lines which people
\ will want to sing, then he will
be a consistent winner by
The reaction against the
calypso "Establishment" figures
':often -ignore the obvious fact
-that Sparrow and -Kitchener
,are -the mightiest of /the
Mightiest and Lords of all the
Lords, not because,they rigged
the elections or denied the 18-
ayeai-olds the vote, but because
,',they. ;have by c.-consistent
productivity iand achievementi
proven themselves to be the
best:. .
W heayt, Iylook at it from
Sthe .point of view of the up-
and-corming singers who' have
been encouraged by response
in the tents and of well-wishers
to entertain, high hopes that
ft' y "have it", then it looks
like somebody somewhere has
been cheated. .That Sparrow
and Kitchener have the whole
system set up to perpetuate
themselves in a shared king-
;hip. That they manipulate
public taste and give their
S music sheets away to the
steelband arrangers.


The radio stations. It seem:
in a free society what the
stations-play is bound to reflect
the fact that a kind of charis-
matic appeal attaches itself to
the songs of Kitchener and
Sparrow People are more
curious to hear what they
coming with this year. Success,
in short, feeds on itself.
But the most exciting
development in the Road
March competition has been
the launching of a guerrilla
campaign by calypsonians who
feel that the dictatorship,
duopoly, two-party regime,

oligarchy whatever you call
it of Kitchener and Sparrow.
has to fall.
In that movement Shadow
has been in the vanguard.
Since his emergence in 1971'
at the Victory Tent, he has
been aiming at the Road
March by the technique of
attacking, threatening, robber-
talking how he will beat all
homers and Kitchener, in


For the frenetic energy if
his performances his voice
comes over on record with
the tremulous urgency of: a
preacher, a man_ with a m;i'sior
h-- a en a recurrent
curiosity the last four seasons
SIf it little mattered that the
unknown Shadow could
threaten and vow to defeat the
Lord Kitchener, then it. soon
became apparent calypso
being still the .freesttmedium of
expression we have that you
could do that in grand charge
and still be taken seriously'
with a little luck.
Calypsonians alone have the
licence te--se-disingenuous as
to be attacking a system while
still seeking to gain merit and
recognition by that system's
values. So last year you had
Chalkdust's "Jyba Doobai" -
a brilliant satire of the judging
system.which aimed, neverthe-
less, to win by that same
Chalkdust returns this year
with the cynical "Ah tief it
from Lord Kitchener". He is
;aying that if the calypso needs
Kitchener's name to legitimate
it in the panmen's ears, then
his calypso- should then make
it even though it is Chalk-
dust singing a tune he tief.
Chalkdust knows of course
that it don't work so. But what
the Hell. It's a nice tune, and
in calypso how you sound
singing it is more important
than what you say.

i I~,


INADEQUACY and at times un-
availability of information have
been the bane of many a
researcher. It is partly for this
reason that Mark's pamphlet is so
important, but it also clearly
underlines the failure of "cor-
porate consciences" to recognize
the need to provide society with
complete information about their
activities. The inadequacy of
information disclosed and the
absence of sufficiently far reach-
ing legislation presents an even
more acute problem when one
recognizes the extent of foreign
domination in our economy.
The pamphlet explores two
main issues; first the fact that
private companies are not re-
quired to make public their
financial information, and
secondly the existence of public
companies whose disclosure of
financial information is inade-
quate. The discussion of dis-
closure is also a very timely one
because it brings into focus the
wider issue of the nature of the
modern corporation and its
impact on society.
The present Companies Act
was enacted on May 1st 1939, copied
from the English Laws of 1929. It is
noteworthy that while the English
Company laws were amended in 1948
and '1967 the Trinidad and Tobago
laws have remained basically un-


A review of the nature and
structure of corporations in the
economy provides an instructive back-
ground against which the issue of dis-
closure is discussed. Of 2752 com-
paniesW"Slia ep regisred in
Trinidad and Tobago, at September
30th 1972 only 37 were public com-
panies. Given the nature of existing
laws, with the exception of these 37
companies, no financial information
about the affairs of the companies
operating in Trinidad and Tobago is
publicly available.
A review of the structure of
private companies is most revealing.
In the petroleum sector, totally
dominated by subsidiaries of multi-
nationals, none of the major corpora-
tions in the industry, Texaco Trinidad

Ltd., Amoco Trinidad Oil, Shell Trini-
dad are public companies. Neither is
Fed. Chem. They are therefore not
required by law to publicly disclose
any financial information. Notwith-
standing government participation in
Caroni Limited no financial informa-
tion is publicly available. Indeed as the
pamphlet points out "investors in
Britain would more likely have ready
success to the information, as Caroni
Limited through the Tate and Lyle
group is listed on the London Stock
Exchange." The Banking Sector is not
required by law to disclose any vital
financial information to parties out-
side of the very small group of
members of the private company.
Mark's analysis also points to
the attitude of business which has in
part made it imperative for the
national government to involve itself
more in areas which "traditionally
have been regarded as the preserve of
private enterprise." The blatant dis-
regard by the business community of
the socio-economic aspirations of the
country dictate the need for govern-
ment intervention whenever social
factors override economic factors.
The "buy foreign sell local" mer-
chants now entering assembling,

ingly fails to recognize the need to give
account of his stewardship to the
society which he so ruthlessly ex-
The country continues to rest
its economic development on "indus-
trialization by invitation" a policy
which demands the provision of
"inducements" to the foreigners. It is
based on this that the Trinidad and
Tobago Federation of Chambers of
Industry and Commerce in comment-
ing on the Draft Companies Act
argued that disclosure requirements
would provide a considerable disincen-
tive for oversea companies to do
business in Trinidad. Interestingly,
these multinationals are required to
disclose financial information in their
home countries. So that Texaco Inc.
the parent of Texaco Trinidad Limited,
Standard Oil Company of Indiana,
the parent of Amoco Trinidad Oil
Company, and W.G. Grace Company
Limited are compelled to disclose very
detailed information which is avail-
able for public scrutiny.
It is clear, and Mark makes this
point, that the absence of precise dis-
closure requirements makes it possible
for insiders to enrich the
expense of shareholders, creditors and

