Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
February 10, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


Tapia Council meetson Monday

THE next monthly meeting of the Council of Representa-
tives will be held on Monday 11th February 1974 at the
Tapia Office, 19 Royal Road, San Fernando, beginning
7.30 p.m. sharp.
Members from the North are advised that transport
will be leaving the Tapia House at 6.00 p.m.
THE AGENDA is as follows:-
Minutes of last meeting
Matters arising
Reports from the Executive
Editorial Editor ( Lennox Grant )
Business Admin. Secretary (Allan Harris)
Finance Treasurer (Baldwin Mootoo)
Political Community Secretary (Ivan Laughlin)
Campaign Manager (Michael Harris)
Assistant Secretary (Lloyd Taylor)
Secretary (Lloyd Best)

Cultivation Workers from Orange (rove at the Tapia House after Sunday morning meeting.


BOTH Mr. Panday and Mr Shah, the
two central figures in the sugar belt
at the moment, have stated that sugar
is no longer stirring, it is now on ihe
; -boil. We_ agree. ThisLh.owei'er, is no
historical accident. Ever since 1968
men and women from all walks of life
have been organising themselves to
defend their interests. In short they
have been taking up their beds and
Now that the message has reached the
sugar workers, the culmination of that long
search for a just and humane society is
clearly at hand. But precisely because this is
so, the responsibilities of those who would
call themselves leaders are greater than ever
before. The judgements and decisions they
make now shall inevitably determine the
final outcome of the struggle.

It is in this context that we must evaluate
the assertions of both Mr. Panday and Mr.
Shah that under present conditions they can-
not afford to carry the struggle of the sugar
workers into the political arena. They have
both been f-ank enough to admit that in
any hardnosed assessment of the struggle the
obstacle in the path always turns out to be
the lack of effective power. Clearly then the
political dimension cannot be avoided.
In no other area of society does history
provide us with so many guidelines for action.
,. Sugar has been always with us. When the
metropolitan economic interest no longer
needed high-cost Empire sugar the quickest
way to destroy it was to free the slaves. A
race was freed but a society was not formed.
In short sugar was abandoned.
As it was then so it is now. The metro-
politan interests are once again prepared to

turn their backs on neo-colonial sugar. The
guaranteed markets of Britain shall be no
more in 1975, and the European Community
is shilly-shallying. The American quota is_
diminishing and, 'with r-ipprochment with
with Cuba in the air, will probably soon dis-
appear altogether.


To the PNM Government, with its im-
port-export mentality, the message is quite
clear. No markets, no viability. And with
oil windfalls they no longer even care. This
city government has over and over betrayed
a cold indifference towards agriculture in
general and to the sugar workers in particular.
The silence on sugar of this year's billion
dollar budget has restated their contempt
with even greater force.
So that Mr Panday and Mr Shah must
now face this prospect head-on. They know as
well as anyone that the answer lies in a
fundamental reorganization of the economy
and the society. The political aspect there-
fore becomes fundamental, not only in the
struggle of the sugar workers, but in the
struggle of all sectors of the community for
a meaningful pattern of existence.
Mr. Panday and Mr. Shah must under-
stand exactly what the workers and farmers
mean when they say that they are mistrust-
ful of any new political involvement. They
mean that they are tired of being used by
opportunistic politicians as passive crowd
support for conventional electoral parties.
They mean that kind of exploitation is now
finished for good. The new politics muis
now bring social and economic interests
together in a permanently militant organiza-
tion expressing genuine community and
grassroots interests.
The decisions which the new leadership
make at this stage will determine whether
they have the courage to give voice and
substance to these aspirations.

Artists with the YellowCryst ls

MIDNIGHT Wednesday gone, the Union Jack came down and
another petty principality was born. Next morning Grenadians
awoke to find that even before the changing of the guard, the
Papadocracy had heightened the reign of terror.
THE colonial politics of street-protest will now pass to the
stage of solid grass-roots organisation. We have learnt in Trinidad
and Tobago. They will learn it quicker one hundred miles up the
road. Together we will prevail against the comrades in arms.

S .

A ~


Next week's story on profiles in sugar shall focus on
Orange Grove's George Seeberan and Charles Yallery, the
Chief Chemist, and the Chief Sugar Boiler respectively.
Their story forms a significant chunk of the history
of Orange Grove, and with it we are better able to under-
stand why Orange Grove is the El Dorado of Trinidad's
sugar industry.
Seeberan and Yallery themselves shot into prominence
during the industrial unrest which was sparked off by the
economic wastage on the part of Clement Tello, and
industrial mal-practices on the part of Lennox Hunte.

~P ::tk= .Na

25 Cents

Vol. 4 No. 6


Im 'idivillhik mmm mmmff--,



ON Tuesday evening
last, at a panel discus-
sion held by the Litera-
ry and Debating Society
at the St Augustine
Campus, leading figures
in sugar sought to throw

light on the current m r-
moil in the iilndsirr.
PRESl'NT was BUsdeo
Panday whose p)resideni-
cv of the All iTriniadl
Union is indispute lbut
who seems to iha'e inlar-

shalledh si.iljic/anl sup-
port roin sugar workers
in a ', ... against both
l/e Uhnion !eadcrshii)
and Caroni ltld.
Till:HE whtr principal
speaker was Iafjique/

Shah, cx-sodier andt
currentlI leader of ilhe
Trinidadl Ilndwide
Cane l'arnrcrs' Union,
which lhas poi~\d in al-
lermia/ll'e i/ Il e long-
s l a nd i ng Trinidad

Islanwtide Cane lFarm-
crs' Associatiorn.
A NOTA BI: absentee
was Norman (;irwar,
P'resideul of TICFA,
who had I/so been in-
vilted o air his views.

proceedings with an
overview of the issues
involved in sugar./
BELOW, Dennis Pantin
summarises the three
main statements.

Crisis in Sugar

FOR Lloyd Best, the question facing the society today as
for 300 years, is the future of sugar. Today, however, the
question is being asked with a difference.
Under normal conditions one would discuss thle problems of
sugar from an economic point of view, tali is. the question of high
costs of production, low yields and the difficulties ol maintaining oi
gaining international markets for sugar.
The struggle in sugar today is one of a naked political struggle
against the backdrop of a revolutionary situation in Trinidad and
Tobago and the Caribbean region. The issue is now a human one.
One could trace the origins of that revolutionary situation to
the October, 1968 demonstrations by students over the Rodney
affair, followed by the Camacho affair; the Bus Strike of 1969
brought in the young, students,
workers, unemployed, con-
cerned clergy, lawyers, doctors
and other professionals over
the Public Order Bill.
Since then we have seen
the fishermen join the main-
stream of political protest, fol- r
lowed by Matelot residents,
school children and various
other segments of the popula- lr r
tion. r r


Over the past five years
People have come to see the
idteisting in-
itutioQnwether i'-e Par-
liament, the Judiciary, the edu-
cation system, the Army or the
Civil Service, to function ef-
fectively and meet the demands
of the people.
And this is why the revo-
lutionary struggle in which this
country and the region is en-
gaged in a fundamentally con-
stitutional one, in that it fo-
cuses on the breakdown of all
the traditional institutions.
Today the workers and
farmers from the sugar belt,
which is the heartland of Carib-
bean civilization, have joined
the mainstream of the February
The immediate issues are
corruption in the Union and
the Cane Farmers' Association,
guaranteed prices for cane, gua-
ranteed employment for cul-
tivation workers and the re-
moval of Hunte and Tello from
Orange Grove.

n w

The fundamental issue is
the same as in the rest of the
country. The agencies of re-
presentation have broken
down; people had no means of
free expression. That is why
the struggle is for control of
the All-Trinidad Union and
why a new CAne Farmers'
Union had recently come into
Soon the Government will
have to intervene and face up
to two available choices. The
first would be to mechanism the

hIF'Wnv-0 Go

sugar industry and throw most
people out of jobs. The second
would be to retain the present
situation in sugar and keep
everybody at just about a star-
vation level.
Either choice would amount
to a big mistake, enforced on
the country by the irrational
organisation of the plantation
economy. The real choice open
to us, therefore, was whether
or not to remove the old re-
gime which sustains the planta-
tion economy.
In 1965, when there was
unrest in sugar, the government
declared a State bf Emergency.
In 1970, that action was re-
peated and- followed by tile
Public Order Bill.
Today, the Government had
better be warned that since
then, the country had become
awake. For their part, the new
forces in sugar must ask them-
selves what they are going to do
when the Government embarks
on repressive action.
They must be clear as to
what alliances they will need
to make with forces outside of

Panday... Shah... Best

~I r~.] I

ON .."..f.W.EK

.disputed leader of the All-
Trinidad Sugar_ Union
stressed that the sugIar
problem is not merely one
of economics but a social
Brothels throughout the
country are filled with 14 and
15-year-olds from the sugar
belt, malnutrition is a well-
known fact of life in the
sugar region and the incidenec
of crime among residents of
this region is reflected in the
As a union, Panday said,
workers agree with mechanisa-
tion and rationalisation of the
sugar industry. He felt that
between 4 5 thousand work-
ers would be displaced by such
a mechanisation. Workers had
put forward proposals for dis-
tribution of lands for food crop
production to take up the slack
from mechanisation.
As far as Panday was con-
cerned, Government has a poli-
cy of not having a policy for
agriculture, because existing
food importers are a rich and
powerful lobby which influ-
ences government's agricultural
policy. Sugar workers who
belong to All Trinidad work
with the existing sugar com-
panics. They are concerned
with a number of issues which
they insist must be settled
before they cut cane.
The first of these is the
question of guaranteed work.
At present sugar workers are
employed for six months of
the year during the sugar crop.
For the other six months they
are virtually unemployed.
Worse than this, they are tied
to a form of semi-serfdom in
that, out of crop, they must
wai at ]home for the occasional
visit by company officials of-
fering 2-3 days week per fort-
night, and not every fortnight.
If they took up any alterna-
tive employment and were not

qI. ..

plained that cane farmers
work their own land. How-
ever, most of them are
tenanted cane farmers in
that they rent from big
land owners and the sugar
Out of 10,000 cane farm-
ers, just about 10 per cent do
full-time cane farming. As high
as 40 per cent of cane farmers
are sugar workers as well and

available t'oi the occasional 3
days out of crop then they
could be struck off the labour
force employed during crop-
time. They could also lose all
other fringe benefits. This was
totally unsatisfactory and the
workers are now insisting on
guaranteed labour.
The other major problem
is the present struggle with
the All-Trinidad Union f or
proper representation. Panday
argued that union officials
maintain their position by a
system of corruption, violence
and keeping the workers dis-
organised and uninformed. The
union's 42 branches are ef-
fectively controlled by the
executive through a system of
hand-picked branch officials.

