Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
January 21, 1973
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text






A TUNAPUNA taxi-drivers Association got off the ground
last Tuesday with an action that brought immediate if
limited results but which nevertheless had the effect of
bringing a greater number of drivers into the united
struggle for betterment.
A delegation of over two dozen taxi-drivers invaded the
Port-of-Spain offices of the Ministry of Works and suc-
ceeded in obtaining a taxi-stand for 12 cars behind the
Carnival stands on Independence Square South.
Tapia Secretary, Lloyd Best,
and taxi-driver, Shahid Hosein, proof of the value of decisive
met with the Permanent Secre- action would encourage more
tary of the Ministry of Works, drivers to join the movement
the Transport Commissioner, for unity and better conditions.
and other officials for nearly Again, like the previous week,
an hour, and arranged a meeting Tunapuna taximen had aban-
with the Minister for January doned the mid-morning "bull"
29. to Port of Spain and got to-

A meeting of the Tunapuna
Taxi-drivers Association is sched-
uled for 4.30 p.m. on Saturday
January, 20 at the Tapia House.
A management committee is
expected to be elected at this
All concerned considered it
a minor but not insignificant
victory, and agreed that that

5 Week/


gether in an Eastern Main Road
gas station to decide on action.
"Action now" was the theme
of the meeting, attended by
some 70 taximen.
The action was to be of two
kinds: an immediate demon-
stration of solidarity and deter-
mination; and concrete steps
towards unity among the men
in a trade characterized by the
spirit of each man for himself.
So that 50 taximen signed
and returned the forms which





were circulated at the meeting,
for joining the Tunapuna Taxi-
drivers Association and scores
joined the motorcade to the
Ministry of Works in Port of
Spain to present demands for
immediate improvement of road
and traffic conditions.
For this meeting the police
were on time to advise that a
loudspeaker mounted on one
taxi could not be used without
their prior permission.

There was no dispute on
this, however. Taximen agreed
that speakers were not necessary
that speakers could be heard
without amplification, and that
the presence of policemen was
no necessary hindrance to the
important business on hand
that day.
Eventually a police officer
came across and purchased one
of the TAPIAs which were in
every hand at the gas station,
and stood away reading about
the problems of the taxi busi-

After last week's meeting,
the need for unity was firmly
established. There was applause
when chairman Shahid Hosein
warned that without unity taxi-
drivers would be doomed to
"die like jackasses and live like
Another driver pointed out
that the spirit of unity had
always existed among the taxi-
drivers of the area. "This is a
a renewal business".
And the action Tuesday, in
which the meeting voted to
send a delegation of as many
as wanted to go to the Ministry
of Works certainly showed a
renewed determination to bring
the problems to solution once
and for all.
To the suggestion that the
delegation be postponed to some
time when the Minister would
agree to meet them, the drivers
were loudly hostile.
"We done lose a day work
already. Leh we go one time!"
In tight convoy, taking up
no passengers, the motorcade
left for Port of Spain, horns
tooting all the way.
The long line of taxis draw-
ing up outside the Ministry of
Works, behind Trinidad House
caused a sensation on Edward
Street where curious office-
workers came out to see what
was going on.

Political The politics

n r-rt ic of Carnival

U'al L1C3





TAPIA say yes, devalue;
the Chamber of Com-
merce say no. You got to
take your pick again.
Burnham says no and
Barrow says no.
The Secretariat of
CARIFTA says yes. Wil-
liams Demas and his care-
ful band of technocrats
have written that the
CARIFTA currencies are
all markedly above the
value needed to get "the
required increase in em-
ployment" and "the
r e q u i r e d structural
changes" in agriculture,
manufacturing and tour-
They say we stand to
benefit from devaluation of "a
fairly significant extent....
much deeper than 8%".
They say that, to make
devaluation constructive, cer-
tain measures must be "simul-
taneously introduced and
firmly enforced."
These measures are an
incomes policy; price control;
export promotion; greater
emphasis on rural and agricul-
tural development; increased
taxation of profits of foreign-
owned companies like Texaco
Fedchem etc.
The only reservation which
the CARIFTA Secretariat
seems to have is that "devalua-
tion changes the distribution
of income within a country..."
and ... all questions of in-
come distribution are essenti-
ally political."
Well, we in Tapia can have
no reservations about that. If
the Chamber is against, who
you think will lose? And
who you think will gain?
We say devalue significant-
ly, localize thoroughly and
put the citizens unequivocally
in control.
The Government as usual
has been galaying and playing
to gain some time. Can they
help but back the Chamber?
Lloyd Best comments
on Page 3.

Lloyd Taylor speaking to taxi-drivers meeting at Tunapuna Tuesday See Back Page




Vol. 3 No. 3







SOMETHING terrible is
happening to the Govern-
ment. Signs are that it is
losing its grip on the police.
This is why over the last
few months Ministers and
Senators have been taking
the trouble to salvage the
sunken image of our guar-
dians of law and order.
First, the Minister of
National Insecurity, Mr. Pitt,
found it necessary to make
a statement in the House,
informing us that the Police
knew who the bandits were
involved in the recent spate
of robberies, but that they
were unable to do anything
because of the lack of
public co-operation.
Secondly, the Prime Minister
in his Christmas message went
out of his way to compliment
the police, and to re-iterate the
point about lack of co-opera-
tion. In his contribution to the
Budget debate, he went further,
and made bold to state that the
police had the right to defend
themselves against "hoodlums".'.
Then came Julien and Tull
in the Senate: the one saying
that the Defence Force should
be scrapped and the police
strengthened; the other calling


you can

help sell


Secretary Ivan Laughlin is
asking all members and
associates who would like
to help distribute TAPIA
on Friday mornings to get
in contact with him or
Allan Harris at the office,
82-84 St. Vincent Street,
The "South-run" now
legendary in the organ-
isation since Ivan's story,
has developed into an im-
portant political exercise.
Laughlin and others who
accompany him establish
and service a series of
political contacts whose
association with Tapia is
made on the basis of dis-
tributing the paper in their
However, there remain
many other areas in which
outlets have to be opened
up, and the call goes out
for members and support-
ers to come and take part
in this properly unconven-
tional method of distri-
buting "the review of un-
conventional politics" and
in expanding the move-
All you need to do is to
give a few hours early on
Friday mornings and to
supply transport if you
have it.

for more arms for the police.
Since when do the police'
require information from the
public to make arrests? On the
contrary, the practice all along
has been to exclude the public
from giving evidence. Invariably
the arrests of all political prison-
ers were made between mid-
night and dawn, and the poli-
tical trials by Seemungal's Re-
view Tribunal were held not in
public, but in private.
If the public refuses to co-
operate with the police after
having been given every assur-
ance that the identity of infor-
mants would not be disclosed,
it is because the public no
longer has confidence in the
forces of "law and order". For
too long have the police been
acting on the advice of street
agents in prosecuting ordinary
citizens. For too long have they
ignored the public outcry against
corruption and crime in high


We have heard the false
allegations against Chen which
the High Court dismissed as
lies. We have noted the fate of
Gene Miles after giving evidence
against Tam, We have seen a
hungry woman get years in
jail for taking a loaf of bread,
heard police brutality in the
Oval described as a blessing in


