Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
April 22, 1973
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


Second coming for




MANY OF the delegates
at the National Constitu-
tion Convention have seen
the inclusion of an Ombud-
sman in the new constitu-
tional provisions as desir-
able if not indispensable.
They claim to see the office
of Ombudsman as a shield for
the citizen against bureaucratic
tyranny and negligence.
These things undoubtedly
exist. But what the advocates
of the Ombudsman want, what
we all want, is a guarantee
against the political disposses-
sion from which we have always
It is this political disposses-
sion that accounts for the
desperate eagerness with which
simplistic "solutions" like the
Ombudsman are supported.
In so far as the question
relates specifically to adminis-
tration, what we want is not
redress for administrative mis-
demeanor but an assurance that
it will not continue to occur,
a guarantee that we will no
longer have to sit by and watch
the machinery of government
fall into disrepair without being
able to do anything to stop it.
Therfeore, to place the sub-
ject of an Ombudsman on the
agenda of a Constitutional Con-
ference is to ask the question
The important question is
not: what kind of Ombudsman
do we want? but rather: how
do we guarantee the supremacy
of the people over the state?
How do we ensure a constant

surveillance by the people's
representatives over the opera-
tions of the executive, in order
to ensure, among other things,
the efficiency, impartiality and
morale of the public service?
This is not to imply that
there will not be, in the future,
abuses that will require investi-
gation and redress. Victimisa-
tion of the consumer, abuse of
governmental secrecy, seques-
tration of records, ill-treatment
of the public by jacks-in-office
will not disappear overnight.


But what is significant about
the cry for redress of these ills
is that it is now being raised by
definable groups in a definable
framework the National Con-
The most immediate task is
to ensure the continued in-
volvement of these groups in
the nation's business, in a
framework that will give them
the freedom to express them-
selves without fear and the
power to institute processes
of reform.
The office of the Ombuds-
man in the countries where it
already exists has come into
existence to minimise grievances
arising out of the complexity
and weight of the governmental
The office is itself integrated
into the system, and far from
implying by its existence a criti-
cism of that system, it rests
upon an acceptance of the
system as basically sound.
Indeed, advocates of an Om-

budsman for Trinidad and
Tobago continually speak as if
the Ombudsman had power to
redress abuses.
In none of the systems is
this so. The Ombudsman,
rather, reports to another organ
of government in most cases
the legislature which then
institutes the process of re-
form. So it is the strength
of the legislature that is im-
portant in the final analysis.
In our case, the validity of
our entire system is in question.
All our institutions must be
reviewed and a great number of
them reshaped.
It is this political task that
must concern us now, and the
need for ancillary agencies like
an Ombudsman can only be
determined when we have been
able to see how well the re-
formed institutions operate.
For we, do not deny that at
some stage in the future it may
become desirable to have an
Ombudsman or some similar
We say "desirable", not
"necessary" or "indispensable",
because any difficulty thai
merits the use of these terms is
not likely to yield to so simple
a solution as the institution of
an Ombudsman.
That is precisely the situa-
tion we are in now. In an
exercise in constitutional re-
form, we must be concerned
to determine very clearly what
is necessary, what is basic and
what is contingent and deriva-
In Tapia's view, the citizen's
control over the apparatus of

state begins at the point where
he has his first and most con-
stant contact with government:
at the community level.
There must be more and
stronger organs of local govern-
ment. Local government bodies
must have more power in
matters that directly affect the
community, such as education,
police and health; and they
must have the money to make
these powers real.


With the members of a com-
munity directly concerned in
operations that affect them
daily, and controlling the funds
that permit these operations to
be carried out, abuse of power
by administrators is bound to
be reduced.
At the central government
level, Tapia is proposing a
Senate composed of represen-
tatives of a large number of
organizations of all types, these
representatives to be selected
and paid by the organizations

With power to initiate legis-
lation, debate and vote on the
first reading of bills, the Senate
will be a powerful watchdog
over people's interests in the
corridors of political power.
What is perhaps most im-
portant is that as well as main-
taining a constant surveillance
of the operation of govern-
ment in conformity with exist-
ing legislation, Senate groups
will ensure a flow of informa-
tion about the people's desires
into the process of legislation
itself, so that bills can be
drafted and amended in the
most suitable way from the
In addition, the Senate will
have the power to investigate
any operation at any time.
The House of Representa-
tives and the legislature as a
whole will of course have this
power, but it is the Senate,
with its large membership of
groups with specialised skills
and interests, that will be able
to carry on such investigation
continually and successfully,
Continued on page 2

C ickefes in our own trigh

of the West Indies at the
hands of lan Chappell's
men has brought forward
all sorts of reactions and
reasons for the sudden and
unexpected demise typi-
cal West Indian mentality,
no will to fight, irrespon-
sible players, etc.
What no one has said is
that ever so often in the game
of cricket sudden and dramatic
collapses take place at times
the entire team fails and at
other times somebody lower
in the order stands up and
fights and stems the tide.
The West Indies have had
dramatic collapses in the past
and have also had most remark-
able recoveries no one re-
members these recoveries at
this stage always when we
are on top we are the greatest
and when we are down the
same people who have been
hailing us as great quite quickly
and simply brush us aside with
the blithe phrase typical West
Indian mentality.
The real qualities of a team
come into play when it is
under pressure. It is interesting
that since the Worrell days
right up to this disastrous fourth
test there has been no such
inexplicable collapse.

If and when the team was
in trouble we always managed
to recover somehow. There

have of course been times when
like all other cricket teams we
have succumbed but that
feeling of impending doom
which was underlying the
fourth test second innings from
the time Kallicharan got out
was never there.
As I hinted in an article
preceding that defeat, one could
sense anxiety and stress in the
West Indian camp. It was al-
ready showing in the third
test here and in the fourth
test at Georgetown it finally
broke the team in the second
innings when two early wickets
had fallen and our backs were
against a wall.


On the other side was an
Australian team behind their
captain all the way they
had come through close ones
before and on top in the
end in England at the Oval
last summer, the second and
third tests against Pakistan
shortly before this tour and
of course the third test here
in Trinidad. No one who saw
them in that match can dispute
that the Australian team was
a well oiled fighting unit. The
sort of team that can make
Hammond, a bowler with no
special pace or swing, a match

More on Back Page



Noreen Bradford as Maria Ramrnsngh and Errol Jones as Charbon in FRANKLIN.

Review of Derek Walcott's play P2

Vol. 3, No. 16

15 Cents

DEREK WALCOTT is a mulatto; he is middle-
class; he is university-educated; he is a poet of
considerable standing in the English language.
None of these categories is in any way strange
or alien to the West Indies; indeed they are all central
to our character as a people created by colonialism.
It is futile therefore to approach Walcott, as so many
critics seem to do, with a sort of automatic regret that he
should be so ill-advised as to write plays out of his own
experience, and build a theatre around them, instead of
creating the kind of theatre (whatever that may be) that our
society "needs".
Art is supremely indifferent
to what societies need, and
attempts to create to order in
the service of political ideology
are always sad failures.
A work of art does not
exist until it has been made:
it is not hovering platonically
in the shadows waiting for a
creator to bring it into the

This does not mean that
we cannot learn from art; but
this learning is learning of a
very special kind.
The lessons are always sim-
ple and they are re-taught every


The method is the method
of revelation, not of explana-
tion. Above all, artistic truth
is multi-faceted and even self-
The only valid approach to
Walcott (or to any writer) for
a critic concerned with the
social aspects of his work is
to attempt to assess its truth
and power in relation to its
social setting, of which the
author's doubts and dilemmas
are a given and not an obstacle
to the achievement of some
more desirable, hypothetical
The critic must also under-
stand the peculiar struggle with
his medium (in this case, lan-
guage) imposed by the nature
and role of that medium in
the society.

