Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
January 27, 1974
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


NE'vcl Y&i 21, HT. Y.


p IU I_~Il ls r





I : -
11 ~ A





Tapia's New hWorld ... Augustus Ramnrekersingh
p 6 & 7
Proposals fbr Social and Economic Change...
Angela Cropper p 6 & 7
Chairman's Address... p 5, 8 & 9


--- ~--a~- u
LAST Sunday's-A-se-imly
at the Tapia House was to
my mind the most soulful
we have ever had. After
the late rains of last year,
the magnificence of the
setting was unrelieved; it
combined the garden
luxuriance of May with
the crisp dry atmosphere
of the early Crop.
From the moment Syl
began the morning's fare with
another rousing call to the
free men of these islands, right
up to Ivan's salute to the
toilers in the Movement, the
Tapia trees were spreading a
special brand of New Year
cool, the blossoms swaying
in great profusion high against
a sky of perfect water-colour

Angela and Ram presented
Part 2 of our Manifesto with a
grace and ease that matched
the lucid prose and lent a
fitting finish to the almost
naive nobility of the Tapia
New World vision.
I must admit to weeping all
the morning through. It
seemed that nature was
conspiring with Tapia to

assault hat eed capitaliiL-----
and socialist civilization and
all its concrete jungles which
threaten Caribbean Man with
being a permanent object of
North Atlantic history.


-rarbours, -riwer,- vast-
plains, groves and fruit-
ful fields admirably
adapted to tillage, pas-
ture and habitation."

9 N

To our Tapia people,
assembled in a multitude
approaching at the peak -
the numbers of the last Novem-
ber Day, the outing was a
cause of plain and simple joy.
During the lunch-break, I felt
bound torummagethrough my
files for Columbus' apt des-
cription of these islands, made
once upon a time, nearly five
hundred years ago:

".... very beautiful, and
distinguished by a diver-
sity of scenery. filled
with a great variety of
trees of immense height
blossoming and all
flourishing in the greatest
perfection various
birds singing in countless
numbers extensive
fields and meadows .
different kinds of honey
S mountains of very
great size and beauty ...

A. Ramrekersingh


REVOCATION forms for-
warded to an Orange Grove
official, Lennox Hunte, over
two weeks ago had not been
submitted to the executive of
All Trinidad and Factory
Workers Trade Union up to
Thursday of last week.


This startling discovery
was made by sugar workers
as they opened their pay pac-
kets finding that union dues
were still being deducted.
According to a spokesman
for the workers this occurence
was merely another low dodge
which demonstrated beyond
a shadow of a doubt that the
official was guilty of com-
pany-union tactics.

When confronted by large
numbers of workers for an
explanation Mr. Hunte said
that he was unable to verify
the signatures on the revoca-
tion forms.
Workers plan to act ap-

Team for the
first test

Trinidad vs


Vol. 4 No. 4

25 Cents

PAGES 2 and 11

Next week




Chandirika Singh

'--------- ------lP-

- ~----- --~I --~--

rs~sr I, --~--*- ~~"~gp~~ll~-l'~a-~~CI sl I L-L~CIL


~irp----~ --p~ -

--~ d.


A. Cropper



SELECTING the team
for the First Test against
England is much more
difficult than many peo-
ple realize. The Queen's
Park wicket in the recent
Guyana/ Trinidad Shell
Shield match has re-em-
phasised that genuine spin
bowlers cause problems
and the selectors no
doubt are aware of this -
so that the attack must
show a bias towards spin.
Let us first of all name
the obvious players. Lawrence
Rowe after his just com-
pleted double century against
Guyana must be considered a
certainty for one of the open-
ing spots. There is no place
lower in the order ;to acco-
modate him. The second
opening position should be
straightforward since Frede-
ricks is the established opener.
But Maurice Foster can upset
this with his present remark-
able form if he continues this
trend in the President's XI
Kanhai, Lloyd (obviously
in form), Kallicharan (just
failing to get a double cen-
tury against Jamaica) and
Sobers complete the comple-
ment of specialist batsmen. At
this point, Deryck Murray is
thd wicket-keeper and he will
more than bolster the batting.
There are four places left.
Julien has bowled well and in
Trinidad in late afternoon
will move the ball late as
Gomez used to do. That leaves
three places open. With the
emphasis on spin one more
slow bowler must be played.
and I will certainly not stick
my neck out on either of the
Ali's until after the Trinidad
vs. MCC match. Holder and
Boyce will have to fight for




By Windball
the final place. Boyce was our
star bowler in the last test
series and as such should be
one of the sure picks. But
Holder's recent batting form
has made this a very difficult
One hopes that the selec-
tors do not close their options
on the First Test too early.
The wise thing to do would
be to ask the following to be
available after the President's
XI match and name the final
team only after the Trinidad
vs MCC match has given them
good indications:
1 Rcwe, 2 Foster, 3 Frede-
ricks, 4 Kanhai, 5 Lloyd, 6
Sobers, 7 Kallicharan, 8 Hol-
der, 9 Boyce.
The final team can then
be made up as follows:.
1 Rowe
2 Foster or Fredericks (de-
cided on President's XI per-
3 Kanhai
4 Lloyd
5 Kallicharan
6 Sobers
7 Murray
8 Julien
9 Holder or Boyce (a most
difficult decision)
10 Inshan Ali or Imtiaz Ali
(Trinidad vs MCC match will
11 Lance Gibbs


Trinidad disposed
of Valencia, the
champion profes-..
sional club of
Venezuela, in style
on Sunday 20 the
Oval, and on Tues-
day 22 at Skinner
Park, with Trinidad
winning the first
game 2-1 and the
latter 1-nil.
Trinidad won
both matches in
style, but not in
fine style, as the
large crowds on
both occasions ex-'g
pected. It was only
in fleeting moments
that Trinidad dis-
played thecraft that
made them the best
team in Haiti
December last.
The series started.
on a sour note very early in
the first match when our
left back, Winston' Phillip,
floored Valencia's right
winger twice with atrocious
tackles. These incidents set
the tone of rough play and
unsportsman-like behaviour
for the remainder of the


The other contributing
factor for Valencia's rough
play was that they were no
match for Trinidad. They
lacked the wherewithal to deal
with Archibald, Cummings
and Steve David in particular,
so they resorted to tugging at
jerseys, tripping and tackling
from behind.
Warren Archibald, possi-

bly Trinidad's best ever for-
ward, felt the effects of the
rough play most of all. When-
ever he travelled with cha-
racteristic speed and seeming-
ly magnetic control he was
invariably brought down.
Under the conditions neither
team settled down and it was
no surprise that the first goal
of the match was a penalty
for Trinidad because of a
foul on Archibald and the
second another penalty for
for Valencia, this time from
Selris Figaro doing a bit of


The fleeting moments of
Trinidad's potential were cap-
tured in Archibald's dribbling,
of course, our second goal of
the match and Everard Cum-
mings' swerve passing and
curling passes over the de-
fenders heads.
Trinidad's second goal
came from some clever drib-
bling from Steve David. The
last stage in his dribble was
executed on the touch line
where he squared back for
Cummings running like an
express bus to slam into the
back of the net.
But the highlight of tlhe
match, in my view, was Cum-
mings' swerve passing. Swerve
passes and banana shots are
coming more and more into
vogue. We got a sample of a
banana shot from Pele in that
notorious Santos/Trinidad
game in '72 when Pele curled
a free kick around a Trinidad
barrier and had Figueroa (Tri-
nidad's goalkeeper then) div-
ing full length to push the
ball around the uprights.
As teams devise more effi-

cient defensive systems for-
wards have to find new ways
of penetrating them. Swerves,
bananas and curlers are the
tricks forwards are perfect-
ing. With the development of
the pivot system and ultra
defensive systems where, in
addition to the pivot,a sweep-
er is added, straight passes
are invariably cut off. That's
why today there are seldom
five goals scored in a match.
That's why in coaching
programmes more emphasis
has to be placed on develop-
ing ball skills rather than the
fetish for physical exercises.
In any case ball skill exercises
are calisthenic in themselves.
The second game at Skin-
ner Park was rougher than the
first and the iabscene ofSteve
David. who is now on trial
with Leicester City, made a
significant difference in the
penetration of our forward
line. There was only one goal
in the match and it came
from a Winston Phillip long
throw, followed by a melee
and then the goal.


Finally, within the first test
less than a month away and
the Shell Shield series still in
progress, it does not seem
advisable that football
matches should be played at
the Oval. It is said that the
Oval outfield is not what it
used to be on account of the
numerous football matches
played there and the cost of a
rough outfield can be as ex-
pensive as the injury to Law-
rence Rowe during the third
test of the Australian tour
last year.






s Stephens .