With regard to the question
of guaranteed work, the Com-
pany has now agreed to talks
with the existing All-Trinidad
executive which does not have
the confidence of the workers.
Attempts are being made to
call a special conference of the
union to deal with this execu-
tive but Panday expressed
doubt that such a conference
would come off because of the
evasive tactics of Rampartap-
singh and others.
The workers could not
maintain a prolonged strike
struggle and had therefore
evolved a system of one-week
out. Workers are saying that
there will be no future for the
sugar industry if there is no
possibility of their having a
decent standards of living.




also part-time labourers. The
cane farmer, according to Shah
is not a petty bourgeois or small
land owner, but a peasant.
Cane farmers are also mak-
ing several demands. First, the
Government and manufacturers
should pay a minimum net
price of $30 per ton for the
1974 crop. Transportation
costs and other payments ex-
tracted under the cost-plus
formula, must be paid by the
company and not the,,cane
S ----

thae f rmcris m!loney owed to
them since .1970. Finally, Act
One of 1965, giving TICFA
monopoly rights over cane
farmers must be repealed.
Cane farmers are prepared
to cut cane tomorrow morn-
ing, but first there had to be
talks about the farmers' de-
mands. Shah called on the peo-
ple of the country to bear with
the thousands of cane farmers
in their struggle for a better
life. The people of this coun-
try could get sugar within a
week if the demands were met.

Looking at the future of
Sugar, Shah said that cane
farmers are simple people, they
can't be overly concerned with
the problems of international
marketing problems, costs of
production, etc. Farmers are
seeing oil workers living a fairly
comfortable life, they are see-
ing car series changing very
quickly, they are seeing prices
rising every day, they want to
have a share in the benefits of
the society, to live a better life.
Looking at the role of the
Government, Shah argued that
farmers didn't ask them to go
up. Government must either
find solutions or get out. Either
that or government can declare
war on the people of sugar.
Shah asked if government de-
clares war who knows what
will happen.
Today farmers have occu-
pied TICFA House in brilliant
military fashion for which Shah
claimed no credit. To Shah it
brought hack memories of a
similar situation in 1970. How-
ever, having learnt a bitter les-
son then. the problem now as
then, is how long are we to
liold out. This time around.
cane farmers are prepared to
stay in TICFA House until
their demands are met.

--swo- iy- apmw



from England litter the
small office of Eric Gairy,
whose hundreds-strong 09
secret police force has driv-
en thousands of Grenadians
into a revolt against his
regime with a week to go
before Independence from
"I am of the mystical
world. I have very, a very deep,
strong, spiritual sensitivity." he
explains. "See that on the
wall?" he says pointing to a
framed psychic magazine cover
with a face on it. "That's
a picture of a spirit". He
"Man is afraid of his powers.
But not me. I fear nothing".
Not his opponents certainly.
In the past few weeks, he has
ordered detachments of his
secret police down from Mount
Royal, his residence high on a
hill overlooking St. George's,
to battle with his enemies in
the streets below.
Eleven days ago, the pri-
vate force joined with regular
'police in firing on, stoning and
gassing the headquarters of the
island's striking trade unions
and smashing shop windows of
shops ownedby the Opposition.


"I send out love waves to
my enemies. They can't sleep.
They can't eat. They hate so
much". He laughs again. "Love
Sis the essence of success".
"I wouldn't kill a moth, a
spider anything. I don't
believe in violence. I'm a spirit-
ual man. I'm not saying I'm a
dn*I UU 11; I 1......

acuiL. ut J. uu cI it U uv0n a
God. I publish my own prayers
'to the people".
Gairy is a small, handsome
man, a meticulous dresser, who
looks far younger than his 51
years. In public, he nearly
always appears in a dazzling
white suit, Chaplinesque al-
most a music hall figure with
this neatly-parted hair and mous-
tache.He is instantly noticeable.
Otherwise one would pass him
in a crowd.
He speaks slowly and pon-
derously in an assumed accent
which is mainly "Oxford" Eng-
lish, with a trace of American,
and he rolls his "r's"' carefully.
Many of his opponents be-
lieve sincerely that he is mad
and freely compare him to
Haiti's late Papa Doc in this
respect. Certainly, Gairy has the
same grandiose view-of his own
historical role as Papa Doc had.
"It all has to boil down to
the exercise of divine justice",
he says of the current present
unrest. "I was appointed by
God to lead, Grenada. I have
known this from the beginning.
"I don't care what you

*G, -C h E


hear about the situation here,
might is right". He pounds the
table for emphasis.
"In the beginning, back in
1950 when I was starting the
union here, a Grenadian fortune
teller prophesied that a little
man would come from the east.
Well, that was me. I was born
on the east coast of the island.
And I'm here now".
The hilltop mansion where
he lives with his wife Cynthia,
who is also Social Affairs and
Community Development Mi-
nister, is obviously important
in this divine order of things.
It is the token of success in
the personal lifetime struggle
Gairy has waged to be accepted
by the old ruling class, to win

the power and social status so
long denied him because of his
blackness and his lowly social
origins. His bogus upperclass
accent, like his enthusiasm for
tennis, are other attempts he
has made to be accepted.


He is obsessed by the con-
cept of "us", meaning him and
his dwindling followers, and
"them", whom he defines as
the "plantocracy" and intel-
lectuals "people who come
back from universities abroad,
clutching certificates in their
hot and sweaty hands".
Gairy is anxious about his


lack of education. He never
went to secondary school, go-
ing off instead to work as a
labourer in the oilfields of
Dutch Aruba.
"Some people think I'm
stupid, but I'm a spirit student,
a mind student, and that makes
me feel strong. Books are my
best friends". What does he
"Books about mysticism.
And I've also studied personal
magnetism, and calmness of
mind and body. I'm not a
"People have been paid to
get me. They have followed my
car. But they can't kill me.
They can't get me. I am more
spiritual than material".

On the island's bankrupt
economy, he declares: "We are
the fastest moving country in
the islands, because I get up in
the morning and get my inspira-
tion. Do you realise that every
Christmas, I spend 2,000 sterl-
ing on gifts for the poor, and
hold parties for thousands of
In view of his mysticism,
was there any significance in
the choice of February 7 as
Independence day?
"Yes, I was directed by
God to choose it. I can't say
more, but you'll notice that
the new flag goes up at mid-
night on the night of February
6-7. It will be dead full moon".
Gairy's fanatical belief in
his own destiny is clearly grow-
ing with time. And the pressures
of the current crisis and the
attacks on him by his oppo-
nents seem to be driving him
ever faster into a private dream
world quite divorced from
"Be not afraid, ,only be-
lieve," says a sign which hangs
prominently over his desk.
It is hard to imagine Gairy
ever leaving Mount Royal vo-
luntarily now. Perhaps with an
eye to such a future, he has
just acquired a luxurious Cadi-
lack which is reported to be





soft, light

Sand delicious.

He gives examples of ene-
mies and opponents killed in
accidents 6r otherwise des-
troyed or defeated 'apparently
by chance. "I can tell you of
over a hundred incidents like
this", he says.
Then, warming to his fa-
vourite topic, victory, he jumps
up from his chair and acts out,
in appropriate accents, an en-
counter with some British offic-
ers sent to arrest him during
the labour protests he led in the
fifties. He behaved calmly and
stylishly, he says, and they
were amazed.


SHe harps on. morality and
"clean living", though his past
reputation as a womaniser, of
which he is proud, would
hardly meet his current de-
clared standards.
He dismisses his radical op-
ponents in the youthful New
Jewel Movement as "unkempt,
long-haired dropouts ene-
mies of progress I'm against
weed and loose sex behaviour,"
he .says. "Do you know I can
visit shrines all over the world
if I want?"
"I'm a Rosicrucian, that's
the order of the rosy crawss,"
he says in his Oxford accent.
"But I'm also a Catholic. I
don't' feel it goes far enough
The present crisis on the
island, the most serious in its
history, fits easily into Gairy's
mystical view of the world.
"These are necessary pains
before emergence into a bright-
er nation. A mother has her
worst pains before she has the
thing she most wants --a baby
boy. It's the same with Inde-
As for the food shortage on
the island as a result of the
strikes and looting: "This is a
divine arrangement. We import
too much food. Nature is won-

-Lo, iaBllllL a





ANizam ohanmmed
LOOKING back at the
history of the Trade Union
movement in the sugar
industry in Trinidad and
Tobago, one discovers that
it has always been the
sugar workers' lot to
receive much less than
what has been really due

Ishmael Samad

THE wanton destruction
of the stately samaan trees
on the grounds of the
King George V. Park is yet
another manifestation of
the sheer ruthlessness of
this government, It is also
another example of their
arrogant indifference to
public opinion and the
need of our people for
beauty and space in their
lives, for parks and savan-
nahs, for gardens and
playing fields and National
Utter ruthlessness. This is
what it amounts to, for none
but the ruthless would dare
destroy such fabulous trees as
our sarnaan trees. None but
the mindless would take such
a 'beautiful piece of ground
as the King George V park
and transform it into a
monstrosity.of steel and con-
crete, the planned mini-
stadium. The inevitable des-
truction of the trees that
graced the Park was more than
enough reason for not siting
the stadium there.