Public Companies

Private Companies

continue to turn away from socially
desirable manufacture, and concen-
trate on sticking together imported
products partly because of the lower
risks and higher return, as well as his
lack of creative ability and lack of
commitment to the overall develop-
ment of the society. He correspond-

outsiders. The recent hearings into the
Trinidad Telephone Co's application
for increased rates, revealing the
formation of the Trinidad hearing
Company is a case in point.
But the issues raised in Marks
paper border on the wider issues
concerning the use and availability of
all kinds of information in the
country. The business community is
known to abhor scientific research,

o s piracy

N G 'a-uce


B, u

W In the petroleum sector, totally dominated by subsidiaries
T of multi-nationals, none of the major corporations in the
industry, Texaco, Trinidad Ltd., Amoco, Trinidad Oil, Shell
Trinidad are public companies. They are therefore not
required by law to publicly disclose any financial informa-

and continue to make decisions based Management in the Caribbean. It
on hunch and 'gut feel' rather than raises the wider issues of information
utilise other parts of the anatomy! flows in the country, and the failure
Of course public policy in terms of of government in this regard as well.
negative lists, and other protective The author notes that his recommenda-
devices provide an environment with- tions relate specifically to the period
in which business can function with of transition when "privately-owned.
minimum utilisation of serious research state-owned and workers controlled
findings, enterprises would he co-existing." The
The government reveals its author sets a societal goal of total
ambivalence in this matter collect- workers control of the society. But
reports and information and 1no using even in this state there has to be con-
them, while at other times shying Irol to ensure that organisations coin-
away from hard analysis of inifomiia- mnlicate effectively and completely.
tion before decision making. But in The paper notes quite rightly
terms ofaccounitsgovernenlt disclo--- that the measure proposed lor greater
sure is also found wailing. The disclosure would not solve the prob-
recent budget and account presenta- leIs in society what ultimately we
tions fail to provide the clarity and must work to achieve is a change in
detail of information which would existing social, political. ad economic
permit a meaningful analysis of (he relatiollships exislillg iin iltc counlltry.

y. .. a conspiracy between Government and business to
deny the society the facts of Economic Life."

sl'ae oflic O the cIlIuOl. S Ihall \)Cwhel
Murk argui i s I leou"il on i ) i) Cl se
public colItr101 l. 11 n;11"c" IIIhc (lu ,I)
O *( liec oinorajl ;illl|')1i | ) i( \ I I (, )Vcrn-
ninlit to) iiiiodi) iicC suIch sailcliioiis.

'ITe cnlire work is uindrscired
'by ullipirical iiCeasurceliici)s malnd
analysis of iiilnorlmaion disclosed by
business. Mark coiIisrLicts an inldex iof
disclosure which is still open to sonei
discussion with respect to the weights
given to different items of informa-
tion. The importance of different
items of information should be a
function of the industry being con-
sidered. On a scale for instance which
goes up to 4, he assigns a weight of
3 to "information on results of
exploration." This item would not be
as crucial for some firms as for others.
The index of disclosure most ulti-
mately be developed in relation to the
But this in no way detracts
from the conclusions of the study,
namely that the degree of disclosure
of public companies is inadequate.
The thesis of the paper is that manage-
ment ought to report to all segments
of the society affected by their deci-
sions. These must include shareholders,
the workers, the government, and
consumer for pricing changes.' Given
this, Mark proposes the abolition of
the distinction between private and
public companies, and that all limited
liability companies submit a detailed
account of their financial statements
to the Registrar-General's Department
each year. Once one recognizes the
responsibility of business to their
various publics influenced by their
activity, the suggestion becomes a
reasonable one. The paper also enu-
merates the information which busi-
ness ought to provide.
The inadequacy of information
is in part a reflection of governments
willingness to permit foreign investors
to exploit the society's resources,
without permitting the society access
to information which would allow a
meaningful analysis of foreign bus,tess
activity. It also reflects a conspuacy
between government and business to
deny the society the facts of economic
life in the country.
Provision of information would
enable the country to identify and
allocate resources in a much more
realistic and rational way. One has to
be concerned, particularly with respect
to the Multi-Nationals about inter-
company transfers,transfer prices and
so on. Given the close-knit nature of
the local business elite it is imperative
to keep track of all their financial
dealings and transfers. If planning in
the country is to be realistic the
information must be made available.
Mark's paper is an important
contribution to 'the literature on

'I*AI;IA I'A(;F 5




-_R F

THIS week we begin a series of three articles
devoted to a discussion of some of the morefunda-
mental issues involved in the struggle for indepen-
dence of some 15 million Africans in 'Portuguese'
Africa. The process of decolonization and the
struggle for national liberation inevitably involves
something more than the mere transfer of power
from a metropolitan colonial government to a
national government. It must involve, if it is to be
meaningful, a search for a new identity. The task
of creating a new society, with authentic institu-
tions suited to the characteristics of the people is
not accomplished overnight. We in Trinidad are
learning the truth of this everyday. Meanwhile
those millions of Africans in Angola, Mozambique
and Guinea (Bissau), even as they struggle to free
their lands of the Portuguese, are forging in the
fires of the Revolution societies which dignify
their basic components, the human being.
The first article is reprinted from the
UNESCO Courier of November 1973, and seeks to
give the historical background of the struggle for

i i

OF the 28 million people still living in
dependent status throughout the world,
half live in the Portuguese territories in
In the last 28 years 71 colonial terri-
tories, comprising nearly 1,000 million
people, have become independent and taken
their place among the sovereign nations of
the world.
There are many reasons for this
phenomenon. Principally it is due to the
sometimes tempered, sometimes violent
challenge that the dependent peoples them-
selves have brought to bear on the long-
accepted view that they should continue to
be ruled by remote foreign Powers whose
cultural, ideological and ethnic identities
were different from their own. Largely
because of this challenge, there has
evolved a world-wide recognition that self-
determination and independence are not
the exclusive prerogatives of the powerful,
but fundamental and inalienable rights of
all peoples everywhere.
The right to self-determination had become
almost a universally accepted principle in 1960
when the General Assembly of the United Nations
adopted an historic manifesto on decolonization
which gave a further impetus to the movement of
dependent peoples toward freedom and indepen-