We have seen how the brother
of Guy Harewood was arrested
and deprived of bail for a long
time. We remember the death
of Basil Davis and the murder
of Cadogan in the Cpl. Dasent
case. Meanwhile nothing has
been done about the theft of
$55,000 from the Transport
Corporation; nothing about the
whisky racket and the mystery


come join



a 11 in


yacht about which every cus-
toms officer knows. We have
followed the Cowie inquest in
Tobago, and we have made
our judgement.
Imperial troops and the
policemen or "alguazil" as he
was called have always been the
pillars of the-colonial regime.
Picton, the first British Gover-
nor of Trinidad, used to terrorism
newcomers by making them
witness a hanging on the gallows.
Vallot Street in Maraval bears
the name of the most hated
jailor, the torturer of the young
mulatto girl, Louisa Calderon.
He held her like a dove hanging
from a bough, suspended by a
rope tied to her waist, and
easing the weight of her body
on to a sharpened spike.
Very often the "alguazil"
was not a native of the colony.
And, traditionally, many of our
policemen have been migrants



club house

91, Tunapuna Road, and 82-84, St. Vincent Street, Tunapuna

from neighboring islands, no-
ticeably from Barbados.
It is an old technique. Stran-
gers are always more brutal and
unscrupulous on alien territory.
This is why so many policemen
from Trinidad have been trans-
ferred to Tobago recently. In
1970, a Tobagonian Superin-
tendent Thomas was suspended
from duty because he refused
to take part in the brutalisation
of Barrister Bayliss Frederick.
It would appear that the
February Revolution has caught
up with the Police Service. The
tide is about to sweep the
blundering, stumbling blocks
into retirement. A new, more
civic-minded, breed is emerging.
Bernard is a stickler for
"discipline", and since his return
from studying law, tensions in
the Service have increased enor-
Continued on page 10





The house that wuck built

_ ____~~II___ _I __

- 'J 71r1VA~lUMT-

THE devaluation of the Jamaican dollar (by 15.6 percent)
on Tuesday has provided a fresh opening to a radical politi-
cal economy inall the CARIFTA countries.
As usual, the Central Bank, a square peg i our financial
system, has suspended foreign 'exchange dealings until we
get further notice.
Behind this typically leaden response, lies a government
which is conservative, incompetent and too weak to take
advantage of this excellent chance.
In December 1971 Guyana devalued and that was, in some
ways, an extremely important departure. It was certainly the first
time that any of these victorian principalities in CARIFTA had ever
dared to tamper with our hallowed relation to sterling.
q' Yet, the change in parity was not clearly motivated by a shift in
Guyanese policy. It was precipitated by the general instability of the
international monetary system, by the devaluation of the US dollar
and by an all-round re-alignment of currencies.
This Jamaican devaluation, however, has been prompted solely
by internal conditions in our sister island to the extent that the
tourist coast can wisely be regarded as an integral part of Jamaica.
When has a West Indian country ever made so fundamental a
decision on its own? This is decidedly our first example of a
genuinely "active" devaluation not at all the same as the
"passive" ones which we endured in 1949 and again, in 1967.
To maintain the competi-
tive position of our exports in
the CARIFTA market, Trini-
dad & Tobago may find it
worthwhile to devalue too.


But this is no more than
reinforcement of an already
powerful case.
The real reason why we
should devalue is that we
should raise our import prices.
And we must raise them
'well above the prices of those
goods and- services which we
are able to produce at home
out .of our own supplies and
raw materials. :
This is the opening which
Mr. Chambers willnever be
able to exploit. The best he
could do might be to make a
token and therefore an in-
herently passive devaluation.
The limitations on any radical
policy have-come through
very clearly in his recent
Budget Speech.
Once again, we have been
presented with a Government
which sees the general
working population as the
6 which regards unemploy-
ment and inequality as pro-
blems we can never come
close to solving;
which assumes that we
are in duty bound to rely on
private capital,
Which refuses to take
national participation and
localization as any but con-
trol of shares by the public
and which is, in sum,
quite incapable of distinguish-
ing the right priorities in
regard to policy.
The total confusion at the
level of overall Government

strategy is but a mirror of
certain harsh political facts.
The PNM is predominantly
African movement now re-
soundingly repudiated by the
Black Power movement. They
are now caught in a monkey
They are not able to in-
spire the long-suffering African
artisans and tradesmen who
have been languishing for
years along the urban corridor
that runs all the way from
Sangre Grande to Diego
Nor are they willing to
open greener pastures to the
Indian' farmers who are instal-
led and waiting on the
Naparima-Caroni Plain.
Balisier General has
turned out to be a quarter-
master sergeant after all, obses-
sesed with the petty tactics of

winning every battle. The
PNM has acquired no strategic
sense whatsoever, on how to
win the campaign for inde-
pendence and national dignity.
In Tapia we know that the
first salvo in any battle for
the economic independence
of the Caribbean must be the
shutting out of all. inessential
imports. Those that we find it
still necessary to buy must be
as expensive as they can
reasonably be.


Attractive Rates


Why can't



and make

cal break?

The over-dependence of
our economy on imports is
at bottom a totally irrational
thing. It can be explained
only by the fact that we have
always been a tropical farm,
appended to some maritime
nation in Western Europe.


Most countries export so
as to be able to import what
"extras" they need. In con-
trast, we import almost every-
thing that we consume and
we exist to supply the rest of
the world with materials.
Perhaps the major device
for keeping in this colonial
status has been the pegging of
our parity at $4.80 to the
British pound. Even the very
careful CARIFTA Secretariat
has warned us that "over-

valuation of the currency may
well be a real problem" for
the territories in the Carib-
bean Ec6nomic Community.
Our currency is overvalued
in the sense that the resulting
cheapness of imports consti-
tutes a major obstacle to the
development of the kind of
agriculture, manufacturing and
tourism which would activate'
our own materials and business
talents and would generate
jobs on the scale that we so


badly need.
CARIFTA's booklet, Eco-
nomics of Devaluation under
West Indian Conditions is
extremely lucid on the point.
The Secretariat has been dis-
cussing the merits of "a farily
significant extent of devalua-
tion, one much deeper than
8%." (p14).
An active devaluation in
the West Indies must be "part
and parcel of a package of
policies for bringing about
structural change." (p.14)
We have held this view in
Tapia from the earliest days
of the New World Group. We
are happy to see that the
official economists have now
been persuaded to come over
to the radical side.

The politicians in the PNM
Government are not, however,
going to be able to join this
hardwuk movement. Mr.
Chambers can never hope to
implement the wide-ranging
radical measures which Mr.
Demas has recently been
speaking for.
It is doubtful whether even
the enthusiastically elected
Manley Government has the
moral foundations fer a
genuinely radical attack which

Reliable Service

could make a devaluation
Manley has side-stepped the
issue of reorganizing the sugar
and banana export sector and
opted for a.kind of Jamaican
Crown Lands distribution
scheme. After years of chink-
sing and faltaying he still has
done nothing about popular
control of the big metropoli-
tan bauxite companies.
He may never be able to
adjust wages, productivity and
profits the levels which he
needs for success:

But at least the PNP is still
in a position to try. Corrupt,
crooked and congosah to its
toenail, the PNM stands the
chance of a snowball in hell.
An active devaluation,
writes the CARIFTA Secre-
tariat, "would in all likelihood
raise the very controversial
issue of the redistribution of
income...." (p.15)
In other words, if we
devalued the dollar in Trinidad
& Tobago as part of a radical
package deal, some of us are
certain to lose and others will
just pick up the corresponding
When we had a passive
devaluation in the past and
just slavishly followed Britain,
the merchants had a wonderful
time. Of habit, the Chamber
made some noises, but they
were quite happy with the
way that things worked out.
But if we devalued
Continued on Page 10







Devaluation under

West Indian Conditions

Regional Secretariat


L '

SU DAY, JANUARY 21,1973i


PUSHING PAPERS and selling politics to the country require "revolutionary cool" to
deal with the disappointments involved. Tapia man Felix Webster, reminded us of this at a
Tapia meeting held at the Pleasantville Community Centre last Sunday.
Webster was at the time commenting on the complaints of a brother from New Village,
that he could not take the "insults" sometimes levelled at one while selling papers. The
brother felt that he was selling something good to people, yet some did not appreciate
this, which made it even worse.
Webster said that he felt the same way when he first started to sell papers. He swore he
was never going back. He recounted the time he was threatened with arrest for selling
TAPIA at Police Headquhrters, being ordered out of a house at Macoya.
Yet another member from Marabella pointed out that when one person turned you
away, another would ask for back-numbers.
Ivan Laughlin, Community Relations Secretary argued that insults and shortcomings
were part of revolutionary political work in the communities. It is not necessarily what we
say that will change people, but the way we live. Another brother said that when people
say TAPIA is hard to read what they really mean is that we are saying something new,
which takes time to get through to people.