_~L- I IILI -~-~-L~~


eI r

L ,


WHILE sitting in Parliament during Mr Chambers' presen-
tation of the Budget, I gave him the benefit of the doubt. I
put down apparent contradictions to my poor memory.
Not so now that I have read it.
The document is replete with inconsistencies. Either
the Government is unwilling to come to grips with the
fundamental problems which beset this nation and there-
Safter to apply the fiscal measures necessary to correct
them; or, they simply intend to stay in office regardless.
Mr Chambers divided his presentation into two parts. Part
One outlines the internal and international developments of 1973
while Part Two specified the fiscal measures which are proposed in
1974 "to assist the country to reach the goals to which it aspires".
From the line he is pursuing in this Budget, I am not suer that
the goals to which this country aspires really can be said to include
ownership and control of the life-line industries; long-term economic
viability; employment for all; smaller disparities in income; self-
sufficierty in food; improvements in rural living; or, for that matter,
adequate transportation to and from school and work.
After 17 years, it has only now become "unthinkable" that in
this day and age we should perpetuate this situation where "local
consulting expertise is either limited or non-existent" in the field of

th_,resource-based industries.
Anticipated revenue from
oil for 1974 amounts to over
50% of revenue for this year.
We are cautioned about the
possibility of a glut later in the
year, leading to falling prices,
reduced national income arnd
lowered government reven ,.


We must plan with fore-
sight and flexibility. We should
not embark on programmes
which are "unsustainable" in
times of normal petroleum
prices. If Mr Chambers means
these as more than prudent
words, how then does he envi-
sage petroleum contributing to
the long-term diversification of
the economy?
He proposes the following
projects: .
-"*" velepment of the Nari--
va Swamp "to produce more
pf the food we require".
Advancement of the Point
Lisas Industrial Estate "which
is so important for the creation
of new employment oppor-
tunities in the sugar belt".
Establishment of "energy-
based and energy-using manu-
facturing industries as well as
new agro-based industries" pre-
sumably to give our manufac-
turing sector some more ration-
al foundations
S Laying down of the pipe-
line to- transport natural gas
from offshore to the consum-
ing industries
Acquisition of participa-
tion in oil and preparations for
such participation


Now what if oil prices were,
to tumble down and we were
to revert to the days when we
could not undertake these pro-
jects "because of a shortage of
funds?" Is this not just another
of the Prime Minister's special
crash-programme w o r k s?
Should we not devise a strategy
which envisages transformation
through porjects of this kind
even in times of normal prices?
In other words, the Go-
vernment thinks that our par-
ticipation in the prosperity that
can come from oil depends on
lucky windfall prices. In Tapia
we would be inclined to argue
that a sustained windfall for
this country could come only
if we insisted on the control
of oil.
Our strategy in 1974 would
therefore have been to get hold
of the industry now. The PNM
Government's failure to seize
this important time is a measure
of their political weakness. In-

Angela Cropper

stead of doing away with
foreign domination by the pa-
rasite multinational companies,
their reaction to this golden
chance has been to offer the
country an electioneering bribe.
Mr Chambers mouths on
and on about the adjustments
we are going to have to make
in our patterns of consump-
tion and our style of living if
we are to cope with the diffi-
culties lying in store. Yet
strangely, he has proceeded to
subsidise gasolene,, flour and
Granted that wheat flour
is important in this country's
present diet especially among
lower income-groups. But what
is going to happen after the
six-month subsidy has expired?
Wili we take new measures
then? If we do not plan on
sustaining an "acceptable"
price then, why do we do it
now? Are we not just delaying
the adjustment process? And
if so, what might the reason be?


Everywhere you travel the
evidence stares you in the face
of a network of overcrowded
roads, incapable of ever coping
with the rapid multiplication
of new vehicles.
Mr. Chambers proposes to
increase the number of buses
and taxis and to encourage by
purchase tax reduction and by
subsidy to gasolene consumers,
an increase in the pressure on
the roads.
True there are plans for
another East-West Highway and
for a widening of the Beetham
the Churchill-Roosevelt and
even Old St Joseph Road. But
these plans, the Minister recog-
nises, cannot materialise for
another number of years. Per-
haps we are, hoping to make
things better by first ensuring
that we make them worse.


Admittedly, there is no
reason why this country's in-
ternal prices for oil and its
products should follow the ex-
ternal patterns (except that we
would not want to divert sup-
ply away from exports). But
one way out of the transport
problem would have been to
let the price of cars and gaso-
lene rise and by so doing, to
force a more discriminating ap-
proach to the purchase and use
of private cars.



But hw could the Go-
vernment think that way when
employment depends on the
vocal car-assembling industry?
When the business oligarchy is
one of its biggest supports? And
when the suffering public is
not prepared even to listen to
such a corrupt administration
on the topic of the larger

national interest? Years of prag-
matist government and of short-
sighted industrial policy tie up
the PNM foot.


In the field of national
savings, the problem is exactly
the same. Mr Chambers weeps



GREATER commitment and
even harder work, during the
coming months of 1974, were
seen as essential pre-requisites
-if Tapia was to move further
towards the realisation of a
just and humane society for
the peoples of Trinidad-
That was part of a stirring
exhortation made by Ivan-
Laughlin, Community Secre-
tary, to a significant cross-
section of people, gathered at
the Tapia House on Sunday
last, January 20, 1974.
The occasion was Tapia's
New Year Assembly. And Ivan
Laughlin brought members and
supporters up to date on the
progress the Tapia political
movement was making.
Laughlin retraced the
movement's early history. He
paid tribute to .Lloyd Best,
Lloyd Taylor, Syl Lowhar, and
Arthur Atwell for being those
most responsible for keeping
the Tapia dream alive.
He also commended the
contribution made by a group
of architects towards the

design and building of tem-
porary facilities for housing
Tapia's printshop.
So far, he pointed out, the
movement had established deep
roots in Port-of-Spain, Fyza-
bad, Point Fortin, Laventille,
Diego Martin, Tunapuna, and
San Fernando. And that the
work of organisation was
proceeding apace in these and
other areas.
Yet much more organisa-.
tion had to be built while we
continued to maintain the
gains already made.
The Community Secretary
called on.volunteers to spread
the Tapia message:
by organising house meet-
by selling our paper
throughout the country.
He also invited Tapia
members associates and sup-
porters to register with the
Secretariat for work on one
of the Committees organised
to permit their fullest con-
tribution to activities of their

saurian tears over a continuing
Spoor performance in both
public and private sectors.
Apparently the rise in interest
rates and the increased com-
petition between banks saw
only a shift to time deposits
rather than any increase i n
the rate of saving. But what
does Mr. Chambers do? He
lowers purchase taxes on fa-
voured consumer durables; on
stoves and refrigerators.
It is said that this measure
is intended to reduce the pres-
sure of rising prices on the
lower income groups but we
know that the Minister cannot
be serious, that it's only politics
he playing. The cheapening of
consumer durables could far
more ea:iy have been achieved
by aiming at profit margins
- aid by a tightening of hire
purchase regulations to reduce
the criminal interest rates now
in force and to protect the
ordinary citizen from ruthless


SA bigger bramble still is
the second consecutive rebate
on income tax on the low
ranges of chargeable incomes.
The State gives up $2.5m to
an estimated 60,000 people or
1/8 of the voting population.
What Mr Chambers does
not admit is that the average
saving is $40 per person per
year and that the cost of col-
lecting these small sums may
well represent a loss to the
Exchequer. Perhaps this mea-
sure is the only real contribu-
tion mooted in the Budget to
an improvement in the effi-
ciency of the public service.


Income distribution is not
a real interest of the PNM.
The biggest prop of the Govern-
ment is the grasping oligarchy
of its own creation. It is ludi-
crous that the increase in pen-
sion allowance to a measly
$30 represents such a big per-
centage jump. It tells you that
they have no conscience.
And the measures for rural
improvement are there as fur-
ther confirmation. Matelot is
grudged $100,000 dollars to
build a wall in defence from
the sea. But without the amen-
ities for decent living, people
may as well resign themselves
and go under. Or consign this
Government to the depths.

st nnd toIlse-

-- --

- -



A ic/ilcc / IIji7i~

IT WAS 1.15 as I hustled
across Woodford Square
wondering if I would be
late. I did not even pause,
as I usually do, to listen
to any of the gathered
assemblies. Today was the
day, Budget on mih mind.
I rushed around to the
entrance. Ah, there were
Sours and Best selling pa-
pers, I was alright. I was
really glad for the com-
pany, after all it was the
first time I would be enter-
ing parliament and I
couldn't help thinking that
politics really takes you
into some strange places.
We went up to the Chamber
immediately so that we could
all sit together. Angela was
there. We need not have wor-
ried. Starting time came and
went and things still did not
get underway. Parliament late
Oh well, at least it gave me
time to observe the people as
they came in. Lot's of security,
Williams would be very com-

I saw Russia leading in the
delegation from the Parliament
across the street."Hello there"
someone called out to me.
"Why hello Muriel, you looking
good". Actually she looked
raidant, and I could not help
thinking of the change from
two months ago when she look-
ed worried _and haggard as
though something had gone
out of her life. I wonder .
The members of the Press
were gathering. Mathurin sat
down, looking suitably bored.
Renwick came in, apparently
the only representative of the
D.A.C. present; the only news-
man too who paid homage to
his masters, he wore a jacket
and tie.
More members of parlia-
ment were coming in now. All
of them trying hard to adopt
an air of nonchalance for the
benefit of the cameras. "Who is
that fella trying to look so
important? What! Who the hell
is Ojah Maharaj".
Other nonenties filed in.
There was Roy Richardson
trying hard to catch Best's
eyes. Might as well take out