With his latest play,
Franklin,. a Tale of the Islands,
Walcott has once more courted
the ire of our racially militant
critics by writing a play on
the theme i of racial conflict
that stubbornly refuses to assign
blame unequivocally.
Franklin,. an Englishman,
lives in St. Lucia in an exile
that is as much the result of
his lack of success in Europe
as of his own choice.
He has acquired a standing
in his little village, and in the

island as a whole, that has no
foundation and is conferred
on him by the natives because
they can only ."accept" an
Englishman as a plantation
He, for his part, dreams of
complete assimilation but can-
not face the sacrifices that
might make his assimilation
complete: he accepts the role
of plantation owner, defrauding
with the aid of colonial courts
a native village called Charbon
in order to do so; and he

Se S S S r C rri

From Page 1

through standing or ad hoc
committees or any other means
it sees fit.
Some of these means (e.g.
a one-man commission of en-
quiry) might even be indistin-
guishable in function from an
Ombudsman, except that they
need not be permanent and
certainly need not be written
into the Constitution.
The Constitutional exercise
we are engaged in now is not
only an attempt to set certain
political processes in motion.
It must also initiate certain
psychological processes: an
overall raising of morale, the
beginnings of confidence in
ourselves and trust in each
This means also a commit-
ment to continual work and
vigilance on the part of all,
instead of a blind faith in
overnight solutions and above
all the pathetic hope for a
messiah to solve all our prob-
lems for us.
This belief in the possibility
of a messiah has been at the
heart of our political insecurity
from the beginning.
In 1956 we saw Williams
in the role; even when we
lost faith in the PNM govern-
ment we felt that the betrayal

was on the part of the disciples,
not the master.
Even in the thorough dis-
illusionment of the post 1970
period, the possibility of a new
messiah was the main hope
of a lot of people, and the
latest to fill the role in their
minds was Sir Hugh Wooding,
who in his capacity as Chairman
of the Constitution Commission
was expected to set all things


Tapia always opposed this
view of the Commission and
always insisted that its delibera-
tions must be viewed as the
beginning of a dialogue of
interests of which the Com-
mission could merely be the
catalyst and Wooding no more
than a coordinator.
The call for an Ombudsman
as a constitutional instrument
is a residue of this yearning
for a messiah, and therefore
directly opposed in spirit to
the task we are engaged upon.
To cling to the idea of a
messiah is to retain a consider-
able vestige of psychological
dependency in the very process

This is particularly so in
the case of those who are
seeking an Ombudsman with

powers of redress in his own
right powers that do not
belong to the Ombudsman in
any system where the office
There is little use in remov-
ing Williams' unwarranted
powers only to give them to
another Doctor in another
The psychological nature of
the constitutional exercise also
destroys another argument put
forward by the Ombudsman
Pascal, the seventeenth-cen-
tury French theologian, argued
that although God may or may
not exist, it is to our advantage
to behave as if he did; for in
that way we lose nothing if
there is no God but save our-
selves from damnation if he
does turn out to be real.
A God who set any store
by the quality of faith would
hardly allow such a pari-mutuel
type option to his creatures.
In the same way, we do not
have the option to write an
Ombudsman into the Constitu-
tion in case we need him:
the confidence in ourselves and
our basic institutions that we
must build up if any system
is to work is precisely what
will not be created if we be-
lieve we can hedge our bets
from the beginnirig.

clings to his "rank" of captain
which we suspect, and later
discover to be fraudulent.
He takes his mistress, with
the "intention" of marriage,
a girl about whom he has long
dreamt as a romantic symbol
of the assimilation he thinks
he seeks.
But she is also a half-measure,
for she is not African but
Indian, like him a part of a
minority fearful of losing its
identity. Further, he does not
sleep with her, but leaves her
to find her consolation in the
arms of the black mate of
Franklin's schooner, Clive
Morris, captain of the
schooner in all but name, and
awaiting promotion to the job
to which Franklin continues
to cling, is drilled in gratitude
and subservience by his aunt,
Franklin's cook.


She reminds him that he
owes everything to the white
man, but it turns out that it is
Franklin who owes his life to
Morris, for Morris has saved
him when their ship was tor-
When Maria, the Indian girl,
finds herself pregnant for
Morris, she drowns herself, re-
enacting the drowning of
Franklin's first wife and child.
Franklin prepares to leave
the island for good, telling
himself that he can never be-
long; but the half-mad villager
from whom he has stolen the
estate shows him, by renoun-
cing his claims, that he has
not even tried to belong.
Franklin's heart is not full,
but empty, Charbon says. He
leaves Willoughby, a Blimp who
has had enough of the uppity
natives, to depart alone in the
schooner, of which he makes




Morris the captain, renouncing
his own title the first real
sacrifice he has ever made.
The political symbolism is
obvious the worthless whites
enjoying, by the consent of the
natives, high status in colonial
society; the stifling of the
natural talents of the natives
(Morris' aspirations to captaincy
of the vessel); the whites de-
riving their existence from the
sufferings of the blacks, though
exacting gratitude from them
(Morris' rescue of Franklin).
But within the wider frame-
work Walcott's characters ex-
plore individual human suffering.
Franklin is a weak man,
holding others to him by in-
stilling in them the obligation
of gratitude: in Willoughby's
case, gratitude for Franklin's
"forgiveness" after he has been
cuckolded by Willoughby.


In fact, Franklin's neglect
of Maria seems a deliberate, or
perhaps an unconscious, at-
tempt by him to place Morris
in the same relationship to
him as Willoughby has been -
to be cuckolded by a black
man as he had been by a
Does this, on the political
plane, symbolise the attempt
by the whites to shift the
basis of dependence of the
blacks a sort of sexual
foreign aid programme after
Maria's prostitution, about
which her father reproaches
her, consists not in going to
live with Franklin but in being
prepared to help him in the
prepared to help him in the
fraudulent integration he tries
to organise.
When we hear of her death
we do not know whether she
has killed herself because she
realises she was being used,
or simply for that very common
cause of suicide among Indian
girls the disgrace of bearing
a black man's child.


At all events, we feel that
even if she had not died, her
dream of finding happiness
purely in loving and serving
Franklin would have proved
as futile, if not as fraudulent,
as Franklin's own dreams, for
like them it sought to avoid
At the close of the play,
Franklin has fallen from his
false pedestal. Morris has de-
clined his forgiveness, Charbon
has renounced envy of his
own weaknesses, he must now
find his strength on even terms
with his black compatriots or
not at all.
And as the white man grows,
however slightly, in his accept-
ance of reality, so do the
blacks. Is it an end or a be-
ginning? Walcott asks in a pro-
gramme note. No one knows.
Franklin unmistakably says
things that neither Dream on
Monkey Mountain nor In a
Fine Castle, the two plays to
which it is most closely related,
have said.

Continued on Page 3

Denis Solomon review's

Derek Walcott's Franklin


,WHENTHE Georgetown
Accord was signed a ifew
days ago, the movement
towards Caribbean econo-
mic integration reached an
important new stage.
". Hopefully, the Accord.
is to lead within a year to
the establishment of a
Caribbean Community and
Common Market with :a
Common External Tariff,
Harmonised Fiscal Incen-
tives, a Double Taxation
Agreement and a Caribbean
Investment Company.
-On the face of it this seems
like a very impressive develop-
ment from the CARIFTA Ag-
reement which aimed to lay
foundations for the integration
movement by liberalising trade
and liberalising it quickly.


SSomething like 90% of the
intra-regional trade was irn-
mediately ,freed from import
duties and quantitative restric-
The disturbing feature is
that the Leeward & Windward,
Islands have been reluctant to
sign 'the new agreement im-
mediately. They are adopting
a wait-and-see attitude, until
May next year so as to be
able to assess the flow of the
tide before they would commit
At one level, you might
say that the reason for this
reticence on the part of the
smaller islands is that the Agri-
cultural' Marketing 'Protocol,
the Regional Development Bank
;ano the- Free Trade Agreement
S:have~railed: to bring tie pro-
.mised benefits and have there-
fore 'ot evoked the necessary
enthusiasm for further regional
economic integration.