But the history of this
Government has been one of
insensitivity and callousness.
For how else is one to explain
the way it has allowed and
actually participated in the
reckless destruction of our
beautiful land? Our mountain
sides are being bulldozed away,
despoiling our valleys and
causing havoc when it rains.
One has only to travel
through Diego Martin, Morne
Coco, Maraval, Santa Cruz or
the Maracas Valley to witness
what is taking place. Eternal
scars are being inflicted on
our. hillsides. Our valleys and
plains, good arable lands,
fertile and productive, are
being smothered over with
concrete and asphalt. Valsayn,
Trincity and Diamond Vale
stand as so many monuments
to the Government's crass
In our urban communities
the story is the same. No
imagination, no planning.
Lands, ideal for parks and
playing fields are being in-

D4 6 D4,D6,D7, D8, Tractors
Cat-613 Motor Scraper
Cat-475 Tractor Drawn Scraper
Cat-944 & 950 Overloaders
Graders & Overloaders
Track & Overloaders
Track & Mobile Telescopic
Wheel Type Backhoe Excavators
Track Type Hydraulic Excavators
Capable Excavating to 30 feet


to them. And this has
been so not only in terms
of wages and other work-
ing conditions, but moreso
in Trade Union representa-
tion as a whole.

creasingly utilised for every
other purpose. Even more out-
rageous, established.parks and
recreational grounds are being
used as sites for police stations,
fire stations, court houses and
community centres.
Right here in Tunapuna,
the Government came along
one morning and just dropped
the fire station right in the
middle of our Recreation
Ground. Since then a com-
munity centre has gone up
and the St. George County
Council has extended its

in Siparia the same thing
happened. This time it was the
Police station that went up
over the Community Park.
Sporting fields as well are fast
disappearing. Not far from the
Tapia House, up Tunapuna
Road, the Lastique grounds
have been converted into a
Housing estate. These grounds
once buzzed with activities on
weekends and on evenings. The
whole community would turn
out whenever matches were
being played. Now all that is
Nowhere is this maurauding
government's penchant for
havoc more blatant than right
in our capital city. Over the
past decade Port-of-Spain has
taken on a gruesome shape.
No planning whatsoever is
apparent. The Princess Build-
ing grounds have been ruined.
Our Queen's Park Savannah is
on the verge of ruin.
Commercial buildings are
increasingly springing up, some
simply outrageous like that
monstrosity now going up on
Maraval road. And as if these
were- not enough to spoil the

The employees in sugar
have been the object of the
worst 'kind of exploitation
ever imposed upon any other
workers in Trinidad. There
has been quite a lot of trade
union gangsterism with the

beauty of the Savannah and its
environs, the Government just
had to come along and lay
an asphalt road over the green
Further than this, permis-
sion has just been granted for
the part of the Savannah (long
Maraval road to be used as a
car park for the Mini-stadium.
It is quite obvious that in a
short time it will become
necessary to pave this portion
of the savannah.
One can go on and on. But
the picture is-already painfully
plhin Onei'.vnuld believe that
-rhiq- onvernmTr-t -'-i-ntf rn-- "
destroy every thing of beauty
in this our land. However, one
cannot end without mention-
ing the most ruthless and
dreadful action of them all,
the rape of the Laventille and
San Fernando hills.
We were once fortunate to
have two verdant hills over-
looking our main cities. But
now, alas, they have been
ruined for all time, blasted and
bulldozed out of existence.
SFor miles around these dese-
crated hills can be seen, evi-
dence of the greatest crime of
For indeed, we can replant
all the samaan trees, though
we won't be around to see
them as they were, we can
demolish all the buildings that
have gone up on our playing
fields and parks, we can tear
up the pitch road and replant
the grass but who on earth
can make a hill? One day the
true story of those hills shall
be told; of the men who made
millions while all of us, and
countless generations to come,
are poorer, infinitely poorer,
because of their greed.

- -U-- I-I ---Y- I


Earth Movers, Road Builders
& Surfaces,
Saamp Reclamation
Underground Drains
Bridge Construction
Site Preparation
Agricultural & Farm Development
Sewer & Water Main ConstruCtion
Pump Trucks & Trailers
Low. Bed & Flat Trailers




in Su

result of the workers not
getting the quality of represen-
tation they ever deserved.
A comparison with other
industries will no doubt show
that sugar is the only one in
which the base of the trade
union movement has either
been religion or politics if not
both at the same time, with
the economics of the industry
being of less importance.
Hence, one of the main reasons
for the sugar workers plight at


The religio-political strangle-
hold has been so great that
sporadic attempts by others to
take control of the workers
proved futile. One would have
thought that the death of the
former President General of
the Sugar Union, Bhadase
Maharaj, would have signalled
the end of an era that was not
serving the best interests of
the worker. This sadly is not
so. The vultures were lurking
in the background and they
are now pouncing on the
workers from every direction.
So it's chaos, confusion,
bewilderment! The workers
are left groping in the dark not
Knowing where to turn. What
heightens the sadness is the
fact that those culprits are
yesterday's men offering yes-
terday's solutions to today's

The sacred religion of
Hinduism is projected as the
basis for action by some. They
are even talking about a relief
fund for the unfortunate
workers. One wonders whether
this fund is only to remind the
worker of the poverty and
squalor inflicted upon them
by those self same do-gooders.
Others in true Marxist style
jump into the act as they
would do anywhere else where
they think there is fertile
ground to foment further
strife and confusion. And what
is their contribution? Nothing
more tham empty rhetoric like
'workers unite' and 'down
with capitalism' with no serious
proposals emerging from our
own historical context and
suitable to our needs.
Then we see the Union in
control (?) torn within itself.
The executive believing in a
leader rather than leadership-
brought in figure-head Mr.
Basdeo Panday to provide an
outdated charisma which they
thought would secure the
position of the union's

tion ot the colonial legacy
which I have inherited as a
Trinidadian and I am only
showing that I am self-confi-
dent but have no confidence
in my people as being capable
of self-determination. But it
is an indisputable fact that
there is need for a degree of
professionalism in any sphere
of trade unionism today.
I am, however, confident
about one thing. If the work-
ers are given the necessary
guidance and encouragement
they can surely manage their
own affairs most efficiently
and prove to those arrogant
opportunists that they are not
that vulnerable. This will put
a stop to the idea of trying
to use the workers as a cat's
paw for the fulfilment of
political or religious ambi-
The Tapia Movement has
the moral authority to assist
these our fellow men to get
out of the pitiful dilemma in
which they have been reduced.
Panday has already given you
the cue. Power to the sugar
.workers and damnation to the
immoral narrow-minded vul-









- --~- I -- --~ -



executive and ward off would
be invaders.
I cannot help but feel that
he is a transitional figure
filling a void between yester-
day's men and today's people;
hence his break with Ram-
partapsingh & Co. He seems
genuinely concerned with the
plight of the sugar workers.
Had he not been, he would
not confess publicly that it is
only Tapia that is saying
something of benefit to the
suffering workers.


This is why I believe it's
Tapia's turn to move. i.o go
to the people and tell them
the truth. Tell them that
leadership has to emerge from
among the rank and file. That
the main issues are leadership
and bread not religion and
And the problems are to
be tackled with national -

insularity and sectarianism
must be replaced by secular-
ism. That these objectives canf
only be achieved through
renewed emotions and vigour
among the sugar workers them-
Should I say that the work-
ers will need help to organise
themselves from within and
especially at this critical period
they would need help from


I think that Tapia may
promptly retort that such an
opinion is merely a manifesta-

slaln Samaans


OVER the past few weeks the government has treated us to two important
policy pronouncements on oil. On January 17, Eric Williams announced what
sounded like bold new moves in oil, and four days later oil occupied center stage
in Chambers' Budget Speech. We found out that after being treated to 'Sports
and Culture Year', 'Agriculture Year', the 'Year of National Dialogue', etc., we
were finally to get 'Petroleum Year'.
To judge by the reaction of the media and various spokesmen on the issues,
it appears that the public has been conned into believing that bold new moves
in petroleum have indeed been taken by the government. Nothing could be
further from the truth.
The Williams' speech was in fact sophistry at an advanced level. Little concrete was
announced. Teams were again to fly out, discussions were to be held, proposals had been
made, negotiations were continuing and the old policies about diversification were solemnly
reiterated. The announcement presumably gladdened the hearts of the technocrats who
were getting more free trips. This time, some of the boys would even get to Japan! The rest
of us, however, can only remember that in the past few years we have fi anced similar trips
to Europe, the U.S.A., twice to the Middle East and'countless times to atin America with
no noticeable results.
Also significant in the Williams-Chambers duet were the re-announcements. It was
reannounced that we are interested in all kinds of petrochemicals and that we want to
diversify the economy. The steel mill was reannounced and so was the Petroleum Institute
(Tapia's Oil Techretariat). The L.N.G. plant was reannounced and more ambassadors were
to be accredited. It was a familiar
litany much sound and fury, signify- O i
ing, ultimately, nothing.
The taxation proposals would 't
require extensive comment since they
are riddled with inconsistencies,omis-
sions and ill-conceived decisions. Trevor Farrell
The plan for 'subsidizing' local "meaningful participation." We were an
gasolene marketing is a quite insane solemnly told by Chambers that "the wi
giveaway to the oil companies but Government's policy of securing wi
discussion of this will also be deferred. meaningful participation in agricultural ce
Of special interest is the industries and in the resource based
announcement that the government industries in particular has been fully rei
intends to pursue its policy of securing endorsed by the population". (A most tic

viocr is a Brarnble

gazing twist of recent history!) It is
thin this context that the negotiations
th Texaco on participation are pro-
However, the Government's past
cord of securing meaningful participa-
)n in the oil industry suggests that

they should cease and desist from the
Texaco negotiations forthwith, before
Texaco sells them 51% -of Trinidad
House in exchange for the rest of the
country. The last time they went out to
secure "meaningful participation" in
oil, let us see what happened.


