Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
April 1, 1973
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


every Friday

edia: No time

TAXIMEN from different
parts of the country have
been meeting to discuss the
formation of a single bargain-
-ing body .
The third meeting in a series
was held at the Tapia House,
Tunapuna during the after-
noon of Wednesday March 21.
On March 1 and March 13,
drivers' representatives had
assembled at the Scarlet Ibis
According to a spokesman
for the United Taxi-drivers
Association of Tunapuna, the
feeling of unity is growing fast
among the local associations
but it will take time to build
a national body.
At the meeting on Wed-
nesday 21, the UTA proposed

Tunapuna driver joins the
that the North, South and
Central Zones be separately
organised before any attempt
at an island-wide Federation.
Among areas represented
in the talks to date are Diego
Martin, Petit Valley, Chagua-
nas, Santa Cruz, Sangre Grande,
Carenage and Tunapuna. The
Trinidad & Tobago Taxi-dri-
vers Association also sent a
delegation led by Mr. Harold
P. Ishmael.


AN OFFER by the Tapia
House Group to purchase
time for political broadcasts
has been refused by Radio
Trinidad and Trinidad and
Tobago Television.
In a letter dated March 14,
to TTT, Radio Trinidad and
610 Radio, Tapia Education
Secretary Denis Solomon said:-
The forthcoming National
Convention on Constitution Re-
form is very possibly the last
opportunity available for a
peaceful rather than a violent
solution to our political pro-
Central to these problems is
the fact that dissenting views
have never been able to find
expression on the more estab-
lished media.
Consequently, informedpoli-
tical dialogue has been im-
possible. If the National Con-
vention is to be a turning
point in our political life, it



must inaugurate conditions in
which groups of all opinions
must be assured of publicity
for their views.
Furthermore, it is essential
to the success of the Convention
and the development thereafter
of effective national politics
that this publicity should begin
to be available before the Con-
vention, so that people may
have clear ideas about opposing
views when its deliberations
Radio Trinidad's refusal came
by way of a telephone call to
TAPIA offices. The reason given
was that the company had
decided not to give or sell
broadcasting time to "individual
parties" until an election was
announced, "because we do not
want to create an election
Trinidad and Tobago Tele-
vision's reply came in a five-
line letter saying that the Com-




AS THE first Latin
American meeting of the
United Nations Security
Council began in Panama
City, Panama's President
Omar Torrijos told dele-
gates that the United States
controlled Panama Canal
Zone was "a colony in the
heart of our country".
Panama's people, Torrijos
said, are determined to guide
their future to their own bene-
fit. Every nation had the right,
he added, to use and exploit
its own national resources. It
was Panama's right to "exploit
its own geographical position
for the benefit of its develop-
ment". /


In a statement to which the
United States delegate took
strong exception, President
Torrijos called the US inspired
sanctions against Cuba "a Hem-
ispheric shame".
The United States has ob-
jected from the outset to the
holding of the Security Council
meeting in Panama. The United


States delegate, John A. Scali,
said in his address that neither
the question of sovereignty

pany's licence forbade the grant
or sale of air time to "any
political party".
The Group's new Education
Secretary, Alfred Wafe, elected
to replace Denis Solomon at
the Annual General Meeting on
March 18, stated in a reply
to the media that Tapia did
not accept TTT's right to
classify the Group arbitrarily
as a political party.
In any case, Wafe said, Tapia
is of the opinion that the
Constitutional guarantee of
freedom of expression implies
the right of any group, whether
a political party or not, to
have reasonable access at its
own expense to the national
Tapia is prepared, the Edu-
cation Secretary added, to test
the validity of TTT's refusal
in the Courts.
(See Editorial on page 2)

see what the Security Council
can effectively accomplish in
.this particular field" he said.
The United States was seek-
ing a treaty, Scali said, under
which the Canal would con-
tinue to be operated and de-

oilp in ivir.Tlo.n loCK

over natural resources nor that
of multinational Corporations
ought to be discussed by the
Security Council. "We fail to

fended by the United States
"for an extended but specified
period of time' .
(See article on page 9)

Phone TAPIA: 662 -5126; 652-4878

Mr. Denis Solomon, Education Secretary 19th
The Tapta House Group, March,
91 Tunapuna Road 1973
Dear Sir.
I acknowledge receipt of yours of March 14th, requesting paid
time for your Group.
I regret that I cannot accede to your request, because under our
Licence free or paid time cannot be offered tO any political party.

Yours sincerely,
F.A. Rawlins,
General Manager
March 26, 1973
The Manager,
Trinidad & Tobago Television
Maraval Road,
Port of Spain.

Dear Sir,
Thank you for your letter of March 19, informing my predecessor,
Denis Solomon, that the Licence of Trinidad and Tobago Television
Company Limited forbids broadcasts by political parties.
May I remind you that the Tapia House Group is not a political
party. We do not feel that your Company has the right to classify it
arbitrarily as such and, on these grounds, refuse our offer to purchase
air time, and we are prepared to test the validity of any such refusal
in the courts.
In any case, we are of the opinion that the constitutional
guarantee of freedom of expression implies the right of any group,
whether a political party or not, to have reasonable access at its own
expense to the national media.
Let me repeat that we in Tapia consider full publicity for all
political views to be of the utmost importance at all times and
particularly in the present political crisis. We therefore urge all the
media to accept their responsibility to provide the necessary
I await your favourable reply.
Yours faithfully,

Alfred Wafe,
/ Education Secretary.

Report on the National



Vol. 3, No. 13

15 cents

i I
i i
I I i i



IN ADDITION TO their constitutional
powers, in addition to their power of patron-
age, governments enjoy a defacto power of
great importance the power of publicity.
This is the power to release, withhold or
adulterate the commodity that is most vital to
the process of democracy information.
Our headline story this week tells the tale of
Tapia's attempt to buy time on national radio and
television in order to publicise the proposals it will
make to the National Constitution Convention.
Not all the national information media are under
direct government control. The Government can easily
claim that the refusal of Radio Trinidad, for example,
to sell time to the Tapia House Group has nothing to
do with the Government.
But, in fact, it has everything to do with the
Government. The fact that in sixteen years of govern-
ing the PNM has never faced up to the responsibility
of assuring the free flow of information between
government and public is central to the present
crisis. Rediffusion International, a foreign company, could
not be expected in these circumstances to arrive at a
policy on the question of broadcasting time for
political groups.


Because of this lack of information, the population
has not developed the feel of government and those
connected with the government have equally failed to
develop a feel for people's desires and apprehensions.
The Constitution Commission must be included in
the latter group. The "model constitutions" they have
been at such great pains to prepare attest to this. They
are totally abstract and therefore largely useless.
But it is important for the exercise to have taken
place, for it is by seeing at first hand the uselessness
of even the most meticulous bureaucratic formulations
that the Commissioners and the public alike will
begin to realise that constitution making is a political
It must be conducted in the light of people's
anxieties and fears about power. Problems of legal
formulation are secondary, by far.
For example, the Commissioners have not tried, in
any of their models, to concretise Tapia's proposals
regarding the Senate as a Conference of Citizens,
because such proposals play no part in the textbook
world in which they live. They do not yet understand
that the Tapia proposals represent the perpetuation of
the political consultative process which their own
National Convention must inaugurate, and that for
this reason it is precisely in the political forcing-
house of the National Convention that the importance
of the Tapia proposals will become clear.
We have sair it ore and we will say it again. The
basic issue in als a in all constitutional crises is


one of trust. If the Convention is successful, at some
stage in its proceedings the population must divide on
the issue of government versus people.
The responsibility for this country's future will
then fall to the political organisation which recog-
nises the right psychological moment to put before us
the constitutional proposals dictated by the hopes
and fears of the February Revolution. After the up-
heaval of the past four years, the only possible
organizations capable of making that vital connection
with the country are those which have won the
nation's trust. And to win that trust their own internal
political life must have been a living witness in
miniature of the proposals they are advancing for the
country as a whole.
Once it is clear to what political organisation or
organizations the country wants to entrust our future,
the constitutional question will settle itself without
delay. Constitutional settlements can be reached only


in relation to the particular men, movements and
misgivings which are occupying the historical stage.
It is the Commission's task to ensure that condi-
tions are favourable for these essentially political
developments. The big question is whether the
Commissioners are capable of doing so. For the way
they have proceeded up to now has been undemnably
Their work has revealed no sense at all of the
politics of the crisis. They have written many abstract
papers, tacking together bits and pieces of constitu-
tions and speculating on the possible effects of these
abstract combinations of abstract provisions on an
abstract society. They have made no analysis of the
system under which the people of Trinidad and Tobago
live now, of the desires and fears it has given rise to.
They have made absolutely no sense of the meetings
they held all over the country.