Mahabir looked sleek and
fat. Such men as he are de-
finitely not dangerous.
Someone had started to
tell me about Sparrow's calyp-
so in which he sings about
Kincaid and Jack Slade and'
Copperhead and all the old
time badjohns when KARL
strolled in. E.S.P? Naw .
Poor Karl was sitting on
the Speakers left now. Defi-
nitely a backbencher, always
was, iist didn't know it. The
c? _:.";.,' .;' buzzed around him
h he gave them
profile, I right side of
irse. I understand that he
much prefers the right to the
At last the Speaker walked
in and started proceedings with
a prayer in which he enjoined
God to do for the Country


what the Government had been
unable to do for seventeen
The preliminaries were
mercifully brief. The spotlight
turned immediately on Cham-
bers and my last thought be-
fore he began to speak was
whether smoking was permitted
in there.
Chambers speaking; Angela
and Lloyd taking copious notes.
Me, I only jotted down things
that caught my fancy.
The ecclesiastical grant
would be released. "There must
have been singing up in Heaven,
such as we have never heard".
Actually I was glad that their

pottage had been returned.
Now Abdullah could stop go-
ing around from flock to flock
fleecing his fast disappearing

My attention had strayed,
when next I caCuglht myself
Chambers was sayaig that the
Public had a right to be vex
about things like potholes in
-the road and filthy drains and
islands of garbage on the road-
ways and moreover these things
had served to hide the real
progress that had been tkaing

Ih agine that i le tlIicoi went
on to say thai the job of :-,
surfacing hice roiois t!]is year
would be oionr;actd out. IKa-
mal smiled broadly. Ivlnotilai
would be pleased.
Chambers droned o,. Agri
culture, nothing new. i ': hopedd
to grow more rice. So ie iad a
Japanese expert to help him on
irrigation. Wang Yu is definitely
Not a word on Sa.
Crapaud still smoking the Farn-
crs pipe.


Education. Biggest alloca-
tion yet. More concrete and
clay. Still no meaningful philo-
sophy that would tie the educa-
tion system to overall deveiop-
inent. I suppose they are wait-
ing for Tapia to tell them what
to do.
.And then PETROLEUM.
This is what it was all about of
course. The magic word, Oil.
God bless the Arabs, they lkow
not what they have done.
Food subsidies, gasolene
subsidies, tax rebates, increased
social assistance, more cars,
more stoves, more fridges: who
could object.
Carnival shall have more lame
this year. Calypso Budget, all

from oil. God bless the Arabs.
Happy days are here again!
They stole Tapia's idea of
a Petroleum Secretariat and I
swear I heard somebody say
"Co-beau cyant eat sponge


Language scholarships,
Russian, Chinese, Italian, Ger-
man and Arabic.
Slam Mohammed smiled
and applauded lustily. Who's
foT the Tower of Babel.
And then it was all over.
Saita (.i .1 .... .: to Town.
Smiles all round.
As Angela and I left the
Red House I could not suppress
a chuckle. They had really
poured the oil on their troubled
But they should have con-
sulted Jake Kenny. He would
have told them that oil is a very
Combustible substance, and the
more you pour the bigger the
They had provided the fuel,
all that was needed now were
the sparks. Wooding and his
kindling next.
.The more I thought of it
the more I agreed with Allan;
it should be a very good year
for Tapia.



Bud-?,: s mms~ts


l~Dl.lE1?; 1~314 1-I,

F~""~ ~"

THIS is no ordinary political meeting which is
attended after work or cinema, or to a'oid
the congestion on the roads. It is nor a meet-
ing which you stop at in passing, attracted b.
,the blare of the microphone, to become just
another face in the crowd, without identity,
without a name. It is not so here. For the most
part we know one another. You are here
because we have been dreaming of, and work-
ing for a certain quality of life and change in
-which everyone is treated as a human being
with rights.
Incidentally the best definition of the word
rights that I have come across was on one of the
dirty parchments of John Craig. He wrote "A right is
an indisputable claim to something; a claim that can-
not be alienated". To me Craig is a sophist as wise as
the ancient Diogenes. It is said that on one occasion
while he lay in all his squalor, and Alexander the
Great was passingin all his majesty, Diogenes shouted,
"Stand out of my light!" Everyone was shocked and
afraid. To their surprise the Emperor replied, "Were
I .Dogenes, and Diogenes Alexander, I would not,


To us a man is a man for all that. We say with
Kant that he is to be treated always, as an end, never
as a means to an end. We accept that hypothetical
imperative. We do not have to shout our blackness
to the skies, nor are we ashamed of whites in our
midst. Such rhetoric and responses are often meant
to appease an inward hunger, a deep-felt guilt of past
contempt for the common man.
In the founding period of the American nation
the poet Walt Whitman sang of the 'leaves of grass',
of the majority whites. A decade ago Malcolm X was
to address the grassroots of that nation the
minority blacks. But in the predominantly black
Haitian society Toussaint the liberator preferredto
describe himself not as the leaf or the root, but as
the trunk of the tree of negro freedom whose roots
are deep and still alive. Tapia does not over-roman-
ticise either of these metaphors. We re-cite the poem
of the Martiniquan poet Cezaire:
And here we arenowon our feet
My country and I
My hair flying in the breeze,
My small hands clasped in a massive fist
And the strength is not in us
But above and beyond us
In a voice that soars through the night, like
a winged harbinger
And the voice announces that over the ages
Europe has pumped us with lies, and inflicted
the plague on us.
For now we know in truth that man's work is
by no means complete
That we have not nothing to contribute to the
That parasites we are not
That no more need we squat at the gate
But that man's work has only just begun
And that he has to release his energies and
And that no single race has a monopoly of
beauty, intelligence and creativity
And that there is room for all to conquer
And now we know too that our land is within
the orbit of the sun, which shines on the little
plot we have willed for ourselves
That without constraint we are free to move_
heaven, and earth, and stars.
To be here you have had to give up your day of
rest, and we are grateful. For those who take com-
fort in religion Christ tells us that if your ass falls in a

:tID ,A~ J

ditch on the Sabbath will you not take it out. If we
are exhorted to save an ass, how much more must
we strive to save a society. There are somany in the
public service and elsewhere whose sympathies are
with us but who have chosen to keep away for fear of
victimisation. Because the code of this Regime says
"who is not with me is my enemy, and dust will be
his destiny".. For these reasons and more everyone
here is worth hundred. We salute and welcome you.
The Caribbean today is still the embattled sea
that it was from the time of its discovery by Europe.
It is said that Columbus on landing praised God and
asked for gold. Raleigh followed, sword in hand,

abound black gold and yellow gold in the inelds of oil
and sugar. For centurieswe have been the spoils of
successive conquerors Spanish, Dutch, French,-
British in the scramble for'empire. Today from
Kingston to Georgetown the Caribbean people are up
in arms against their Governments.
Right now in Grenada Premier Gairy is fortify-
ing himself against protest marches organised by the
New Jewel Movement and the Committee of 22. He
is only the latest manifestation of Afro-Saxon ambi-
valence since the rise of Christophe in Haiti who
combined the ruthlessness of the butcher Desalines
with the stratagem andfinesse of Toussaint.


What is happening in Grenada is vital tor us,
and we must be very clear about it. Premier Gairy
has described the movement as a spillover of the
black power from-Trinidad: That is partly true. In
the same way that we are influenced by what happens
in the U.S. Trinidad is a mini-metropolis in the
Caribbean, and any political upheaval here is re-
plicated on the shores of the neighboring lands

. ,


which share the horrors of the Middle passage:
But we have a special kinship with Grenada.
Culturally we are closer to it than we are to Tobago.
Many Trinidadians today have a Grenadian heritage.
"It was common for vessels to go up to the
Grenada coast in the night, capture slaves, and sail
off to Trinidad. The situation became so bad in fact
that at one point Grenada banned all vessels sailing
to and from Trinidad.
"To give an idea of the effect of the Cedula here.
are comparative population figures for 1782 and

Free Blacks -
Slaves -
Amerindian -


Whites 2,151
Free Blacks 4,467
Slaves 10,000
Amerindian 2,200
Total 18,918
Almost 100 per cent of the increase of 16,000
were Frenchmen and their French-speaking slaves,
thus making Trinidad "a French island under Spanish
rule". (Afichael Anthony, Trinidad Guardian
For generations this trek has continued, so that
it is no surprise that workers in the oil industry and
on the waterfront were the first to respond to the
call for solidarity with the movement against Gairy in
Is it not strange that these workers are able to
intervene against premier Gairy in a way that they
were not able to against Prime Minister Williams in
'70? We shall see the reason why in a moment.
The island has thrown up Julien Fedon, Albert
Marryshow who first inspired Abdul Malik, the poet,
with the idea that the West Indies must be West
Indian, and Uriah Butler, and Malcolm X's mother
to name only a few. There is the famous case of
Campbell vs Hall where a citizen successfully chal-
lenged the British Crown for encroaching on the
jurisdiction of Grenada's representative Government.
Even Gairy, unlike Williams with whom Colonial
secretaries and governors have cooperated, has had a
history of struggle against Colonial Administrators
dating back to '51. That is why he can kick out Dame
Hilda with such ease.
So when the black waves of our February
Revolution eventually reached Grenada they came in
contact with a clear settled lake, a Gran Etang of
Republican feelings. When Lloyd and I visited the
island in '72 we spoke with Maurice Bishop and
others. There was no ray of hope. The country was
in the clutches of the Premier and his secret police.
That they can now force the mighty Premier to dive
under a table for shelter is indeed a revolution.
Once official violence broke out in earnest, and
the six New Jewel Members were severely beaten.
the assemblies that they have been calling immediate-
ly constituted themselves into an Executive Con-
Continued on Page 8