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The Saga of Trinidad Tesoro

IN 1969 B.P. announced its inten-
tion to pull out of Trinidad. The
government was panic-striken at
the thought of the unemployment
it felt would result in an already
dicey political situation. After
begging both Texaco and Shell in
vain to take over the B.P.
properties, the government, in a
sudden turmabou ceckidd to
succumb to the OWTU's urging to
form a national oil company.
Feeling themselves unable to
organisee a true national oil company,
they ran up to the U.S. seeking a joint-
venture partner and came up with tiny,
insignificant Tesoro of Texas. Tesoro
was nobody and had nothing. Its
assets at the time were only $69
million U.S. and its net earnings in
1969 were only $3.6m U.S. (Texaco,
by contrast, had 1970 assets of more
than $10 billion U.S. and earnings of
around $800 million U.S.).
Tesoro had no previous interna-
tional experience. It had no marketing
outlets, and it was heavily in debt. Its
crude oil production was only 3,250
barrels per day, whereas the BP holdings
were producing 43,000 barrels per day
in 1969. It had only 470 employees.
Though the book value of BP's
holdings was only $14.3 million U.S,
and they had declared the properties
to be uneconomical, the government
incredibly enough agreed to pay BP
$22 million U.S. for the properties.
Instead of Tesoro bringing the
capital, it came here with only $50,000
US. to buy a company for $22 million
US. What they did was really very
simple. They got the government to
put up another $50,000 U.S. and with
this started Trinidad-Tesoro. Immedi-
ately they made the company borrow
$25 million U.S. part of which it used
to pay off the financial part of the BP
debt. Tesoro itself stood guarantor for
only $7.5 million of the loan, the
government and the assets of Trinidad-
Tesoro being guarantor for the re-
mainder. Thus Tesoro of Texas put up
virtually no capital and took on little
risk, and yet got 49.9% of a company
valued at $22 million U.S.
It would seem that while we
were outsmarted here, at least we had
control since we had 50.1% and the
government was talking about how we
were second only to Cuba in national
participation in the economy. But no!
First of all, Tesoro got itself a manage-
ment contract. This is a device which

gives a group contractual rights to
manage, so that a board of directors
is really quite emasculated. Tesoro's
contract gave it control over finance,
technology and marketing that is,
This was not enough. The Board
of Directors was to be composed of
nine members,five appointed by govern-
ment and four by Tesoro. With five to
four. vyo would think we can outvote
Tesoro and control the Board. Well,..
no! First of all, Tesoro has to agree on
who is to be Chairman. What they do is
simple. They make sure that whoever
is to be Chairman knows nothing about
finance and less about oil. More in-
credibly still, the rules of the Board are
sfch that important decisions require
a two-thirds majority of the board -
i.e., six members. Since we only have
five of the nine, it means Tesoro has a
veto on the board. This is "meaningful
participation". This is 50% and 51%'and
all that nonsense.
Interestingly enough, it turns
out that of the 1,469 employees of
Trinidad Tesoro in 1971, only three
were expatriates, and two of these
were in general administration. What
this means is that Trinidad Tesoro is
effectively run on a day to day basis by
nationals. We can't even claim that it is
being run by Tesoro. Also, all Tesoro
does with the oil is sell most of it to
Shell right here in Trinidad and the rest
to Anegada -Hess in the Virgin Islands
- deals that even this incompetent
Government could have made.
The talk that we hear from the
Williams-Chambers duet about Trinidad-
Tesoro having trouble finding markets
a couple of years ago is of course
ludicrous. First of all, even if it were
true, it would be ridiculous to bring in
a company in 1969 only to find that
it has no markets in 1970. Even if it
were true, again it is ridiculous since
the Government's own 1969 Petroleum
Law and its 1970 regulations, poorly-
conceived though they are, specify that
local refineries must give preference to
indigenous crude. Texaco and Shell
could thus have been easily compelled
to form a market for a national oil
company. Thirdly, the argument just
isn't true, since markets for oil were
very good in 1970 and thereafter.
Tesoro of Texas had nothing in
1969. In 1974, it has Trinidad and it
stands to reap a bonanza given the
current oil situation all for $50,000
and the use of their brains. We have
secured "meaningful participation".
Continued on Page 8



THE CONTINUANCE of slavery and th(
slave trade was such a burning issue in Cuba
throughout the nineteenth cei,,ury that il
could not fail to affect the literary intellectuals
of that colony, since slavery and the prospect,
of Cuba's plantation economy determined in
a fundamental way the history of Cuba's
political relations with Spain.
The Cuban planter class found their desire
for greater political autonomy subject to
blackmail by the Spanish imperialist adminis-
tration which threatened to decree the aboli-
tion of slavery if the planter class dared to
support any moves towards independence.
How did Cuban literary intellectuals react
within this environment, in a society and at a
historical moment in which to express hostility
to slavery was to invite a charge of treason
and subversion and to expose oneself to the
terroristic procedures of the Colonial Estab-
lishment? In the first. chapter of Gabriel
Coulthard's book "Race and Colour in.Carib-
bean Literature", Cuban intellectuals are
credited with having led a vigorous campaign
against the institution of slavery.

In this analysis of the Cuban anti-slavery
novel of the 19th century can be seen an
ideological current among the Cuban
intellectuals which combated the institu-
tion of slavery from various points of
view. Firstly in the ideological domain
slavery is depicted as inhumane, con-
trary to the laws of nature and degrading
not only to the slaves but to the masters
too. In the political domain, the criticism
of slavery is directed against the Spanish
colonial regime.l

Since Coulthard's book was first published,
historical studies on nineteenth century Cuba
have tended to suggest a rather more con-
tradictory picture of the activities of the
Let us consider, for example, the career of a key
figure like Domingo del Monte whose literary circle

novels, Anselmo Suarez y Romero and Cirilo Villa-
verde. Del Monte was one of the eminent men of his
time and is known as the instigator of the novel,
Francisco or The Plantation by Anselmo Suarez y
Romero, which painted a grim picture of the sadistic
punishments to which slaves were exposed on the
plantations. The novel itself, an interesting pamphlet
rather than an interesting novel, was written by Suarez
when he was a mere twenty years old, and shows up
the literary immaturity of the young man, but also
reflects the generous indignation of youth.
It was handed over by del Monte to Richard
Madden, an agent of the British Government who was
seeking !o mobilize anti-slavery elements in Cuba as
part of the British Government's campaign to force
the Spanish Government to clamp down on the slave
trade. The novel was circulated in manuscript among
del Monte's literary friends but never published in
.Cuba in the nineteenth century and first published in
New York in 1880, the year the Spanish Government
decreed the abolition of slavery. Within Cuba itself,
therefore, the novel had little practical influence on
public opinion. In fact its extreme hostility to slavery
rather frightened del Monte. Mario Cabrera Saqui in
an introductory note to Francisco makes the followings
Imbued with philanthropic and liberal
ideas, Domingo del Monte and a select
group of his friends dedicated themselves
enthusiastically to the dangerous task of
combating the degrading and abject secular
But elsewhere in the introduction to Francisco, we
ire shown correspondence between Suarez y Romero
nd Jose Zacarias Gonzalez del Valle, a member of'
ui Monte's group, in which del Valle urges caution
on Romero, reflecting del Monte's view that what is
bei urged is not the abolition of slavery but propa-
gan-a to make the slave owner more humane in the
treatment of his slaves:
For that reason lmtiioi .snggeicd to
you that you suppress wliat is subversive
in it, since .. it could not be
circulated except among those who imay
have an interest in some slight modifica-
tion of the effects of domestic slavery.
This is the recourse which is left
open to us to speak, to convince by
talking about the subject, to circulate
good works, to write and to be prudent
with regard to those who are suffering, in
their own interests and ours. (p.28)


In other words, Suarez y Romero had allowed t imselt
to be carried beyond the bounds of prudence by the
sight of suffering.
Confirmation, and even an explanation, of del
Monte's reactions is provided by Leonardo Grinan
Peralta in an essay "La defense de los esclavos"i3 Grinan
?eralta points out that del Monte was a close friend of
Jose Antonio Saco, who was the chief spokesman and
pamphleteer for a group of Cubans who, frightened by
the atrocities of the Haitian Revolution, wished to
control the slave population of Cuba and therefore
advocated not an end to slavery in Cuba, but an end
to the slave trade. Saco argued that whites could work
in the tropics and wished to replace the slave popula-
tion by free white peasants. Del Monte supported this
position, for Grinan Peralta cites a statement by him
in which he expresses the hope of "cleansing Cuba of
the African race".3 He was among those affected by
the so-called "Africanization of Cuba scare".


In del Monte, one in fact gets a glimpse of the
fearsome face of a certain kind of white liberal. For
the del Monte who from Paris in 1848 wished that
blacks might disappear from Cuba, in 1837 had
collected money to buy the freedom of the black poet
Juan Francisco Manzano. Nevertheless, this good deed
was apparently performed on behalf of a slave who,
poor fellow, would be described today as an"Uncle,
Tom."This impression we get from a biography of
Manzano wirtten by Francisco Calcagno, based on the
former's own autobiography which del Monte had also
passed on to Richard Madden.
In Calcagno's Poets of Colour, we are shown a
sensitive young man whose spirit was completely
broken by the sadistic punishment he received from
his mistress. In fact, so utterly crushed was he that,
even after he was manumitted, he would never sit in
the presence of del Monte. What is more significant is
a footnote by Calcagno in which he tells us that
del Monte preferred Manzano and his behaviour to
that of the mulatto poet Gabriel Concepcion de
Valdez, known as Placido, because he found Placido
too cocky and self assured. If the evidence led by
Grinan Peralta is accepted, by 1842 del Monte had
already become a traitor to the cause of black
liberation in Cuba.
Flirting, as was his way, with David Turnbull,
Madden's successor and a man who sought the interest
of Africans in Cuba with audacity and zeal, del Monte
eventually leaked to an American agent news that
Turnbull was hatching a conspiracy. Philip Foner fills
us in on the nature of del Monte's fears when he states
that reformer though he was, del Monte associated
the abolition of slavery with the advent of a black
Military Republic. And because he was a man who
was attempting to occupy a dubious kind of middle
ground, when he thought that the chips were down,
by indirect means he cast his lot with the forces of
imperialist repression. And this news of a possible
conspiracy, according to the evidence offered by
Grinan Peralta, led to brutally repressive atrocities
against hundreds of blacks and mulattoes both slave
and free in that episode in Cuban history called
The Stairway Conspiracy. With a friend like dei Monte
"who needed an enemy?