If they had understood the politics of the crisis,
they could not have failed to see that Government
monopoly of the media in fact, the systematic
sabotage by the Government of the flow of informa-
tion necessary to the democratic process is at the heart
of the crisis. This sabotage is evident in even the most
non-political areas the chaotic state of the public
archives, the deficiencies of record-keeping in Govern-
ment departments, the sporadic appearance of reports
of public agencies, the lack of legal standards in
Any serious attempt to deal with the crisis must
begin with telling people the truth with the opening
up of a flow of information about current politics and
future political options that will facilitate and also
strengthen political judgement.
That is why Tapia has begun its work for the
National Convention with an attempt to open the
national media to political debate. It is not just a
convenient issue to get us into the limelightwhich it
certainly has to be because we are in politics too. But
more important the opening up of the media has to be
the first step this country must take in its search for
responsible political activity and effective political
If the National Convention is to work, the Com-
mission must follow Tapia's lead, by politicising and
de-bureaucratising its procedures and by ensuring
complete publicity for all the views expressed at the
Convention. It must concern itself not with abstract
models and pre-ordained heads of discussion, but
rather with awakening the enthusiasm of the public
for the potentialities of the Convention as a political
exercise and guaranteeing that both at the Convention
and perpetually thereafter the power of publicity will
be exercised for the enhancement of political activity
and not for its suppression.








o 1

* -.. ------- -
I 0 0

SAN FERNANDO E.M.Rd.. Laventille





"THE GUNS are out.
We are in the midst of our
War of Liberation, let us
make no mistake about
that". This is how Ivan
Laughlin, Community Rela-
tions Secretary,summed up
the atmosphere in which
Tapia is mobilizing.
He stressed that terror had
become a way of life in Trinidad
and Tobago and so the respon-
sibility for political mobilization
was more urgent than ever
before. He called on Tapia
men to intensify the political
work in their communities.,
'It is only by taking the
leadership in our villages, our
places of work, wherever we
may find ourselves that we can
rally the country."


In a political situation that
is characterized by frustration,
impotence and in which our
people have no trust in the
institutions and men who govern
us, the example of our lives
is our rallying call. "We must
continue to live the revolution
we preach."
"We must lift our vision
and focus on the positive hori-
zon. It is a time of adventure
of hope, for the change lies in
our hands."
Laughlin pointed out that
over the past four and a half
years Tapia had been building
slowly, seeking out its men,
"discovering our constituency".
The last year, in particular,
had been one of large scale


The Group had conducted
extensive political activity in
the East. Guayaguayare, Mayaro
and Rio Claro. Raising the
issues surrounding the proposed
Gas Plant and highlighting the
need for genuine, strong Local
Possibly the most important
gain had been in the South,
where, with the expanding dis-
tribution of the paper, signifi-
cant political contacts had
developed. In fact, it had be-
come necessary to establish
a headquarters in San Fernando
and the South Group, led by
Volney Pierre, Christian Main-

76, Independence Square,
Port of Spain,
Phone: 62 54113


E.M. Road, Sangre Grande


Change is

our hands




got, Esmond Phillips and Nigel
Gill, had taken charge of all
Southern operations.

Tapia Vice Chairman

'" 9.' !


IVAN LAUGHLIN Community Relations Secretary

Sugar was another area
where the Group had been
active. Lloyd Taylor spent the

critical month of November
reporting the crisis in the Sugar
Belt. During that period and



afterwards he had made vital
contacts with workers.
At the UWI Tapia had
brought a degree of maturity
to the continuing deliberations
besetting student life. Dennis
Pantin, Keith Smith, Ramnarine
Ramnasibsingh, Arthur Freder-
ick continue to provide the
nucleus of the group on campus.
Laughlin mentioned the im-
portant role the Group played
in the formation of the United
Taxi-drivers Association. "We
acted mainly in an advising
capacity. The taxidrivers made
their decisions and took their
own action."
'The year ahead is going
to be decisive. Either we will
resolve the crisis politically or
the guns will have their day.
Whatever road the country
takes it is political commit-
ment that will decide the issue.
Political mobilization in the
months ahead is our guerilla

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lik e S.othinSg I.mYti' los ieaps enge 6crbo stn delx
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vinyl.lether upolstery




EVER SINCE the conquest completed by Vasco Nunez
de Balboa in 1513, the narrow Panamanian isthmus has been
coveted by all the naval powers of the world, among them
Spain, England, France, Holland and the United States.
In 1821 the Isthmus of Panama declared its independence from
Spain and became part of the Republic of Colombia. US interest in
building an interoceanic route dates back to the second decade of the
19th century, and specifically in the case of Panama, to 1826 when the
first Panamerican meeting was held.
After seizing the Mexican territories of Texas, New Mexico,
Colorado, Wyoming, Kansas and Oklahoma in 1846, travel across the
isthmus became a national problem framed within the Manifest
Destiny policy of US expansionism.
Also in 1846 the United
States signed the Mallarino- -
Bidlack treaty by which Colom- ..
bia gave the US a series of
privileges concerning navigation
and transit over the isthmus.
An efficient albeit transitory
substitute for the canal was the ^
railroad built in 1855 between "
Colon and Panama City, which I 1
promoted the rapid develop- -
ment of the Pacific coast of the
United States.


Panama: Canal

that divides and



However, in 1878, New Gra-
nada as Colombia was called
at the time signed the Salgar-
Wyse treaty which gave canal
construction rights to a French
company. Construction began
in 1880 under Ferdinand de
Lesseps who 11 years before
had built the Suez Canal.
Only 30 km. of the canal
was dug before the French
company abandoned the pro-
ject for lack of funds. Mean-
while, the Thousand Day War
between Conservatives and
Liberals was raging in Colombia
and the Isthmus, ending with
US intervention and the execu-
tion of a native patriot, Victor-
iano Lorenzo, who opposed the
construction of a canal.
Brandishing the threat of
direct negotiations with the
French company, the United
States forced Colombia to sign
the Herran-Hay treaty in1903
but its clauses were so onerous
that on August 12. the
Colombian Congress refused
to approve it.


On November 3, Panama
proclaimed its independence.
The United States and the
French company encouraged
Panamian separatist sentiments,
giving birth to a new republic
and the seed of conflict which
70 years later is still very much
Two days later, the United
States recognized Panama which,
pressured by the United States
and France, immediately ap-
pointed the representative of
the French company, Philippe
Bunau Varilla, as Special Envoy
and Minister Plenipotentiary to
Washington with full power to
carry on negotiations and sign
The ignominious Hay-Bunau
Varilla treaty was signed on
November 18, granting the US
"in perpetuity, the use, occupa-
tion and control of a zone of
land (16 km. wide) for the con-
struction, maintenance, func-
tioning, santizing and protection
of a canal".
It was a treaty even more
onerous than the one vetoed by
the Colombian Congress, so

much so that Hay himself said:
"We will have a completely
advantageous treaty but we
must confess, as best we can,
that it is not so advantageous,
to Panama".
It took 18 days to go from
intrigue to surrender. "Panama,
prematurely recognized (by the
United States), had in the eyes
of International Law no legal
right to contract duties and
obligations with other States,"
says the Panamanian specialist
in international relations, Julio
On August 15, 1914 the ship
"Ancon" made the first trip
through the 82,km. long canal
(it was not officially inaugurated
till 1920). By then, new winds
had begun to blow in the
The water that cuts you like a knife
divides love in two
with a cold fistful of dollars
thrust up to the hilt in your
IN JANUARY 1927 the
United States came up against
its first stumbling block when
the Panamanian National As-
sembly refused to ratify a new
treaty. In the Isthmus, people
had begun to study, discuss and
demand Panama's rights over
the canal.