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kh',V K -l~~~~fWItlR~~



THE basis of the present crisis lies principally,
in the fact that our constitutional indepen-
dence has brought little change in our rela-
tions with the gigantic metropolitan enterprises
which have always controlled our economy. In
1962, when we finally breached the wall of
imperialism, it kindled a hope deep in the
hearts of our people, a hope that this was the
opportunity to make the decisive break.-
through into freedom. Now that our own
government had taken charge.
But that breakthrough has not come. Some-
how, the long steady march came to a premature
conclusion in the early 1960's. The national move-
ment began to kowtow before imperial power and,
putting its tail between its legs, we crawled to an




i I ,

unenthusiastic independence. Since then the Govern-
ment has come increasingly in conflict with the people
as a sense of betrayal spread.
Soon the struggle for a new dispensation began,
with the militant labour leaders in the forefront. In
1963 the Government responded with the Commis-
sion of Enqhiry into Subversive Activity followed in
1965 by the Industrial Stabilisation Act. When Litera-
ture was deemed subversive in 1967, the academics
and students started moving towards the protest
movement and the University joined the Unions as
another focus of political action. The Rodney de-
monstration of 1968 triggered a wave of confronta-
tions over Anguilla, Michener, Camacho, the Bus
Strike, the Marijuana-smoking at St. Francois and the
Country Club racial episode.
The pent-up frustrations which spilled over from
these issues, erupted into the revolt of 1970. The
revolt was pitched at two levels. On the spiritual
plane, we, the youth (under 35) making up 73% of
the country, dreamt and yearned for a new world of
beauty, equality and self-respect. On the material
plane, we were labouring under the yoke of under-'
employment, inequality and political disadvantage,
inadequate housing and deficient community wel-
fare facilities.


Just before the February Revolution exploded
in 1970, only one in three under-19's had a chance of
finding work, not even one in four of those under 25.
The prospect seemed so gloomy that while in 1957.
only 880 people left the country, by 1968, 11,320
fled .. most of them beiiig professional and technical
workers, or the craftsmen and skilled people on
whom the efficiency of the economy depends.
Continuing inequality was one factor driving
our people away. With 95% of their number being
employers or working for themselves, only the whites
had any real sense of independence. Their median
income was five times that of Africans, nearly seven
times that of Indians.

Among the business elite, one survey found
53% white, 24% off-white, 10% mixed and only 9%
Indian and 4% African. Only 7% of those who inr
herited these positions were Indians;none was Afri-
can. Of those who made it by promotion or by their
own enterprise, 53% were white, 16% off-white,
13% mixed, 9% Indian and 3% African.
One quarter of the working white population
had the equivalent, of University education and 53%
with better than O levels. Chinese and Syrians had
2% with University education and 12% with O Levels
or above. Mixed had 1% and 10% respectively;
Indians and Africans had an insignificant percentage
with University education and only 4% with O Levels
or better. The old oligarchy of privilege had remained


And a new oligarchy was also being brought
into being. Median incomes for agricultural workers,
mainly Indian was 3 times lower than that of
petroleum workers though the latter were neither
particularly well-off in comparison with the new
black University-trained elite nor in comparison with
the ability of the oil industry to contribute to the
nation's welfare. The nationalist movement of 1956
had succeeded in creating only "a privileged group
drawn from every race and class". (C.V. Gocking)
After February 1970, the 1956 Movement de-
fined this oligarchy as the local white, "including
people of mixed blood, Chinese, Portugese and
Syrians". It took such detached observers as Dr.
Vernon Gocking (in his booklet Democracy or
Oligarchy?) to remind us that the new African and
Indian elites now also enjoy the privileged status.
The oligarchy "comprises the leaders in politics'
industry, commerce, unionised labour,... professions,
administration and those who surround them and
profit most by their activities These are the
'haves', "according to Dr. Gocking who adds that
the oligarchy is multi-racial, numerically substantial,
sustained by a network of cross-relationships, and in

iit* 1

TAPIA'S aim is to establish for the Caribbean
and the West Indian people, beginning in
Trinidad and Tobago, a democratic, humane
and participatory Republic composed of two
island city-states. Our hope is that we will
eliminate the patterns of domination and
dependence which are the distinguishing fea-
ture of the civilization of the last 500 years.
Our goal is to eradicate racial discrimination
and racial prejudice, to repudiate social class
and social snobbery, and to reject religious
bigotry and religious intolerance.
We shall strive, out of the necessity fortunately
imposed upon us by the great diversity of our
peoples, to promote so wide a freedom of cultural
expression that our nation will attain a greater
tranquillity of soul by creating a juster relation
between mani and man and a more organic connec-
tion between our new Caribbean race and the cosmic
forces which wander in our land.
We shall pursue our utopia regardless, knowing
full well that we will never find perfect beauty and
truth. But we will pursue them still, in the hope of
dissolving the cynicism and the bitterness which are
ultimately the source of the brutalhty and the
inhumanity which have today become in our nation's
affairs the unyielding standard of behaviour.
Tapia's strategy for creating this elusive new
world is mounted on three stout pillars. The first is
Unconventional Politics, that puzzling Tapia way of
organizing for political power. As that way becomes
clearer, we insist that the intentions of a new
humanity cannot be achieved by the methods,
devices and conventions of the old colonial regime.
Our second pillar is Constitutional Reform, the
lines of which were sketched out at our Fifth
Anniversary Assembly last November and which
have since been-published in our booklet "Power to
the People". For the refurbishing of the State we
advocate a set of agencies designed to make central
power more effective by bolstering it with the
involvement of the citizens throughout the local
Tapia's third pillar is National Reconstruction, the
re-organisation of the economy and society so as to
create material and spiritual conditions in which
greater freedom and justice could flourish. Today we
outline the fundamentals of this programme with a

few broad strokes of a brush.


THE most insistent historical imperative is to take
charge of our own affairs. The first priority for a
Tapia Government would therefore be to control
the life-line industries, now under tile direction of
metropolitan corporations, and to assign their right-
ful place to the Public Utilities on which the welfare
of the citizens so heavily depends.
As our main thrust, we would, immediately move
first towards the localisation, through nationalisation

and municipal.,and Union-participation, of Texaco,
Shell, Fed Chem, Tesoro, AMOCO, Caroni Ltd,
Orange Grove and Trinidad Cement. Secondly, we
would attempt a complete re-organisation of the
crucial ancillary services and utilities including water,
domestic fuels (electricity and gas), telephones,
banking, insurance, advertising and the media.
Both sets of measures we regard as integral parts of
a larger programme of rationalising production and
of'effecting a meaningful integration of the whole
West Indian economy. We therefore envisage the
upgrading of the CARICOM Secretariat to create
where appropriate, a complex of techretarial facili-
ties addressed to the jobs in hand.
,, THE most damaging result of our economic depen-

m- I


denc,e in the colonial past has been our fixation on
the external world to the neglect of our own environ-
ment and the rich possibilities which it offers. Thus,
the highest priority will also be given to environmen-
tal planning with regard to town planning, and
radical reform in the traditional patterns of land use
and land tenure.
Tapia would not flinch from the difficult decisions
involved in the rational allocation of activity between
hill and valley, swamp and plain. Our programme
here will be governed by our determination to feed,
clothe and shelter our population, as far as is reason-
able, out of the resources of our own land and to

find in these surroundings a natural source of joy.
The principal measures we envisage in this connec-
tion are three. They relate to population-location,
housing and transport. First, we would shift the
emphasis in habitation from the western end of the
East-West Corridor which runs alongside the Northern
Range and establish an entirely new living-complex
on the sands of Waller Field. It is only in an import-
export colony that it makes sense to cling to the
continental shelf. Now we must see the Caroni river
basin, both the valleys in the foothills and the lands
on the plain below, as a region to be irrigated,
farmed, and organised for agriculture and industry
and for all the dimensions of living. We would also
develop another complex in the Couva-Chaguanas
region, possibly as the place to establish a new
capital city.

Proposals for

Economic and Social




possession of the means and resources not only for
growing inweight but also for consolidatingitsstrength.
By 1970, this increasing polarisation of the
country into a privileged and an underprivileged
camp became a source of mounting political unrest.
opposing to those who accepted the new iniquity of
the social order, we who demanded a greater social


Just like the oligarchy, the new political align-
ments crossed the accepted boundaries of race and
class. On the side of reaction were significant sections
of organized labour and segments of the African
people. On the side of the February Revolution,
were not only militant union leaders and considerable
segments of the disadvantaged blacks but also large-
numbers from the privileged professionals, and the
budding student elite. The Indians driftedambivalently
in-between. The alignment therefore confounded
conventional classifications of race and class and
revealed what lay at the bottom of the entire crisis -
a fundamental identity problem for a new West
Indian race of people at a new historical crossroads.
What happened in 1970 was that we suddenly
began to discover ourselves as a people and the
suddenness of this historic development was itself
source of confusion. We sometimes responded in terms
of our traditional habits in regard to race and class. At
other times we discarded stereotype perceptions and
embraced a more discerning view of the facts.
Black is beautiful; Indians and Africans unite;
Castro is the blackest man in Cuba. In the search for
self-discovery, we were finding the self-confidence to
go in puzzling new directions. We came to see how
complex our identity was, without quite knowing
that we were seeing that way.
Part of the confusion was due to the fact that
the combination of the surviving PlantationEconomy,
of Westminster Government and Doctor Politics
deprived us of the opportunity to take our rightful

Secondly, we would embark on a programme of
building at least 150,000 three-bedroom housing
units over a ten or twelve year period. This pro-
gramme is essential for stabilising our population -
both natives and migrants in the country of their
commitment; for generating full employment; for the
anchoring of community life which is so critical for
the participatory Republic; for introducing more'
systematic planning into the construction and
furnishing industries; and not least, for providing a'
context in which we would find an incentive toalter
many debilitating colonial habits especially in regard
to saving, to family planning and to the upbringing
of our children.
Thirdly, we would attempt a fundamental solution
to the seemingly intractable, problem of transport.
Our policies for local government, for localisation of
industry and community services and for re-location
of population will all eliminate excessive commuting.
For such. travelling as is necessary we envisage a
system of rapid transit along main arteries, based very
probably on a revival and expansion of the railway
and on more discriminating use of buses, taxis and
private motor vehicles.