Tapia is not dividing the
/ world into' black and white, or
Capitalist and Communist, all
the well-worn means of political
What people say is difficult
is the concept of politics the
group is advancing.


This was a point made at the
beginning of the Sunday session
by Tapia Chairman, Syl Lowhar,
in tracing the origins of the
Lowhar explained that Tapia
was an offshoot of the Carib-
bean-wide New World Group
which had been founded in the
early 60's by Lloyd Best and
others and based at the Mona
campus, U.W.I.
In 1968 there had been
a split in the Trinidad New
World Group over the next
New World was committed
to analysis and the development
of Caribbean ideology.




RDES evolutionary cool

The split occurred over the
question of the formation of a
political party (advocated by
Millette and others) and the
formation of intermediate poli-
tical organizations (advocated
by Best and others).
Lloyd Best said Tapia has
never been caught up in the
illusion that we can move from
a small organisation to a mass
movement in a few mornings.
The country, he said, is
confused at this particular mo-
We can't afford to fool our-
selves: the majority of citizens
are not confident that we can
get ourselves out of this hole.
But this is not a bad thing.
Three or four years ago,
people were saying that the
PNM would last for another

20 years.
All that was necessary was a
proper Opposition and a little
patching here and there to get
rid of the frustration and dis-
People are not saying that
People may be confused but,
Best warned, the darkest hour
is just before dawn.
The rejection of the PNM
in the 1971 General Elections
shows that people realise that
what is needed is fundamental
change, not just new faces, or a
new government.
"With no colonial govern-
ment, no imperial troops, the
only way you can move a gov-
ernment is by better organi-
sation politically, or militarily,
if it comes to that.

Best warned that we are
going to have either a Latin
American dictatorship (some
of which have lasted for a
hundred years) or a free society.
People realise this intuitively;
this is what the last Elections
People have no trust in any
of the institutions of the so-
It is no surprise that the
phrase on most people's lips
today is: "you think it easy?"
To change the regime you
have to work for it; building an
organisation, day by day, brick
by brick.
To make the break-through
we need an organisation with
vision, consistency and mili-
Vision as to where the so-

city is and where it should
A vision that provides for
freeing the population for crea-
tive activity.
Consistency means having
an ideological position and not
zig-zagging from week to week.
Organisation that will stand
up to the rigours of the struggle
and militancy, meaning the will
to win.
Ivan Laughlin outlined how
the selling of the paper and
the political work have been
In the Los Charros area,
a y6ung brother was selling 70
papers every week.


Esmond Phillips, when he
was not even a formal member
of Tapia, had been doing poli-
tical work for the group.
In one small village, a shop-
keeper was selling one TAPIA
to a person who came to collect
it every week religiously on his
Laughlin said that the poli-
tical work is to bring together
all these people who read the
paper or live a Tapia-type life
of hardwuk and independence,
to sell the paper, to write for
the paper, bringing in news
about the localities and so on.
The Pleasantville meeting had
in fact been organised by Phillips
in conjunction with Ivan to
bring together new political
contacts developed in the South
over the last three months.

406 RHONDA 3 PCE. LIVING ROOM SUITE Selected Bri-Nylon Fabric Upholstery

he A erc Store




THERE IS always an election in sight to excite, impassion
or exasperate the average Chilean. Elections form part of
the country's routine, its customs and even folklore.
Revolutionary sectors claim that elections, sponsored
and maintained by the bourgeoisie, favour only the re-
But the institution has stayed on in spite of the transfor-
mations that have shaken Chile since the triumph of the
of the Unidad Popular government in 1970.
On September 4, of that year, elections opened the doors of
government to President Salvador Allende and allowed the Unidad
Popular coalition to initiate the transformation of the country's
structures with an eye to the building of socialism. A never-before-
heard-of event, with no parallel in history Chilean and world
On March 4, 1973 another unique possibility will face Chileans:
the conquest of Parliament by the proletariat (or by -the coalition of
parties that represent the proletariat) within the framework of a
bourgeois state.
This will be the seventh
election held in Chile since
Allende became president
more than two years ago. Of
the six held thus far three
were favourable to the govern-
ment (April 1971, ordinary
elections for regidores or
councilmen and for the post of
senator left vacant by the
president; July 1972, elections
for a deputy from Coquimbo).
The right .wing won the .
extraordinary elections held in
Valparaiso, Linares, O'Higgins,
and Colchagua.


The ordinary general elec-
tion for Congress next March
will renew, according to the
Constitution, all of the 150,
deputies and half of the 50
senators. This election may
upset the right's control of
Congress, with a reactionary
majority in both houses (18
senators from the Unidad
Popular coalition against 32 of
the opposition, and 54 govern-
ment deputies against 93 of
'the opposition), along with
existing legislature, constitutes
one of the main obstacles,
confronting the government.
The opposition has obstruct-
ed, deformed, and sabotaged
the President's projects.
mExisting legal methods, used
thus far by the Unidad Popular
to change the country's struc-
tures, seem to have been
exhausted; in any case, they
have had tremendous limita-
tions placed on thdm by the
Congressional opposition.


This is why the Unidad
Popular coalition attaches so
much importance to these
elections which will possibly
change the correlation of
forces and transform Congress
into an instrument of the
people to carry forward the
Government programme.
It will also make it possible
to promulgate a new Constitu-
tion and to restructure Con-
gress into a single chamber
The right wing also attaches
importance to the elections.
With 93 deputies out of a total
of 150, the right constitutes
an absolute majority in the
lower chamber. But in the
Senate they do not have the
two-thirds necessary to veto
the Executive, and in extreme
terms, to impeach the presi-
The deputies will be elected
by department, 93 posts in all
for the 27 departmental
Santiago ,province again,
divided into three electoral
districts, will elect the largest -
nume number: 28 deputies.

Will Allende






in March


F O.


channels ?

More than four million
voters will cast their vote for
candidates from among three
lists, which in reality are two.
A recent reform of the election
law allows Chile's twelve
parties to group together in
Thus, the opposition formed
the Democratic Confederation,
made up. of two federations of
parties. The PIR, PADENA,
and PDC make up the Demo-
cratic Opposition Federation
and in turn, the National
Party and the Radical Demo-
crats make up the National
Democratic Federation.
On the other hand, the
parties that support the
Allende government are group-
ed under the Unidad Popular
Conference. Confederation.
Only one group, the Popular
Socialist Union, which has
made no commitments to the
government which until now
it has supported, willrun its
individual candidate. But this
party has almost no influence,
only one senator in Congress.


Never before in the history
of Chile have there been so
few slates and so few candi-
dates. During recent times,
Chile has never elected its
Congress with fewer than eight
slates and eight candidates.
(This is the smallest number'
of candidates running for
Congress; the largest number,
17 in 1958, was during the
government of General
The changes begun by the
Unidad Popular government
have polarized the country's
political forces. This is why
the March elections will really
be between the left and the
The exact number of voters

Electoral propaganda in the streets of Santiago. General Carlos Prats,

minister of interior one of
Elections which could

who will go to the polls in
March is not known. This
makes it difficult to predict
the outcome. In the Congres-
sional elections of March
1969, 2,406,000 people voted.
The number of voters today is
around four million and for
the first time, includes illiter-
ates and 18-year-olds.
The new voters represent a
question mark and may deter-
mine the voting in March.
The election will be a mile-
stone for the nation because it
will determine the fate of the
Chilean process through legal

the military men appointed to Cabinet last November.
change the composition of Chile's Congress.