This tendency grew slowly,
especially among the students
who in 1931 rose up in arms.
Since then the governments of
Panama have been constantly
pressured by the people who
demand more Panamanian part-
icipation in the affairs of the

A general treaty was signed
between Panama and the United
States in 1936 and in it Pana-
manian sovereignty was men-
tioned for the first time.
In 1942, after sponsoring a
coup d'etat, Washington re-
ceived a concession of 15,000
hectares more in the Canal
Zone and "permission" to build
all the military bases it wanted
within that zone, for as long as
World War II lasted.


Later the United States tried
to extend the treaty for a longer
time in negotiations with Presi-
dent Enrique Jimenez. How-
ever, workers and students
demonstrated against the ex-
tension and the treaty was
abrogated on December 22,
In May 1958 "Operation
Sovereignty" took place: 75%
Panamanian flags were placed
throughout the Canal Zone
The operation was repeated in
1959, this time with a toll of
100 wounded.
In January 1964 several
clashes took place between US
occupation troops and un-
armed people. Twenty-two Pan-
amanians were killed and more
than 500 wounded. President
Roberto Chiari was then forced
to suspend relations with the
United States and denounce the
massacre in the United Nations
and the Organization of Ameri-
can States.


Both countries resumed rela-
tions in April, agreeing "to
work for the speedy elimination
of the causes of conflict .
with the purpose of arriving at
a just and equitable agreement."
"The events of 1947 and the
epic of 1964 constituted move-
ments of national affirmation of
extraordinary importance be-
cause the people established
new goals in our foreign policy
towards the United States,"
said an advisor of the Panama-
nian Foreign Relations Ministry,
Jorge llueca.
However, in 1967, a bilateral
commission recommended the

simultaneous signing of three
treaties, which, among other
things, would grant the United
States the right to build a new
canal and to maintain the status
quo in the military situation of
the Zone.
October 11, 1968 marked
the start of a military move-
ment which later brought Gen-
eral Omar Torrijos to power,
and it was this event which
changed the history of relations
between Panama and the United
ACCORDING TO the present
foreign relations minister of
Panama, Juan Antonio Tack,
the three treaty proposals of
1967 "are not utilizable even
as a basis for future negotia-
tions "
On August 5, 1970 the
Panamanian government rejected
the proposed treaties because
"they do not contribute to the
aim of procuring the speedy
elimination of the causes of
According to documents
published between 1970 and
1972 by the Foreign Relations
Ministry of Panama, there are
"seven principal causes of the
conflict which has its origin in
the treaties today in force be-
tween the United States and
Panama," treaties which Panama
is demanding be substantially
modified. In brief, the Panama
nian position is as follows:-
treaty must eliminate the per-
petuity clause and extend the
administration of the Canal by
the US for no more than 22
years. This administration must
terminate on December 31,
Canal Zone the United States
exercises administration of
justice, police forces, industrial
and commercial activities, public
services, tax collecting, etc.
The United States says that
it will return these prerogatives
to Panama after transitional
periods, some of which extend
up to 15 years. Panama says
that the functioning, main-
tenance and protection of the
Canal "do not require the ex-
ercise of jurisdiction on the
part of a State other than the

sovereign state."
(3) WORKS. The treaty
of 1936 abolished the term
"without consulting or inform-
"construction." However, the
United States "without consult-
ing or informing Panama con-
tinued to build works of great
dimerlsions which have no rela-
tion to the maintenance, func-
tioning and protection of the
treaty of 1903 gave the United
States the right to protect the
Canal, limiting it "to the use of
its police and land and naval
forces and to establish forti-


"The US government," says
the Panamanian Foreign Rela-
tions Ministry, "without consult-
ing or informing Panama has
built large military, naval and
air installations within the Canal
Zone which have no relation to
the security and protection of
the Canal".
Therefore, Panama is de-
manding that the US remove
the Southern Command bases
from its territory.
(5) RENTAL. In the be-
ginning the rental fee was some
$250,000 dollars a year; in
1957 the fee increased to
$1,930,000, a figure which was
rejected by Township Assembly
in 1972. The treaty of 1955
forced Panama to grant a 75%
tax reduction on imports to the
Zone, by which the country
lost more than 1.5 million
It is estimated that between
1915 and 1970 the Canal earned
$22,000 million, of which Pana-
ma received $44 million, or
0.2%. Panama aspires to a parti-
cipation similar to that of the
United States.
Because of the Canal, Panama
lost its ports in the capital and
Colon. Therefore it cannot
develop productive activities.
It also has a competitor
in industry and commerce.
Panama is demanding that Pan-
amanians occupy 85% of Canal
Zone jobs and receive 85% of
wages and social benefits.
Continued on page 9


CLEARLY, from Williams' point of view, National Con-
sultations are more than anything else experiments in
and Fisheries has learned nothing new from the Agriculture
Consultation. He has been aware of the causes of the
criticisms for a long time. The question is: Was the Cabinet
informed? And if it was: Does it have the moral as opposed
to the financial resources to implement changes without
destroying itself?
Williams is trying to do two
things: To concede Constitu-
tion Reform in a manner that
is sufficiently new to appear
to be radical, and to keep
himself, not necessarily his
ministers, in power. He appre-
ciates the value of your pro-
posals for a Constituent Assem-
bly, but he prefers to call
separately all those who have
an interest in Prices, in Steel-
bands, in Agriculture. In this
way he can control the list of
participants and the topics on
the agenda to be discussed.
Also, he retains the authority
as elected Head to preside over
the deliberations.


A Constituent Assembly of
the entire nation may be too
costly for him. It will be in a
position strong enough to de-
cide its own agenda, regulate
its own proceedings, even to
remove him from the chair,
and compel him and his
ministers to give an account of
their stewardship.
That institution is far too
revolutionary for his comfort.
It is not that many radicals
who oppose it have not seen
the merits of it. It is because
they know that it will challenge
their authority as well.
There in the laboratory of
the Convention Centre was
Williams, his ministers and
technical advisors on a plat-
form separated from a section
of the people by a microphone
alone which he was free to use
to recognize or ignore any
The solution to that problem
is obvious. An independent
Speaker was needed to apply
the rules of debate without
fear or favour. This we do not
have at the moment in Parlia-


Wooding in the chair might
prove to be such a person.
Williams therefore cannot risk
being present before the Con-
stitution Commission. Instead,
he chooses to stand aloof at a
rally in San Fernando.
You have proposed a Senate
of about 300, representing all
shades of interests to be paid
primarily by their organizations.
It will be empowered to debate
Bills fully before they become
law. The country will therefore
be informed of the pros and
cons of any measure.
When the measure is grave
enough, the Government will
be able to approve it at great
peril to itself.
For instance, all the interests
that rose in opposition to the
Public Order Bill would now be
able to muzzle the lawyers,
the doctors, the concerned
clergy, housewives, trade unions
and political groupings as it
has done with the Sedition Act
and the Summary Offences

Now with truly representa-
tive participation and an inde-
pendent chairman the Senate
will function much more effect-
ively than the Consultation.
In its day to day working, it
might resemble the Consulta-
tion in that when agricultural
matters are being discussed,
probably only those with an
interest involved would be
But for great matters of
State involving the rights of
the citizen, the entire Senate
must be free to turn out, and
if necessary, confront the Gov-
ernment in a Congress of both