Yet, today, there remains a hard core of
resistance to the recognition of these rights in the
vast territories of southern Africa. South Africa's
harsh apartheid laws continue to discriminate
against an overwhelming non-white majority,
which includes those living in the immense terri-
tory of Nambia (formerly South West Africa).
225,000 white settlers in Southern Rhodesia have
rebelled against the British Commonwealth, in

order to perpetuate their domination and control
of nearly five million Africans.
In southern Africa also, Portugal refuses to
relinquish control of both Angola and Mozam-
bique, territories which are roughly twenty times
its size. In fact it is waging an endless war agaii.
the liberation movements of these territories and
against nationalist groups in the small territory of
Portuguese Guinea on the west coast of Africa.
This struggle is significant since the Portu-
guese possessions comprise the last colonial empire
remaining in the world. Moreover,these territories
are strategically located. In the west, Angola
(population 5,223,000) stands astride the route
from Zaire to South West Africa and South Africa.
In the east, Mozambique (population 7,040,000)
guards the heartland of.both South Africa and
Southern Rhodesia.
Both territories are wealthy, Angola, which
is more than twice the size of France (481,226
square miles) has rich oil deposits, vast diamond
mines and hundreds of millions of tons of high
grade iron ore. It is the world's fourth largest
coffee producer. Mozambique (297,654 square
miles) also has great economic potential because
of its large areas of fertile land, its ports and rail-
ways and its sources of hydro-electric power.


The other territories now under Portuguese
administration are .the Cape Verde archipelago
comprising ten islands off the west African coast
and the islands of Sao Tome and Principe, located
on the Bay of Biafra, west of the Republic of
Gabon, and Macao and Timor in Asia.
The Portuguese Constitution defines the
Territory of Portugal as that which at present be-
longs to it and comprises:
In Europe: the mainland and the
archipelagos of Madeira and the
In west Africa: the Cape Verde archi-
pelago, Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe
and their dependencies, Sao Joao
Baptista de Ajude, Cabinda and
In east Africa: Mozambique;
In Asia: Macao and its dependencies;
In Oceania: Timor and its depen-
Until 1961, the majority of the indigenous
inhabitants in Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese
Guinea were not accorded full citizenship status.
The Colonial Act of 1933 had accorded these
inhabitants what may, for convenience, be des-
cribed as "indigena" status. As subsequently re-
enacted in the Native Statute of 1954.
"A person shall be considered an indigena...
if he is a member of the negro race or a descen-
dant of a member of that race, and was born, or
habitually resides, in the province hut does not
yet possess the level of education or the personal
and social habits which are a condition for the
unrestricted application for the public and private



law pertaining to Portuguese citizens."
An African could change his status and
acquire Portuguese citizenship if he fulfilled all
the following:
he was over 18 years of age;
he could speak the Portuguese lang-
age correctly;
he was engaged in an occupation,
trade or craft from which he derived sufficient
income to support himself and his family, or had
adequate resources for this purpose;
he was of good conduct and had
attained the level of education and acquired the
habits which are a condition for the unrestricted
application of the public and private law pertain-
ing to Portuguese citizens; and
he was not on record as having
refused to perform military service or deserted
Upon fulfilment of these requirements, an Afri-
can was accorded citizenship as an "assimilado."

Until lie acquired the status cf an assimilado,
an African was not counted as a "civilized"

THE map at right shows, in
white, the African territories
under Portuguese administra-
tion. There are in all these
territories several liberation
movements in existence.
In Angola, The Peoples
Movement for the Liberation
of Angola (MPLA) issued its
first manifesto in 1956. Its
declared objective was the
immediate and total indepen-
dence of Angola. Today it
controls more than a third of
the Territory, a region with a
population of about one
The Union of Populations
of Angola (UPA) in 1962
became part of the Angola
National Liberation Front
(FNLA), which, in the same
year, established the Re-
volutionary Government in
exile (GRAE). The FNLA
operates in the north-easterr
regions of the Territory.
In Mozambique, the
principal liberation movement
is the Mozambique Liberation
Front (FRELIMO), formed in
1962 by the merger of three
movements. FRELIMO has
declared one quarter of the
Territory freed from Portu-
guese control.
In Guinea (Bissau) The
ATrican Party for the Indepen-
dence of Guinea (Bissau) and
the Cape Verde Islands
(PAIGGI was founded in 1956
by Amilcar Cabral. In 1972,
PAIGG reported that almost
three quarters of the Territory
had been liberated and that
two thirds of it were under
PAIGG control.
Elections for the Peoples
National Assembly were held
at the end of 1972, followed
in 1973 by the proclamation
of the Republic of Guinea

UARY 24, 1974


On March 15, 1963, Angola entered its third
year of war. Portugal was now said to have 40,000
troops in Angola.

In Angola, these measures led to the
establishment of underground political organiza-
tions which extended their activities both inside
and outside the territory. Between 1950 and 1960
clandestine political movements were also formed
in Portuguese Guinea and Mozambique. These
'2..nizations were generally regarded by the
Government as subversive and were suppressed by

person. At the 1950 census, less than one per cent
of the African population in Angola and Mozam-
bique were officially classified as "civilized."
The indigena status also carried with it
economic and social implications. The indigena
status made it an obligation for an African to work
and, through the operation of the labour laws,
frequently subjected him to forced labour both
for public works and private enterprises, as in the
forced cultivation of cotton which at one time
involved some 500,000 Africans in Mozambique.

The rise of nationalist movements in the
Portuguese territories had its origin before the
Second World War when Africans attempted to
give expression to girevances by pressing for
moderate reforms through legal associations. After
the Second World War, these organizations urged
direct participation of the urban masses in the
affairs of the territories. The Government, how-
ever, reacted by replacing elected leaders with
administrative appointees and by restricting the
political activities of these organizations.

From that time, severalstrikes were or-
ganized by workers to demand higher wages and
police action increased. In 1959, for example, the
authorities opened fire on dock workers on strike
at Pidgiguiti (Bissau) and fifty people were killed.
After disturbances that broke out on
February 4, 1961 in the Angolan capital of
Luanda, the Portuguese authorities adopted
special security measures and imposed censorship
on outgoing messages, and the entry of foreign
journalists was suspended until the end of July
The situation in Angola continued to
worsen. According to the Government of Portugal
a "wave of terrorism" occurred in mid-March
when a series of rebel attacks took place in
northern Angola. The Portuguese Government dis-
patched large reinforcements of troops to Angola
in April 1961.