TAPIA's main assault on the colonial state of mind is
through the assertion of the independent self. Our
system of production would for the first time, be
founded on small scale activity, drawing on our native
ingenuity and wit and automatically involving crea-
tive technological change.
In the Tapia programme, the three planks of
production would be 'back-yard' industry, intensive
food-gardening and guest-house tourism. These
measures would combine to repudiate the gigantism
and the technological impotence with which we have
been afflicted by our colonial economic status. They
would also demolish the basis of imperialist domina-
tion of both the capitalist and socialist variety.
One of our major policy measures in support of
this participatory economy would be strict control
of unnecessary imports and a certain measure of
public sector involvement in import and wholesale


THE Tapia democracy would dictate a just distrihu-

place in our own independent political kingdom.
The political parties gave real opportunity only to
their leaders and the system of government made
disagreement a prohibitively costly risk. As our
political frustrations built up, political idealism eva-
porated and politics became more and more a cynical
matter of asserting traditional stereotype conceptions,
especially in regard to race and class unil the
1970 Revolution came and blew the whole system to
Since the Revolution of 1970, we in Trinidad
& Tobago have come increasingly to realise that we
are a people at one and the same time divided by
race, religion, colour, class and culture arid yet
united by our experience as strangers who must now
inherit and love this land as our own. At this stage of
the transition we are being drawn in many directions
and the distrust and jealousy which that breeds are
preventing us from accepting our rightful respon-
sibility for seeing that a nation can be built outtof
the many disparate fragments. in the transition,
every group curiously sees itself as the one enjoying
no more than second-class status.


What we are witnessing in Trinidad & Tobago,
as the present crisis unravels itself, is a peculiar
historical situation where the diversity of interests
has made it impossible to erect a stable ruling class on
any traditional basis. The choice that we now have is
between that wallowing in impotence which is the
hallmark of Afro-Saxon culture and the seizing .of
the unique opportunity which we have to establish
an egalitarian, humane and therefore revolutionary
consciousness among the large majority of our
If we are to take this second and positive
option, we must begin by rejecting constrictive for-
mulas imported from other situations and harness our
people to secure intellectual, moral, political and
economic foundations. Tapia's new world is there-
fore being built around political education,community

tion of the nation's material welfare amongst the
different sections of our people. To this end, four
main measures are proposed. First, we would insist
on full employment. Past governments .have been
blind to the feasibility of this only because they
have been unwilling to take hold of the levers of
economic control, and therefore unable to activate
the resources of the environment; and they have
been lacking in the self-confidence to rely on our
capacity for salvaging ourselves. But full employment
is a natural and almost painless derivative of the
Tapia programme.
Our second measure for equalisation would be the
adoption of an incomes policy involving minimum
wages below and maximum rewards on top; annual
wage and salary bargaining in the enlarged Senate for
all categories of non-profit income; and the participa-
tion of every family in the country in the profits of
certain localized enterprises.
Our third measure would be to expand the avail-
ability of community goods and services especially in
the field of education, sport and culture; health; legal
services; community services such as washing machine
and home-work centres; and facilities for the aged.
The fourth measure would be to promote greater
community ownership of certain key facilities such as
retail distribution. Chain stores such as Hi-Lo and
Kirpalani's would be effectively localized into
municipally-based consumer co-operatives, while for
some purposes of management still being part of
national chains. The arrangement we have in mind
would defy, both capitalist and socialist orthodoxy
which we are in a position to do only because of the
small scale of the country and the remarkably high
level of literacy and mobility of the people.


TAPIA's thrust towards our new world springs from
a fresh conception of education. We reject the
equation of education with schooling for examina-
tions and we embrace instead the notion, that learning
for living necessarily involves simultaneous participa-
tion in practical affairs and exposure in a school
Our proposals therefore include comprehensive
and co-ordinated work and study programme ICl the
whole population beyond the level of Jiinior Secon-

Continued on Page 8

organisation and economic localisation.
Economic localisation is necessary because we
need to takc charge of our resources so that we
could t"urn our attention to the creation of an
environment both congenial to the Caribbean spirit
and capable of satisfying Caribbean material wants.
Since cxtcrnal domination and centralized govern-
ment control are incompatible with this basic human
demand, the leading sectors of the economy must
come under municipal and popular direction. There
can be no-Tapia compromise on that.
Finally, we need hard thinking on all these
issues and popular involvement in practical projects.
We need analysis of what we are about. It is not
enough to be discontented and angry. Indignation
may help; but it cannot by itself yield clear objectives,
adequate strategies and tactics, and feasible pro-
grammes of action.
First, we need analysis of our historical ex-
perience. In that we will find much needed knowledge
about ourselves, our past frustrations, the hopes we
have cherished. There we will disco'-. r the basis of
our divisions, the source of our degsudation and with
those, tie understanding and insight for forging real
unity and for elevating the community spirit.
By searching into what has shaped us and by
exploring the successes and failures of the men'and
movements who went before us, we will learn both
how to take opportunity and to respect limitation.
Above all, by putting past achievements in their
historical context, we will learn charity, humility,
tolerance and even generosity. These are attributes
we are going to need in particularly large measure
when we come to assume responsibility.


Not least, we need analysis of the present. The
Gods do set limits on what men can do; but the
world is still run by men. Men's actions have
consequences some intended, many not. We there-
fore have to study what men are doing so as to
unravel what is going on and to determine what we
can do about it.
Unemployment, inequality, frustrated inde-
pendence all have causes; they also have remedies.
We must know the facts that are bearing on them from

In short, there is no getting away from work, no
substitute for industry.
Yet. intellectual insight is one thing, psychol-
ogicaland moral engagement quite another. Under-
standing alone does not move men to act, though one
suspects that to act wisely, it is vital. But to act at
all, an almost religious experience is essential.
One way of playing for such an experience is
through the organisation of community activity.
There are concrete tasks to be undertaken in solving
community problems: in education, in sport, in
drama, in public affairs, in community improvement
schemes. There are sou-sou investment clubs to be
founded and run; public baths and toilets, television
and washing-machine centres for the unemployed,
the old and the destitute; community centres for the
needs of the citizens as distinct from the needs of the
rulers; associations of parents and teachers, indeed;
the entire apparatus of informal local government.
Our history demands these efforts; our present circum-
stances impose thi::m.
We need trades unions. We do have some which
are powerful, energetic and which are rising to the
needs of the working people. But even these are still
in need of help; help not by imposing ourselves on
them and telling them what to do, but help through
advice and example.
The value of such community organisation is
that it will help us to win our confidence in doing.
This country needs that confidence. Our continuing
reliance on foreign help in every conceivable field has
brought us to a state of almost complete demoralisa-
tion. We have to regain and then retain the initiative in
our own affairs. We simply have to take charge.
Moreover, community organisation has the ad-
vantage of being unostentatious. It requires no doctor
pronouncements. Histrionics and platform rhetoric
do not cut any ice when there is work to be done.
Indeed, the kind of judgement which is formed by
quiet work is precisely what equips us to distinguish
between authentic, instructive and edifying analysis
and mere rabble-rousing rhetoric. To make the
choices that we will soon have to make. we sorely
need such discrimination-
What is more, community organisation lifts the
spirit of the people. It cannot be suppressed h\ being
defined as subversive, naive and idea.listic. The only-
thing it is idealistic about is the creative potential of
the people. The only thing that it subvertss s the
degradled consciousness formed h\ centuries ot
imperial bullying and brutality an.d years of ne.o
coloni;ll domination and duplicity We in Tapi:t are
aimve enough to Illnk that these IIe elcmients of a
revolutiona; y new world.

rARY 27, 1974

Continued from Page 7

dary; multiple shift organisation of office, factory
and farm work; and the integration of apprenticeship,
Youth Camp and National Service schemes.
Apart from its obvious meaning to the pro-
gramme for full employment, such an organisation
of education would make a colossal contribution to
our adventure in self discovery and self-reliance, and
to our progress towards a more just social order, free
of race and class.
This will be achieved by giving back to us the
confidence we now lose both by the abstract and
unreal character of the school, and by the definition
of ourselves as failures .when we do not satisfy a
system geared to creaming off recruits to a parastitic


ULTIMATELY, the Tapia programme is meant to
provoke a moral regeneration and a cultural revival.
These we could never hope to programme because
they transport us into the realm of the artists and the
poets. What we could do is provide libraries, archives,
museums, galleries, theatres and other physical facili-





ties necessary for the blossoming of the arts.
We can only hope that the physical environment
we create, the educational amenities we provide, and
the material base we construct, will prove congenial
to the things of the spirit, and recover for our people
that identity for which we have yearned so long.