No doubt there are other
problems to be ironed out.
For example, who will preside
over the sitting of Congress?
Will it be a president indivi-
dually elected by the nation?
Will it be one elected mutually
by both Houses? Will it be
some other official? Williams
probably fancies himself as the
President of a Republic. If so,
what type of president?
Lacking any true representa-
tion and the freedom of debate
the Agricultural Consultation
was reduced to a sort of lobby-
ists' cocktail party, serving as
the menu card on every table
indicated, Dialogue, "in due
course to develop a true
rapport between Government
and People." After 16 years!
Chief Cook and Bottlewasher
is George John, editor of the
Daily Mirror, which the Govern-
ment scrapped into a dustbin.
Jeff Hackett, political reporter
of the Express accuses John,
and Choko acknowledges it, of
being the "Spiritual father of
the Bomb", and the usher of
the current brand of sensational
journalism in the country. He
ought to know because Robert
Ingram featured in the columns
of the Express long before the
mask appeared in Dialogue.
It is an irony and a great
pity. John will now be expected
to abandon his tasty dishes
and to use his hard earned
skill to make those cold plates
more palatable. Because Will-
iams will remain the chef, poli-

- pig, poultry, dairy, sugar,
coconut, citrus-joined in the
chorus.Oh,theyhada wonderful
time taking consumers for
granted. You should have heard
them sing out $1.90 for a
gallon of milk, $ .84 for a
pound of chicken, $1.00 for a
pound of pork, all sold whole-
Girwar played musical chairs,
moving from place to place
depending on the interest he
was serving at a particular time.
Not only is he manager of the
Canefarmers Association, he is
also a member of the Advisory
Council to the Minister of
Agriculture, of the Board of
Directors of Caroni Limited.


At one stage Sir Harold
Robinson had to set the record
straight by informing the gather-
ing that the paper which Girwar
read on sugar was not his own
but was prepared by the Agri-,
cultural Society.
Primus, still of Memphis
Agricultural Cooperative, ren-
dered a long operatic perform-
ance. Finger gesticulation and
intonation were perfect. He
called for State Farms and the
complete subsidisation of agri-
culture, Government take-over
of unutilised lands.
His contribution is not to
be taken lightly. His voice
sounded very much like that
of the master.
The occasion was not with-
out a touch of pageantry. The
outriders, the chariot with coat-
of-arms, the entry of the royal
personage with his retinue of


New world

pamphlets 7&8








Whereupon a delegate went
y over to speak to him, probably
to assure him that they shared
a common cause in seeking a
higher price for farmers' milk.
From then on the tune was
D well orchestrated. Nestles, per-
ceiving that farmers big and
small were ganging up against
them began to expose some
rRCHcNG ORD'ERo s of the low dodges used by
Crown Lands farmers to avoid
ticising the Civil Service further, officials, the sounding of the repayments on their loans and
by seasoning bureaucratic re- gavel. Then rose Sir Harold, to sell milk to other processors.
ports to suit his own political the baron of Agriculture, to But the people who rocked
appetite. move an address on behalf of the boat and came near to
Does the front editor of his Society. He told a woeful capsizing it were the outlandish
Dialogue believe that he will tale of declining agriculture, woodcutters and fishermen.
escape the fate of David Nelson, extolled the pristine glory of They must have come in with-
Matheurin and others, sucked crops ofr export. It was almost out washing their feet. They
dry, then discarded? Where the like stressing their ancient right spilled a lot of mud on the
Nation, organ of the PNM,has to the assistance of the Crown. carpet.
failed Dialogue must try to Soon Mr. Greenaway, a Frankly and fearlessly they
succeed to give information knight of the shire of Waller- condemned the Government's
and education. Taxpayers, "the field,was to complain that the forestry and fisheries policy,
Doctor say you paying to whole affair was organised for and alleged corruption on the
learn". the benefit of the great lords of part of those who administer
So on went the party with the Royal Society and that it. The Cabinet was forced to
Higher Prices winning the top nothing would be gained by agree on a Commission of
tune of the week. All farmers the small man. Inquiry forthwith.



THE FIGURE OF the Clown, under one guise or another
haunts the pages of Western literature'. As Jester, Fool,
Idiot, and, finally, as Anti-hero, he resides on the edge of
(what we are pleased to call) History, standing in relation
to History as a negative to a print.
He is all-seeing, inept, generous to the point of selfless-
ness; bewildered, well-meaning, apologetic, absurd. Though
he is invariably the object of ridicule among his fictional
community (and often in the eyes of the reader also) he
takes his being out of a notion of the world as pathos.
His appeal for us arises out of the frank, the terrible
surprise with which he exhibits.his wounds. For though he
surfaces seldom, and less often in some types than in others
(less often, for example, in the politician or messianic
masquerader than in the private citizen) he waits at the
heart of all of us, the silly smile or "hidden grin" that
Hughes writes of.
When he surfaces the price in self-esteem is likely to be
heavy, especially for those who have tried to base their self-
credibility on the masquerade. (Who, among those who
witnessed the marches in Trinidad at Easter 1970, will ever
forget the sudden, small, foolish grin that momentarily
altered the face of Attorney General Karl Hudson-Phillips
as he gravely addressed the nation on T.V.?)

The figure of the Clown, under one guise or another, haunts the
pages ofReel from "The Life Movie", the second collection of poems
by the young Jamaican poet, Tony McNeill. And he is not always as
explicitly portrayed as in the poem Who's Sammy,j where Sammy,
the poet infers, is the "subtile.buffoon" who "undertakes for us all
the clown's crucifixion";he is also the ape in the title poem;Saint Ras
in the poem by that name; Aunt Angel; the self-dramatising, self-
masquerading (until at the last line he possesses truly his own pathos)
speaker ofDermis the God whom the God-Maggot destroys; the
speakers of I-2,Hello Ungod,God Dread,, Rimbaud Jingle,. and of
Who7l See Me Dive?:
"Who 71 see me dive? Here am I
at the crest, arms flung out like a TV
antenna, like Jesus,
and not a God soul on the street."
It is a kind of black comedy, a sick joke; and if it contains rage it
is the rage of a fundamentally civilised and aesthetic-seeking soul
against its disordered century. In a less sensitive writer that rage
might be induced rather than suffered, rhetorical rather, than felt.
But no reinforcing, reality-deflecting ego or mask preserves this
writer from threat. Even the seasons, as in Wind-Change,, threaten
him with metamorphosis; and one thinks of Keats' "negative
Therefore it is insufficient to remark, as I have just done, that
McNeill's rage is a response to some external circumstance; for the
disorder is also within: and it is that fact, and McNeill's own
"terrible surprise" at that fact.that commands, as the Ancient
Mariner his guests', our identification. By an act of generosity that
becomes at times almost monstrous, McNeill in his poems achieves
the status of Everyman.

Not that it was always so. In some of these poems, notably in
Cliff- Walking-and in that beautiful prayerFor the D, Don,there is a
strong lyrical bent (if I may use that word without the derogatory
connotations given it by such writers as Scott and Rohlehr, which
seem based on a bad misunderstanding of lyricism). But by Notes on
a September Day something has gone seriously wrong. The signposts
of. lyricism are there: the landscapes notyetsome surreal acre of
the mind, the line-endings match the cadences, simile has not yet
been replaced by metaphor (that is, the tree does not sing but'
"seems" to sing; the apples are not Christmas decorations but "like"
Christmas decorations: in short, objects still retain their distinct, as-
yet-uninvaded identity, and as such they (and the world) are trust-
worthy (orderly)). And yet something is wrong.
Notes on a September Dayi is a curious poem. I was for some time
at a loss to explain its peculiar power, the extraordinary "kick" with
which it ends, even after recognizing what is obvious the
analogy which the last verse provides; until I realized that an
importantingredient was the literalness of all that had gone before.
For the poem, up to the last verse, is as narrow and'clearly-edged as
a knife. It "means" nothing more than it says. (In the light of
McNeill's subsequent development one might risk saying it refuses
to mean more.) Hence the double shock of the ending. (There is the
further shock,when one doubletakes from that innocuous'-seeming
simile yoking apples and Christmas decorations to recognize in it a
bitter social commentary, but it is sufficient for my purpose to focus
on the narrowness the meticulousness of ,description which most of