The Army will guarantee
the Congressional elections.
This is what the government
and opposition sectors seem to
think after the country return-
ed to normal. Business groups
had tried to paralyze the coun-
try for three week in October.


President Allende in early
November appointed three
military men to the Cabinet,
among them the Commander-

in-Chief of the Army, General
Carlos Prats, who became
minister of the interior and
head of the Cabinet.
Shortly after assuming his
new post, Minister Prats
declared: "I will collaborate
with the Government in the
task of safeguarding social
peace which has been seriously
threatened by the dramatic
strike movement, and make
certain that the elections next
March will be held with the
fullest guarantees for all sec-
(Prensa Latina)





/S Stephens




TRADE UNIONS in the West Indies have
perpetually come under the wrath of establish-
ment forces.
Paul Blanchard commenting on this remarked:
Before the thirties there was no successful labour union
in this entire area outside of Puerto Rico. Attempts to
organise coloured labour had been met with ruthless
suppression all the way from Panama to Barbados.
Trinidad had suppressed dockworkers after a general
strike in 1919 in which dockers had practically captured
the city of Port of Spain.
The Colonial Office and the Chamber of Commerce,
according to Gordon Lewis, "used terror, intimidation,
and victimisation against workers suspected of trade
union and lab6ur sympathies." Dr. Eriq Williams, in his
more critical years, similarly called attention to the
plight of trade unions and labour leaders in the West

The labour movement is fighting against powerful
obstacles. The great weapon of employers is victimisation,
and they do not hesitate to use it. Labour leaders are
shadowed by the police, the sedition laws are elastic. A
prominent British Trade Union signed the report of the
Trinidadian Disturbances Commission which denied
unions the right of peaceful picketing or protection

against action in tort Several labour leaders in
England occupy positions in the War cabinet.
Over and beyond this, Caribbean governments
instigated a constant anti-communist crusade against
agitants deemed antithetical to the well-being of the
society. In 1952, a crisis developed in the People's
National Party of Jamaica when a special conference of
the Party voted to accept the findings of the Marxist
charges Tribunal against Ken Hill, Frank Hill. Richard
Hart, and Arthur Henry.

They were found guilty of leading secret communist
activities and of introducing communist propaganda
into trade unions education. The P. N. P. headquarters
had for some time been called the "Kremlin". Manley
therefore expelled the "4-H's" from his party to appease
public opinion. The Port of Spain "Gazette" remarked
Jamaica's P. N. P. seems now thoroughly purged of its
undesirable elements, which is a good thing for Jamaica
and for the rest of the West Indies ... It is now a
matter for some speculation as to whether Mr. Manley,
now that he is rid of his extremists, will tone down on
his avowed Socialist policies.
Some of these expunged leaders formed the People's
Freedom Movement in Jamaica, but it was reported
later that "even members of the People's Freedom
Movement, a small radical ileft-wing united front, are
victimised in jobs and their applications for passports."
As late as 1964 Hugh Small and Dennis Daley, both
leading men in the Youhg Socialist League, were ex-
pelled from Mr. Manley's opposition P. N. P.
In 1954 the "New York Times" reported that
Britain had embarked on an anti-communist drive in
three Caribbean islands:
Following crackdowns on alleged pro-communists in
British Guiana and British Honduras, authorities yes-
terday raided the home of a Jamaica labour leader,
Ferdinand Smith and the offices of the left-wing
People's Educational Organisation.


Ferdinand Smith had been deported from the
United States in 1951. His home was now raided in an
attempt to break the current Sugar Workers' strike.
The fullest expression of this anti-communist and
anti-subversive campaign took shape in the Trinidad
Commission -of Enquiry into Subversive Activities in
1963. Conducted in the full spirit of McCarthyism, the
Commission dangerously approximated the Un-American
Committee in America. The "New World" group
What is significant about this Commission is that it
provides a classic example of the infiltration of
American political methods into an erstwhile British
territory (such Americanism as) the immaturity of
approach to ideological problems, the fanaticism, the
black and white dogmaticism.
The purpose of this Commission was to investigate
the various opposition forces to the government. The
chief witness for the government was Mr. Rojas, who
for many years had been President of the Oil Fields
Workers Union and President of the T. U. C. It is
interesting to note that he had been earlier banned
from some West Indian islands like Guyana because of
his trade union activities.
At the time of the sitting of this Commission, how-
ever, Rojas was in sharp conflict with the individuals
he gave evidence against. His philosophy of trade
unionism may be deduced from the fact that he took
considerable pride in the fact that in the twenty-five
years during which he presided over the affairs of the
union, only once had he found it necessary for the
O. W. T. U. to resort to an official general strike, and
that was only after channels for an amicable settlement
by negotiation were exhausted.
Such Trinidadian radicals as C.* L. R. James,
John LaRose and George Weekes came in for heavy
criticism, the former two luckily exiled in London at

thb time. On James the report stated:
He has been described as a staunch Trotskyite and his
books clearly support the view that he is a socialist of
the extreme left... His intellectual capacity and power
of expression can be seen from his writings and are such
as might appeal to intelligent and exhuberant youth.
His written works leaves the impression of a
demagogue who would not hesitate, if he had power, to
destroy that which does not suit him.
James was actually put under house arrest in 1965
when he returned to Trinidad as a correspondent for
various newspapers to cover the Australian Cricket
Test series. Against Weekes, Mr. Rojas "stated categor-
ically that Mr. Weekes was a Communist; that he had
employed Communist methods such as distortion of
facts, misdirection of workers, propagation of slander
lies, and directing the activities of 'cells'. .. Mr. Weekes
is ... a person to be watched."


Sometimes harassment occurs through the Judicial
system, and often involves the imprisonment of dissi-
dents. At an attempted massive march on Kingston in
April 1921, 685 of Bedward's followers were arrested
and 208 were convicted. Bedward himself was arrested
and charged with sedition.
In 1945 Roger Mais, the well-known Jamaican
journalist and writer got six months imprisonment for
writing an article which was interpreted as an attack
upon Winston Churchill and the British Empire. The
British authorities sent him to jail without trial by
jury under wartime regulations, although they admitted
that he had no sympathy with Britain's wartime
enemies, and ,that he had not favoured overt acts of
W. A. Domingo, upon landing in Jamaica in 1941,
was arrested and imprisoned for eighteen months.
Several weeks after his imprisonment, the authorities
stated'he was arrested because his activities in Jamaica
would continue to:-
Promote and foster anti-British and defeatist senti-
Embarass and impede the policy of the imperial and
local governments in relation to the war effort;
Promote and foster anti-American sentiments;
Excite opposition to and embarass and delay the
rapid successful plans for the completion of the
United States Defense Bases in Jamaica;
Cause dissatisfaction, unrest and disorder among the
coloured population of Jamaica by exciting the
feelings of colour prejudice and racial animosity.
Not only are these reasons vague, but their lack of
substance and the fact that Domingo's radical status
was questionable, shows the paranoid style of West
Indian politics. The P. N. P. which had invited Domingo
to Jamaica lifted up its arms in wild amazement at the
apparent absurdity of his arrest:
Good God to write to a friend who has lived his
life in America and say Americans are colour pre-
judiced is spreading propaganda! To warn Jamaica to
make it plain from the start that Jim-Crowism will
not be tolerated here is contrary to public safety!
It is interesting to note that on the first day of his
trial the committee used as evidence against Domingo
the fact that among his papers was an old picture of
Lenin. All of this reveals the comparative intolerance of
West Indian societies to political criticisms.
In America where Domingo carried on the bulk of
his radical protests, he was not arrested. Padmore too,
who fought Domingo's case in England, had come out
strongly against the war, yet he was not arrested.
Legal harassment took full-fledged form against
Marcus Garvey. When a former officer of the U. N. I. A.
division in New York sued Garvey for 7,527 pounds
back salary, the judges ordered that properties of the
U. N. I. A. be sold, despite the fact that an appeal was
pending. During the court hearing, Garvey was found
guilty or contempt of court, and was fined 25 pounds
for not producing in court, the books of the U. N. I. A.
which he did not have.