The gravity of the situation in the territory
was reflected in the toll of lives lost. By early Junek
1961, Portuguese reports indicated that about
1,000 Europeans and 8,000 Africans had been
killed. Other estimates of the number ofAfricans
killed were considerably higher; a figure of about
30,000 was frequently mentioned during the
Security Council debates in June 1961.
Following the outbreaks of disturbances in
Angola and United Nations pressure on Portugal
to change its policies, Portugal introduced what it
called "far-reaching reforms" in its territories,
beginning in September 1961, the most important
being the repeal of the Native Statute.
As a result of this repeal, the African inhabi-
tants of the three territories were recognized as
Portuguese citizens; they no longer had to meet
certain requirements to achieve citizenship status,
or to comply with the procedure for obtaining it.
In 1962, the UN Special Committee on
Territories under Portuguese Administration visited
Africa where it obtained information from repre-
sentatives of political organizations and persons
who had recently left the territories. It had been
refused permission by Portugal to visit its terri-
tories in Africa.
In the Committee's view, the reforms which
Portugal claimed to have introduced not only
failed to meet the basic aspirations of the peoples
for self-determination, but did not even bring
any significant changes in political, economic,
social and educational conditions.

The same year fighting broke out in -ortuguese
Guinea and quickly became widespread. By mid-
May 1963, fighting was reported within forty
miles of Bissau, the territory's seaport capital. In
July 1963, the Portuguese Minister of Defence
.admitted that some 5,200 square kilometres (ap-
proximately 2,000 square miles ) out of a total
area of 36,125 square kilometres were involved.
In July 1964, it was reported that the insur-
gents had cut the territory in two and that Bissau
had been completely isolated from the Portuguese
held outposts in-the territory-Tow0aYds thTe-rfof
September 1964, leaders of the Mozambique
Liberation Front (FRELIMO) declared a general
armed insurrection in Mozambique.
Fighting was widespread in Portuguese.Guinea
in 1965. During that year the Partido Africano da
Independencia-de Guine e Cabo Verde (PAIGC)
claimed that a significant porportion of the terri-
tory's estimated 500,000 population was included
within the "liberated areas".
In 1966, there were reports that the guerrillas
had opened a second front in the eastern regions
of Angola.
The insurgents, operated in small, well-armed
groups which engaged in raids, ambushes and acts
of sabotage, such as the destruction of roads and
bridges, Occasionally, they undertook large opera-
tions, including attacks by groups of 50 to 150
men on defended localities and military bases.
During 1967, the flow of refugees from Ango-
la, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea accelerated
In the seven years beginning in December 1965,
the total number of refugees from these territories
doubled, increasing from 284,700 to 568,000 at
the end of 1972.

In September 1969, the Secretary-General of
the United Nations declared that the attitude of
the Portuguese government: "remains the crucial
obstacle to peace in southern Africa and exacer-
bates the grave situation prevailing that region".
At its November 1969 session the UN General
Assembly welcomed the Manifesto of the Organiza.
tion of African Unity on southern Africa. On the
problem of the Portuguese Territories in Africa,
the Manifesto states:
In Mozambique and Angola and in so-called
Portuguese Guinea, the basic problem is not
racialism but a pretence that Portugal exists in
Africa. Portugal is situated in Europe No
legislation passed by any parliament in Portugal
can make Africa part of Europe ...
The United Nations and its specialized agen.
cies have continued to give the closest attention
to the problem and have increased their aid and
support to the peoples struggling for their inde-
pendence. In November 1972 the UN General
Assembly recognized the national liberation move-
ments of Angola, of Guinea (Bissau) and Cape
Verde, and of Mozambique as the authentic
representatives of the true sapirations of the peoples
of these territories.



PHILIP t1 11() i LL. the N wc"' ZelLui;ldl scie.ilisl whl'.,-s airlickl
in the "Nw SK;inirlt" of 7thii .1 arti y i1971 qutiocd (lihe
Proceedings .,i the UIS Naval -lstitute as admittliing Ithat
couilitrics hari)()oirinlg Omega :iavigitio;.ial sta;lliiis woldild
be prime alirgets for inicleair attack, was the victim of an1
editorial error., i was not the Americlans \no ;irnoiunced
the danger ii was the Russians!

The quotation about how
"stations transmit ling orders
and navigating instructions ...
would draw nuclear retaliation
onto their territory" actually
comes from an article by Y.
Shvedkov in a Russian journal
called "International Affairs".
The article, dated May 1964, is
entitled. "Bases in the Penta-
gon's Strategy".
So we in Trinidad and
Tobago can consider ourselves
to have received a clear warn-
ing from one of the antagon-
ists in the great power struggle
that if we permit foreign instal-
lations with a military purpose,
particularly so lethal a mili-
tary purpose as the control of
missile-launching submarines,
to exist on our territory we
will suffer the consequences.


And it is no good Captain
Bloom or the American Em-
bassy trying to convince us that
Omega is a civilian installation.
Of course it can be used for
ordinary commercial air and
sea navigation you can use a
telescope for other purposes
than to sight a rifle. But the
establishment of a chain of
eight Omega stations around
the world at a cost of up to
$200 million each is an exer-
cise out of all proportion to
the value of Omega as a civilian
navigational aid.
Omega is only a slight
advance on previously existent
methods of position-fixing -
RDF, Loran, Consol, Decca -
and was in fact rendered
technically obsolete along with
all of these by the launching
by the Americans themselves
of a series of satellites which
can be used by ships with the

right equipment to obtain a
better Iix than they could gel
by any otier means.
The only real advantage
that Omega has is that its VLF
waves can penetrate the sur-
face of the ocean, and thus be
used as a backup system to
check on fixes obtained by
the Polaris submarines' stand-
ard navigational device, the
incredible SINS, or Ships'
Inertial Navigation System.
SINS is more accurate than
any method that depends on
an external signal, optical or
electronic; but being com-
pletely internal to the ship it
can be no more than an
incredibly sophisticated dead-
reckoning calculator. It uses
gyros to sense, and a com-
puter to calculate, the con-
stant changes of course and
speed of the vessel over the
earth's surface.
When it works ii is accurate
to a few yards. But being
sophisticated it is subject to
malfunction and therefore to
error in its results. A check is
therefore necessary if you are
to launch your missiles from
where you want and not some-
where else; in any case, no
navigator feels safe with dead
reckoning only, however
accurate he needs an external
fix to eliminate errors for
errors in dead reckoning are
cumulative and get a fresh


Now when you have gone
to incredible effort and expense
to develop rockets that you
can launch under water, to
construct nuclear powered
motors, snorkels, carbon-