The implementation of the Tapia programme
would require major adjustments in public adminis-
tration. The great danger of programming tor radical

change is that it sets up totalitarian trends which
oould culminate in rigidly bureaucratic administra-
We propose to guard against such an authoritarian
evolution by establishing from the very beginning
patterns of participation and decentralized power.
Our programme for constitutional reform envisages
and planning regions, a considerably autonomous
Tobago, and 18-25 municipal governments.
In addition, first, we will embark on a programme
of civilizing the agencies of law and order with
special.reference to the Courts, the Police, the prisons
as well as national security and defence.
Secondly, we would streamline the working of
the Central Executive with reference both to the
Cabinet as well as to the public service.
However, when all is said and done, the feasibility
of the entire Tapia scheme depends not so much on
the adjustments we introduce in the sphere of govern-
ments and administration as the change of habits we
induce in the domain of politics and community
life. Our method of unconventional politics aims to
fortify the citizen in the local area to stand up and
guard his/her rights, and it is on this more than
anything else that the future of the movement hangs.

Where are free men

Continued from Page
mittee of 22, aiCommitteefor thier|Public Safety. The
Revolutionary vanguard did not become arrogant and
exclusive but embraced Clergymen, Businessmen
from the Chamber of Commerce, workers and Trade
Union Leaders, Civil Servants and professionals,
political organizations, and even the Lion's club.
They did not prejudge, they allowed the Revolution
to decide who are for and who are against the change.
The committee of 22 has made certain de-
mands of Premier Gairy and his Government. If these
demands are not met the Government must resign.
This implies that the constituent Assembly is pre-
'pared to transform itself into a National Government.
They have not said no dialogue. They have called on

uiw usms. cuevaLemori our.-S mcil, 1- 1 UIIUSS
-aee-6e fighter-Innocent B13lir; the notorious B of
their police force (Notice they have not condemned
the regular policemen) and they have called for a
commission of inquiry before which they intend to
They have not said that Gairy must not appoint.
They understand the reality of power. They know.
that he can fire the Governor who does his bidding.
'Their gaze is fixed on the sovereignty of.the people
and the rule of law. They are demanding that offend-
ers face trial in court. They want Gairy alive to be
tried by the people. They recognize that it is the
people who must try the King. Here we see how due
process, every constitutional step backed by the
requisite political will can cause a profoundly revo-
lutionary movement. May God save the King!


But what have we done in Trinidad. At the
height of the February Revolution Basil Davis was
shot in cold.blood. There were witnesses. Instead of
strenuously demanding an inquest an attempt was
made to set up a People's court. This is counter-
revolutionary because it would have resulted in a
kind of justice no different from that which the
Prime Minister was to mete out when he issued his
general warrants for the arrest of the detainees. We
were not given a chance to defend ourselves in open
Justice becomes arbitrary when politicians take
over its mantle. This issue was settled in England
since the reign of Charles 1. Charles wanted to use his
prerogative to sit as judge over his enemies. On one
occasion he entered Parliament terrorising his op-
ponents who cringed in fear under the benches. Chief
Justice Coke confronted him. The king could not be
presumed to have the knowledge of the law which
comes with years of 'training, and which the dis-
pensing of justice requires. The king must govern
under God and the law!
After the .February Revolution the Prime
Minister asserted that, ' no crisis,there wasno
crisis, and I don't anticipate that there will be any
crisis". Under pressure largely from Tapia he was
forced to appoint the Wooding Commission. What
did the revolutionaries do? They boycotted. They
said that Wooding was a tool. They said that the
report will not be made public. They said that the
Prime Minister will do whatever he wants with it.

Spit is now falling in their faces. When Williams said
that the stone which the builders rejected has become
the head of the corner he might have been talking
about the Constitution.
Robinson, Millette, Granger and other political
leaders should not compound the mistake that they
already made by failing to recognize the revolutionary
potential of the Constituent Assembly. Or is it that

they are keeping away precisely because they recog-
nise it? Once the Assembly gets under way other
leadership might emerge. The real leaders in the sugar
belt, for instance, will come into their own. Men such
as Chandrika Singh, Fitzroy Wanza, Baxter and others
will come into their own. Notice how little we hear
about Blaize and the other conventional politicians.
Even Maurice Bishop and other New Jewel leaders
are often overshadowed by Curtis Stewart and others
of the Committee of 22. The leadership is no longer
that of a vanguard organisation but a collectivity of
the people's representatives.
Continued on Page 9