If we turn from del Monte to Cirilo Villaverde,
author of another novel of slavery, Cecilia Valdes, we
find once again that Villav d rde's position
is by no m e a n s clea r. Cecilia Valdes was
published in two parts: Part One in serial
form in a journal Siempreviva in 1839, and the full
novel with a Part Two in 1882. In Part I Villaverde's
predomiinam interest seemed to be that of writing a
novel of manners which would adapt the Romantic
fashion for incestuous relationships to a Caribbean
context, one in which a white father has a legitimate
white son and an illegitimate mulatto daughter who
become sexually involved.
Villaverde had a keen eye for certain familiar
features of slave society the white man's preference
for themulattaand the slave girl, and the snobbery and
disdain practised by mulattoes towards their darker
brothers and sisters.
IHe was also a nationalist interested in the indepen-
dence of Cuba and even took part in a conspiracy,
eventually having to flee to the USA. That lie was not
in the first instance particularly concerned about lthe
fate of the Cuban black is evidenced by the fact that
in New York, lie became secretary to Narciso Lopez,
a Cuban conspirator notorious in history as a leader
of that group of Cubans -who wished to see Cuba;

First part

of 19th century


annexed to the slave-owning Southernl Slates of the
USA so that the island might be both fiee of Spain
"and confirmed as an on-going slave society.9

The failure of Narciso Lopez anid tle kind of
interests he represented helped break the back of the
"independence with slavery under the tutelage t'
the US movement" and opened the way to the diplo-
macy of whites who wanted independence haidl
enough to consider associainimg the struggle wilih lth
abolition of slavery. And so il \~aIs that i the st1urI of
the Ten Years War in I8S8. NManuel de Cespedes. the
('uban natiolalist leadci oflciedl Ilrledom to slaves
who joined thlie insmiectioaim.i el' Mioreovei in
his long years of exile in the United Sttes \ilivcide
would have witnessed the Sic ing I i-ai\eri\



ARY 10. 1974


Narciso Lopez was iniULestec in restating Ucl ivin)liC s
liberal position on slavery-.
What is the evidence for this point of view?
Certain ideological positions which we associated
with del Monte are given expression to in Cecilia
Valdes. One position, "ve derived by quoting from
4- ~correspondence between Suarez y Romero and Gon-
t zalez del Valle in which del Valle, speaking for del
Monte, said that the kind of writing prudence
dictated should be of the kind which would neutralize
somewhat the harsh effects of domestic slavery.
("neutralizandose algun tanto los .efectos de la
esclavitud domestica". If we consider the plot of
Part Two we find that the Gamboa family, major
protagonists in the novel, are shown acting in the
most brutal fashion to their slaves, in an atmosphere
of fear and revulsion and that this is contrasted with
the sympathetically described atmosphere on the
farm owned by' the Illincheta family whom we meet
because Leonardo Gamboa is engaged to the daughter
of the house, Isabel Illincheta.
Leonardo's indifference and callousness towards.
"ais parents' slaves is set over against Isabel's benevo-
lent overseeing of the Illincheta slaves. When Isabel
tells her slave and overseer, Pedro, that she will be
away for the Christmas, the following conversation
takes place in which Pedro speaks of the slaves' likely
unhappiness at their mistress' absence.
'Why?" asked Isabel with great surprise.
"I shall tell Papa to let them play the
drums on the two days of Christmas and
on Epiphany.
"But if Missy not here, niggers don't
enjoy themselves".
"What nonsense. Just go on and
dance, enjoy yourselves and make
Missy happy when she comes back from
her trip. There. That's enough, Pedro".
Pedro withdrew slowly and unwillingly,
and Isabel, who remained leaning pen-
sively on the balustrade of the porch,
called him back, saying:
"There, you see,. Pedro? You're such
a nuisance with. your interruptions that
.you almost made me forget one of the
most important things I was going to say.
I have to give you another instruction,
my final instruction. Pedro, whatever you
think, it will be best for you to keep the
whip inside your hut until after Christ-
mas. Yes, yes, it will be best, because as
long as you have it in your hand you'll
want to use it, and I don't want the whip
to be raised for anyone, you hear, Pedro?
Let the whip be silent while I'm away."
"Niggers die with love for you Missy",,
said Pedro with a grin.

fa review

ban literature by


paign there and the effect of a book like Uncle Tom's
Cabin first published in 1852.
The result shows up in what is emphasized in the
second part of the novel, not published till 1882. In
the second part, Villaverde shifted the scene of the
action from Havana to the Gamboa plantation where
the arbitrary will of the slave master and the con-
centration camp atmosphere of the slave system show
their nastier aspects. It is no doubt this section of the
novel which leads Coulthard to write that "The aim of
Villaverde is to arouse the indignation of his readers
against the institution of slavery." (p. 18).But the
truth is that nowhere in this novel of intrigue and
romance does Villaverde roundly declare against
Slavery. There is an alternative suggestion worth
considering, namely that this former associate of

The above exchange between mistress and slave
fits excellently into what Marvin Harris describes as
"The Myth of the Friendly Master" when discussing
Frank Tannenbaum's Slave and Citizen. 11
The journey from the Illincheta estate to the
Gamboa estate takes us from the civilised attitudes of
creole slave master to the barbarous mentality of a
degenerate Spanish born slaver, don Candido Gamboa,
father of Cecilia Valdes and Leonardo Gamboa.
Without a sense of honour or decency, Gamboa leaves
the slaves to the tender mercies of don Liborio who
is described thus in action:

And to urge him on he dealt the slave a
second blow with the club, which
although it was no heavier than the first,
perhaps because it landed on a spot
where the woollyhair did not protect the
.skull so fully, split the scalp like a knife
so that a gout of blood flowed from the
wound (V. 2 p. 173),.

In another scene the narrator contrasts the dignity
of a number of runaway slaves who had voluntarily
returned on being promised forgiveness, a promise
which is not kept, and the conduct of the white over.
seer represented as far more barbarous than the
"semi savage" slave:
Such-unusual conduct on the part of that/
black in such circumstances would have
attracted the unbiased attention of any-
one less stupid or less blinded by passion
than Don Liborio; it would have inspired
consideration, if not respect, in any
noble and generous soul; it would at least
have aroused curiosity to discover the
origin of a sentiment which was not the
-less fine for being nourished in the breast
of a semi-savage.


Shortly afterwards we are shown Isabel lllincheta,
)y far the most sensitive and humane white person in
he novel ieditaling :w the state of the
iamboa estate on "la extrana impasibilidad, la
nhumana indifcrencia con que amos o no, miraban
os sufrimicntos, las enfermedades y aun la mucrte
de los esclavos, (p. 184), and expressing a senne..of
shock at the absence of humane feelings around her,
even out of self interest "No estaba en el interest del
esclavo, capital viviente?" (V. 2, p. 185).

-But at this capital moment when the logic of her
thoughts ought to lead her to the radical issue of the
connection between the barbarous treatment of
slaves and the very existence of the institution of
slavery, her mind dodges away to the practical issue;
Can I love and live happily with a man who gives his
slaves horrors rather than kind treatment? Through
Isabel Illincheta, Villaverde' had a clear opportunity
to pose the radical question about slavery. That he
does not do so must make one reject the suggestion
that he was for abolition and hold to the view
proposed that, like del Monte, he was advocating
enlightened self-interest. In fact Villaverde makes the
liberal case through the while creole Cuban women
in the novel. Even as Leonardo Gamboa's frivolous-
ness is set over against Isabel Illincheta's seriousness,
so Candido Gamboa, peninsular in origins and part
of a bourgeoisie aspiring to nobility and upper class
ladder, is contrasted with his native-born wife, dona
Rosa, whose initial callousness comes to be tempered
by mercy. But clemency, not the abolition of
slavery, is the limit of Villaverde's perspectives.
It can also be argued, although not conclusively,
that Villaverde also sympathized with the criticisms
of the slave trade which formed part of "enlightened"
Cuban opinion as led by the famous Jose Antonio
Saco and of course:.-del Monte. A conversation
between Candido Ganrboa.and his wife concerning
the fate of a shipload of slaves which has been
quoted by another critic to illustrate Villaverde's
general disgust with the institution of slavery, really
is specifically concerned with the. attitudes of the
slave dealer. Gamboa, like many other slaye dealers,
illicitly brings slaves into Cuba with the coritivanc.d
of ith cuoonial authorities, illicitly bccaust
Spanish Government had been pressured by ti:
British Government into banning the further im'por-,
tation of slaves. : :'

Whenever these ships were intercepted by
British patrols, the captain would "save" his ship by
throwing his cargo of slaves overboard. Gamboa
justifies this practice to his wife by arguing that
Africans are no better than animals or sacks of coal
and that slave-running is not different from the
smuggling of tobacco. Thus he argues:

When the world becomes convinced that
the blacks are animals and not men,.that
will be the end of one of the reasons put
forward by the English for persecuting

the African trade. The same thing happens
in Spain with tobacco: trade in it is
prohibited, and those who live by it,
when they are harried by the police,
jettison their cargo and save their skins.
Do you think tobacco has a soul? You
have to understand that there is no
difference between a bale of tobacco and
a black, at least as far as feeling is
Dona Rosa, the Cuban creole is deeply shocked at
her husband's attitude and at the inhumanity of the
slaver, but again this does not lead her to reflect on
the nature of the peculiar institution itself. Throwing
the cargo overboard was an aberrant variety of the
slave trade, and therefore if you wish to see the slave
trade stopped, as del Monte and Saco did, you show
how callous and brutal the slave trade had become
undei 19th century conditions, and how it coarsened
men's natures.
The more one looks at Cecilia Valdes. the more
it reads like the novel del Monte might have preferred
to hand over to Richard Madden instead of Suarez's
novel. Further, if, as we have seen from Grinan
Peralta's article, del Monte would have wished
Cuba rid of its black population. what better support
for this view than the subtle and penetrating way in
which Villaverde projects the class of free mullattoes
as a dissident, potentially subversive element in the
society. The master tailor Uribe speaking to Jose
Dolores Pimienta, the young mulato who. in love
with Cecilia Valdes eventually kills her lover Leonalrdo
Gamboa, says the following is a scene in the novel in
which Pimicnta finds himself fitting clothes for his
Continued on Page 1 1



le 4 A i' Ik F'ad c found ri ou [ that Ihiv .j niov.
a ido.sprejdi rrarlgenlent TheN do rot

ri~- -----TeCLI J~ e I( IM F. HWY Lit ~' ~n .i 1111) 1

From Page 5

THE Government's next exercise
in obtaining "meaningful participa-
tion" in oil was with Amoco. This
is just as much of a laugh. Firstly,
the deal leaves Amoco firmly in
sole control of the vast oil re-
sources off the East Coast and
that is what we should really be
Secondly, we have 51% of the
L.N.G. plants, pipelines, etc., but
similarly to the Tesoro deal, no control.
All we get to do is put up the money.
Also, instead of forcing a foreign
"partner" to operate on a contractor
basis, providing us with the technology
we need, not only on that venture, but
in setting up all our petrochemical
industries, we let Amoco control the
gas and the direction of its develop-
ment in the sole interest of thi com-
pany and the U.S. A.