It is painfully,true that the,-
,Agricultural MarketingtProtocol
hias not had any significant
impact. Reports are that St.
Vincent has profited from in-
creased sales of sweet potatoes
to Trinidad & Tobago while
Dominica's experience with
red' kidney beans under 'the
stimulus of the Protocol is
encouraging but the gains in
general have pot been as great
as it might have been.
So far as the increase in
trade is concerned, it'is again
admitted that most of it has
been not merely on the part
of but also between the larger

SFrom Page. 2

But to say them it "uses the
same vocabulary, and one might
suggest that that vocabulary is
becoming a little worn.
One has the impression of
a recombination of old ele-
ments the dream, the theme
of departure, the figure of the
farouche old-man-of-the forest,
the sea as crucible of souls.
The cadences of the dia-
logue, too, fall a trifle familiar-
ly on the ear the descriptive
adjective suddenly placed be-
fore a noun in an otherwise
Sprosaic sentence; the not always
motivated visual simile "the


I YYH~yyy F

EiT ~I :~I tUi~ iU

W ~' I 111111 reaci

and richer countries.
.Jamaica has enjoyed the
fastest rate. of growth while
largest absolute increase was
experienced by Trinidad arid.


The Regional Development
Bank.for its part, has certainly
been deploying funds amongst
the less wealthy islands but
the Bank's life has been ver\
short so far and its lending
rates for most of its capital
must be tied to the .rates at
which the Bank can borrow
in, the capital markets of the
The smaller islands have
turned a critical eye on these
important facts and they are
wondering whether, economic
integration is not essentially
a device for capturing protected
markets for, the high-cost manu-
facturing 'sectors in the bigger
of the participating countries.
The questions the radical
forces in the Caribbean are
asking then is whether the
current integration strategy
stands any real chance of hold-
ing the region together. Arid

schooner like a white
.bird"; the cleft clause: "Is that
self' I did thinking as 'I come
up frqm the beach".
This is not to say that'
Walcott's prose is trite: in this
second naturalistic play 'it is,
)as flexible, witty and concise
as it was in In a Fine Castle.
But his everlasting struggle
to find, in a naturalistic play,
an adequate means of expression
for his fishermen, sailors and
peasants leads him to impress
his poetic signattire a little
heavily on the dialogue.
Like 'Ti Jean and his
SBrothers, Franklin is an old
play re-written by Walcott to

if not, why not? And what is
S the alternative for us?
'The strategy which is now
being employed by those who
are fashioning integration policy
: s. logically an outgrowth of
the economic policy which has
brought disaster in the internal,
economic affairs of so many of
the West Indian islands.
SThe basic assumption is that,
these islands are underdeve-
loped. You see this perception
most irritatingly in the odious
distinction now being offered
between LDC's and MDC's,' the
so-called less ard more deve-
loped countries.
But there is nothing under-
developed about the Caribbean
Economy. The problem is pre-
cisely that the structures and
institutions are very highly
developed and therefore very
hard to alter. But we need to
alter them because they have
been developed and entrenched
in order to specialise resources
in producing raw materials for
export only. In this sense, there
'is no way in which Grenada is
less developed than Trinidad.
Theipurveyors of these colo-
nial perceptions pay all kinds
of lip service to the resources

''embody his reactions to the
crisis in our history we are
SnJean, Dream, Castle and
Franklin constitute a body of'
work: as complete and as im-
mediately related to our con-
temporary situation as any
society could hope to have.
The virulence of the critical
,commentary thdy have aroused
is alofte a sufficient testimony
to this.
Witi Franklin there comes
the feeling that Walcott, like'
the country, is at the end of
a phase. Let us hope that,
S like the:country, he is gathering
Himself for a new stage ji his :

in which' the Caribbean region
is rich. That has been a recent
adaptation to indigenous
radical thought. But the entire
burden of policy is aimed at
simply mimicking the path of
economic transformation
through which the North At-
lantic countries have gone.


The irony of this situation
is that an extremely competent
and idealistic team of tech-
nocrats has been assemble6 in
Georgetown and is being led
by William Demas. Demas left
the catastrophe of PNM policy.
in Port of Spain hoping to do
s'pmething new and better in
Georgetown. It would be tragic
if the work reached the same
unhappy ending on both the
territorial and the regional stage.
What the smaller islands can
smell is that the harmonisation
of fiscal incentives, the deve-'
lopment company, and the
common external tariff like
the Agricultural Marketing Pro-.
tocol, are not .going to make
much difference because they
do not come to grips with the
totally inadequate organisation
of the region's productive re-
Basically, the economic,
policy of the conventional poli-
tical regime is on a scene of
attracting foreign investment,
of not offending traditional
economic interests and replac-
ing imports by domestic pro-
duction wherever such a
programme would ,upset no
voters or creditors, actual or
The idea here is that the
Caribbean is too small and too
poor to extract its hands from
the lion's mouth. Caribbean in-
tegration then becomes simply
a device for winning larger
markets. This is precisely why,
like the West Indies Federation
before it, it is bound to nn-.

gender disruptive, rather' than:
integrative forces.
i The alternative strategy has
to begin by assuming that we
are not too small or too poor
to do anything that we wish
to do; that we must first move
towards Ccontrol of our own
-resources, full employment,
and a full measure of social
equality within and amorig
islands before we begin to pro-
mote economic growth and
transformation of the economic


In other words, we have first
to commit the large majority
*of the West Indian and Carib,
bean people to the rigours and
costs of economic transforma-
tion by giving them back their
rightful stake in the resources
and the fruits of their place.
The whole strategy must
now therefore be revised if
the further stages of integration
are to mean more than building
up valuable administrative and
bureaucratic contacts, produ-
cing useful statistical and re-
search materials and developing
important human contacts.
df the new strategy at the
territorial level puts social
equality, full employment and
national independence first,
then at the regional level, the
priority measures willvery lilke-
ly be as follows:-


A West Indian National
SService Scheme with a partial
integration of the civil service
of the region*;
*Immediate an4d complete
localization of the system of:
banking, money and finance.
This must involve the expulsion
of foreign financial interme-
diaries and the establishment
of an integrated West Indian
money and capital market.
Regional rationalization
of the sugar and banana indus-
tries with appropriate schemes
for zoning, for centralization
of processing and mechaniza-
tion of cultivation, and for
regional control of shipping.
Abandonment of piece-,
meal assembly-type import-re-
placing industrial programmes.
The' motor-car industry, for
example could be rationalised
by choosing one or two designs
and involving the entire region
in their (partial) manufacture
in collaboration with external
interests but on completely
different ,terms, from the pre-.
Adoption of agriculture
for home consumption as the
priority sector in the region
and throwing the burden of
Sour resources behind it on a
regional scale.
A single regional policy
for the localization and reor-
ganization of the mineral ex-
port sector, namely, petroleum
and bauxite.
These measures are provoca-
tively stated. They will be des-
cribed as idealistic and im-
practical which is to say they
require the prior triumph of
the unconventional politics. We
in Tapia are not at all worried
*about that.

Vandalism in Schools

Trinidad and Tobago or,
if you like, the Prime
Minister, has expressed dis-
may over the wilful des-
truction of school property
that is so much in evidence
in the Trinidad and Tobago
of 1973.
Not only has the act, itself,
inspired governmental anger,
but the reluctance of villagers
to form themselves into vigi-
lante squads has been viewed
with genuine puzzlement by
the powers, or if you like, the
And quite recently the Par-
liamentary Secretary in the
Ministry of Works, Mr. Wilton
Hinds, has sought by inference
to lay the responsibility for
the vandalism in schools on
the shoulders of the people
opposed to the People's
National Movement.