this poem contains.)
It is this which contradicts the lyrical signals in the poem, for
lyricism is always taking to itself the edge of another reality; to
adduce a phrase from Lowell (used in another context) it "feeds on
an abundance of reality"; and as far as the external world is con-
cerned McNeill's eye is adamant. It sees what it sees; and one
discovers here a curious affinity between the sensibilities behind the
works of McNeill and Vidia Naipaul. For both, the journey through
observation-pain-outrage is the same (though they arrive of course
at very different destinations); both apply what Scott calls (in
relation to McNeill) "a cold and brave (and, I would add, narrowly-
focussed) eye."
This would seem to connote a certain visionary weakness, and if
such is the case it would be, to my mind, the only serious criticism
one could make of McNeill's work. But whether this is so or not it is
clear that, given McNeill's evident moral courage, it is this way of see-
ing that has provided him with the angst that makes his poems come
alive with agony. For the enduring experience of this collection is
one of pain, and it is pain rather than sadness, anguish rather than
Yet the corollary of the sharply-focussed, the non-lyrical eye, is
"to have the experience but miss the meaning", or else to arrive at a
bsaically disordered, basically meaningless world. At this point,
given the courage of one's' (non-)' convictions, absurdity arrives.
Enter the Clown.

"I must learn to live with these clowns,
these serious freaks who act out
my own absurdity, these touts
of fulfilment, these harlequins!"
It is a world most of us will recognize, and it is the twentieth
century, the Western World. A brittle, dubious world, one without
gods, where one's "true country" alternates between "doubt and
light", and the perennial question (echoing Walcott's "There's
nowhere to go. You'd better go.") is "Shall we go? Let's go. Where
shall we go?" (McNeill: God Dread ) Since the expected efforts have
already been made to claim McNeill's. poetry for a particular political
platform it is necessary to insist that his is not the "world of grace"
of the Rastafarian (Saint Ras is atypical in this respect), nor the
integrated world of the folk, though McNeill's feeling for these is
deep and obvious: in those worlds there are no clowns.
To shift the bias of this essay somewhat from exposition to assess-
ment it may be useful here to ask whether Reel works better as a
book than as a collection of individual poems. There appears to be
evidence for both cases. Considered as a homogenous whole, the book
is weakened by a certain amount of repetitiveness. That is to say,
poems like Elegy Plus and The Lady Accepts the Needle Again though
ostensibly "about" very different subjects, behave in such similar
ways, enact, by every signal of syntax, rhythm and intonation, such
similar voyages, that one must conclude that McNeill has written
the same poem twice. Conversely, even when pairs of poems "about"
the same subject, like Ode to Brother Joe and Saint Ras, or Suicide's
Girlfriend and \WhoWl SeeMe Dive? remain, through differences of
perspective and treatment, manifestly separate poems, the former in
each case reads more like notes towards the latter, sketched maps of
the territories that the poet, in the latter efforts, moves in to occupy.

On the other hand, no good poet (I am assuming we can use mat
adjective without the inverted commas tacked on to it by Edward
Brathwaite in his report on the Jamaica Poetry Festival, of which
he was a judge as if apologising to some egalitarian ideal), no good
poet can fail to benefit when his poems are allowed to feed off one
another, as in a collection. For there is a sense in which a writer's
poems are the continuing biography of a life, and to read, with some
knowledge of their chronology, the poems in Reelis to be fascinated
and awed by the way in which their formal evolution is yoked to
what we can deduce to be the psychical development of the con-
sciousness behind them.
What one encounters then in McNeill's development is a steady
withdrawal of belief, accompanied by a corresponding heightening
of anguish which latter is precisely what one would expect. The
signals of this came early: in Notes on a September Day, as I have


i) E IL PIE'


Pan from Tamboo-Bam-
boo to Electronics" might
seem to be too much for
one artist to put on canvas.
But Hollister Mark Savige
is used to playing with
major themes.
And while the development
tof pan remains his favourite,
Savige has played with other,
far more controversial subjects.
The destruction of Gene
Miles, for one, is captured in
a work that he is now doing. It
is called after Lord Kitchener's
"100 Miles".
It is this ability of Savige to
mix so many aspects of indi-
genous life into one painting
that fascinates. Politics, steel-
band, religion, calypso, Savige
manages to include aspects of
two, three or sometimes-all
of these in a single canvas.
Who else but Savige would
think of naming a picture de-
picting aspects of the 1970
Revolution "The Right and
the Wrong" from the film of
that name?
Sometimes, his desire to say
many things in one canvas
leads him up curious paths.
One of the recent works is
called "Nigger Hosein" which
he claims is intended to show
that "Hosein" has nowbecome
But doesn't the name "Nig-
ger Hosein" conjure up a picture
of Hosein that is not so much
bi-racial as Africanised?
Pressed, Savige insists that
he really feels that festivals
like "Hosein", "Diwali" and
"Phagwa" should be "out" be-
cause "this is Trinidad and
Tobago". Again, that really
one-sided conception of what
is Trinidad and Tobago.
At one time Savige had his
studio in Charlotte Street.


Wayne Brown


Tony Mc

AIL 1, 1973







These days, however, he is in
Curepe when not at his job
alGuinness (Caribbean)Limited
and adding to his store of
paintings for exhibition at the
annual Independence Exhibi-
He uses the Independence
Exhibition, he says, because
he doesn't feel the Trinidad
and Tobago Art Society is
interested in pushing what he
calls "people's paintings".
It is interesting that Savige
should consider his paintings
"people's paintings" since his
work on canvas resemblesthe
paintings that have begun to
proliferate on "ghetto" walls
in the country.
Savige's is the better tech-
nique. Self-taught, he has been
painting for some 12 years,
but where his paintings are simi-
lar to those of the "ghettoes"
is in their rebelliousness, and
indeed, their stridency.
For Savige the greatest artist
the country has produced to
date is folklorist Alf Codallo
who he argues is the father of
indigenous art in the country.
He sees the Carlisle Changs
and Chu Foons as belonging to
the metropolitan world and as such
he feels that comparisons be-
tween them and himself are
particularly odious.
As indeed they are, since
Savige is so country-oriented
that he has practically every
steelband record made and is
yet to be convinced that steel-
bands in the country really
bands in the country really
need to have in their ensemble
"foreign" pieces like drum sets
and tumbas. The use of these
instruments, he maintains,
has somehow bastardised the
art form.

shown (we should notice too that the poem's landscape is that of a
temperate country, and that therefore September, autumn, pre-
figures winter, in the Walcottian sense of "some winter-bitten
novelist"); and in that pure lyric, For the D, Don,, where the speaker.
acknowledges his alienation:
"guide through those mournfullest journeys
I back into harbour Spirit"
But the way back into harbour, to "the shore where I was happy,
inside the car of your body" is not easy in our time, a time, as
McNeillsees it, of cities, needles and pills, when "the promised ship/
is a million light years/ from Freeport" and Ungod has no ear for the
supplications of the hollow men. It is a diseased, disordered time.
How will the poet, if he is not to "shatter, yank loose in the wind,"
deal with it? McNeill's answer brings to mind Eliot: "A condition of
complete simplicity, costing not less than everything." He, McNeill,
is prepared to yield much; he will stand, finally, on nothing less
irrefutable than his own heartbeat.
So both the furniture and behaviour of the poems change. The
external, organic world is abandoned and the landscape now is either
man- or mind-made. Syntax becomes simplified, conjunctions fall
away; till the poet is down to the bare bones of language, subject/
verb/object, the poems read like mantras or litanies, and what the
poet is really saying is "I exist, I exist." Simile, too, is abandoned,
and then metaphor; and that -last stand, the poetry of statement,

"Ungod I can't hear you
Uhgod I am trying
Ungod I can't reach you"...
Finally, the caesura, harbour of the speaking voice at peace with
itself, of the breath on the point of cadence, is subverted; and to do
this McNeill has had to introduce a device not used, to my knowledge,
in West Indian poetry before. It is the mid-line initial capital,
applied in the absence of a preceding period, as in The Lady Accepts
the Needle Again
"The Lady recoils The Lady
tilts bottles of clairol Topples
from speed Parachutes down whiskey
accepts the bad needle
into her skin The Lady freaks"...
Notice how it works: the reading eye, conditioned to look for
periods as signals for cadence, for the renewal of breath, travels
naturally past the end of the sentence, ("The Lady recoils") and is
into the next sentence ("The Lady/tilts bottles of clairol) before it
catches on. Its warning therefore comes late, forcing the breath to be
exhaled suddenly after "recoils", and then, in an effort to keep
up with the eye, to be inhaled equally quickly. The effect is close to
a gasp, which by itself pitches higher the emotional anguish of the
line, and allows the reader no resting place. This is the sense in which,
I think, Scott in his introduction referred to some of the poems as
"coldly violent poems".