The New North Coast licenses we have
is -the same scene again. Chambers re-
announced in the Budget Speech that
we were to get a 35% interest and an
option for 51%. But this is thorough-
going foolishness. The concession sys-
tem, whereby a country gave away its
resources for over a generation, is now
dead. Smart people are not looking for
35% and 51-% and that sort of thing.
.What is being done is to assert the
country's full ownership of all the oil
and all the companies formed to
produce it.

The foreigners provide whatever
"technology" is needed, plus. the risk
capital and get, not ownership at all,
not even 1%. What they get is relatively
cheap oil in return for their services and
their capital. If the teams to the Middle-

rejd up ,:n the 1966 deal between Iran
and E RA.P :of France for.example, and
imenit : ui own deals. But if this is
S. i and AmocI do to the
nnvTrn1 m nr in ti-(f N tisW" h't"W1
. ... i i 'l c :n


Partici nation

THE Government's rhetoric about
securing "meaningful participa-
tion" is quite plainly a fraud. The
cases of Tesoro, Amoco and
L.N.G. and the North Coast deals
provide conclusive evidence of
this. The question that arises is
why does the government con-
sistently make such incredibly
bad deals.
Some critics have contended
that the government's ineptitude is
due to the collective stupidity pervad-
'ing the top of the decision-making
apparatus. This criticism misses the
mark. A few of the policy makers are
actually quite intelligent and cannot be
convicted of this type of blanket charge
The reasons turn out to be somehwa
more subtle.
The development philosophy o
the Government is based on the Lewi
strategy of inviting in foreign capital.
Foreign capital is to bring capital,
technology, management skills and
-markets among other things. The
doctrine however is shot through with
fallacies and ignores the more than 400
years of history in which the Third
World had experience with foreign
As the doctrine's inevitable
failures became evident in Trinidad,
with the unemployment problem un-
solved, little real diversification, econ-
omic stagnation etc., the pressures on
the government mounted. Under these
political pressures, and a barrage of
criticism from the region's trade unions
and intellectuals, the government seeing
the initiative other countries were
taking, began to amend the Lewis
philosophy and climb onto the
"participation" and "National control'"

This new "policy" has then been
pure reaction to events, cmsis manage-
ment and hasty and unthinking borrow-
ing of ideas imperfectly understood.
It has not been a carefully-conceived
well-thought out policy.


This is the real reason why a not
very bright Government and one devoid
of any ideology could come to feel that
getting 51% of some shares really meant
The "meaningful participation"
idea is a shibboleth,. The fundamental
thing is to own and control the econ-

omy not to "participate" in it. In
dealing with Western capitalists it is
necessary to keep the experience of the
last 400 years firmly in mind. It is also
necessary to clearly identify what
foreign enterprise is to bring and to.
ensure that this is provided and that
is, in the main, simply the transfer of
technology. Ownership and control of
the national economy is not to be
surrendered. That this can successfully
be done is attested to by the case of


Furthermore, national ownership
is but the first step. We have national
ownership of BWIA, WASA, the Tele-
:.. --" "-'-( .,,''- ,4 -n' P i'ti, --
have become Augean stables of corrup-
tion, nepotism and ineptitude serving
the interests of nobody but the incom-
petent elite mal-administering them.
The second step after acquiring
ownership is to organise and run the
economy properly by exercising real
Here motivation of nationals is
the key to every thing. This motivation
cannot be centered on money. The
Caribbean can hardly hope to compete
with North America in this respect, no
matter how high salaries here are
raised. For a considerable part of the
income derived from living in North
America is 'psychic' -- good roads for
one's car, a high level of available
services, a dynamic culture, etc. In any
event, money is a poor motivator of
talent. The motivation that nationals
must be imbued with must necessarily
coie through ideology. And ideology
is precisely what this government hs
long renounced.


L s8910~








Dear Sir,
THE Trinidad and Tobago Olym-
pic Association have once more
demonstrated their contempt and
hostility towards the National
Amateur Athletic Association and
the athletic community by their
rejection of the Men's mile relay
team for the 1974 CAC Games.
They selected one athlete from
ths squad, Horace Tuitt and thus
usurped the authority of the
NAAA, the local controlling body
for Athletics recognized by the
International Amateur Athletic
This blunder is as bad as their
axeing of the Men's 400 metres Relay
team for the Commonwealth Games
even though three of the runners are
among the first two in the 1973 World
ranking for the 100 metres. Trinidad
and Tobago has reached every 1600
metres Relay final in the CAC Games
since 1962 as well in the two CAC
Championships in which we have par-
ticipated. In addition, we reached the
final of this event in the last three
Olympic Games and we are also the
holders of the World record (3:02.8)
fi the .... 4 yrd rtllyI


In the 1973 C.A.C. Championships
held in Maracaibo,Venezuela,we finished
fourth in the final with a team on which
there was only one specialist quarter-
miler, Desmond Melville, Anthony Jo-
seph (Long Jumper),. George Swanston
(Long Jumper) and Michael Andrews (a
Junior). Desmond Melville handed over
the stick in first position at the end of
the first lap but we were unable to pull
off victory owing to the absence of our
It is no idle boast that Trinidad and
Tobago has the best mile Relay team in
the LAC region because we were the
only team from this region to reach the
final in the 1972 Olympics. About three
months before the Munich Olympics,
our national quartet comprising Des-
mond Melville, Kelvin Joseph, Horace
Tuitt and Pat Marshall gave a crack USA
squad a terrific fight in the President's
Games held in Bridgetown, Barbados,
In fact, it was only in the last ten
metres that Vince Matthews, the Munich
400 metres gold medallist succeeded in
catching anchorman, Pat Marshall. These

athletes have all taken up athletic
scholarships in the USA and they have
improved rapidly.
In 1973, Horace Tuitt and Kelvin
Joseph helped their school Essex Coun-
ty College to win the mile Relay in the
USA National Junior Collegiate Cham-
pionships. Both Tuit and Jos!epoh were
timed in 45.6 and 46.5 tor their respect
tive legs. Charlie Joseph ran the third
fastest leg (44.6) in the Munich Olym-
pics and it was also the fourth fastest




Relay leg ever run in Olympic history.
He also ran a terrific second leg for our
National team ih the 1973 Southern
Games and among the audience were
the leaders of the Trinidad & Tobago
Olympic Association. However, they
have ruled that Charlie Joseph is un-
worthy to represent the country in the
CAC Games, the weakest of the Olyrn-
pic styled competition. Something is
really rotten in the T.T.O.A.
Reginald Brown was one of the

nominees on our mile Relay team to
the CAC Games. I understand when his
name was called at the T.T.O.A. meeting
there was prolonged laughter among
the jokers at the meeting. Some said
they had never heard about him. Just
imagine it is these same jokers who
want to select athletic teams for the
controlling body -- the NAAA.


Reginald Brown is a poor Laven-
tille boy who last year helped Eastern
New Mexico University to finish first
in the sprint medley Relay (220, 220,
440, 880) in the USA and world rank-
ings. His team failed by seven-tenths of
a second to equal the world record for
this event in the Kansas Relays. The
irony of the matter is that one of the
leaders of the T.T.O.A. is in possession
of a Track and Field News Magazine in
which Brown poses with the rest of the
E.N.M.U. team.
The omission of Laura Pierre and
Ruth Alexander is outrageous. Laura

won a bronze medal in the 100 metres
in the 1973 C.A.C. Championships and
a gold in the Carifta Games (the Carib-
bean Junior Championships). She was
also a finalist in the 200 metres in the
C.A.C. Championships. Ruth won two
gold medals in the C'; i; Games a:.i
arid finisihd fourth in the 400 metres
final in the C.A.C. Games. She was also
recently awarded an athletic scholar-
ship to North Idaho College in the USA.
It is noteworthy that Ruth Williams of
Jamaica who finished seventh in the 400
metres final in the last C.A.C. Champ-
ionships was selected on that country's
Commonwealth team. However, the
T.T.O.A. is convinced that Ruth Alex-
ander is not qualified to represent
Trinidad and Tobago in the C.A.C.
Games the weakest of the Olympic
styled competitions.


I understand they received a cable
from the C.A.C. Games organizers stat-
ing that the ladies' mile Relay was
scrapped and they never informed the
NAAA for reasons best known to them-
selves. They scoffed at the idea of re-
placing this team with a 400 metres
Relay squad, for in their opinion they
weren't up to mark.
Nevertheless, a national ladies' 400
metres Relay squad won the silver medal
in the 1973 C-irifta Games, and their
time of 47.5 seconds was one-tenth of a
second outside the National record. I
must point out that Jamaica won the
silver medal for this event in the 1973
CAC Championships with an 48.4 clock-
ing while the Netherlands Antilles grabb-
ed the bronze medal with a time of
48.6 seconds. It must be noted that
our ladies ran on a slow grass track
while the C.A.C. events were run on a
super fast tartan track in Maracaibo,


I have no quarrel with the basket
ballers who are also poor 'scrunting'
sportsmen and ought to be given, a
break. However, since the TTOA insist
on stiff qualifying standards for Athle-
tics, I would like to know what their
chances are against Cuba and Puerto
Rico -- two of the finest amateur
.teams in the world, and the other crack
teams in the CAC competition.
Bert Manhin has gone to the Com-


monwealth Games and it was only after
his departure that the Express reported
that he was unsuccessful in the 1966

co Olympics and the i9 /1 P an American
Games. Notwithstanding, the TTOA gave
him preference over Rudy Reid who is
ranked Gfith in the world in the 200
metres. It is verystrangethat the Express
and the so-called Ombudsman from the
Guardian don't criticize the TTOA and
their operations but they are always
quick to fire salvoes at the NAAA.
I wonder how long they will be
permitted to continue choosing our
athletics teams and to set standards
for our athletes, when this is the pre-
rogative of the NAAA. Just imagine,
delegates from a non-existent sport like
Fencing have equal voting rights with
Athletics. They have declared an un-
provoked war against the athletic com-


Our 'scrunting' athletes have to pay
up to fifty dollars for a pair of running
shoes which are often damaged by the
bad track on which they have to run in
this country. Horace Tuitt is the national
Junior Collegiate half mile Champion of
the USA, the number one Junior half-
miler in the CAC region and the world
yet, the TTOA is convinced that he is
not worthy to represents Trinidad &
Tobago in the Commonwealth Games.
It is significant that he defeated Cosmos
Selei, the African Games Champion
and one of the favourites for the 800
metres in these Games at !he 1973
Southern Games.
How long will these people who
know nothing about Track and Field
continue their blatant acts of discrimi-
nation against poor athletes. I have a
feeling that they are sheltering under the
umbrella of the International Olympic
Charter which frowns on political inter-
ference in Sport, and what iiiev have
been doing is seriously aileccting our
athletes whose inalienable right it is no
practise their spot without fear !f
being discriminated against. Tihe TTA
can only get a quorum when it's lime in
select officials to go abroad. Why cani
they allow our poor athletes to live in
Yours truly, Enthusiast

'. .