As the representative for
Laventille, Mr. Hinds must know
that the breaking-up of desks,
tables, doors etc., in schools
is done not by maurading bands
of revolutionaries (we do not
behave in that way) but by
youths who were former mem-
bers, themselves of the schools
in question.
The experience of the
schools in Laventille is there
for all to note and one must
ask oneself why is it that
pupils of a school would wan-
tonly destroy the very desks
on which they sat and the
blackboards on which their
teachers wrote.
It is possible to take one
of two views. The first, and
it is the PNM view, is that
there are ungrateful sons-of-
bitches on the loose who are
unappreciative of all that the
PNM has done for them in
the field of education.
The second is that the acts
of vandalism are committed

by youths who have no regard
for their ex-school simply be-
cause they feel that the school
- what with the insanitary
conditions, perfunctory teach-
ing and depressing course work
- had no regard for them.
It is in this sense, really,
that the damaging of school
property is a political act -
not in the sense that the PNM
propaganda would have it. Of
course, the PNM's response to
this second interpretation
would be to say that it is an
attempt to legitimise vandalism.
It is nothing of the sort, but
if one agrees that it is not
natural for people to want to
mash-up things, the more so
when these things are the pro-
perty of their own school then
one must look for deeper
reasons either that or we are
a nation with far more than
its share of madmen.
Unschooled as we are in
political action, and particularly
in political action aimed at
change, is it so surprising that
groups of young men seeing
that, for them, the promise
of education has not been ful-
filled and weary of the dissipa-
tion of the lime strike back in
a sustained bout of negative


The truth is that for all the
additional school places that
the PNM has given us since it
came into power it is the
exceptional students that re-
ceive any benefit.
And while we might have
been "traditionalized" into be-
lieving that education is for
the "bright boys" the task that
is yet to be performed is to
provide a school system and a
system of schools that offers
a fair chance to all but the
doddering imbecile.
Under such a system the
crime of bringing young people


from the unsanitary conditions
that is the environment of their
homes to hot, stuffy, dirty
class-rooms can certainly not
be tolerated.
Nor can you cram 900 stu-
dents in a school built for
300 and expect students to
have love for and loyalty to
that school which is the key
to the present crisis in the
Diego Martin Boys R.C.
Really, the answer to the
problem of vandalism in
schools is not as simple as the
government would have us be-
Appeals to loyalty presumes
that there exists some relation-
ship between the government
and the people it serves and to
argue that damage to school
property harms the country
and not the government is to
make a dishonest distinction.
After all, "the country" is
an abstract thing until it is
translated in terms of the peo-
ple that comprise it, their hopes
and their aspirations and even

more b
a positii
that we
we find
by app
the cou
eating p
of apple
form th


that the
cular di
same vi
their so
think tl

- No easy

by and large outside the run-
ning of government, how can
they now be asked to bail the
Government out of an em-
barrassing and costly situation?
The schools, like the village
post office, were simply put
there in the community,
but not part of it, its direction,
determined by the Ministry of


The children went
and came back, but apart from
*I % that, it never had any relation
to the adults in the district -
S it was never "their" school -
so why so now?
If 18 years ago the PNM
had had the same trust in the
people as the people had in
F them, then by now we would
have' become accustomed to
being responsible for things
and vigilante squads, if necess-
asically in their having ary, would be formed simply
ve role to play. as a matter of course.
because no government
have so far had has ever When we suggested a differ-
ed us any importance ent approach to school-build-
it difficult to be stirred ings we certainly did not have
>eals to do things for in mind vandalism. What we
uatry whether it be did have in mind was to use
entry whether it be
g up the Savannah or schools as more than schools,
pomme-cytheres instead or rather to use the term in
es. .other than its conventional
:h brings us to the Prime meaning.
r's appeal to citizens to
themselves into vigilante COMMUNITY
to protect school pro-
We had in mind a school
that related to the area in
;AME VIEW which it was schools that
were large social centres, equip-
even if we concede ped with libraries, TV, radio
a-residents of any parti- and reading rooms; facilities
strict do not share the for drama, sports, music, dan-
iew of the 'schools as cing, art etc. providing a
ns and daughters, why base for a new kind of com-
we believe that they munity life.
he protection of school We understood that people
y is any of their busi- had to be brought into govern-
ment at every level, in good
n the fact that the times and in bad times, and
's residents have existed that we could do nothing unless
we created village, municipal
and county authorities small
enough to make people see
the potentials that we have.
Mistakes will be made but
they will be more than counter-
balanced by this new sense of
involvement and the corres-
.R Y ponding readiness to co-operate
in decisive action.
If all this seems a rather
Long and difficult way to rid
ourselves of the problem of
* t school vandalism; if we think
1gl tl that there is an easier way, we
t have not understood the rhet-
[ u orical question that the popu-
lation is constantly posing


Attractive Rates

Reliable Service




New Dorir




and delici




Poor Paraguayans

flee police state

THE International Com-
mission of Jurists published
a report on Paraguay in
1966, a report which is
still valid today.
It speaks of "a very
large number of political
emigrants" which is "proof
of the existence of a police
state in this country, which
is virtually isolated from
the outside".
Since .the coup d'etat of
1954, General Stroessner has
been governing Paraguay with
absolute powers. Political and
economic power is concentra-
ted in the same hands. To
avoid imprisonment and even
death, many Paraguayans have
chosen exile,
In Paraguay one must be-
long to the government party
to obtain any job directly or
indirectly related to public ad-
Many have had to seek refuge
in other countries because they
do not belong to the official
party and therefore have no
job opportunities.
Paraguay has fewer than two

i *, '***.

* ,.


and a half million inhabitants,
but there are more than a
million Paraguayans living out-
side the country.
In 1967 there were 148,069
Paraguayans residing legally in
Argentina, and the same
amount again, are in the count
try illegally.
The exodus is increasing..
The Argentine consulate in the
border town of Encarn:acion,
for example, issues some 50
residence visas a day, but the
great majority cross the border

without visas. The country that
is suffering from this chronic
population hemorrhage has an
area of more than 400,000
square kilometres: it is a desert.
A country of emigrants,
Paraguay is providing other
countries with manpower and
brains. It comes as no surprise
in any Latin American country,
especially in Argentina and Bra-
zil, to hear Guarani spoken
'by a bartender, a newspaper
vendor, a shoeshine boy, a
construction worker or farmer.

* -LIS



We marched in Butler's
barefoot mad batallions
in a damned time
on the slave world's, slipping edge;
our arms were rhetoric
and they shot us down
and scattered us to the Trade Winds;
we shook the pillars of the place and wept.

Williams called us
and we thought we'd won;
we set him on, the golden stool,
gave him kingdom upon kingdom
Sof the heart; our pride and love
ringed him with janizaries.

Confusion fell upon us
as we learned on the years' marches
that he was not ours but history's ruin:
his homing instinct's back to barracoons
and slave plantations.
Damballa laughed
Jehovah sneered
They sent no Moses season
no one of Toussaint's valour
nor Joshua's genius for the craft of war.

We were a mob;
our barricades fell down on our own braying
Jackals have whinnied in the lion's lair.
A cruel cunning lodged that grappe
of fools where Butler lodged
a generation gone; their rank piss
fouled the old man's tattered sheets.

This veteran of griefs, betrayals, shames
snarls in the ancestral void
where the Middle Passage flung us
on our knees. And in my one whple ear
I hear the moles purr in the silent dark
among iht si ne's.- these wretched murmurations ..

Don't,mock me about dreams
I am too old.
Don't sneer of prophecies
count me among the numberless dead
this grisly century.
I've eaten so much history that I belch
boloms of years to come.
Drunk each day's carnival
I leer and squint at time telescoped
in Jesus'spear-cleft side.
We shall not build
a kingdom of this world that is not ours

Station by station throughout history
the ground is bloody; the hero's face
stamped on the woman's napkin's masked in blood.

E. I. Roach ,

* for the paint-shop man.

* for the home craftsman.

* for everybody.