IN its seventeen years of existence it is regretable that this
Government has not seen it fit to establish one single
National Park anywhere in our country. This is a sad record
in a land of such extraordinary beauty, a land where there
is so much to preserve and treasure.
Nature has lavished us with her choicest gifts. She has endowed
our land with her finest works and yet we have not seen it fit to try
and preserve her wonders in National Parks. National Parks are
natural treasure houses that are meant to preserve the outstanding
geographical, geological, biological and historical features of a

country for future generations.
Just as vanishing items are pre-
served in museums, the gifts of
nature can be preserved in these
outdoor museums. And we
must establish several such out-
door museums to save our
vanishing wilderness.
A call has already gone out
to Government to declare the
Caroni swamp a National Park.
To this date government has
made no public declaration of
its intention. Meanwhile as
everyone knows the swamp
has been invaded by the indus-
trialists and Shell continues to
plunge its barge into the heart
of the swamp. The swamp as a
National Park has vast poten-
tial. As close as it is to the city
it can become a centre for out-
door recreation in the broadest
senseof that word; providing a
quiet retreat for the tired and
weary, sightseeing for the
curious, thrilling rides for the
adventurous as well as natural
laboratory for the study of
wild life.

L) lu) .- ion. ::.l)h,.re
.1 70 i ;'rn


globl VLF nran smitter ,

fluid lines gu Earh ad te 90 k
giir i t
be rational by 1972 or 173.
Y- / II

.Dawn "-' ,/ Night
-'^ ""- .. /

A global VLF navigation network can cover the whole world with relatively few transmitters by
employing the natural waveguide formed between the surface of the Earth and the ionosphere's
lowest., or D layer. Ships would navigate by comparing the phases of identifiable signals received from
two or more transmitting stations. The US Navy's Onmega system is based upon eight radio stations.
Existing stations are in Hawaii Trinidad and Norway; another near New York, is to be moved farther
inland; othe-:. still to be negotiated with foreign governments, may include installations in the Philip-
pines, in N'w Zealand or Australia, and on one of the islands to the east of Africa. The system should
be fuo!y operational by 1972 or 1973.

It spells danger

for us

dioxide scrubbers and other
devices to enable you to circle
the globe submerged,as well as
SINS to guide you when you
are dboiii" it, naturally'yot:rare-
not going to be content if the
last step the external check
on your SINS requires you
to come to the surface after
all. Hence the importance of

The marginal civilian utility
of the Omega system, and its
great military importance,

A plea


Ishmael Samad

National Parl(ks

Our east coast region
stretching from Mathura Bay
to Guayaguayare also has po-
tential for use as a National
Park. The quiet beaches of this
area, the nestling grounds of
the rare and fabulous leather-
back turtles. These giants leave
the ocean and come ashore to
lay their eggs. Unfortunately
many of them are pounced
upon by poachers and slain.
This has been going on for
years and Mathura beach is
littered with the shells of dead
turtles. A National Park in this
area could provide a place for
sightseeing but also a protected
breeding ground for part of the
turtle population.
National Parks are also
necessary to preserve the giants
that inhabit the land, those

magnificent Samaan Trees. We
must preserve them through
the creation of Samaans Tree
National Parks in those areas
where they abound. Two such
places come to mind, St. Joseph
and Phillipine.
At St Joseph the lands
stretching from tile Southern
Mvn.Rd.,in Curepe to the Carib
Beer factory in Champ Flcurs
are covered with Samaan Trees.
Already several have been
cut. It is indeed a terrible loss
and if we are not to lose tile
rest we must act now and turn
this beautiful piece of land
into a National Park. All kinds
of buildings are going up on
these grounds. WASA has es-
tablished their headquarters
here and already a steel and
concrete structure mars the


should be obvious from the
fact that whereas all other
American marine navigational
aids radio beacons, Consol
and Loran stations (Decca is
mostly British)-are installed
and maintained in locations all
over the world by the US
Coast Guard, it is the US Navy
that wants, and is getting,
Omega. And although the
Trinidad and Tobago Coast
Guard may think Omega very
useful, the United States Coast
Guard does not agree.

land scape. Not far from WASA
a Junior Secondary School has
gone up while a printing fac-
tory occupies the western cor-
ner along the Eastern Mn Rd.
Along the Southern Main Rd
at the other corner the National
Housing Authority has dropped
one of their housing estates
and only a minor road separates
Valsayn frmo this precious land.
On all sides it is being
attacked and gobbled up and
if we do not act now it will be
lost forever. We cannot allow
this to happen. This priceless
acreage is situated in the centre
of the most populated part of
the island. For indeed, wer fifty
percent of the population re-
sides between Diego Martin
nad Arima. St Joseph is right
in the middle and a Park there
,s absolutely necessary for the
recreation needs of tile people
of the North. The St Josepl
river runs through ihe Park. it
can be cleaned and bathing
pools can be developed offering
visitors to the Park excellent
bathing facilities. Swimming
pools as well can he laid down.
LEvery type of ouldoor recrea-
tion can be developed Iromn
horse-back riding to camlpiing.
There is potential ieric. Thie
view of the norllhrn hills is
simply overwhelminii.e. We mist

Continued on 9

In "Radio navigation
Applications with the US.
Maritime Community", a IUS
Coast Guard Support Docu-
ment for the Department of
Transportation's National Plan
for Navigation 1970, the Coast
Guard civilian value in
Omega, but desires to support
it anyway, since "if the Coast
Guard resists the acceptance of
Omega as necessary for civil
maritime operations, and if
this position becomes known
in the international community,
particularly in those nations ...
where interest in participating
in Omega based presumably on
civil requirements has already
been exhibited, significant
national and international re-
action may result."
It is doubtful, however,
whether any "reaction" was
expected from Trinidad and
Tobago in any case. We have
too much of a reputation as
an international pushover. In
the Congressional appropria-
tions hearings at which the
Navy was. trying to get funds
for the Omega scheme, the
following exchange took place
between one of the Navy's
witnesses and a Conrressman:
Mr. McFall:
You mentioned progress
with .foreign governmenlcts.
You said something about
Capt. Burke:
Trinidad is not a reignn
negotiation situation .
And if Omega is civilian
("You can buy llhe equipment
on Fiiedeiick Sireel". says
Captain Bloom) why is it
Mr. Mcl-all:
Proridce orthe il record 1
detailed statement io lihe
progress o1 consrlntion
of thec Omega narvigation
stations w ork/wide.
Adn ii l l I i ci :
Sir'. t//t/i iltormi atliotn is
,'\ d./ icd .