I wrote earlier that the enduring experience of Reel is one of pain,
pain rather than grief. It seems to me that the recognition of this is
what our political militants are fumbling towards when they lay claim
to the poetry of Tony McNeill.
For pain contains (what the figure of the Clown also contains)
incomprehension. It is therefore accompanied by (what the Clown is
helpless to will) the rejection of itself, and what follows this is anger.
(While grief, based as it is on a notion of acceptance, which in turn
arises out of a mythology of the world as orderly, of the Greater
Plan, is manifestly non-revolutionary).
It is the difference between Who 11 See me Me Dive? and Ciff-
Walking, between The Mummy +, with its terrible last-line affirma-
tion, and. For the D, Don. If I say that McNeill seems to me to be the
first truly 20th century, Western poet these islands haveproduced, it
is this experience of pain, the experience of that time and that place,
to which I am pointing. (This sense of pain surfaces in Walcott's




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poetry see for example A Map of Europe, or A Village Life;but he
is finally rooted, and in a real landscape; while the sense of pain in
Brathwaite's trilogy is, to my mind, more often rhetorical than
Yet it is difficult to know where McNeill's poetry will go from
here; for pain, unless or until it becomes other than itself, can only
be restated, and the Clown, heartbreaking as he is, must remain a
clown. My guess is that McNeill, as he grows older, will travel at least
part of the way back towards lyricism, that he will begin to turn
outward towards history rather than, as at present, downward into
myth, as a river after its furious, narrow first run begins to slow and
widen and enlarge the world of its going; but this is only a guess.
In the meantime a collection like Reelfrom "The Life Movie"
deserves finally only our gratitude. Any collection of real poems, of
course, deserves that; but with McNeill's work there is another
reason. For the islands are beginning to harden, the rhetoric to
grow more relentless; and as the private faces become impassively
public, as the masquerade heightens, we need more than ever the
face of Sammy, "that mad clown", to reassert for us the touching
pathos and weird joy of our fallible, inept, bewildered adamant





- ,



A UNIQUE but signifi-
cant funeral wound its way
through the streets of Tuna-
puna on Wednesday 21.
"Aruba"~ as he was called,
was buried by his peers.
Aruba had perhaps never
known a happy day;he scrunted
since his birth and had taken
recently to sleeping in the
gallery of Perseverance Hall
on Freeling Street. On March
17, he was chopped about the
head by another scrunter.
Ten .or fifteen years ago,
Aruba would have been quickly
forgotten, and since he had no
relatives, he would have been
buried by the government at
some unknown spot. Most peo-
ple, even his friends would
have turned away with in-
difference and many with
scorn: "Hooligans will die as
they live." In the days of the
badjohn, indeed, society would
have breathed a sigh of relief.
But no, in our time a trans-
formation occurs, demonstra-
ting vividly that a new culture,
a new relationship between man
and man has been born. It is
growing to maturity right
alongside the old, and the two
will have to confront each
other eventually.
On both Monday and Tues-
day nights, wakes were held
There were no biscuits, no
rum, no cards,nodrunkenness,
no wailing none of the old
forms that have come down

Pictures by
Franka White


from slavery. Instead, there were
soft drums, chanting and low
conversation. The wake was
held in an abandoned lot on
Freeling Street where Aruba
had often limed and only some
two hundred yards from where
he died.
Instead of drunken talk and
arguments over all-fours, the
men softly analysed the life
of their brother its emptiness,
its hopelessness and the society
that spawned it. Even the life
of his accused murderer was
put in a social context, and the
men rapped on. It is totally
new in our culture.
Nor was Aruba's burial left
to chance. Money was raised -
Tunapuna R.C. School alone
raised as much as thirty dollars
- and a coffin was bought.
On the day of the funeral,
drums and cymbals were moun-
ted on a float, steelband style;
a short funeral service was given
by an Anglican minister; and
the procession began from atop
Freeling Street.
No one wore a suit. There
was instead a profusion of
blue jeans and black jerseys.
The crowd chipped to the
drums, clapped their hands and
chanted. Four brothers carried
the coffin and Aruba's face was
exposed for all to see.
In this manner, "Aruba Roy"
(born in Aruba) was laid to
rest. One brother said: "Aruba
is real cool now".




A LIFE OF quiet and
serenity but at a price.
The price is the constant
and increasing shortage of
the basic amenities of life.
This is the story we in
Tapia hear over and over
again in our travels about
the country, delivering the
paper and rapping in the
The thirty-three year old
man we gave a lift to had
lived his whole life in Santa
Flora. It was his village. He

loved it and had no thought of
leaving. Not a complainer, not
a transient. A man who saw the
bright side and always made
the best of things. A man
accustomed to holding strain.
And yet the tale he had to
tell was a bleak one. For once,
it was not so much the shortage
of jobs: quite a few of his
fellow Santa Florans were em-
ployed with the various oil
companies operating in the area.
They are not greedy. And above
all, they treasure "the quiet
and serenity that prevails".
But those who remain in
Santa Flora pay an increasingly

higher price for that quiet and
serenity. The rows of steel
drums at the side of the road
attest to the shortage of pipe-
borne water. But the drums
are empty too the trucks
pass no more than once a
"There is a health office in
the area, but if anything hap-
pens to you, it's better to go
to San Fernando, because the
doctor only visits the health
office on Fridays." What about

the hospital in Siparia? "Nine
times out of ten, there is no
doctor there either.
The shock-absorbers thum-
ped as the car went through
a pot-hole. "You know the
only time the Barber-Green
ever got to Santa Flora? In
1958 when Princess Margaret
was here. She was supposed to
visit a place called Beach-Camp.
A community of whites, em-
ployed by TPD" he said, with-
out rancour.

Roads, transport, water,
health, schooling: everywhere
the same story. Agitate, and
you are a trouble-maker. Pro-
test at the polls, and you are
a member of a "recalcitrant
minority", fated to eat corbeau
jaw-bone. Migrate, and you are
a transient. Hold strain, and
you are left, with the tens of
thousands of other forgotten
people of Trinidad and Tobago,
to enjoy the quiet and serenity
of your forgotten village.





Discipline or Doctor politics?





SINCE ITS defeat in the
elections of November 6 last
year, there has been a crisis in
the ranks of Puerto Rico's
Independentista Party (PIP).
A severe split in the top
leadership, and between the top
leadership and the rank and
file, has been brought about by
the expulsion from the party of
one of its leading figures, its
candidate for Governor in the
last elections, Noel Color.
Martinez was expelled for "in-
discipline" on February 11 by
the Party's Governing Council,
composed of all its branch
The expulsion is the latest
event in a long-standing dispute
between Colon on the one hand
and, on the other, the Party's
Chairman and Vice Chairman,
Ruben Berrios and Carlos
But the crisis goes deeper
than a dispute between person-
alities it has at its root severe
differences of approach within
the party to the questions of
leadership and party organisa-
tion, and the nature of a
"revolutionary" party.
Differences between Colon
and the present leadership date
back to 1969, when the Party
was headed by a triumvirate
comprising Colon, Berrios and
Gilberto Concepcion Suarez.
At the General Assembly of
January 1970 at which Berrios
was elected ;Chairman, Colon
refused nomination for office
or even co-option into the
Party's Executive.