Then when Garvey launched the People's Political
Party in 1929, the tenth point in his twenty-six point
manifesto proposed "a law to impeach and imprison
judges who, with disregard for British justice and con-
stitutional rights, dealt unfairly." This caused his
second contempt of court charge before the Chief
Justice. He was found guilty and was sentenced to
three months imprisonment and a fine of 1,000 pounds
but only after being reproached by the judge, A. K.
Agar: "A person in your position as head of an impor-
tant organisation, one that could be used for an
immense amount of good, have used that as a channel
to create trouble in the island.
Garvey had won a seat in October 1929 to the
Kingston and St. Andrew Corporation, and after spend-

Conc I udi ng

ing the three months in jail for his second contempt of
court charge, Garvey then attempted to occupy his
seat on the corporation but he found that "under-
handed tactics" were being used to keep him out. In
response Garvey snapped back in "The Black Man:
The corporation is entirely opposed to the welfare
of the country ... The Government is also bereft of.
common decency, not to say dignity, and common
sense. It is true our faith in the local administration
of affairs is sorely tried; perhaps we should not be,
but our confidence in British fair-play is not upheld
by manifestations we behold day by day.

Garvey and two others were brought before the
courts again upon a charge of criminal libel against His
Majesty's Government of Jamaica. Garvey was sentenced'
to six months imprisonment.
This constant legal battle took its toll on Garvey's
endeavours, especially by exhausting his limited finan-
ces. "The Black Man" newspaper which he started in
1929, as a daily paper, became a weekly after a year and
ceased altogether in February 1931; the "Negro World"
crumbled in 1933; in 1932 he started the "New Jamaican"
evening daily, but this too was forced to close down in
These constant court cases also demoralised Garvey,
cramped his spirit, and largely explained his decision to
leave for England in 1935. It must also be realized that
imprisonment in a British colony, even for a political
offense, destroys a person's prestige and causes a loss of
status among even the ordinary people he becomes a
disrespectful "jail-bird" and not a "martyr" as in the
United States.
In Garvey's case one thus sees a convergence of all
the tactics used the British colonies against radicals.
It is an interesting but sad commentary on West
Indian life that corresponding books and advocates who
preach white supremacy and white power are not ban-
ned. In fact racist ideas are openly and unashamedly
expressed in local papers.
The following two recent letters are crudely racist,
and one doubts that they would appear even in
North America today:
Editor The fair skinned Negroes will always be
preferable by sensible civilised people unless the
black Negroes can be led to become civilized imagine
tive and thrifty ... What has the Black Negro ever
done f6r his race or any other race? .. And this is
the reason why the Negro worms of today have re-
fused to work and have been using white man's guns

ie series of pamphlets wr


NUARY 21, 1973

E el

and knives to get what they want from anybody ...
:The brains of the non-black Negroes and white
people ar responsible for the running of this country
... If we eradicated this element (brownies) as your
political reporter seems to be determined to do, a
decent dog wouldrit want to live in Jamaica. Already
it isn't quite fit for such a dog.
Sir I noticed a sign at Upper King Street this
morning reading, "British Dogs go Home." Now
Mr. Editor, I am a Jamaican as you are and I person-
ally take great exception that some Jamaicans who
can be classified as savages are permitted to scrawl
insult to any ethnic race of people. These impertinent
and ignorant people would soon be reverting to
lower savagery if the "British Dogs" did not buy
Jamaican sugar, rum and bananas. Strict laws
should be passed with heavy sentences to anyone
who scrawls these defacing signs on people's walls.
Jamaican Nazis must be struck down, and struck
down now!
The most starting result of these social control
devices has been the poverty of philosophy in West
Indian society which in itself acts as a deterrent against
the operation of progressive forces in the West Indies. A
society that denies its problems is a society that con-
demns itself to a poverty of ideas. West Indian societies
suffer from a delusion that all is more or less well -
that the "good society" has been attained.


A former Prime Minister of Jamaica, Hugh Shearer,
expressed the great myth of West Indian societies that
there is no need for ideologies there. He described
radicals as "irrelevant" because "they are pushing causes
and voicing slogans that they have adopted from else-
where. We have a black government; we have votes for
everybody, we have got rid of colour discrimination."
The Prime Minister of Grenada, Eric Gairy, has openly
stated on many occasions that there is no need for
Black Power in Grenada: "If there is a Black Power in
Grenada, I am the Black Power.
Since the existing order is taken to be basically
sound, West Indians are not allowed to discuss alter-
natives, because alternatives are automatically taken as
proof of disorder.
Social reconstruction the world over today inevitably
revolves around racial and socialist themes. Those coun-
tries, therefore, that are concerned with issues of
odernisation and development invariably debate these

tten for the new Jamaica


issues with the aim of salvaging some workable guide
for conduct. But the West Indies does not allow
these central modern themes to be discussed: individuals
who attempt to introduce these themes into public dis-
cussion are denounced and dismissed as racialistss" and
"communists" who are importing foreign ideas.
For this reason West Indian societies appear overly
anti-intellectual and philistine. There is a startling
ignorance even among the highest government officials
of such concepts as "Socialism", "Communism",
"Racism", "Black Nationalism", "Black Power", and
"Pan-Africanism". Not allowing themselves to be
educated into a knowledge of concepts and issues, their
reaction to these concepts is irrational and emotional.
They make no attempt to analyse their historical roots
and to understand the crippling effects of slavery upon
Caribbean social structures.


Political parties lack ideologies that could create an
understanding of the reality of the West Indian situae
tion and whip up enough enthusiasm and commitment
that would help in nation-building. They have thus
relied upon the personalities of leaders rather than on
clearly articulated ideas which could serve to arouse
political consciousness.
This philistinism has been noted by several individuals
C. L. R. James has described West Indian intellectual
life as a "kindergarten" in comparison to metropolitan
areas. The middle classes are unproductive in this respect:
I do not know any social class which lives so com-
pletely without ideas of any kind. Their own
struggle for posts and pay, their ceaseless promising
of jobs, their sole idea of national development as one
where everybody can aim at getting something more,
the gross and' vulgar materialism, the absence of any
ideas or elementary originality of thought, the tire-
some repetition of commonplaces aimed chiefly at
impressing the British, this is the outstanding
characteristic of the West Indian middle class.
Equally telling was James' confession: "In my stay
here (in Trinidad) I have discussed Socialism with
Dr. Williams for at most three minutes." In 1930,
Garvey, in a note of defeatist despair, reached the same
conclusion regarding the poverty of ideas in the West
Indian life:
From my observation I am forced to conclude that
Jamaica is indeed an ignorant community; it is
limited in intelligence,, narrow in its intellectual con-
cepts, almost to the point where one can honestly
say that the country is ridiculous.
Much more recently, the Guyanese poet-intellectual,
Martin Carter, came to a similar conclusion that:
Life in a country as materialistic and philistine as
British Guiana blunts the edge of the mind. The
almost fanatical pre-occupation with hollow issues,
the gossip-mongering which passes for conversation,
and the inevitable political'hysteria, leave little time
for the serious examination of ideas.
Failing to develop any new set of ideas, the values,
.concepts and ideologies of national leaders remain
those of colonial administrators ruling class ideas
that were tailored to fit a colonised society.
Consistent with their dependency complex and
imitative mentality Caribbean authorities exercise the
function of imploring the masses to be "respectable;"
"civilised," to "behave" themselves and to work hard
They have developed no vibrant, creative and indepen-
dent set of ideas.
In the area of developmental theory, for instance,
their philosophy prescribes the creation of the "right
environment" to attract investment and tourists.
Anything that obstructs the favourable investment
climate and tourist climate are described as menaces
to Caribbean societies.
The following is a reprint from a management paper
which glaringly mirrors the ideological poverty:
Unlimited access to untapped 'soft currency' markets,
generous tax and duty relief, and the right to take your
profits home in dollars these are the attractions that
make this 300-year-old Caribbean paradise increasingly
attractive to Americans.
The Caribbean island of Jamaica, long a vacation
paradise, is rapidly becoming a business paradise for
profit conscious manufacturers seeking an easy entrance
to work markets.
The familiar problem of getting dollars out is no pro-
blem in Jamaica; the island is a dollar earner, thanks to
the tourist trade and the fact that it is now a major
supplier of bauxite to the United States.
The Government of Jamaica, anxious to accelerate
an already phenomenal rise in the island's economy
with more foreign capital; has set up an array of tax,
duty and financial benefits.
A popular tourist advertisement by the Tourist
Board of Jamaica, which appeared regularly in Ameri-
can magazines, similarly reveals the ideological im-
maturity of the area:
You can rent a lovely life in Jamaica by the week. It
starts with a country house or beach cottage or hilltop
highway that comes equipped with gentle people
named 'Ivy, or Maud 6f Malcolm who will cook, tend,