-4 ,





ve n.. e e. I-~'~~ II

*ll "NmParyGro

FOR what purposes have
village councils been es-
tablished? This question
has been plaguing members
of communities for quite
some time. It would seem
that Village Councils were
created to promote the
political interest of the
ruling party with little or
no concern for the com-

says Yacksee

Most of these councils are
run by officers who, with rare
exception, are members of the
PNM party groups. Meetings
are conducted in a party group
fashion rather than in the com-
munity interest. Success Vil-
lage is a good example. There

are five Village councils in that
area and the majority of officers
belong to the ruling party.
Yet none of these councils
can_claim that it hascontributed
in any serious way to the
community. For while it is
true that four of those five

Blue River Action Again

THE Blue River Action
Committee plans to hold
a series of public meetings
iirn their continued protest
!over Government's refusal
ito prohibit Shell Oil from
;running its LPG barge.
'through the middle of the
Caroni Swamp.
Spokesmen for the.Commit--
tee are incensed over what:
they consider to be Shell's
contempt for public opinion
and their arrogant and unscru-
--puldous-disregard- for-the- pessi-
, ble damage that could result
from their action. The spokes-,
men were also disturbed by
Government's apparent lack of

'interest. They pointed out -that

port sbumitted to Government

Government has as yet made was a total confirmation of
no statement of its plans for their stand. The report con-
resolving this issue one way or trained among other things a
the other. s t r o n g condemnation of
Furthermore, in spite of Shell's activity in the Swamp.
'the fact that on December 20,t ao
e P f-- The report also recommended
the Prime Mimnister announced that Government take legal
that the Shell Barge would be that Govrnment ell fr en-
allowed to make only one trip' action agans shtae for ea-
'to build up stocks to meet the geerng a gas short in an
Christmas demand, the barge attempt to pressurise consum-:
had in fact made numerous ers and to allow the barge to
trips up the river during the be used.
month of January. The first meeting of the
.....-" HW-t'tfe'-"mp-rcr e'rCf .'Coriirmittee we4\ he-held ori-'
the ICommittee expressed con- February 11 At H.A.T.T. Head-
fidence in the /eventual. out- quarters, Coblentz Ave. P.O.S.
Income of ,their protest. They All interested groups and in-
point out that the Towle re- dividuals are-invited to attend.

At the Tapia House, 82-84 St. Vincent St. Tunapuna, Tinidad & Tobago.
Phone: 662-5126.

Power to the People
Tapia's New World
TAPIA Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of The Public Service

Foreign Investment in T. and T
Central Banking


$ 3.60

2.00 + 3.00







councils were able to set down
community centres in their
localities these centres are main-
ly occupied by groups affiliated
'to these councils. It is these
groups which are more or less
responsible for activities in
these centres.
The council meetings are
now attended by those young
brothers and sisters seeking
five-days work on the projects'
since the councils are put in
charge of some of these projects
in their areas. There is no
serious community effort on
the part of members. Every-
thing -is done in return for
something i.e. work on the
projects. '
Since the establislanent of
Village councils il this c'uS .nly
they certainly have not con-

Foreign Capital in Jamaica

Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica

Underdevelopment and
Persistent Poverty

Readings in The Political Econom)
of The Caribbean

Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean

The Dynamics of W. I. Economic

The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus

- Norman Girvan

- O. Jefferson

THE Arima Borough
Council has been accused
of nepotism and citizens
have demanded the resigna-
tion of Mayor Egbert
Alleyne. This situation has .
arisen over the manner of
distribution of land owne6
by the Council at Brooklyn
Independent Councillor
Shaffique Khan, the sole
opposition member of the
Council, explained that all of
the land has in fact been
distributed by way of lease
The rates are extremely chear
and applications are still
'coming in from Arima resi-
dents. One important condi-
tion of the lease is that if the
lessee does not build within a
period of 3 years the lot is
repossessed whether the rates
have been paid or not.


It is in the re-allocation of
repossessedlands that extremely
unethical and illegal practises
have-been perpetrated, accord-
ing to Khan. In one case, he
stated, the Council allocated.
Lot No. 3 at Buller Gill Ave. to
one Michael Bellamy.
Bellamy, the son of the
Deputy Mayor, made his
application on the 1st of
August 1973. But, as Khan
pointed out, the official list
of applications distributed tc.

tribute anything in their local-
'ities and communities. Perhaps
the main reason for their failure
is their complete dependence.
on the' representatives of the'
areas. NQ one receives a dele-
gation from a village council
unless it is led by a Parliament-
ary representative. This leaves
the councils impotent in so far
as serious bargaining for their
areas are concerned. The initia-
tive is taken away from them

A case in point is the
attempt by Mr. Cecil Vesprey,
Vice-President of the Laven-
tille Community Council and
another member to draft pro-
posals for the smooth running
of that council. Among their
proposals were plans for em-
--ployment, education, housing
and health to be looked after
by the council. This seemed
however not to have made any
impression on the council mem-
bers nor on the representative
,himself. He apparently was
more interested in projecting
himself as a "Five-days.repre-
The truth is that Village
Council activity is something
of the past. The work it had set
out to do in the early days has
nowbeen convertedinto politic-
al gimmickry by the ruling
party. But the strategy is fast
running out of support. Some-
t .thng nwis cmin'&out of the
communities in which these
puppets shall have no part. __

all Councillors indicated that
as many as sixty-five people
had applied before Bellamy,
some of them having applied
as long as ten years ago and on.
more than one occasion.
In protest against this
arbitrary manner of re-alloca-
tion a group of applicants
calling themselves the Lease
Land Protesters Group for-
warded a letter to the Council
onJanuary 24.


In the letter the Group
demanded answers to a number
of questions. The group
wanted to know among other
things, why Mayor Alleyne had
not paid rates for the plot of
land that he had supposedly
leased from the Council more
than 10 years ago.
The letter also disclosed
that Alleyne had not even
started to build on the land
after all this time, in spite of
the conditions of the lease. The
letter ended by calling for the
resignation of Mayor Alleyne.
A spokesman for the group
disclosed that the Council re-
fused to entertain the letter on
the grounds that it was im-
properly worded. ,Louncillo.
Khan indicated that he had
written to the Minister of Lo-
cal Govt asking him to inves-
tigate. To date however there
has been no reply.

Arima accuses

Mayor over lands

- C.V. Gocking
- Denis Solomon

- Mc Intyre & Watson
- C.Y. Thomas

Non-Bank Financial Institutions M. Odle

New World Quarterly (Back Numbers)

- (ed Norman Girvan)
- George Beckford

- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson

- W. Demas

- Brewster & Thomas

- Roy Thomas



ON Sunday, 27, January, the
Tunapuna Tigers Table Tennis
Club held a prize giving func-
tion at, which they honoured
two of their outstmading
rnzes were awarded to
Lionel Darceuil, who won
three titles at the Caribbean
Championships in Guyana last
year,and to Stephen Wade,
team captain and National



Tua pun prize gimng
player. appeal l on behalf of the Tigers
Mr. Bailey, Chairman of who tor many years have been
-the Tigers Club, told the in the fore-front of Table
audience that the club was Tennis activity in this country
looking for a sponsor to an.: have by their own efforts
assist them in the matter of and dedication built them-
equipment facing the club at selves into an organisation of
the moment. which both Tunapuna and the
Tapia wishes to join this Country can be proud.

4IL~J .



7 .. .I .. .B I .- 1..

You always

wanted her to


makes it easy -

and an ideal

Gift too.



'Never how'!