Disagreements between Colon
and Berrios multiplied during
the 1972 election campaign.
These disagreements were para-
lleled by tensions within the
Executive, several of whose
members were incensed by the
authoritarianism" of Berrios,
particularly his opposition to
the creation of a Political Com-
mittee designed to democratize
important decision-making.
The two currents of hostility
merged at a Party Seminar
held at Palmarinas on November
24 last, when Colon walked
out, later alleging that the top
Leadership had attempted to
reduce the Seminar to a small
private meeting for the achieve-
ment of their own ends.
Berrios and the Governing
Council, on the other hand,
accuse Colon of trading on his
personal image to the detriment
of the Party; of vilifying the
Party publicly while repeatedly
rejecting all opportunities to
discuss his grievances within
the Party's organs; of headline
seeking and doing no Party
work except in relation to his
own campaign for the Gover-
norship of Puerto Rico; and
trying to become Chairman of
the Party by intrigue rather
than open candidacy.
It is true that Colon, im.


mediately after his defeat in the
November 6 election, admitted
publicly to doubts as to whether
electoral politics was the correct
strategy for the PIP, and an-
nounced that he could no
longer be counted on to "keep
knocking his head against a
brick wall".
After his expulsion he called
the Governing Council of the-
Party a "firing squad" and
described the PIP as a "re-
pressive political organisation
of a fascist type which does not
deserve public confidence".
But Ruben Berrios, on the
other hand, said in the very
article in which, he sought to
give reasons for Colon's ex-
pulsion that "it is a basic
principle of revolutionary par-
ties that you don't hold dialogue
with factions, you squash them".
And he is accused by the editor
of La Hora, the Party's news-
paper, of organising a boycott
of the paper and even cutting
its subvention from Party funds
because editorially it supported
Colon (though both sides of the
dispute were aired in its columns)
A large number of Party


From page 4
OF TREATIES. This is, accord-
ing to the foreign relations
ministry, "a constant cause of
conflict because of the invaria-
ble position of the Ulited States
in interpreting existing treaties
according to its own conve-
nience and imposing its arbitrary
and unjust interpretations by
use of its power".
Panama also wants total neu-
tralization of the Canal and its
shores on which there will be
no military activities not strictly
needed for the protection of
the Canal.
"The struggle of Panama,"
said Foreign Minister Tack, "is
more profound than the simple
attainment of economic advan-
tages: Panama wants to eradicate
a colonial situation that was
imposed on it and that still

officials and workers have
united to call for the reinstate-
ment of Colon, for an open
public debate on the crisis and
for the restructuring of the
Party to guarantee permanent
representation of divergent
To claim that one group
alone has a true commitment
to independence, says Cesar
Andreu Iglesias,, editor of La
Hora, is no better than the
traditional caciquismo.
The Party must "shelter all
tendencies compatible with
socialism, anti-imperialism and
the struggle for independence.
Its operation must be controlled
by political debate at all levels,
in order to preserve the neces-
sary balance between the direct-
ive function of the leadership
and grass-roots participation".





IIr "/?'; .-*r.-'8 -:-^ --- l-------"*

5- ~

I '^

kF """

SteN hens

LUI~, U t II U II.

I IF' V.

You always

wanted her to


makes it easy -

and an ideal

Gift too.



-------------- -

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Dialogue take over now!
And even the name of
the new Government "free
paper is inspired by the
United States Information
Service magazine.
There was a time when the
Nation was free too hundreds
of copies of each issue used to
be purchased with taxpayers'
money and despatched to all
diplomatic missions abroad for
free circulation, at a time when
it was impossible to persuade
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
to supply ewn one copy of a
"commercial" newspaper to
keep foreign service officers in
touch with home base.
Hundreds of copies of the
Prime Minister's History of the
People of Trinidad & Tobago
used to be supplied free too -
perhaps with somewhat more
ethical justification.


Now, "Patterns of Progress",
that fairy tale of which a
grateful government purchased
25,000 copies sight unseen,
has taken the place of the
Prime Minister's book as the
official handout overseas.,Dia-
logue, with its prim English
and self-righteous tone, is ob-
viously designed for foreign
consumption as well.
Vincent Street in the Guar-'
dian has already amply criti-
cised its style but what of its
unconscious assumptions and
contradictions? Page 8 tells us
that "the Ministry will continue
its policy of providing State
lands to Ibonafide farmers",
but Farmer of the Year "Lucky"
(?) Lucien on p. 2 says with
touching honesty: "I definitely
had no experience, I was even
afraid of the cows". Have all
the other non-farmers turned
out as well?
And what about this un-
conscious confession: "the con-
sultation is in fact an expression
of belief by the Government


that the consultative machinery
can .. make direct action
The ill-advised editorial on
the media is unconsciously re-
vealing. "The Government of
Trinidad & Tobago has stepped
timely into the field of mass
communications" as if we
didn't know but later on it
refers to TTT & 610 as "State-
owned", a very different thing.
Not understanding that differ-
ence, Dialogue tells us proudly
that the use of Government
time on radio and television has
been maximised, without bother-
ing to explain why Government
programmes are not always
clearly identified as such, or
why even non-Government time
is not available to political
opponents. If these stations
really belong to the taxpayers,
and if they have been "trans-
formed into public utilities",
it is time to allow others to
'maximise" the use of non-
Government time.


But not even control of
radio and television can build
up a small spark of public
enthusiasm for the Government
- it is now Dialogue's turn to
try! Realising what an uphill
task that is likely tobe, Dia-
logue confesses with touching
humility "In due course, we
hope to develop a true rapport
between Government and peo-
ple". (Has anyone seen the
missing rapport?)
To accomplish this, Dia-
logue imposes on its readers
impossible assumptions such as
(1) The Government has
only just come into power;
hence, hoary plans for the
redevelopment of Lower Scar-

borough and for the erection
of a fish market at Sea Lots are
treated as bright new ideas
instead of examples of non-
(2) Government is not res-
ponsible for garbage disposal
or food quality control; these
are just problems that we "have"
(p. 4 "Diary") not exam-
ples of criminal negligence.


But what is really appalling
and unforgivable about Dia-
logue is its total cynicism and
contempt for the intelligence
of the population. Can the
Government which produced
the Public Order Bill,
and rammed it piecemeal



17, Royal Road,
San Fernando.
Telephone: 652 4878

91, Tunapuna Road
82-84 St. Vincent Street,
Telephone: 662- 5126

down our throats despite total
public condemnation, really ex-
pect to be believed when it
says "Never before has there
been so much constructive and
active participation by citizens
in the affairs of the country,
This is clearly a healthy sign"?
Has anyone forgotten that
a frightened government was
forced into a crash -Consulta-
tion on Education when even
children took to the streets in
protest? The government now
boasts about "the far reaching
recommendations" of the Com-
mittee about which the Prime
Minister was once heard to
remark, after appointing the
members, "they will accom-
plish nothing, so in three or
four months we will be able to
ignore them and proceed". The
National Consultation will soon
give rise to another battle cry.
"No Consultation without im-
One feels sorry for R.P.

Ingram even while hiding his
head in the sands of Carnival
he knows that the people are
right to thumb their noses at
the Band of the Year Prize
and the whole network of false
values which it has come to
symbolize. But he, like his
masters,is in the last resort only
abletoneasureTrinidadand Tri-
nidadians by comparison with
foreign "reality".
He claims that Trinidadians
at home are lucky to have only
garbage and the verbal assaults
of County Councillors to put
up with, while their brothers

abroad face racial discrimina-
tion and police harrasment of
It will no doubt come as a
shock to him to learn, from any
brother on the block, in Laven-
tille or Goat Lane, Tunapuna,
that "police arrests, police bru-
tality, sneers, jibes and other
maniefstations of dislike" are
no longer foreign monopolies.
That PNM has aped that model
too and violence is the legacy
of their rule.
Dialogue's verdict on poli-
tically partisan newspapers
(aren't all newspapers?) can
fairly be applied to itself.
"It presents the viewpoint
of its "owner", with political
axes to grind and without any
intention to serve the nation's


These pictures show the
house in Goat Lane, Tunapuna,
where police shot down two
men on Sunday March 18.