study group


mend, diaper and launder you...
Who will 'Mister Peter, Please' you all day long,
pamper you-with home-made coconut pie, admire
you when you look 'soft', giggle at your jokes and
weep when you leave. A kind of nannyhood for grown-
ups, actually. They'll spoil you, but you'll also spoil
The network of control and the ensuing poverty of
philosophy depressingly bear down on potentially
innovatory West Indians in such away they have
all expressed the feeling of being cramped and suffo-
cated by the social and political structure.
Garvey's frustrations in Jamaica may be seen in his
advice to Stennett Kerr in Coombs who worked in
Garvey's Blackman Printing Company. Coombs recalls
that just before Garvey migrated to England in 1935,
"I showed him the manuscript of a book entitled 'The
Minds of Men' which I had written and which to this
day remains unpublished. After looking through the
manuscript, his last words to me were: 'I see in you
great things, but as long as you remain in this country
you will never succeed' "
Me Kay referred to Jamaica as "the suffocating is-
land prison." Padmore, according to his biographer
and friend, "shook the dust of the cramping West
Indies from his feet in the early 1920's and went to
the United States."

C.L.R. James recalls that he himself returned to the
West Indies after sacrificing much and submerged him-
self completely in an effort to foster unity in the
Peoples' National Movement under Dr. Williams, but
that when he went to Ghana in 1960, "for the first
time I spoke without the restraint I had imposed upon
myself for two years in the interest of P.N.M....It was
only after the meeting that I realized how profoundly
I had been affected by pushing aside so much of
what I stood for...I knew that I simply couldn't do it
any longer with all my plans blasted by indifference or
James did return to Trinidad in 1965 but again he
found conditions stultifying so much so that he was
against even the idea of his son visiting him in Trinidad
"I knew one minute after I landed here this time that
this was no place for any son of mine."
W.A. Domingo reacted sharply to the "Gleaner's"
criticism or the poetry of W.A. Roberts by angrily
retorting that "it is a greater distinction to be a minor
poet in large and critical America than to be the un-
crowned king in a country of the literary blind."
Capildeo's reaction was that "I prefer to be a serious
scientist in London than a powerless politician in Port-
of-Spain." Naipaul confessed that "as soon as (his
ship) touched the quay...I began to feel my old fear of
George Lamming explained that he and other West
Indian writers found themselves in "a lonely desert of
mass indifference," among a middle class trained to
underrate anything which grew on native West Indian
There have been three responses by West Indians of a
progressive or talented hue to this suffocation. Many
gradually fall back into the conservative pattern be-
come routinised-- because of the pressures towards
conformity, and because they lack the social re-
enforcement of others to their way of thinking.


It has been pointed out, for instance, that Norman
Manley of Jamaica, Grantley Adams of Barbados, and
Cheddi Jagan of Guyana, all began as activists "but
little by little they were worn down until today they
are busy building schools, building roads, West Indian-
ising,, and begging for grants, loans and investments."
Secondly, many West Indians (like Amy Garvey in
Jamaica) hold out in isolation and frustration, cut-off
from the mainstream of progressiveforcesabroad, and
from the conservative stream at home. Becoming
cynical and bitter at times, they are often pepped up
by nostalgic memories of how things were abroad.
Thirdly, and the most common strategy, has been
exile through migration. If they have not yet migrated,
they will attempt to do so; if they are return-migrants,
they will re-migrate, with greater conviction this time
that "there is just no place for me back home."
From Haiti, the three leading Garveyites Eli
Garcia, Napoleon Francis and Theodore Stevens fled
abroad; Padmore and James shifted themselves and
their energies to the African revolution; Sandy Cox left
Jamaica in frustration to practice law in Boston;
Albert Gomes left Trinidad for England; Sir Learie
Constantine "went home" to London; David Pitt,
defeated and disillusioned, went off to England and
there channelled his gift and energy into the Labour
Party; Capildeo returned to England to become a
"serious scientist."
There are thousands of other exiled West Indians
abroad who have chosen the necessity of exile. In
London alone there are over sixty West Indian writers
'who are exiled for the same reasons that their more
outspoken political kinsmen dare not return.
^ ^ '____________r


Polemics on the politic


of Carnivaland Calypso


STATIONED at the exit
of the Legion Hall, Original
Review Calypso Tent last
week Thursday night was
a vendor offering for sale
copies of the country's new
est weekly newspaper.
He might have been doing
the same thing at any of
the five other tents in town
that night. Or he might
have been selling any or all
of the four other weekly
Five weekly papers; six calypso
tents; seven or more political
groups. This is Trinidad 1973 -
where the appearance of new
movements is a something we
have become accustomed to.


New approaches, new initia-
tives have come in sport, in
politics, in journalism, and in
For some it is a lamentable
reflection of the characteristic
Trinidadian "individualism" .
Each man wanting to be his
own boss, to do his own thing;
each group wanting to assert
against the world its particular
conception of reality. Why the i
hell can't they all get together?
The same thing, in the world
of the calypsonians, the Lord
Valee of the Original Regal
identified as the biggest draw-
back: individualism, in-fighting
and dog-eat-doggishness:
"Even though TV and radio
Don't expose enough calypso
Some calypsonians it is
clear to see
Is we worse enemy"
Valee described the mauvais
langue, the jealousy and the
bitter rivalry among calypso-
nians to gain the annual, all-
important official "recognition"
and to collect the rewards that
go with it.
Yet against all these things
the Original Regal Tent seemed
to stand opposed. The calypso-
nians there have got something
together without the aid of
non-calypsonian "foreign invest-
ment", under the direction of
Duke, Chalkdust and Superior
("Du Su Chalk Enterprises").

The perennial issues ofcalypso
and Carnival are certainly more
than who will be king. Because
the society forgets about both
of them after Ash Wednesday,
then the different crowns assume
an importance well beyond their
And so during the season
the politics of Carnival invaria-
bly provokes many polemics in
song. In the way only calypso-
nians can get away with, both
Superior and Chalkdust are
pitching for the Calypso King
and Road March King titles,
while at the same time attacking
the system of judging, favourit-
ism, etc.
Superior's "Road March Dic-
tatorship" is presented as a
"road march contender". He
calls for radio and TV time for
the opposition candidates in a
contest predeterminedly dead-
locked between Kitchener and
Sparrow, and invites attention
to "dark horses" in the race.
In yet another tune, he
plays directly for steelband sup-
port. And again it is more than
an expression of admiration for
fellow artists. The panmen,
after all, have a large part in
determining who will win road
march honours.