im ---,,,w ~`~~" ~ aL

IL I II II-I IL--~ls~dl -ec-Os.aras~pe~El LI

~~~pbr~e~LPb ~ IL~'R"L~BB~sBl~e"~e~-B~sr~




Continued from page 8

Do not be deluded. The solution we have been
proposing for Trinidad and Tobago has been adopted
successfully so far in Grenada where they have been
mobilising against premier Gairy a Constituent As-
sembly embracing a variety of interests.
-The New Beginning people who quote CLR
James chapter and verse are: correct in emphasising
people's assemblies. But they are so externally oriented
and so obsessed with notions of class like some of our
Marxist friends that they would have dismissed as
bourgeois a professional lawyer like Bishop, the
brown son of a businessman. I happen to know that
Franklyn Harvey, one of the rabid exponents of the
class theory, a disciple of James who was excluded
from this country, has had a lot to do with the
origins of New Jewel. Now that the trouble has
broken he is safely in Toronto. It is a pattern that
we know very well. People like Harvey, Look Lai,
Darcus and James himself love to direct-the revolution
from the safety of their exile in the metropolitan
heartland which they cuss and detest so much.
CLR flies in from the Pan African Congress
meeting in Guyana and gives the country fresh
guidelines. He does not know anything of Granger's
politics but in his 50 years experience in political
theory he has never heard a more revolutionary state-
ment than that which Granger made in Guyana.
Forty years ago he would have said the same about
Trotsky. I'm sure that he has said the same about
Nkrumah and Stokely. Just over 10 years ago he-
would have been saying the same about Williams.
This is not to say that I do not respect and
admire the man, but not for his Marxism. But I
intend to take on the Marxists on another occasion.
It is like having to defend the name of Christ from
the abuse of his Christian followers. Christ was a
Gallilean outcast striving to liberate his country from
the yoke of Roman Imperialism. He was also a great
avatar in the spirit of Elias and Isiah. Christ, seeing a

Harewood was

murdered at Riverside road. I am reminded of the hymn;
Down by the Riverside, down by the riverside, they shot
Guy Harewood down, I ain't go study war no more, I
ain't go study war no more, I ain't go study war no more.

few empty chairs, would have said, "Friends come
up higher". He would not be dismayed. But again
I do not want to get into that now.
What then are the options open to us? Under
this system elections do not mean the intervention of
the people. In point of fact under this system who
can manipulate the people more than Williams, Gairy,
Burnham, Manley and others? They control the
,treasury, the jobs, the media. We have had elections
-in 61, 66, 71, what makes Robinson believe that it
will be different now?, Will Williams give Robinson

I~eg ___________________________

II--I- B

razor \o cut his own throat? Will he take out his
nose to spoil he face? Will he every the ground for
Robinson to tap? Will he make track for gouti to
run? Never happen!
Williams has no intention of leaving. He in-
tends to hold the stage for the second decade of
Independence; to drag out the discussion on the
Wooding Report. He said it must be thorough and
widespread. He intends to delay the election until he
can win. He says that elections will be held on the
earliest possible date, not an early date. He wants
to hold and control another Queen's Hall Conference
with one of his puppets in the chair. He wants to take
the decision to a parliament which has some
legitimacy. The only way to stop him is the Confer-
ence of Citizens that we are calling for.
The military option offered both by the Army
revolt of '70 and the guerrilla offensive of Matelot in
'73 hI\e tieL-Id ot with the killing of Harewood
and leffers These attempts have so placed the Regime

it is no longer possibic-. Iin tromorrow'-.budget -1 m.S .
for Agriculture. $47m for National Security. More
guns, less food.
Harewood was murdered at Riverside Road. I

am reminded of the hymn,
Down by the Riverside, down by the Riverside,
they shot Guy Harewood down,
I ain't go study war no more, I ain't go study
war no more, I ain't go study war no more.


The blood of these young men; of Beverly
Jones shot in her breast, wounded and helpless, then
murdered. This blood is on our hands, each and every-
one of us who refuse to take the stand that we should
against this corrupt, this oppressive Govern-
ment; who refu:-. t3 say that this unholy city must be
destroyed. Allan Caton was murdered at the Hi-Lo
corner at St. Ann's. A court of justice here acquitted
all his companions. He was prejudged and condemned
as a common criminal. No inquest was held. Who is
calling for an inquest? Who remembers that the Law
Society has called for a new inquest into the killing
of Santa Claus? Who? Where are the free' men of
today, and where are the endless streets of yesterday?
The blood of all these young people is on our hands.
John Milton, secretary to Cromwell who fought
the Revolution in England once wrote, "peace hath
her victories no less renowned than war". I think that
we can still win victory for the people through peace.
But very often those who can alter the course of
history abdicate their responsibility at the critical
moments. It happened with Cromwell when he
refused to serve in the Government. It happened in
Russia when Chernov and the Social Revolutionaries
hesitated to take the power. It happened in France
when the leaders of the revolution disqualified
themselves from taking office.
I want to end with a text from the Epistle of
St. Paul to the Hebrews:
Let us hold fast the profesison of our faith
without wavering; and let us consider one
another to provoke into love and to good
works; not forsaking the assembling of our-
selves together, as the manner of some is, but
exhorting one another; and so much the more
as ye see the day approaching


-r"---~'; ----- ---' .-~a.-~L----1C_ --i-- ~ -- _



rS '


IT WOULD not be long, it seems before the current wave
of industrial unrest now sweeping through the sugar
industry, engulfs the entire sugar belt, ultimately blowing
'sugar' to pieces.
If ever that happens in 1974, then from the outset
one thing must be made abundantly clear to all and sundry.
It would have come to pass largely because all those
(Government, Board of Directors, and the sugar union's
notorious band of oligarchs) upon whose shoulders falls
the responsibility to use power wisely, failed either to
recognize or to concede the historical necessity of taking
'sugar' once and for all "out of politics".
In terms of actual flesh and
blood it means that such pub-
lic servants like Barsotti,
Moore, Primus and their coun-
terparts in tne private sector,
and labour, namely Maingot
-and Rampartap Singh must all,
without exception, share in the
responsibility forwhathappens.
Since October-November
1972 when the issue of retro-
active payments sparked off a
row in Brechin Castle, and
April-May 1973 when at Orange
Grove the industrial malprac-
tices and mismanagement on
the part of two company offi-
cials led factory hands to down
tools, the issues which have
pointed to an entirely new
historical juncture have been A'GROUP OF ORANGE GROVE W
allowed to drag on and to bolder relief once it is recalled
pile-up. tha the n~,Ar for intrdrlucinc


At Orange Grove workers
have called for the removal of
Ifunte and Tello; in Caronim
cane cutters and carter men
alike have been calling for gua-
ranteed work and minimum
pay; while workers throughout
the industry have been beseech-
ing Rampartap Singh to pro-
duce vouchers, and to convene
a special conference of dele-
gates to settle the rift within
the union ____
Workers everywhere have
been rallying their brothers and
sisters behind these issues at
first one by one, now they are
taking them up all together.
The upshot of this process
has now eventually unmasked,
for all workers to perceive, the
biggest issue of all the com-
pany-union syndrome. And.
that is precisely why cultiva-
tion workers for Caroni are ao
adamant in their stand that if
any agreement is to be arrived
at on the question of minimum
wage and guaranteed work their
representative, or spokesman,
whoever'he may be, is the
person solely entrusted to bar-
gain on their behalf. Not Court,
not All Trinidad, and above all
not Rampartap Singh.


In this context taking 'sugar'
out of politics can mean nothing
less than doing the following
(a) localisationof the industry
to give workers the oppor-
tunity to share in the owner-
ship and control of the industry;
(b) the introduction of par-
ticipatory trade union demo-
cracy so that workers would
have real control over their
union, and so displace Ram-
partap Singh and the present
clique of office holders who
are equally responsible for keep-
ing down sugar workers; and
(c) the immediate recognition
by Companies and Government
that the executive of the All
Trinidad and Factory Workers
Trade Union no longer enjoys
the support of the large ma-
jority of the sugar workers.
The significance of any
such measures is brought into

new forms of social and econo-
mic organisation in sugar was
recognized officially in 1958,
16 years ago, in the second
Budget of the PNM's regime.
Yet there is no clear indi-
cator that any such 'forms'
would even be implemented 17

WILL good sense ever pre-
vail at Orange Grove sugar
No one, of course,
really knows the answer
to that question. For to
ask it means to go in quest
of evidence of humility
on the part of such men
as Urilton Pierre, General
After workers have seen
their hopes.for the removal of
Hunte and Tello dashed to
the ground, Pierre now ups
with the threat of lay-off if
there is no "immediate and
sustained improvement in the
performance of factory
That in essence is the
burden of a letter from the
G.M. to the workers and it is
dated Jan. 22, 1974.
Management folly has
obviously reached new heights.
For having failed to dupe
workers into preparing the
factory fully for grinding
operations, Pierre and his
cohorts are now seeking to
bully factory workers into
But just whom they expect
to retrench? The mill section?
And further how would laying
off guarantee commencement
of 1974 crop?
Too crafty to stop short at



a mere lay-off threat Urilton
Pierre, in sinister undertones,
exposes the hand the company
intends to play this round. By
proceeding to blame the
factory workers for the
company's inability "to offer
work to the Cultivation
Section" Pierre is doubtlessly
seeking to drive a wedge
between, not just factory and
cultivation, but between
Indian and African.

The General Manager now
stands accused of committing
a most detestable act. Which
is to resurrect from the dung
heap of history the old colonial
policy of divide and rule.
Why is Mr. Pierre not big
enough to admit just what he
knows? He, more than anyone
else, knows that Hunte and
Tello brought the factory to
the brink of disaster; that the
reappearance of Hunte and
Tello in January, 1974 led to
the steep drop in labour
Why does Mr. Pierre not
admit that his inexperience in
sugar made of him a mere
figure head at O.G; and that it
was this role of general handy-
man that allowed Clement
Tello to drastically alter the
conditions at the factory house

Lloyd Taylor




years too late. Nothing of the
sort is to be hoped for. Not at
least with a Government that is
obsessed with having any, and
every thing, on its own terms.
Not at least with company
officials who, so obsessed
are they with the absolute

importance of the rights of
management, feel that they
alone have face to save.
Above all not with spine-
less bureaucrats who would be
more concerned with protect-
ing their own bread rather than
concede what workers of Trini-
and Tobago have common
sense too.

without his being able to
sanction one way or the
SUrilton Pierre should know
better. It was he who penned
a letter to Fitzroy Wanza
begging not brought
before the Commission of
Enquiry last May because he
knew very little about the
At Orange Grove everybody
knows the score. What they
are not prepared to do is to
admit publicly what they
know in private.
Almost every worker is
satisfied that Hunte and Tello

Trinidad & Tobago -
Other Caribbean -
North America
n .-*.*

That is why Mr. Maingot
can be expected to refuse to
deal with workers' grievances
outside of the Court and of
the labour laws. For the same
reason Ben Primus, and Urilton
Pierre cannot openly decide
against Hunte and Tello. That
is why, too, Rampartap Singh
could rest contentedly with the
advice from his lawyer Karl
Hudson-Phillips that "no useful
purpose" could be served now
by the intervention of the
Ministry of Labour in the dis-
pute involving cultivation work-


Instead inflexibility con-
tinues to distinguish the stand
that Caroni's and Orangc
Grove's Boards of Directors
continue to take. These people
are eager to prove what harm
these already so poor, help-
less, misguided sugar workers
bring.upon themselves by mere-