In top picture, the house
belonging to Irene Cumber-
batch, where the shooting took

In centre, one of the tenants
shows where police bullets
penetrated the walls.

Below, the bullet holes and
some of the spent bullets found
after the police fusillade.

Read more




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happen. They are the risks you run when you
live a financially disordered life. Start
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SAVING-its an investment.


Live a Better Life Bank in Your Bank
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-- --



'~~ ".".~arsla~-


Wi~~I 111


WHEN, shortly after 2
o'clock, Boyce made a
swing to O'Keefe, who was
keeping a surprisingly good
length, and took an edge
which lan Chappell grate-
fully accepted at first slip,
the West Indies had lost
the Third Test by 44 runs.
The series had opened
up beautifully after two
frustrating drawn matches.
It was then left to the
unpredictable Queen's Park
pitch to give a result.
From the first day, the pitch
was playing tricks: it was pop-
ping, it was running through
low, and Chappell admitted
after the match that it was a
good test wicket, so long as it
was not the sort of wicket one
would meet throughout the


The significant thing is that
although the West Indies lost,it
showed up the deficiencies of
the Australian side;for example,
their inability to play good
spin bowling was obvious.
Lance Gibbs showed his ability
from the start. From the first
day he was turning and popping
and generally confusing the
Australian batsmen. He con-
tinued this until the last day.
He was undoubtedly the prize
of the West Indian bowlers.
Willett in the first innings,
ordinary and ineffective, was
to come back in the second
innings and show that his action
was more subtle than what was
superficially apparent. The
match has shown that the West
Indies are better equipped in
spin bowling than the Austra-
The turn that Gibbs ob-
tained, the Australians never
achieved. O'Keefe, who got
good wickets in the end, never
really got the sort of turn and
pop that Gibbs obtained. The
old wizard has shown that he
is as good as he has ever been.


Willett has played an im-
portant supporting role. But
the real problem is Inshan Ali.
When he is good he is good,
but when he is not on a
goodlength, he is expensive.
If one considers the recent
Bourda pitch on which there
has been only one match where
Gibbs got a lot of turn, part-
icularly on the last day when
Jamaica was dismissed for less
than one hundred runs, we must
assume that the Bourda wicket
takes spin.
We therefore have to think
seriously about spinners for
the fourth test. Gibbs is ob-
vious, he is bowling now as




as he has never bowled. The
old wizard is spinning, changing
direction, turning, holding it
back in the air and in general
executing all the tricks that a
good spinner can. He is fit,
fighting and flighting.
We must not over-estimate
the Australian victory. The
match has fluctuated from the
West Indies to Australia to the
West Indies back and forth
until, in the end, Australia
inched out a very narrow


Ian Chappell admitted at
the end that it was as close a
victory as one could get. But,
in the process, the deficiencies
in the Australian side were
obvious. This, in fact, is what
has come out of the match -
that the Australians are sus-
ceptible to good spin bowling.
On the other hand, we
should not be flattered by the
fact that we have got in both
innings an early wicket and this
brings us to the case of Sobers.
I have no doubt that Sobers
must play in the next two test
matches. The deficiencies
caused by Sobers' absence have
been obvious and Lloyd's poor
showing has reemphasised this.
The fourth test ieam must
obviously include him and the
selectors must overcome the
nonsense of excluding him be-
cause of pride.
Sobers must come in in
place of Lloyd, who has not
shown test match quality in
this test. Of course, he was
playing under pressure, but he


has not really measured up to
this class of cricket.
Kallicharan has played a
beautiful role. Where, last year,
we saw him essentially as an
attacking player with a suspect
defense, this year he has shown
that he has added to his armour
a very good defense. He has
been choosing the balls from
which he has scored; waiting
and despatching the loose ones
as a good test match player
On the Australian side, we
have seen some good batting
from Walters. He is good. He
has driven but he has scored
mainly through mid-wicket with
a bat starting at second slip,
and what is important is that
he has always given the bowlers
a chance, and, in fact, in many
ways he has been a symptom of
the general deficiencies in the
Australian side.
Marsh should make no
serious contribution to the
runs because, once he cannot
swing the bat, he will get
himself out, as Ali showed in
both innings.
Ross Edwards, once he is
contained, should not score,
and all the others, once they
are faced with the wizardry of
Lance Gibbs will sooner or
later get themselves out.
On the new Bourda pitch,
on which Lance Gibbs bowled
out Jamaica for less than one
hundred, he should once more
reap a harvest against Australia.
So, where the Australians
are concerned, they must have
problems; they must hope that
Lillee is fit because their' open-
ing attack with only Walker is
ordinary. Their spin bowling,
in spite of O'Keefe's inspired
spell on the last day of the test
match, remains mediocre.
So, we come now to a

possible side for the West Indies
against Australia in the fourth
test match:
With Rowe's absence, we
can no longer experiment or
improvise for the opening pair
and we must look at Camacho
in the Guyana/Australia match
to decide between him and
Greenidge to open with Fred-
Kallicharan, who played two
splendid innings in Trinidad, in
which he showed that he has
tightened his defense, is prob-
bably the most complete player
among the young West Indians
and must come in number three.


Lloyd is obviously out, un-
less he does something quite
phenomenal in the Guyana/
Australia match. One hopes
that Kanhai will sit out this
territorial match because, judg-
ing from the way he got out in
both innings in the test match
in Trinidad, one gets the very
definite impression that the
pressure of the first two test
matches in which he bore the
brunt of the batting is begin-
ning to tell.
The absence of Rowe, of
course, has not helped. For one
thing it entailed in the second
innings Murray opening the
batting, which deprived the
West Indies of a very important
player in the middle order. It
also entailed Kallicharan having
to bat at the unaccustomed
position of number three.
Lloyd's opening the bowling
bears no comparison whatever
-to, Sobers'. We can also depend
on Sobers to get us some runs
in the middle. The general mis-
understanding and foolishness
that is going on between the
selectors and Sobers must im-

mediately come to an end.
Sobers must play in both the
fourth and fifth tests.
I know of no cricketing
country in the world that would
treat one of its cricketing
geniuses the way we have
treated Sobers. There is no
reason whatever why Sobers
must be asked to prove him-
self as though he were a
freshman on the side
In fact, we should long ago
have asked him to be a member
of the selection committee, and
in that way show our tremen-
dous respect for him, not only
as a player, but as one with a
knowledge of the Australian
One looks forward to the
Bourda match with a lot of
expectation. Although the West
Indies lost the third test match
we were not disgraced and
we can in fact bring home the


The third test match has in
fact opened up the series. The
match was so close that, al-
though Australia won, it was
not a convincing victory in
that the match could have
gone either way. It is important
that the West Indies appreciate
In that light, we suggest the
following team for the fourth
test match:
Kanhai, Foster, Sobers and
Murray are obvious; the bowlers
Boyce, Gibbs and Willett too.
In fact, Willett is probably
better in a situation where the
wicket is not particularly help-
ful to the spinners and will be
a good foil to Gibbs and Ali.
I have no doubt that West
Indies will, in the end, bring
the series home. Let us not
give too much credence to the
Australian victory in the third
The West Indies
batted in both innings with
only ten men. So, in the final
analysis, good spin bowling,
plus Sobers opening the attack
and reinforcing the batting
should put us in a very strong
position in the fourth test.
Added to this is the fact that
the confidence that Ali had
lost in the Jamaican match has
now been regained. So I forecast
the West Indies at least equal-
ling the series and if the Bourda
wicket does play as it did in the
Jamaica/Guyana Shell Shield
game, we can win that and
come back to Trinidad for the
final match one all.

PHONE: 662 -5126

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