Chalkdust's "Juba Doobai"
is constructed with consulate
skill. As usual, he takes the
stance of the reporter, relating
something he has heard. This
time, people are telling Chalkie
he should have been placed
second to Sparrow before Kitch
"that's the talk you will hear
all over Port of Spain".
And so by "reporting" what
people say he should have done
to win, he works into the song
a scathing attack on all the
implicit standards and criteria
applied by the judges. Parading
all the shibboleths more often
than not imposed by unimagina-
tive radio announcers and hack-
writing press reviewers, he ex-
poses the superstition and irra-
tionality that surrounds the
contest of Carnival & Calypso.
Amidst all the fiercely partisan
assertions, an "independent"
authority ventures to lay down
some arbitrary definition of
what is the "general will".
He satirizes alike fellow calyp-
sonians caught up with the idea

of winning the road march by
the simple expedient of inclu-
Sding in the song words like
"bacchanal", "Carnival", "festi-
val", "wining", "woman", "rope",
"drink" and "fete". The,tired,
recurring ideas, lines and rhymes,
are what he must sing, so the
people say.
"You have to sing us a
fast song
It must have some pep
and jump
To make people shake they
And even the "stops", the
phrasings and pauses and simple
rhyme schemes considered to
be necessary for the good road
march, Chalkdust includes in
his study of winning-calypso
"So to do best
You must dress
Like the tess
And jump with zest
In one exquisitely put to-
gether composition, Chalkie has
managed to lampoon not only
nepotism and outright corrup-
tion, but the culture of mind-
lessness induced by the media

and bankrupt commentators.
Yet it also describes the kind
of things calypsonians have to
go through to win for them-
selves some place in the sun;
the lengths to which they feel
themselves driven to win the
crown by means fair and foul.
And typically disingenuous
he ends by replying to his
"My friends you have me
My aim is really not to win
But until I die they'll hear
my cry Juba Doobai"
Original Regal has succeeded
in presenting a carefully edited
selection of calypsos dealing in
issues of more or less current
There is little sex and bac-
chanal for its own sake. At
least two singers are concerned
with the implications of sex
education and Women's Lib-
From the perspective of the
machismo image normally cele-

brated by calypsonians, Women's
Liberation demands are nothing
but the height of absurdity. To
Lords Bopee and Coffee it is
the fulfilment of Funny's day
dreaming of two years ago of a
world turned upside down.
They are intrigued at the
prospect of women conspiring
to take over the dominant
roles traditionally held by men,
and somehow see that men in
the final analysis will be sweet
men provided for by their "lib-
erated" spouses, living nice -
if even it means washing clothes
by day and the women on'top
by night.
Black Hat welcomes sex edu-
cation in schools for it means
no longer would mothers be
able to fool children about
aeroplanes and storks bringing
babies. But Lecturer introduces
some complexities.


Lord Lecturer is clever and
far-seeing. He cautions that the
things which seem to make sex
education necessary also mili-
tate against its usefulness. The
open degradation of sex through
films, books, slack grown-ups
especially teachers ("I am
told") bad housing which makes
it possible for a child to know
what is going on in the next
room or on the next bed also
mean that children know more
about the facts of life than
adults iriagine.
In which case the society
sanctioned hypocrisy which for-
ces adults to pretend about
Santa Claus and the stork would
only make children more skep-
tical and less trusting about
what they are told by parents
and teachers.
It is developed into a larger
point on the quality of education
itself by which children are
taught self-contempt by being
encouraged to see things around
them in different terms from
the ones they know. So that
teaching the proper biological
terms for lavatory-wall vocabu-
lary could have a destructive
effect. Lecturer concludes that
* Continued on page 11

You always

wanted her to



makes it easy--

and an ideal

Gift too.





"The Day of the Women",
written by Pamela Kettle
was first published in 1969.
I do not imagine that its
speculation on the near
future of British politics
created any stir in England.
The back cover boasts of
no snatches of reviews by
"The Times" or any other
magazine. And so it found
itself washed up on the
Woolworth book-shelf un-
der the telling tag 254
IMPULSE began innocuously
enough. A group of women
headed by the sleek Diana Druce
organised child-minding centres.
Their aim was to relieve those
mothers who needed time to
work in order to supplement
their incomes and to educate
More and more women look-
ed on IMPULSE as the fairy
god-mother who helped and
gave them confidence in them-
selves, making them realise that
as a potent economic force, it



Th touU

was time that they were taken
into account politically. Thus
from the cradle, so to speak,
began a movement that was to
rock Britain to its foundations.
Intrigued, some of the best
female brains in varied fields,
who had proved their equality
to men, gathered around Diana.
The bored and wealthy came'
along to supply capital. They
pooled feminine craft and cun-
ning and the men did not stand
a chance.


While they humoured this
group of well dressed, well
educated women and admired
their legs, IMPULSE smiled
back and simply asked, "Why
not give some of us a chance?"
The men, not sensing any anti-
male tactics replied, "Why not?"
Then, imperceptibly, a creche
appeared in every constituency.
They brought relief, and the
addedbeauty salons and Health
Clinics for women gave tired

mothers a new lease on life;
they were grateful.
They campaigned vigorously.
Wit and charm versus the oppo-
sition. They insinuated them-
selves into the hearts of the
electorate. All they asked was
a chance to have a say and in
return they promised a fresh
look at Britain's problems and
fresh energy for constructive
In October 1974 IMPULSE
was elected with a majority of
23 seats. The men were stunned.
The joke was not meant to be
carried that far. But IMPULSE
and "Petticoat Politics" as the
male press described it, was in
The first five years went well
enough. Britain got over its
fears of being ruled by a fe-
male government headed by
Diana Druce. The refreshing
change they brought into poli-
tics and a fair treatment of
males won them a re-election
in 1979.
A new era of political aware-

ness. Women, instead of gossip-
ping discussed government poli-
cies and world affairs over
their shopping baskets. Young
IMPULSE' was born. Slogans
appeared: "Chastity Is Power":
"Sex Makes You Look Old".
Young men were finding it
increasingly difficult to make
easy pick-ups.,


Softly, softly, catchee mon-
key New legislation improved
the status of women. Married
women were given a better tax
deal, working wives tax equality.
Single sex schools were en-
To those firms without equal
distribution of women in ex-
ecutive positions, it was sug-
gested that government sub-
sidies and contracts might be
withheld. Sugar-coated bills with
bitter ingredients were unsus-
pectingly swallowed.
Imperceptibly, the govern-
ment adopted pro-female poli-

cies. In entirely female staffed
hospitals, females were given
treatment that was of the best.
All Boards and staffs were in-
filtrated by women. Special
IMPULSE teachers subtly put
across their message. Female
talent from abroad was en-
From India came the Maha-
rani Tashdi Chantajal and later
Vega, an astrologer. Together
they satiated their power-lust
with skilful behind-the-scene
manipulation. Deputy P. M.
Ailsa Bannerman, the scientist
and mastermind of the Health
Clinic and Hospital schemes,
also had her own ideas for the
future of the female sex.


Firmly saddled with power,
Diana Druce no longer pretended
that her government was to be
a democratic one. A law, passed
earlier on, made it impossible
to communicate these develop-
ments to the electorate. The
ministers were effectively silen-
ced. Then began an elaborate
system of spying on the min-
isters. Associations with males
were discouraged.
Looking on at the growing
Dictatorship were Cressida But-
terill,head of the P.R.O. depart-
and Eve Datchard, friend and
valuable sounding-board of the
P.M. They had both joined
IMPULSE out of a spirit of
adventure and a desire to see
women get a fair deal. With the
turn the government was taking,
and their impotence to do any-
thing, the only means of escape
lay in leaving the country.
But IMPULSE was nothing
Continued on Page 11



Blue Band on bread....!