Just ask for the
NCH-601 outfit

for only $375.00
;jL a~i^ *\ *'*

T&T.............. $12.00 TT
CARIFTA .........1 !8.00 WI
CARIBBEAN........ '12.50 US
US/CANADA........ 15.00 TJS
UK................ 8.00 UK
W. Europe.......... 10.00 UK
WEST AFRICA.......L2.00 UK
INDIA............ 12.00 UK
AUSTRALIA........ 12.00 UK
EAST AFRICA...... 15.00 UK
FAR EAST......... 15.50 UK
All overseas deliveries airmail.
Surface mail rates on request.

91, Tunapuna Road,
Trinidad & Tobago.

--L- -. II


Denis So omonTfT'dresse the N

A COMBINATION of negligence, ineptitude
and low politics has distorted the citizenship
provisions of the present Constitution to the
grave detriment of nationals of the country.
This is what Denis Solomon, Vice Chairman
of the Tapia House Group, told the National
Constitution Convention on Tuesday last.
The agenda item relating to citizenship had been
brought forward to accommodate the two delegates
from the Trinidad and Tobago Alliance of New York,
USA, who had flown in to put their Group's views
on citizenship before the Convention, and were due
to return to New York the following morning.
Putting Tapia's views on citizenship to the Con-
vention, Solomon said:-
"In an age dominated by nationalism, our status
in the world depends on our citizenship. We function
in the world as a whole only by virtue of the fact
that we possess the citizenship of a sovereign country.
It is our citizenship that assures us the protection
of our government when we are abroad, and at
home it secures us the right to be elected to
Parliament; the right (together with other Common-
wealth citizens) to vote; the right to acquire land;
the right to work without a working permit; and
immunity from exile, deportation, or extradition by
the authorities of another country."


This question of exile or deportation, the Tapia
speaker said, was not just theoretical: since 1970
it had assumed great importance, and political victimi-
zation under the guise of law was a reality today.
The promulgation by Governments of laws, or
constitutional provisions, defining citizenship was
therefore a matter for the utmost care.
Yet in Trinidad and Tobago a combination of
negligence, ineptitude and low politics had distorted
the citizenship provisions of our Constitution to
such a degree that a very large number of people
who considered themselves Trinidadians had been
in'fact excluded from citizenship by these very
provisions and might in time have found themselves
subject to all the debilities, attendant upon non-
Snational status.
In addition, the Constitution had, and still has,
the effect of creating, among those who are citizens,
classes differentiated by possession or non-possession
of certain privileges, namely the right to pass on
their citizenship to their children, and the right
to hold dual citizenship.
The question of citizenship had been seen in
emotional terms in terms of the "loyalty" and
"commitment" of the citizen to the State, and
in terms of the aspiration of certain groups, chiefly
women, to equality under the Constitution.


These concerns, Solomon said, were legitimate
and important, but the question of citizenship,
like all Constitutional questions, must be considered
first in relation to historical, geographical and political
realities, and secondly, in relation to the permanent
political, legal and administrative arrangements that
would make the duties and privileges of citizenship,
both at home and abroad, a permanent reality.
So it all came back to the question of producing
workable Constitutional provisions that can ensure
the permanent control of government by the people
and a permanent flow of information in the process
of legislation.
Whatever may have happened at Queen's Hall in
1962, Solomon said, it was a fact that the present
Constitution was written by one man in two weeks.
It bore no relation to the realities of the situation.
The result of this was that, in its attempt to give
effect to an ill-considered nationalism, the Consti-
tution required all Trinidadians who had other
citizenship to renounce it or lose their citizenship
of this country.
This was done at the same time as the British
government was following its customary procedure
of legislating to allow all those whose fathers or'
paternal grandfathers were born in the UK and
colonies to retain UK citizenship.
Because of the peculiar situation of Trinidad and
Tobago, this had the effect of depriving a large
number of our citizens of their citizenship, since

Denis Solomon
they were the children or grandchildren of migrants
from other British Caribbean Colonies of the U.K.
In most cases the people affected did not even
know this.
The Opposition was as much to blame as the
Government for this state of affairs, because when
the Government realized that the provision forbidding
dual citizenship was unworkable, the DLP had
sufficient seats to block the proposed Constitutional
"I am not saying that the Opposition should
have refused to assist in rectifying an error" Solomon
said. "But when the Government proposed in 1965
to repeal the. provision forbidding Trinidad-UK dual
citizens to hold both nationalities, the Opposition
made no attempt to even publicise the PNM's
stupidity (for it was a PNM and not a national


Still less did they attempt to force a review
of the entire question of citizenship. Instead they
collaborated with the Government in plugging the
hole as quietly as possible, leaving all the other
holes unplugged."
Not only were the citizenship provisions distorted
by negligence, but they had also been the object
of disgraceful tampering by the PNM government
for political purposes.
In order to assist Burnham in finding overseas
voters (some people were unkind enough to say
inventing overseas voters) to help him win the
Guyana election, the Trinidad and Tobago Parliament
in 1968 amended the Constitution once again to
enable citizens of Trinidad and Tobago and other
"Commonwealth Caribbean territories" to retain
dual citizenship. This amendment was also made
with hardly any debate in Parliament or outside.
The present Constitutional exercise, the Tapia
speaker insisted, must result in popular control
over the executive strong enough to ensure that
such disgraceful tampering with the fundamental
law of the land will never recur.
"The question of whether or not dual citizenship
should be permitted is therefore to a great extent
otiose," said Solomon, "because in these two im.
portant respects it has already been admitted, in
one case through belatedly but incompletely recog-
nised necessity, and in the other through dishonesty.
"Reverting to the overall principle, we in Tapia
feel that dual citizenship should be permitted to
the maximum possible degree.
"The 'nationalist' attitude according to which
people who acquire or avail themselves of other
citizenships are branded as 'disloyal' and deprived
of citizenship of this country is an extremely small-
minded attitude. It is the same attitude which
dictated that Trinidadians serving in the Federal
Government should be prevented from taking up
jobs in the Trinidad and Tobago service after the
death of the Federation.
.It is the same attitude to which Garfield Sobers


could testify today if you do not play up to false
pride, you are shut out."
Iti was a fact of this country's existence that
people were forced to emigrate to seek a living.
To impose on them a choice between poverty and
loss of citizenship was cruel and unnecessary.
It was also a fact that while the countries of
Europe and North America were widening the limits
of travel and employment for their own citizens
they. were placing heavier and heavier restrictions
on citizens of the third world.
The Cbmmonwealth Immigrants Act and its suc-
cessors, whereby the UK placed severe entry restric-
tions even on its own black citizens, was a con-
comitant of the European Common Market.
When the United States abolished immigration
quotas for the rest of the world, it imposed quotas
on Western Hemisphere countries for the first time.
The reason openly given was the appearance in the
Hemisphere of three independent black nations -
Jamaica, Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago.


In such a situation, when our citizens were faced
with restrictions everywhere else, it was foolish for
us to place restrictions on them ourselves. Instead
we should frame our citizenship laws in such a way
as to give maximum advantage to our citizens
abroad as well as at home.
When an Englishman wanted to register as a
Trinidad and Tobago citizen in order to reside and
work here, Britain facilitated his renunciation of
British citizenship in order to enable him to do it.
When he was ready to return home, Britain gave him
his citizenship back on application.
Trinidad and Tobago must do the same. Whatever
"renunciation" of Trinidad and Tobago citizenship
was required by the authorities of another country
to permit a Trinidadian to be naturalised there, such
renunciation should have no effect here, and the
individual's Trinidad and Tobago citizenship should
continue unabated.
Solomon went on to point out that under the
present Constitution there was a group of citizens
who were disadvantaged in relation to their fellows.