s~ia~saasP--raa~lr -slPa~ I





A Blood





PRISONERS running the
gauntlet, batons being
swung wildly across their
backs and limbs, falling to
their knees, and rising
again under a fleet of
blows they quicken their
strides to meet the barber
standing at the other end.
That is the account given
by an eye-witness to the so-
called uprising by prisoners
at the Golden Grove Prison a
few days after the mysterious
fire burnt down 80% of the
Royal Gaol on New Year's
The eye-witness who is
prepared to come before a
Commission of Enquiry said
that he never thought that such
brutality existed in the hearts
of Trinidadians. "You just had
to see it to believe it," he
In fact there was no riot or
revolt as prison authorities
claimed publicly. According to
his account, a few days after
the Royal Gaol fire more
prisoners were brought up from
Carrera to Golden Grove to
have their hair cut.
As the prison vans pulled
up alongside the Tally Post,
the doors were opened and the

Continued from Page 8
act now before it is forever lost
to the bulldozer.
In the south at Phillipine
the Palmiste Estate can also be
made into a Samaan tree
National Park. There are over
200 Samaan trees on the estate
and we must preserve these
areas by declaring the area a
National Park. Already a hous-
ing estate is going up right
next door. We must hurry.
A National Park here will



At the Tapia House



Demonstration --
at the,
Royal Jail:
search of

prisoners were allowed to jump
out. Thereupon they encoun-
tered a line of prison officers
stretching for 100 yards from
the Tally Post to a dormitory
where the barber waited with
a full cast of baton-armed
prison officers around him.
The men were forced to
run through this line, and as
they did they were greeted
with blows all over. These were
the so-called touble-makcr
and it seemed that officers,
mainly the older heads, had
grievances against them. *
The result was a bloody
affair, involving wounds and
broken limbs. The injured ones
were left stained in their spilled
blood. Their cleaning was done
by other prisoners and even so
they, themselves could not
afford to have the prison
officers see while they took
care of their brothers. But
there was no revolt at all, he

offer the people of the South a
place of rest and relaxation
and Phillipine is ideally situated
between Pointe-a-Pierre and
Point Fortin.
National Parks are indeed
vital if we are to preserve the
beauty of our land. We must
begin now to assess our long
range recreational needs. We
must begin now to establish
National Parks where the soul
of man can be uplifted and



ICE $3.00
12-84 St. Vincent St. Tunapuna
ne 662-5126




Typesetting, Paste-up and
Offset Printing Services that
are dependable and of high
Call us now at 662-5126
or visit our offices at 82-84

St.Vincent St.

National Parks



~s -- ~ --~~s~L1~~II I~I~C





I -~





-- -- -- -- -


FOR those amongst us who think that the constitutional
crisis which faces this nation can be solved with a hustle
here and a bustle there, a whitewash of electoral reform
and quick elections Janet Jagan's recent booklet
"Army Intervention In The 1973 Elections in Guyana" should
prove to be a source of enlightenment.
The booklet sets out to detail the whole story of
fraud and corruption on the part of the government in the
elections held last year. Mrs. Jagan is, of co.irse. a men'ber
of the opposition Peoples Progressive Party, and one
naturally approaches the booklet with an eye cocked for
the "sour grapes" lamentations of the loser. There is little
of this. Even if one ignores Mrs. Jagans claim that the P.P.P.
would have won the elections were it not for.the massive
frauds perpetrated by Burnham and his P.N.C.; the booklet
remains an amazingly well-documented investigation of a


Different Folks,

same old Strokes


stolen elections.
It is impossible here to
mention all the various methods
used by Burnham to ensure no
the two/thirds majority that for
he was looking for. Suffice it to
to say that the P.N.C. left no reg
trick untried. Indeed one is had
left somewhat aghast at the. of
criminal ingenuity and pla
thoroughness of Burnham and Thi
his gang. tha
Burnham's panorama of not
fraud included the rigging of inv
the overseas vote, the postal pec
vote, the proxy vote, the pe
undemocratic methods of
registration, and the padding tral
of the voters lists. on
More significantly perhaps, trat
"The rigging also includes the two
control of the mechanics of the
registration and elections by of
hand-picked persons, the cas- regi
tration of the powers of the the
Elections Commission and the tio
refusal to allow adequate hou
to the ~narties pla,
to ensure the security of the pre
ballot boxes." These together rt
with-th4 lI -
tion certainly bear a closer
examination. For they raise, whe
or ought to raise certain ques- bec;
tions in our own minds. list
As far as registration is this

A '



NAME ---------------

ADDRESS -- -- -- -

I enclose $ ......... as per r

T&T............ $12.00
CRIFTA........ 18.00
CARIBBEAN...... 12.50
US/CANADA...... 15.00
UK.............. 8.00
W. EUROPE..... 10.00
WEST AFRICA.'... 12.00
INDIA............. 12.00
AUSTRALIA. .....12.00
EAST'AFRICA..... 15.00
FAR EAST........ 15.50
All overseas deliveries airi
Surface mail rates on req

RETURN TO: Tapia House Pu
91 Tunapuna Rd. Tunapuna, P
Trinidad and To

Michael Harris
cerned the P.N.C. an-
inced a seven day period
National Registration. Up
the day before the start of
istration no public notice
Been given of the names
registration officers or
ces and time of registration.
s however did not mean
t the P.N.C. supporters had
Been advised. They were
olved in registering their
ople before the official
iod had even begun.
During the period of regis-
tion itself the bobol went
in known areas of P.P.P.
length. The registration
icers proceeded at a
iberately' slow pace. Regis-
tion time was restricted to
Hours each day, and at
end of each day thousands
people were still left un-
stered. This went on during
whole period of registra-
n. Again in some areas the
irs of registration and the
ces of registration were so
:ricted that it was physically
',o'sihlP f.!ll.*^'''l- l-r"-' -'l

The upshot of all this came
en the National registration
ame a voters registration
by act of Parliament. In
context the words of a








tes listed below


blishing Co. Ltd.,
hone: 662-5126.