ly forgoing $7,000 which they
would in any case reap once the
canes are not maliciously burnt,
So far the unholy troika of
Government, Company, and
Union has remained unyielding.
They had better know that
they are in fact pitting their
interests against the tide of
historical forces which in our
country has beckoned sugar
workers to stand up and be
The consequences could be
very grave.

are two burdens on the com-
pany's back. Now supervisors
and foremen have joined the
trek. They have bluntly re-
fused to perform duties that
go against the interest of the
workers, and especially out-
side the working day hours.
Yet last Tuesday morning
Tello insisted before a meeting
of foremen that he was here to
Now Mr. Pierre has the
gumption to hope that the
workers' "good sense will
prevail." Well it will prevail;
and when it does, all the
parasites will have to go:
Hunte, Tello and Pierre.

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THE 1974 MCC tour of
the WI has started, though
not on a particularly
good note for the tourists
because of indifferent
performances so far and
Arnold's insane com-
ments about a bumper
war. (He would be lucky
if at his pace he gets
anything to rise above
waist high).
At tea on the opening
day of their game against the
President's XI, Boycott and
Amiss (with two chances) had
proceeded quite competently
to 234 without loss, but not
against very good bowling on
a placid wicket.
By the time the first test
starts they should round into
some kind of form.
A test series in the WI
always stirs up great interest
because of our inherent love
of cricket. But this series
is of particular importance
for two reasons:
-we will be having our
first look at our winning
team of last August.
-we have not defeated
MCC-in a series in the-WI
though we outplayed
tem,;-in-1960 and-1968
for example.
Our chances of victory
are very good especially on
the spinning wicket in Trini-
dad. Last August, the pace-
men were decisive. This time
round on wickets generally
unresponsive to speed the
spinners have to do the job.


Selecting our team is not
a very easy task and it is not
for want of talent.
Let us start with the
batting. The list may be nar-
rowed down to Fredericks,
Rowe, Kallicharan, Kanhai,
Lloyd, Sobers and Foster ...
Some are in form, others
coming into form, and Kanhai
and Sobers should be there by
test time. Three batsmen are
fighting for two places -
Iowe, Kallicharan and Foster.
If Rowe is unfit then the
problem is solved. But if he is
fit then we have a very pain-
ful decision to make. I would
opt for Rowe if fit to
open with Fredericks. Rowe is
not a specialist opener but is
quite capable of taking care
of himself as an opener in
conditions where the ball does
not wobble around too much.
Kallicharan at three, leav-
ing Foster the odd man out.
it is not the kindest cut, for
Foster is by any standard a
top class batsman and is in
form. But we can only field
eleven men. The others have
to perform at peak. Other-
wise name or no name Foster
will take someone's place.
Whatever the selectors de-
cide the batting side will be
very strong and aggressive.
And they must bat aggres-

' _,.1 ,
. 5 . ,


I .

.. .

-' .. : '*


sively, not carelessly. Too of-
ten in the WI our batsmen
have allowed mediocre bowl-
ing to get on 'top of them. We
have to get on top and press
home every advantage.
Deryck Murray should be
at number 7, leaving four
places to be decided. With
Gibbs, Inshan Ali and Boyce
certain to be in, there is one
place open. The choice Ju-
lien or Holder. Possibly com-
plicated by a good perform-
ance in the President's game
by Roberts or Armstrong.
After two hours play in the
game I tend to discount this.
W i t h our batting strong
enough this final place should
go to the better of the two
bowlers. Exactly what Sobers
will bowl is yet to be seen.
Whoever lead the attack will
find that it is less easy here
than in England.


The likely team looks like
Fredericks, Rowe (if fit),
Kallicharan, Lloyd, Kanhai,
Sobers, Murray, Boyce, Hol-
der or Julien, Ali and Gibbs,
A powerful team. But we do
not only need technical com-
petence. We also need team
spirit, crowd support and an
understanding press.
The present MCC team is
not a particularly talented
team but this is no reason to
discount their chances com-
pletely. We were superior in
1960 and 1968 and lost. Eng-
lish batsmen are famous for
dogged defence and unless our
bowlers get responsive wickets

and we hold our catches it
may be difficult to bowl them
out twice. Remember Cong-
don and Turner in 1972.
Boycott and Fletcher are
likely to give us most trouble.
Amiss and Jameson may come
up to scratch at times; Den-
ness has to prove that he is
class. Greig did not have a
good series last time but was
consistent before that. Knott
himself did not perform well
with the bat but we know him
well from 1968 when he al-
most siglehandedly prevent-
ed us from drawing the series.
Hayes has to do a lot to
prove that he is not a flash in
the pan. The MCC have cer-
tainly come here with better
batting on previous occasions.


As for the bowling. Old
and Willis have some pace but
I do not see them troubling
our batting on the easy Carib-
bean wickets. Arnold will find
that his lack. of real pace will
be a problem iii unhelpful
atmospheric conditions. Ken
Higgs was a case in-point? In
1966 he bowled very-.well.
against us in England. Yet in
WI conditions he could not
make the team.
Arnold will go o'ne better
ndn, make the team if only
because Hendriks is untried.
Greig's innocuous bowling
last time must be of great
concern to the tourists. The
MCC may well regret dropping
John Snow who is still a top
class fast bowler and who
last time out here obtained
more bounce than our own
Hall and Griffith.


England's spin bowling
does not offer much movie
consolation than their quick
bowling. Pocock the o ff
spinner has been on and off
the side for the last six years.
On a spinning wicket he
might double the left handers
somewhat. But if he gets spin
on the wicket it is England
not us who will be in real
trouble. Anything he does
Gibbs will do better.
On WI wickets Under-
wood is likley to be quite
ordinary unless he brings with
him the English weather and
groundsmen who prepare
wickets for him such as the
one for the fourth Test
Match against Australia in
1972. He has never troubled
our batsmen. Let us keep it
that way. Birkensaw -- rela-
tively untried might more
often find himself taking out
drinks rather than taking
wickets. On the whole not an
imposing team.
Barring downright care-
lessness (as that in Guyana in
the Test match against Aus-
tralia last year) I cannot see
England getting us out twice
in a game.


Nor do I see the
English making many high
scores though they should
make a few good ones:. The
decisive matches would most
probably be those in Trinidad
- the only wicket which
gives the bowlers a real
chance. And here I think the
advantage is with us.
It is 12 years since we
won a test here. If we play
anything like we did last
August the losing run in Trini-
dad is bound to cnd,. Tt is not --.


entirely unthinkable that
sheer technical superiority
and teamwork can give us a
victory in one of the other
three tests.
The worst mistake we
can make though is to under-
estimate the MCC. TLey may
be lacking in technical com-
petence but they are sure to
fight to the end. Let us play
hard and make sure it ends in
our favour.


The BoyWho Cried Werewolf







ijrs, .Andrea Talbutt,
Research Tnstitute for
Study of ian,
162, .,as 78th Street,
I2T YORK, No.Yo 100219
Ph. Lehigh 5 84,

THINIOAD 8th 20th OCTOBER 1973





THE Tapia House Group is making six (6) proposals
regarding what should be done with the Wooding
Report in order to:
ensure a speedy resolution of the revolu-
tionary crisis which has gripped the coun-
try since 1970; and
pave the way for:
** fresh elections
** a Parliament in which the representa-
tion would truly reflect the strength
of political forces; and
** a Government which would:
*** command the confidence and
.. f t1e people, and
"** enjoy the moral authority to
effect the radical reconstruc-
tion needed to create a free,
democratic and participatory



THE six (6) proposals are based on four (4) judgments
made by the Group as to:

* what the large majority of reasonable citizens
believe is wrong; and
* what they think can be done about it.

MOST people seem to agree that:
Sthe present 1971 Parliament is a one-sided
Parliament which does not and can never reflect
the true opinions and wishes of the people; and
the present Government acknowledged the
illegitimacy of that Parliament when it aban-
doned the select committee on Constitution
Reform which had been set up in 1969 and
instead, established the Wooding Commission

MOST people also agree that:
* free and fair elections are not feasible under the
old election rules; and
* the PNM Government cannot be trusted to frame
new rules all by itself in the present Parliament

MOST people agree, too, that:
* it is not enough to encourage or even promote
thorough and widespread discussion of the
Wooding Report, especially since the com-
munications media are still effectively barred to
all genuine political opposition; and
* the new election rules could be only reasonably
settled at some meeting of the citizens where all
political voices are heard on equal terms

MOST people also agree that:
* for such a meeting of citizens to serve its
purpose with the speed which the continuing
political upheaval demands, the occasion cannot
be another 1962 Queen's Hall Conference or
another Prime Minister's National Consultation
or even another Chaguaramas National Conven-
tion; but
* the Conference of Citizens should have an
unblemished independence with an independent
Chairman and an independent Secretariat; and
* the Conference.of Citizens should also have
machinery for both the making and the imple-
menting of decisions.



TAPIA therefore proposes that, we, the people of
Trinidad and Tobago:


1. Call a Constituent Assembly, a Temporary
Conference of Citizens;
2. Invite Sir Hugh Wooding to the Chair and
appoint the Constitution Commission as Secretariat;

3. Invite all community groups
organizations to participate;

and political

4. Accept the Majority and Minority Reports of the
Constitution Commission as the working papers of
the Conference;
5. Select an ALL-Party Commission as the
machinery to make decisions at the Assembly.
Alternatively, let the Assembly elect a Council of
Delegates from the floor;
6. Charge the ALL-Party Commission or the Coun-
cil of Delegates to:

* decide on new election rules;
* name a new election date;

* supervise the new elections; and

* determine whether or not it is feasible and wise
for the Conference itself to agree on a new
constitution or whether it is preferable for the
citizens to give that responsibility to a new

Lennox Grant
ARE recent events in Grenada
simply a spillover from Black
Power in Trinidad, as Premier
Gairy has claimed?
According to Tapia Chairman
Syl Lowhar speaking at last Sun-
day's New Year's Assembly, Gairy
is only partly right.
He said that Trinidad has tra-
ditionally had much influence in
this part of the Caribbean, and
that close cultural ties remain be-
tween the people of Grenada and
ourselves. Yet he saw in Grenada
today "critical, major differences
from what occurred here-in 1970".
Recalllg the impact of Marryshow
and of Grenada-born Uriah Butler-and-
noting that the mother of Malcolm X
had been Grenadian, Lowhar claimed
that Grenada has remained a clear and
settled lake of republican and anti-
colonial sentiment.
Premier Gairy himself had a long
history of struggle against British colo.
nial rule since 1951.
It was against this background, Low-
har argued, that the actions of the New
Jewel Movement and the Committee of
22 had to be seen.
The movement now against Gairy
has not been exclusive; it has in-
cluded all sections of the Grenadian
people who had chosen to allow the
revolution to decide who were for and
who were against it.
Lowhar noted that the movement
had not said "no dialogue". The Com-
mittee of 22 preferred to make specific
demands of the Grenada government.
It was an example, he said, of "how
due process, every constitutional step
backed by the requisite political will
can cause a profoundly revolutionary
Contrasting the hopelessness among
the forces for change which he had
noticed during a visit to Grenada in
1971 with the situation today when
Gairy is battling for his very survival,
Lowhar said what had happened was
nothing short of revolution.
It was vitally important for us to
understand what was going on in the
northern soon-to-be-independent island.
He called the Committee of 22 a
"Committee of Public Safety" after
the pattern of the French Revolution,
and he chose to see it as a Constituent
Assembly which was prepared to as-
sume the reins of power if and when
Gairy goes.
The Chairman suggested that the
solution which Tapia had been es-
pousing for Trinidad and Tobago had
been taken up in Grenada.