Itoa Covnto at *'aurms

Hi 1111 A .
id RmIB/s40
^HBB BB^^^^^^B ^^--^B^^f ^^^^W ^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^*6 ^

"I am not referring to women" he said "who are
now recognised-to be disadvantaged in that they
cannot transmit citizenship to their children. I am
,referring to citizens by descent, who are prevented
from transmitting their citizenship to their children
if such children are born abroad.
"This situation could easily have been prevented
by the insertion of a provision allowing registration of
the birth of such children at a Consulate. This is what
the 1948 UK Nation'ality Act does.
"But our Constitution does not, with the result
that such children not only do not acquire their
father's citizenship but are not eligible for registration
along with other Commonwealth residents of this
country. Their only recourse is to naturalisation,
like aliens, after the age'of 21.
If the Government had considered itself in any
way accountable, this fault could have been rectified.
"Before Independence in 1962," Solomon told the
Convention, "I myself pointed out this failing to the
then Attorney General.
His first reaction was to deny that the difficulty
existed. He evidently had not read the draft Consti-
tution. When I pointed out that it did exist, he then
claimed that the children concerned could be regis-
tered as citizens. When I explained to him that the
registration provisions could not apply to them, he
shrugged his shoulders and said it was all right they
could apply for naturalisation."


The PNM Government had also been completely
delinquent in its responsibility to take the political,
legal and administrative steps necessary for the
fulfilment of its duties to its citizens, particularly
to its citizens abroad.
Many of these duties were carried out through
consuls, whose job it was to facilitate the business
and legal affairs of citizens abroad. These functions
could not be assured simply by naming consuls it
was necessary to pass a variety of domestic legislation
so that consuls could exist, so that they could be
accepted as such by the countries in which they
operated and so that their acts could have legal
validity in this country.
None of this had been done. There werepeople in

various countries'who were called 'consuls"' of
.Trinidad and, Tobago,,but no official act performed
by any of them could have any effect in Trinidad
and Tobago law because in that law they were
There were a lot of people walking about now,
Solomon said, who had legal documents, relating to
divorce, property ownership and other matters, which
they believed had been "validated" by the signature
of a Trinidad and Tobago Consul.


Such documents, said Solomon, "are in my opinion
totally, invalid, and are subject to challenge in the
courts. If anyone has any such document and is
disturbed by what I have said, I advise him to take
an interest in the proceedings of this Convention, with
a view to ensuring that this kind of confusion never
happens again".
/In this case, too, the Government did not have
the excuse of ignorance. In 1963, a comprehensive


report was submitted to the Minister of External
Affairs setting out in detail all the administrative
and legislative machinery required for Consular
representation abroad.
Instead of being acted upon by the Ministry, the
Report was added as an appendix to the Alexander
S report on the Foreign Service. The purpose of this
was to suggest that the Alexander committee had-
done work, although the report was not prepared by
by that committee but by an officer in the Ministry.
"To this day, not one line of that report has been
implemented", Solomon declared.


The watchdog .on the operations of the Govern-
ment in the area of the foreign relations was supposed
to be the Bi-Partisan Foreign Affairs Committee of
the House of Representatives. But this Committee,
Solomnon claimed, never debated foreign affairs or
foreign policy.
In fact Parliament itself almost- never debated
foreign affairs in ten years there have been three
statements on foreign affairs in Parliament: two by
Williams and one by Robinson.
S The Foreign Affairs Committee was never even
constituted.a standing committee of the House and
so it conveniently went out of existence at the end
of every session. It soon degenerated into an instru-
ment to screen applicants for the Foreign Service for
political reliability.
The real Foreign Affairs Committee, the Tapia
speaker continued, was the General Council of the
PNM. Matters such as Trinidad and Tobago's entrance
into the OAS were solemnly submiled to the PNM
General Council for decision before the Government
took action.


This combination of inefficiency, negligencee and
dishonesty can only be overcome by making the
Government continually accountable for its acts and
providing. both the legislature and the executive
with the information necessary, for national adminis-
tion of citizenship as well as all other constitutional
These factors would be provided, Solomon said,
by the kind of legislative and executive machinery
proposed by Tapia. Citizens' needs in the area of
overseas protection and assistance would be made
known through the Senate; there would be groups and
individuals in the Senate specialising in foreign affairs
in a non-partisan way; and there would certainly be
foreign affairs committees of the Senate, the House,
the Legislative as a whole (i.e., the Panchayat)
perhaps even all three.



ISPSte phens






the extra mile


we have something ,

to prove.

You, and BVWIA, and people in the
Caribbean -- we have something
to prove. To people looking on. Most
of all, to ourselves.
Because the story goes that you"
and B\l IA, and Caribbean people,
cannot do much'for, or by, ourselves!
And we have to challenge this
notion. Because it's a msth %e cannot
afford. Each, in his ow\n was. must
fight this thing. We, in BWIA, have to
show this in all we do to make it
worth your while
flying BWIA. Every
chance vou


Whether you're a visitor. Or a w -- U
Caribbean cousin.
For we're out there competing with
international people. Who know their
business. And are not in the habit of
stepping aside politely to bestow .
favors on an\ one. Bj

Every bit of credit we gel, we have
to earn. Ever\ inch of progress we make,
we have to merit. And to do this we
have to do that little bit rore. Make
that extra effort. Go that extra mile.



we've gota good thing going for you.

_ I ~ I



JUST BEFORE the start
of the third test in the
present series between
Australia and the West
Indies at the Queen's Park
Oval, the manager of the
West Indies team, Clyde
Walcott, introduced both
teams to the public.
When he was about to
introduce the West Indies
team, he made mention
of the "new look" West
Indies team. What was new
about the team?
From my observation, the
only thing new, or rather old,
is the attitude of the selectors,
and perhaps, West Indies Cricket
Board of Control as well, to
the professionals on the team -
an attitude that has reasserted
itself since the reversals of
our cricket fortunes since the
tour of Australia of 1968-69.
Indeed, a painstaking ana-
lysis for the reasons for the
failures was necessary, one
which might have induced re-
forms of one kind or another.
Instead, the6 was a vicious
witchunting that led to the
decapitation of many a
cricketer's head.


fail West

In dies Cricket

It is always difficult to see
yourself, but the reason for our
failure has been largely due to
the incompetence of the ad-
ministrators of our cricket.
In the first place, our cricket
planners did not prepare for
the' day when Hall, Griffith
and others would retire from
active participation in the game.
Young players were not
groomed for the rainy day
and their replacements were
left entirely up to chance.
For the short tour of
England, which followed the
1968-69 tour of.Australia/New

Zealand, ,the selectors intro-
duced new blood.
But hear how: During
the last Test between New
Zealand and ourselves, the team
for England was released to
the international press and five
of the players playing at that
time were dropped from that
The West Indies failed to
win that match because the
Kiwis did not delay in relaying
the announcements.
On what information did
the selectors go by, for, both
the manager's and the captain's

report had not been forwarded.
The only information they
had was what they got from
the international press. The
consequent demoralisation of
the survivors of the selectors'
axe is obvious.
Then came the Indian tour
of 1971 and the selectors in-
tially refused to bring back
Kanhai until Sobers spoke up
for his selection.
In 1972 he was completely
overlooked. Lance Gibbs, be-
tween the years 1969 and 1972
was shabbily treated by the
David Holford who was
facetiously labelled "cousin
Holford" by an English com-

mentator was discarded before
the talent of Inshan All, Willett,
and Jumadeen were unearthed.
Clive Lloyd, until the inter-
vention of .Burnham was left
out of the present tour.
It is quite clear, to me at
any rate, that the only thing
new about the administrative
policy has been this attitude
to the professionals especially
those who survived the roaring
It culminated in the exclu-
sion of the greatest player of
all time Garfield St. Aubyn
Sobers. If the greatest player
the region has produced and
other players of note can be

Continued on page 11

A NEW basketball com-
Spetition, the East Amateur
: Basketball League, will be
Opened on May 5.
It has been formed at a
time when basketball is gaining
popularity with the south in
the eastern districts, forced as
they are to find sports that
do not need large playing
Basketball fits the require-
ment aptly and it is rapidly
becoming the "in" ghetto sport. *,
Even the league organizers
have been surprised at the en-
couraging response.
The closing date for regis-
tration is April 28, and so far
12 clubs have expressed more
than just interest in participa-
Most of the clubs come from
the Tunapuna/Curepe area but