P.N.C. member of the Elec-
tions Commission are signific-
ant: "The Commission had
nothing to do with the prepara-
tion of the National Register.
Whatever might be the purpose
of the Register it certainly
could not be the Electoral
During the election cam-
paign itself the P.N.C. continued
to use every means at its dis-
posal, mostly illegal, to thwart
the opposition forces and to

secure its two thirds majority.
From failing to produce the
voters lists, to seizing scarce
newsprint assigned to opposi-
tion newspapers, to disrupting
transportation used by opposi-
tion candidates, to breaking up
meeting, damaging equipment
and attacking speakers, Burn-
ham and his boys never missed
an opportunity.,
There was also gross dis-
crimination in the granting of
applications for. public mc t-

- ..










TUNAPUNA 662-5126


ings. Frequently, opposition
parties had their applications,
put in long in advance, rejected
so that P.N.C. applications
might be accommodated.
For those who believe that
Ballot Boxes by themselves are
any guarantee of fair play in
elections the saga of the Guy-
ana Ballot Boxes should prove
to be an eye-opener. Simply
stated what happened was this.
At the end of polling on ek c-
tion day members of the Guy-
ana Defence Force seized the
"'Ballot-oboxes -from -teli various
polling stations. The Ballot
Boxes were all taken to Thomas
Lands the area that also
contains the Police and Army


No opposition agents were
allowed to accompany the
Boxes from the Polling stations
to the army Headquarters. No
opposition agents were allowed
to remain overnight with the
Ballot Boxes. When the boxes
came out the next day "it was
evident that the boxes had
been tampered with. Seals were
broken, keys for the padlocks
on the Ballot boxes were
mixed-up or missing, ballot
cast did not tally with ballots
The dimension oi the
tampering might be judged
from the example of the North-
west districts. The Northwest
boxes did not arrive at the
counting headquarters until 47
hours after the close of poll.
The P.N.C. gained a. 550%
increase over the votes it had
received in 1968.
There are of course differ-
ences between Guyana ana
Trinidad which might make
certain of the methods used
by Bumham inapplicable here.
Yet the overriding impression
one gets from the booklet is
that in matters of fraud where
there is a will there is a way.
It will really be a case of differ-
ent strokes for different
If those political illiterates
whose survival depends upon
hasty elections think that
Burnham and his gang arethe
only ruthlessly corrupt regime
in the Caribbean, tell them I
say;.I tey wrollg.



Brk W-





Struggle in Sugar

THIS series focuses attention on some of thekeypersonal-
ities behind the current struggle to improve the lot of the
sugar workers, and on those whose opinion and support
are decisive for complete victory.

NOTHING, or no one, it
seems would stop the for-
ward march of sugar
workers and cane farmers
alike for social justice and
for trade union democracy
now. For that is what the
struggle for minimum pay
and guaranteed work, and
for the repeal of the Cane
Farmers Act, 1965 is all
And come hell or high
water those who people the
sugar lands in the Caroni and
Naparima plains are determined
to force the authorities either
to rationalise the sugar industry,
and force a redistribution of
the national income, or to
abandon the industry al-
So far those in a position
to yield some ground to these
suffering peoples have at best

treated the issues like hot
potatoes, in so far as they have
been afraid to touch them; at
worst they have looked away.
Now without a long term pers-
pective for the rationalisatoion
of the entire agricultural base in
the country, they (the Govern-
ment) have opted for the now
for now tactic of distributing
20,000 acres of sugar lands to
sugar workers.
Unlike the past, workers are
reading these underhand
manoeuvres just for what they
are. In a way they (the workers)
are no longer really concerned
about whether the company,
union or government accede to
their request.

As far as they are concerned
the struggle has gone way
beyond that. And with the
continued refusal of the
authorities to recognize their

demands, and their representa-
tives it has now become crystal
clear to them that the struggle
is for life or death.
Sugar workers, cane farmers
and their families know full
well that the faintest sign of
retreat on their part could
mean the end of the line for
them. Those people in the
sugar belt are now more than
ever prepared to stand firm.
Not after coming from Hunte
and Tello, to vouchers, mini-
mum pay and guaranteed work,
and now to the All Trinidad
Union .. 'and not after
mobilising so much of their
kith and kin.
They would sooner aban-
don sugar, seize the lands and
bring the game back into their
hands. Doubtlessly the govern-
ment, the Company, and the
old Union Executive are play-
ing with fire.


Books on sale

At the Tapia House, 82-84 St. Vincent St. Tunapuna, Trinidqd & Tobago.
Phone: 662-5126.

Power to the People
Tapia's New World
TAPIA Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of The Public Service

- C.V. Gocking
- Denis Solomon

-- -Foeimgn InvesTTand" Mcntyre & Watson $ 3.60

Central Banking C.Y. Thomas
Non-Bank Financial Institutions M. Odle 6.00

Foreign Capital in Jamaica

Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica

- Norman Girvan

- O. Jefferson

New World Quarterly (Back Numbers)

Underdevelopment and
Persistent Poverty

Readings in The Political Economy
of The Caribbean

Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean

The Dynamics of W. I. Economic

The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus

- (ed Norman Girvan)
- George Beckford

- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson

- W. Demas

- Brewster & Thomas

- Roy Thomas


2.00 + 3.00








IN an article entitled 'The
Story of Seeberan and Yallery'
and published in our last issue
we wish to point out that
Seeberan did not attend the
I.e.T.A. as was stated.
Instead he completed the
analytical part of a course in
Chemical Engineering with the
International Correspondence

D4 D6 D4,D6,D7, D8. Tractors
Cat-613 Motor Scraper
Jat-475 Tractor Drawn Scraper
Cat-944 & 950 Overloaders
Graders & Overloaders
Track & Overloaders
Track & Mobile Telescopic
Wheel Type Backhoe Excavators
Track Type Hydraulic Excavators
Capable Excavating to 30 feet





Earth Movers, Road Builders
& Surfaces,
Swamp Reclamation
Underground Drains
Bridge Construction
Site Preparation
Agricultural & Farm Development
Sewer & Water Main Construction
Pump Trucks & Trailers
Low. Bed & Flat Trailers

i ,




_ ~_1





R uthven Baptiste

officials wish to correct
an erroneous view being
projected in the national
media and a mauvais
langue weekly that the
league is not being
properly run. In an
article appearing in the
Trinidad Guardian the
following was said:-
"The Wes Hall League was
normally the breeding ground
for our cricket. But in recent
years this very important
league has been plagued with
so manycntroversies and
petty jealousies among the
officials, that it is not sur-
prising that the game of
cricket in this country has
suffered. For after all, this is
the very area in which players
like Bernard Julien, Inshan
Ali, and Raphick Jumadeen
'te- me a few hnve --
- enc a "- Unless
something is done now to
remedy some of the ills going
on in the Wes Hall League,
Trinidad's cricket will con-
tinue to suffer, for young
people are not going to show
much interest in it."
Officials of the league wish
to alert the public to the
tremendous pressure that is
being placed on the league
since Wes Hall returned to
Barbados. Financial assistance
that was given to the league
when Wes was here has been
significantly reduced. Grants
made by the National Sports
Council to the Wes Hall Lea-
gue through the TCC have
dwindled with every passing
1971 ........ $5,000
1972 ........$2,880

Ten Th

AN open letter to The
Minister of Labour.