White liberal...
g From Page 7. thing? Never. The truth is that as
"What's the answer, Jose Dolores? far as mixing with whites is
Dissemble, hold strain. Do like concerned, I want nothing to do
the dog with the wasps; show your with them."
teeth to make them think you're Villaverde pulls aside the curtain on the
laughing. Don't you see that they class a:nd race war latent in ninlct'enth
are the hammer and we're the century Cub:n society which cannot be
anvil? The whites came first and covered over by the image of a benevo-
took the pick of the crop; we lent liberal raising funds to buy a slave
coloured fellows came after, and poet's freedom. In the final analysis we
we're lucky to get the scraps. Keep must value Villaverde's novel because it
your cool, my friend, our turn is offers us insights into how things were
bound to come. It can't stay this in Cuban slave society and not on the
way for ever. Don't you see me grounds that it was intended to constitute
kissing a lot of hands I'd sooner an indictment against the institution of
cut off? You think it means any- slavery. (To be Continued)

Rulhvien Baptisle
IN an upside-down society like this Sponis Adn-mist ia'L rs
see themselves as more important than the slportsien. h.
is as if when one goes to an athletics meeting or fooi,...,
match, one goes to see someone chair a meeting. Some-
times a ridiculous situation can arise as in the present
impasse between the Trinidad Olympic Association (TOA)
and the National Amateur Athletics Association (NAAA).
The TOA is the co-ordinating Secretariat of the various sport-
ing bodies when overseas tours come up but instead seeks to act as
a controlling body over them.
The TOA revealed its ignorance of the form of our athletes,
particularly those who aie overseas based, at its fiial meeting with
the delegates from the various governing bodies called to select the
team for the Commonwealth Games in New Zealand.
The procedure at such meetings is that nominees from the
governing bodies are read out. When the name of Reginald Brown,
a nominee for the Athletics team, was mentioned, TOA members
and other delegates laughed derisively; one of them even said "Never
hear bout he".
Brown is a member of the Hampton Athletic Club. He won a
bronze medal for Trinidad in the 1971 Central American Games in
Kingston, Jamaica in the 4/400 relay. In 1972 he won a scholarship
to Eastern New Mexico, USA.
In 1973 during the Kansas Relays, one of the biggest meets in
the U.S.A., along with Mike Boit (Kenya) Sam Yavala (Fiji)
Christopher Brathwaithe (T'dad), Brown ran the spring medley
relay (220/220/440/880) in 7/10ths of a second outside of the
world record. Yet they never hear bcut lie.
The TOA had also set prohibitive qualifying times for athletes
seeking selection for the New Zealand trip. Its Standards Committee
comprised K. Henderson (Lawn Tennis), Reds Agard (Fencing?)
and A. Chapman (Weightlifting). Notably absent was a representa-
tive from Athletics. A comparison between the committee's qualify-
ing times and those of the 1972 Olympics is revealing.
Distance Olympic Qualifying Times TOA Qualifying Times
100m 10.3 sees. 10.3 sees.
200m 20. 0 0.7
400m 46.4 45.8 "
800m 147.4 147.4 "
Incidentally, Jamaica's Don Quarrie won the 100 metres in
The Commonwealth Games in 10.4 sees. This column is not-carrying
any brief, for the NAAA but why has the TOA set such prohibitive
qualifying times for our athletes. If Knolly Henderson dosen't like
RawleRaphael's head our athletes ought not to be the ones tc; suffer.
If the TOA distrusts the NAAA it should take the public in its
confidence. Since the TOA has not done so it is only reasonable to
assume that its reasons for pressurizing the NAAA cannot stand up
to public scrutiny.

fm-I I A "'

NAME ----- ------ --------- -.

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RETURN TO: Tapia House Publishing Co. Ltd.,
91 Tunapuna Rd. Tunapuna, Phone: 662-5126.
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/S Stephens

'bout~ h

--I ~as

Irrs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of 1fan,,
162, East 78th Street,
-OWJ YORK, N.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8L448,

AFTER twelve years victory returned to the West Indies at
Queen's Park Oval. Not since Frank Worrell's team defeated
India there in 1962 (winning the series 5-0) have the
Trinidad cricket fans been able to celebrate a win on this
ground. In the interim we lost to Australia in the last test
in 1965 (although we won the series 2-1), to England in
1968, India in 1971 and Australia in 1973.
But this West Indian team is going to be hard to beat.
This last test showed in no uncertain way the professional-
ism and skill of the team. Its batting line up is extremely
powerful. With Kallicharan Lloyd, Kanhai and Sobers in
the line up Murray at 7 and Julien (with a century and 86
n.o. in his last two test innings) at 8 and Boyce at 9 this
must be a nightmare to any bowling side.Toget them out
twice in five days, particularly on West Indian pitches must
be virtually impossible.
And the ability of the Baldwin Mootoo
batting to recover shows this.
In England last year from a .
position of 3 for 64 we totallecd B
415; in the second test from 4
for 93 we moved to a total of '
327 and in the final test after -
losing a wicket at 8 and the
6th at 373 the next two
wickets aggregated 279 runs A .t
before we declared at 652 for -



A similar pattern was to
follow in the just concluded
match against Engla4nd-After
losing half the side for 147 we
were to rally to 392 with
centuries by the two youngest
batsmen on the team one
of them Kallicharan is being
hailed as the most complete
batsman in the West Indies
today I will go further and
say that of the present crop of
World test players I can't think
of any that has the all-round
ability that he possesses and
the Trinidad fans are likely to
see the best of him (as of
Kanhai 'before). Already he has
scored more than half his test
runs (somehwere in the region
of 500) on this ground and at
this rate will surely beat
Kanhai's aggregate at Queen's


This match was lost from
the first day. To recover from
a 1st innings total of 131 on a
wicket that was getting easier
everyday was a herculean task
and I never thought that
England had those resources.
To her credit she made a brave
fight of it and by lunch time
on Wednesday she had crossed
the 1st innings deficit of 261
with only Boycott's wicket
accounted for, but she still
had to bat until near lunch
time on the last day.
Shortly after lunch on
Wednesday the drama started.
via the run out route. A good.
piece of outcricket by Kallie-
charan claimed Denness'
wicket, with the batsman
several yards down the pitch,
and in the space of about two
hours for the addition of 64
runs England lost nine wickets.
The hollow belly of this
English batting line-up showed
once more. A team that relies
so heavily on a single batsman
could never really be a match





winner and they must over-
come this to save themselves
from a proper hiding in the
Caribbean this year. In the
first innings the gloom that
settled over the English camp
at the early loss of Boycott's
wicket never allowed them to
pull themselves together and
make a go of it.
In the record innings when
it was necessary for significant
contributions from all the
batsmen after the opening pair
and Denness (until his run out)
had given them as good a start
as could be hoped for, once
more, they failed to stand up
to the challenge.
True, the wicket was a bit
lively on the first day and
Boyce was using his faster ball
intelligently with good support
from Julien and Sobers but
several of the English players
seemed to be unable to live up
to the,task before them. In fact
their degree of failure was
such that the batsman (Hayes)
who showed the most com-
petence after Boycott was
removed, could score only 12


In the second innings the
collapse was probably even less
excusable with the West
Indies in the field for more
than a day and the wicket
amiable the English middle
just had to put their heads
down and bat as their first
three batsmen did. Sure enough
Sobers was bowling intelligently
but after he trapped a tiring
Amiss after a well played 174
both Fletcher and Hayes were
out to bad strokes.

The wicket was turning but
slowly and Gibbs who had done
a lot of bowling in the pre-
lunch session was now bowling
with sore fingers. Yet the
quick dismissal by Sobers of
Fletcher and Hayes set the
stage for him to apply the
well-known Gibbs' pressure.
Five men and the keeper in
close catching positions and in
the space of 8.2 overs he
claimed 5 wickets for 9 runs


Greig was the first to suc-
cumb, playing inside an off-
break; then Old followed in
quick succession caught and
bowled Gibbs (as he has been
so often in the past). Pocock
caught in the leg trap, Knott
caught at slip off an atrocious
stroke and Underwood in
sheer desperation holing out
to Kanhai at midwicket; and
England had made 392 this
time, the same score as the
West Indies in the first innings
leaving Kanhai's men the job
of surpassing England's low
first innings score of 131 for

This is going to be a tough
tour for England the weight
of the batting has to be continu-
ously carried by Boycott.
Dknness has to prove himself
a batsman at the same time
that he has to establish himself
as captain of a team lacking in
,several areas. With the middle
order so suspect and only
John Jameson left to call on,
the task is formidable. In
.bowling he has several pace-
men to summon but already

they are finding out that
bowling on West Indian wickets
is something else.
It is in the spin department
that he has real problems.
Late on Wednesday Fredericks
and Kalliocharan showed that
Underwood is not going to
relish the West Indian pitches.
His spell that afternoon read
6-1-32-0. The case with
Fredericks and Kalliecharan
was getting the ball down past
third man. This suggests that
he could not really be turning
in to the left hander in any
significant way. Kallie's sweeps
to backward square leg to any-
thing slightly overpitched by
the same bowler only added to
the agony.


Denness' only other spinner
is Birkenshaw the off-spinner
To bring him in to partner
Pocock will give no variety to
the spin attack, but it will
strengthen the lower order of
the batting a bit. My suspicion
is that he will add another
paceman instead. This means
that Pocock has his work cut
out for him, and Greig will
have to bowl long hours in the
role of a containing bowler.
The wicket-keeping, too,
will come under scrutiny. Poor
Bob Taylor has not had a
match as yet(except for the
two Kanhai/Gibbs one day
'benefit matches.) Many people
rate him a finer keeper'than
Knott. The latter was certainly
untidy at times in this match
and in thelast four tests against
the West Indies has got into
double figures only twice,both
times scoringjust over 20 runs.

On the West Indian side the
bowling showed its deficiencies
during the early part of the
English 2nd innings. Inshan Ali
bowled badly and does not,
look fit on the field. A record
of 24 wickets at more than
50 runs per wicket in 9 tests is
not good enough, and saying
that he is a good. bowler but
unlucky is getting a bit tiring.
He must go back to territorial
cricket and do some good hard
work and prove himself once
He can be replaced by
.Vanburn--.Holder who is the
fastest of the West Indies pace-
men and is a willinmg-we~k


But in Jamaica the decision
will be whether leg-spinner
Barret should get that bowling
place. He has been bowling
well this year and as always at
'Sabina Park he gets a dis-
*concerting lift off a length.
With 15 wickets in 3 innings
at Sabina so far this year in the
Shell Shield his claims are
strong. The proof of the pud-
ding must come in the M.C.C.
vs Jamaica match.
Maurice Foster too has
strong claim and with Rowe
not making in this test these
claims are enhanced. I certainly
would not like to be in the
selectors shoes if both Rowe
and Foster show form in the
territorial match vs the touring
It was a good test match.
West Indies won the toss and
took advantage of the lively
first day wicket. With the
experienced Gibbs and Sobers
in our attacking armour we
showed in no uncertain way
that this game is not only about
prowess with bat and ball but
also about tremendous psychol-
ogy and mental energy.
England for the rest of the,
series are going to dig in and
.try to bat as deliberately and as
long as they can, hoping that
at some stage this formidable
West Indian batting will
crumble. Their job is difficult.
The West Indies are in high
spirits and the professionalism
of the team is such that it can
pull out unexpected resources
when the going 'gets really
tough. There will be a few
close calls but Kanhai's team
will survive them and win this
series easily.