Santa Cruz, and Mausica are
The clubs are:-
All Blacks (Tunapuna)
Ball Weavers (Curepe)
Ujamaa (Santa Cruz)
Grassroots (Curepe)
Pleasure Seekers (St. Joseph)
Amoja Panthers (El Dorado)
Shaft (Tunapuna)
Ball Brothers (San Juan)

The opening of the League
will take place on the Univer-
sity's; court, next to Daaga Hall.
The opening will feature the
traditional march past of clubs
and will be followed by two
exhibition matches, one of
which will be a women's basket-

ball match and the other a
representative League Team vs
a team to be announced.
On Tuesday April 10, the
E.A.B.L. held its first annual
general meeting at the Univer-
sity which has given generous
support to the activities of the
Officers elected for the
1973/74 season are:-
President: Desmond De
Nobriga; Ist President: Simon
Clement; 2nd Vice President:
C. De Landro; Secretary: Pedro
Montanez Jnr; Treasurer: U.
Brian; Competitions Secretary:
Carlton Munroe; Public Rela-
tions Secretary: George Henry.

New East Basketball

l ueO formed



74 Independence Square, P.O.S.
19 30 High St., San Fernando,
(Trinidad, W..)




You always

wanted her to


makes it easy -

and an ideal

Gift too.



- = --






Co-op spirit mov

A NEW movement is n
in the southland. Weary.
groan of unemployment at
their energies and talents 1
the block in a number of
formed into the co-op group
Dotting the roadside from
into Pleasantville ,can be seen
such groups. These youths share
unemployment and the will tc
ting or outside influence, the
their common problems and.wi

, '


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'! r




Every Week



'P4~', ~*

tow developing among youths
and fedup of the scrunt and
nd want, they are now turning
to co-op ventures. The lime on
Spaces is rapidly being trans-
ip on the block.
La Remain through San Fernando
i the "shacks" and stalls of many
e three things in common: poverty,
helpthemselves. Without promo-
ey have bonded together to solve
ork out a common future.
Many do not realise that
they have started in the same
manner as the founder of the
Co-op movement in Rochdale,
Here in the mid-19th Cen-
tury, 28 unemployed artisans,
,pennyby penny put together
U28 and launched L a man.
By dint of hardwork and
proper organisation, they suc-
Sceeded and laid down funda-
Smental principles for the opera-
Stion of cooperatives.
The Pleasantville co-op was
founded in mid-February. In
this group, there are 15 brothers
'and one sister, ranging in age
I :from 15 to 29.


In a rapping session on the
block, the question' of bread
arose. How to make ani honest
bread? They would sell oranges
for the Carruval. Before the
session could end more perma-
nent plans were laid.
The next day they began`
to construct a "shack" The
Pleasantvdle Youth Co-opi
Market was launched.
The Pleasantville Youth Co-
op group insists on proper
records of all business tran-
sactions. There is a daily time,
table of activities and a mem-
bers' duty roster. On Thursdays
they meet to discuss the past
week's work and to plan for
the following.
So far all returns have been
reinvested. With good support
from the Pleasantville residents
they see room for expansion
and hope to acquire a better
site when the. giant Pleasant-
Sville Co-op complex is com-
One member, asked to give
his opinion on the new thing,
replied: "What it want is dis-
cipline and proper organisation.,
It eh easy. In fact it hard.
But it is more satisfying than
the week scene:"
At La Romain, there is the -
Little People Market. Here again
the idea came druing a lime on
the block..
Christmas was here no
bread. Ten brothers put their
plans to the villagers and re-
ceived -about $60 in donations.
They secured the County Coun-
cil's permission and built their

On February 17, they
launched. With the help of a
village merchant. the\ bought
kitchen goods wholesale at Port
of Spain and San Fernando.
Here too they stress the
need for proper organisation.
No liming is allowed at the
market. Yuh finish work go
The La Romain Little Peo-
ple market operates a shift
system with normal wroking
hours, between 6.00 a.m. and
4.00 p.m. According to market
conditions they open till night-
Thursday night is their stock-
taking night. "Just put your
mind tq it;" they say, "and it
could make good money,." They
know- they did.
Recently' however, they
have been forced to close shop.
The market stands on an un-
paved road and it has become
simply impossible to operate
in the great waves of dust that
follow every wind or motor
vehicle in the present hr:-h
dry season. In the meantime
they are examining other
avenues of economic activity.

On Rushworth Street in San
Feinando, up to one week ago
stood the Union of Brothers
(UOB) Co-op Market. The
"shack",has been pulled down
but the Co-op still exists.
The owner .of the land on
which the structure stood now
wants the land for his own
business expansion. The bro-
thers are grateful for the help
they got here. They see this as
just a temporary setback.
The UOB was founded
around Christmas time to raise
fundsi to build a combo. The
combo now brings in its own
Without a market site, they
plan, to operate with bicycles
and stalls to service the many
schools in the area whose
pupils offered greatest patron-
'Here the brothers spoke
about the problem of land and
transport. They would like to
grow their own crops very
often the middle man takes too
much. Then again, they often
get the goods cheap enough
but transport payments cut
Continued on page 11

es the


Continued from page 10
deeply into the profit margin.
The UOB also spoke of the
stereotyped responses groups

like theirs get from neighbours
- young and old.
Older folk simply wrote
them off from the start "dem
could never make good in


Younger ones, when told
they could not lime in the
shop respond: "All yuh getting
on like capitalist already".
All these groups seem to
be taking a realistic view of
the situation.
They make mistakes but are

learning fast. They know that
in seeking to sell commodities
they have also to sell them-
selves. They know the value of
discipline, proper organisation
and management techniques.
A new movement is surely
on the move. After liming and
scrunting, these young brothers
and sisters are now firmly con-
vinced that "it eh easy".
They have a view of their
future it eh easy but it eh
impossible. They intend to
work, plan, save and build.
They intend to take up their
beds and walk.



A I Crmc- -ke

Continued From page 9
so treated, the present players
must feel at best, insecure and
'atw6rst, demoralised.
/ Yet, local commentators
Make the simple and facile
judgement that West Indian
cricketers lack discipline and
team spirit.
One self-proclaimed creative
artist, in a pre-tour analysis,
even had the nerve to ask
whether Gary Sobers could
make the team even if fit.
In this atmosphere of in-
security, contempt and "pavi-
lion" interference is teamwork
and discipline possible?


Also, the role of the press.
Each touring team coming to
the West Indies is accompanied
by a political arm of news
writers and propagandists. For
Australia the man is Keith
Miller who is given front page
coverage by our oldest news-
Of course, there is nothing
wrong with any newspaper
giving coverage to opposition
views, but our dailies should
be selective rather than high-
lighting everything the inter-
national press has to
say, especially when what is
said is certain to affect ad-
versely the public mind or the
players morale.
For example, E. M. Welling,
of put-them-in-cages fame,
should never be given the slight-
est notice.


Wellings is easy to detect
but others like Keith Miller
are more subtle and more da-
maging. Miller did an effective
job during the 1968 tour.
During the second test at
the Oval in that year (1968)
he reported that Hall was over
the hill, a report which was
partly true.
The Express was naive
enough to empahsise the report
by the headline "Hall Over
The Hill". Did the Express
sports editor calculate the effect
of that headline on the players?
During that same tour,
Milelr dismissed Lance Gibbs
as being a shadow of himself.
The Express again emphasized
the point by using a picture
of Lance Gibbs with a caption
"a shadow of himself".