This is rme voice of ovei
Ten Thousand Sugar Workers
,calling on you as minister of
Labour to use your good office
as one of Our Government
Officer an leaf of the Law of
Trinidad and Tobago to see to
it that the workers in the
sugar Industries hold an
Annual Conference.

Also to advise the Sugar
Manufactures to call in Mr.
Basdeo Panday and recogise



1973 ........ $1,500
1974 ........ $1,200
This rapid decline in grants
has effectively curtailed coach-
ing programme carried out by
the league. The TCC, to fill
the vacuum in the national
coaching programme, took it
over themselves and com-
pletely ignored the voluntary
services of numerous com-
munity leaders, and conse-
quently there has been a not-
able drop in attendance in
these sessions.
In another part of that
article, the writer argued-
"At the nets for youth
.cricketers invited for the selec-
tion of the Trinidad Under 19
ccktJe reericM L-L
little in the way of talent.
The only place in the North
one can see any sign of youth
at cricket is at the Harvard
Club where some devoted
members are really doing a
great job."
Obviously the only place
in the North where that writer
has visited is Port-of-Spain.
Surely, he is oblivious of the
fact that North Trinidad
extends from Diego to Toco.
If on a journey from Diego
to Toco that writer does not
see from windball to com-
petive cork ball cricket on
any given Sunday he must be
either kokee-eye, or willfully
Elsewhere the writer
Another thing which 1
believe will have to be con-
sidered is the Colleges League.


him as the workers choice. We
do accept him for our President
General of Our Trade Union.

Mr. Minister of Labour. Sir
read as follows:


P .


I Co days
fih- the players from the
colleges really made the head-


Subconsciously or deliber-
ately that writer desires a
return to the days when the
only way a youngster could
get a break was to go to
He concludes finally:
"I am sure almost every-
one will agree with me that
our cricket needs some
reorganisation from the grass
Uut the Wes Hall league is
the only national league in
the country of any sport that
is organised from the grass
roots. All other sports are
centralised in P.O.S. and San
Fernando. The Wes Hall
league does not operate from
an automatic contempt for


For and on behalf of all
Factories and Cultivation
which are duly called Sugar
Workers in Trinidad and
Tobago the Cry of Sugar

the minor leagues' and their
officials. In fact the Wes Hall
league is made up.of most, if
not of all the-minor leagues
in the countr-y.-Itis a model
of democratic, -c~ntralised
organisation,;froni which Mr.
Wooding could have taken a
few hints,'
Als.p the league has been
under pressfire since Wes's
departure. The league is at the
receiving end of a two
pronged attack. The purpose
of the attack has been to
unseat the present leadership
o undermine the com-
munity leagues which are the
constituent elements of the
,- Wes Hall league.
The first attempt at un-
seating the leadership of the
league came two years ago
when the league was urged
to make Dudnath Ramkissoon
its preside !. When that move
failed .as(.quent attempts
were made. The latest of
them was a motion of no
confidence in the present
executive moved by a
vituperative sportswriter and
former secretary of the Wes
Hall League. The motion met
with no support and he sub-
sequently embarked on a
vicious and slanderous cam-
paign in a weekly, notorious
for such attitudes.
However, of greater con-
cern to the League and its
constituent groups than
the machinations of a hostile
sportswriter has been the,
policy of the TCC in recent
years of extracting clubs from
community leagues and
accepting them into the TCC


Under pretext of giving
loci! clubs the opportunity
of i'aying a better class of
cricket and affording them
the opportunity of having
outstanding individual players
recognized, clubs in the minor
leagues are being absorbed
into the TCC. First of all the
erroneous view here is that
to be recognized one must
go to Port-of-Spain or San
Fernando. The problem
is why cannot a good sports-
man be recognized within his
community? That's another
story for another time.
On the surface the gesture
appears generous, but, appear-

ances can be deceiving. A
condition of acceptance into
the TCC competition is that
the club must be in a position
to make available to the TCC
a playing field.
The allocation of public
recreation grounds is in the
hands of County Councils
who in turn allocate them to.
community interests as a vil-.
lage council. Genieallyi a
village council will allocate
the ground to a club in the
district to provide the neces-
sary maintainance services.
Strange enough those are the
clubs that are being absorbed
into the TCC competition.


This has been the experi-
ence of the St. Augustine
Village Council, which has
been organising a vibrant com-
munity league in that district
since 1963. The lack of
ground space has been the
biggest problem for the lea-
gue. The Honeymoon Savan-
nah in Tunapuna was its main
playing area and four matches
used to be played there
simultaneously on weekends.
But, since 1967 the Govern-
ment began renovation work
Sonthe ground and up to now
the work has not beerin -m-
"Now", in the words of a
St. Augustine Village Coun-
cillor, "the TCC is adding
fir- to fury by further dis-
tressing an already distressed
area. Every year", he con-
tinued, "we have to refuse
applications from 12 or more
clubs because we have no
grounds for them to play on.
We can't afford to lose any-


"We have bad experiences
in the past in this type of
thing, not with the TCC but
with another minor league.
Both of us (the two leagues)
had carded matches on the
same ground for the same
time. There was a lot of
violence and it ended up with
the pitch being dug up. We
want to avoid that and as an
affiliate of the TCC we wrote
them informing them of the
situation. After an exchange
of correspondence they still
went ahead and accepted
another club for the 1974
A survey carried out by
this column revealed that
similar Iincidents have been
taking place in other com-
munities. The issue at stake
here, in my view, is one of
community sovereignty. Can
an interest located in P.O.S.
ride roughshod over the com-
munity rights and opinion of
another community. The
manner in which this issue is
resolved will be significant
not only for the St. Augus-
tine community but for the
entire country.


VV c
d~~t;O1 .~V0 -4,0 t," OL .I~