During the present series
he outdid himself. At the peak
of the crisis between Sobers
and the selectors, ostensibly
as a reply to J. S. Barker, he
declared that county cricket

in England had caused West
Indian batsmen to lose the
habit of using their feet to
spin bowlers, a statement which
is partly true and would have
been more appropriate for a

pre-tour analysis when writers
are weighing the strengths and
weaknesses of both teams.
To make the statement at
that time was at least mis-
chievious when the "new look"

policy of the West Indian selec-
tors is to weed out the pro-
fessionals who are big enough
in the game to demand better
working conditions for them-
selves and the junior players.


~t -; -


p R6 O1 872 /
Mrs. Andrea Talbul
Research Inst. for t
162 East 78th Stree
New York 10021,


Y., U.S.A.


ndies cricketers

can fight back

PEOPLE have such short
memories. There -are so
many times when the West
Indies have come back
from the brink the same
players they are calling
irresponsible, and with that
peculiar West Indian men-
tality they are talking
The famous test tie against
the Australians in 1969 was
a victory for Australia which
we plucked out of their hands
after it was all but sewn up -
Australia with four wickets in
hand needed only seven runs
for victory.
The West Indies were to
get four wickets for six runs
and tie the match. Was this
irresponsible cricket by Austra-
lia or great fighting qualities
by the West Indies?
In England in 1966, the
second test at Lords was another
one that was all sewn up.
England leading by 86 runs
on 1st innings had us reeling
at 95 for 5 when Sobers and
Holford took us out of trouble,
Sobers 163 and Holford 105
both not out, when we de-
clared our innings!!


Again in 1966 the third
test at Trent Bridge was one
of our great fightbacks led
by 90 runs on 1st innings we
were to lose our second wicket
of the following innings at
Then Butcher joined Kanhai
the Saturday of the test
match and they carried on
slowly but surely the press
and television Dennis Comp-
ton, Benaud and others
clamouring for the lost gay
West Indian cricketers scream-
ing that we were playing for
a draw since we were leading
1 0.
Sobers as captain in a press
interview after that Saturday's
play chastised the press saying
that their idea of West Indian
Calypso cricketers was all
wrong, that the situation de-
manded that we put our heads
down and play and even warned
that on Monday it could get

Well, on the Monday after
some further consolidation,
Kanhai, with his first attempt
at a forcing shot in the fight-
back with Butcher, was to
hole out to Cowdrey off Higgs
as he misread the length.
But he and Butcher had

laid the foundations, taking
the score to 175 in the partner-
ship. The stage had been set
and first with Nurse and then
Sobers, Butcher was to batter
the English attack about, allow-
ing Sobers to declare at 482
for 5. Butcher 209 not out -
before the day was over the
English batting was broken and
mere mopping up operations
were left for the final morning.
The first test against India
in 1971 at Sabina was yet
another occasion where we
were taken out of a very pre-
carious situation by some crisis
batting in the second innings
spearheaded by Kanhai (only
called at the last minute owing
to Sobers' insistence) with a
marathon 153 not out.
The Bridgetown test against
New Zealand last year saw us
again being saved by good fight-
ing cricket. Led by 198 on
first innings, five wickets were
down and we still had a deficit
of over a hundred runs when
Sobers and Davis put on a
partnership of over 250 runs
to save the match.
And so we can go on calling
match after match where the
West Indies have fought back
and even won in fact we
have quite a remarkable record
for recovering and playing in
crises, several of them with
the much maligned Gary Sobers
as captain.


Even on this tour people
have forgotten that we had to
fight with our backs to the
wall in the first two test
At Sabina, we were more
than 250 runs behind in the
first innings when we lost our
fourth wicket. Kanhai and
Foster added 210 for the fifth
In the Barbados test, we
were less than 200 for 5, going
at 324, when Murray and Kan-
hai stayed together for more
than 150 runs. In the third
test here, it was a grim battle
from the start and in the end
Australia earned a victory by
the narrowest of margins.
The one thing that Worrell
always stressed was the team.
There was a distinct feeling
at the start of this tour that
the West Indian players were
rallying around Kanhai.
Things had run stale with
Gary he had been at the
helm for eight years he had

had some really good times
and some bad ones but he
was not a bad captain and too
often was made the scapegoat
for all sorts of frailities in
West Indian cricket.
As always with new leader-
ship there was a renewed keen-
ess in the team and one had
hoped that we were going to
really give Australia a run for
their money but as the
credibility of the selectors fell
so too did the performance
and fighting spirit of the team.
From the start the selectors
were doing odd things closing
their options for the first test
when it was not necessary and
failure to make use of the
President's XI to have a last
look at some of the players
have been pointed out earlier.
This caused an outcry over
Davis' omission which at that
time was justified, and it
allowed Deryck Murray to sit
and breathe down Findlay's
neck throughout the Sabina


Came the second test and
the Sobers issue it was not
quite clear then but little did
we know how serious it was.
By the third test it was be-
coming more apparent Lloyd
was filling the place in the
team that should have been
Sobers' and the whole episode
was now beginning to tell on
the team.
The final straw was the
announcement just before the
Guyana test by the team
manager which is worth re-
peating how anybody could
look at the West Indian public
and say at that time that there
was no friction between the
selectors and Sobers and that
it was just a question of fitness
I will never understand.
By then of course the selec-
tors were reacting strongly to
public pressure the public
knew they were not picking
the best team from the best
players available so as always,
when merit is not your guiding
criterion all sorts of arbitrary
decisions were made. Their
credibility had sunk quite low.
From Jamaica came a news
report which speculated that
Lawrence Rowe's injury in the
third test was probably not so
bad that it could not have
been strapped up and possibly
allow him to bat after pain-
killing injections. This comment

\.I f(.

is important not because it
may be factually accurate but
because it was showing how
from all quarters of the Carib-
bean confidence in the selection
and management had all but
So we came to the fourth
test with the selectors in a
quandary- they were not going
to admit mishandling of the
Gary Sobers affair and play
"Political non-interference"
was not going to allow them
to omit Lloyd in Guyana after
hisjust having scored hundred
in the territorial match. They
also had to do some appeasing
of the public and since the
one thing the public expected
from them they were not pre-
pared to carry out, as happened
so often, they misread the
knowledgeable West Indian
cricketing public and decided
that finding a place for Charlie
Davis on the team would
appease them somewhat.


The fact of the matter was
that Davis' confidence had
suffered a blow and he was
out of form, and with other
batsmen in form there was no
place for him on the team
at that stage.
There is a widespread opi-
nion that Foster was able to
play but fitness was used as an
excuse to ease him out to
find a place for Davis on the
team a dislocated finger
sustained in the Trinidad match
which allowed him to bat later
in the same match, became
a fracture the night before
the fourth test and on the
morning of the test, he failed
his fitness test.
Under these circumstances
the team could never really
get down to organising itself
properly so a team which
started with such high hopes
slowly saw their fighting spirit
undermined by off the field
problems. Kanhai never had

a chance under the circum-
He knows as much as any-
one in the contemporary game
about the treatment West Indian
players have always got at home
and abroad, he is a product
of the Worrell days he must
show his mettle now, flex his
muscles in the selection and
committee rooms as a positive
captain should.
The West Indian players
have the moral authority be-
hind them and he must reflect
this. Worrell and Sobers did
before. They both showed that
the public is not concerned
with which territory a player
comes from if he merits his
place on the team.


But the Board has to do
its work the manager for
next year, a new revitalised
selection committee with
younger people, more aware
of the style and atmosphere
of the game today and of the
West Indian players so many
of them growing up in a new
era in the Caribbean and
making their way in the game
from early in the peculiar cir-
cumstances of English county
Hall, Valentine, Butcher,
Solomon, Sobers obviously,
Gibbs and skipper Kanhai are
all people who must have a
greater say in West Indian
cricket today.
We have all the potential
but the administrators must
make sure that the right atmos-
phere is created.
With a sensibly selected
manager for our short tour of
England, I'm sure Sobers will
play and the team will organize
itself away from the overlords
at home.
With these ingredients, En-
gland doesn't have a chance
of stopping us from winning
that series we can only
hope that the West Indian
Cricket Board acts quickly and

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