_. { -- -

9 -,-' I-

1C-.; -
, *. .


keep your family well fed with BLUE BAND

vitamin, enriched,delicious



rI r
' ,.&


* From Page 3
"actively" this time, the
people who stand to gain will
not be the Chamber's buyers
and sellers of imports.
The benefits would go to
the farmers and tradesmen;
the artisans and drag-brothers
and small industrialists; the
independent, creative, self-
employed people who have
been taught to fend for them-
These are the Indians, many
of them. The rest would be
that ever increasing number of
Africans who have learnt
from the bitter experience
of victimisation and political
discrimination that you must
band your jaw and make up
your mind for them.


The most certain losers
would be the parasitic clerical
classes whose only skill
is to butter up the party
bosses in exchange for patron-
age and political favour.
Williams, ANR a n d
Chambers have spent between
them 16 years feather-
bedding foreign capital. They
have grantedall kinds of fabu-
lous tax-holidays, rebates; con-
cessions galore.
But they have not created
any class of self-reliant, inno-
vating businessmen from the
ranks of the supporters whom
they secretly claim at election
time to be working for.


:Tom Philip was destroyed
in the half; Fitz Blackman was
there long before PNM came
on the scene.
Where are the proteges of



this loud-mouthed, robber
talking national movement?
Are they in the public sec-
Where, in WASA? Telco?
In the National Housing
Authority, the IDC, T&TEC
Textel? In the PTSC perhaps
or in BWIA at the top of the
expenditure heap?
They are nowhere; not in
the Ministry of Planning and
Finance, not in Agriculture,
not Petroleum & Mines, not
Public Utilities.
Not the slightest evidence
of a dynamic, innovating en-
trepreneurial class. Only multi-
tudes of stonesless eunuchs,
broken reeds of men, some
holding dozens of incredible
Only kowtowers, foot-
kissers, time-servers; pot-
hounds left and right and


With this miserable record,
how can the PNM move in
any serious radical direction?
How would they be able to
sell a policy of wage restraint
to the Unions which all the
official documents (including
those of CARIFTA) seem
always to treat as if they were
a mortal foe?
With this long career of
subservience and obsequious
ness' in the face of foreign
capital how would Williams
manage with his friends who
in 1970 were willing to send
him guns and troops and
Could he dare embark on


back active


Who stands to gain?

Farmers, Small men, Drag

brothers; the Independent,

Creative, Self employed

that kind of meaningful popu-
lar participation which would
allow our consumers to recoup
in profits and in psychic grati-
fication the loss devaluation
would take from them by
way of the falling value of
In other words, the options
open to the PNM are now
down to two and they are
very clear and simple.
If they want to effect a
radical transformation of the
economy then they can do it
only the Stalin way.


They would need forced
labour; political trials, purges
and the full range of instru-
ments of repression, coercion
and terror.
They must go the whole
hog and move down to the
police state which they have
been steadily digging since

those horrid days in April
The other option is to use
radical headlines and continue
business as usual. This is the
stance Mr. Chambers decided
to hold in his Budget.
He therefore rated everything
an equal priority .. all things
to all men. Industry, agriculture,
education, sport and culture.
Full employment and a
much more equal distribution
of income are not made the
clear priorities which they
must be over growth of na-
tional income and control of
price inflation.
Indeed growth and price
stability are not seen as only
means towards the ends of
employment and equality.
Inevitably, the specific
measures fall neatly between
two stools.
Control of imports and
consumer spending by higher
purchase taxes will not achieve
any real results when the basic

structure of prices and in-
comes is wrong, when indus-
trial policy fosters imported
knowhow raw materials, and
when participation in the
wealth and direction of the
country is still something for
the privileged few.


Minimum wages cannot
work without Maximum In-
centives; low-cost housing can-
not work unless there is
control of high-cost housing,
town-planning, localisation of
cement and a general involve-
ment of the citizens in the
idea of national reconstruction
which Williams has un-
ashamedly fudged from Tapia.
The point is that no piece-
meal measures would work
unless the basic structure were
first put right. And the PNM
just does not have the moral
authority, to embark on a pro-
gramme of changing funda-


It can never hope to hold
an honest discussion about
inequalityJ by race, about
morality in public affairs and
productivity, about the out-
flow of company income and
our need for foreign invest-
The Government certainly
cannot "actively" devalue
without establishing a left-
wing totalitarian state. And
in the final analysis, Williams
is such an inveterate zig-zagger
and temporiser, he does not
even have the belly for that.
Just as he settled for the
Monarchy in 1962, he will now
most likely hold on to his
pwatiks in the Chamber.


0* From Page 2

mously. So much that last year
Inspector Arneaud, the Secre-
tary of the Police Association,


had to threaten to call upon
the Government to remove the
Because the rigid discipline
that Bernard insists upon is

the kind that dehumanises. It
is the psychiatric treatment, the
bellring that causes saliva to
drop from the fangs of Pavlov's


- No-Vibration

-E -No Disturbing


-Just a quiet

stream of
cool air

Dnite iYntroILtd.
the air conditioning people

3-5 Duncan Street, Port-of-Spain,
Phones: 62-35883 -3 7962

North East Drive, Tarouba Road,
P-lones: 65-31910-- 12


The majority of the police-
men are no longer prepared to
take the blame for the few
opportunistic "ace crime bus-
ters" who tend to crash-in on
the scene just in time for the
flash of the camera. These ex-
ploiters have been robbing them
of merit for too long.
What sort of crime-busters
are they anyway? Marijuana
raiders? Is there any truth in
Chalkie's zeppo about Supt.
Burroughs? No response.
They contacted Malik in
Guyana, told him that they had
found a body in his yard and
that they wanted to speak to
him about it. Surely that was
the signal for Malik to run like
What is worse, they spent
days with him in a hotel with-
out even suspecting that he
was there. They allowed another
suspect to slip through their
fingers at Piarco. There remains
a whole catalogue of unsolved
murders for which it now seems
the authorities want to blame
the public!


Most of the policemen are
now realizing that the Govern-
ment has been using them, in
the tradition of colonialism, to
oppress their relatives and their
friends. The bribes which have
been offered by way of salary
increases, backpay and other
allowances have been quashed
by the gallopping rise in the

cost of living. They too are now
anxious for a new regime.
They are fed up of doing
dirty work for corrupt and
incompetent Ministers in ad-
ministering the Public Order
Bill which the public has op-
posed, and which has since
been brought back in the form
of the Firearms Act, Summary
Offences Amendment Act, the
Sedition Act, etc. Just imagine
that it would have been an
offence for taxi-drivers to use
a loudspeaker at a public meet-
ing in Tunapuna to discuss.
their grievances aggravated by
the 1973 Budget! Clearly, un-
der the new laws, the Govern-
ment is enforcing Emergency
Regulations in normal times.

The growing civic-minded-
ness of the police, who, like
the. rest of the population have
learnt a lot over the past three
years, is causing much uneasi-
ness in the ranks of the Govern-
ment. They know that in 1970
hundreds of policemen had
shared the hopes of the Revo-
They are therefore extremely
worried. All they can count on
is the political arm of the
Force, the palace guard.
Some of these men have
been the willing agents of so
much evil that they would
rather reign with the devil than
serve the new movement. It is
their image that the Govern-
ment is trying so systematically
to defend.



Sar n n

room air conditioners

- -- -- -- --"




-Polemics of




* From Page 8

sex education would be a minus
and proposes teaching calypso
and pan instead.
Social inequality, violence
in the society, police brutality
- these terms are taken up by
Drake, Wonder Boy and Roamer.
Striker notes the double stand-
ards in the society: buying
local is for those who can't
afford to do better. How else
can one explain buying a $40
pair of shoes when the Drag
Brothers have them much
Wonder Boy and Roamer
recall with great sorrow the
Pele riot. Like the country,
these calypsonians cannot for-

get the sight of police pelting
bottle. Roamer indeed notes
the rise of police brutality
since 1970.


Smiley continues his inquiry
into the different racial groups
after "What is Wrong With the
Negro Man" of two years ago.
He now sees the Chinese as an
inscrutable group in society
restricted to a few trades.
"No tailors no mechanics
Ah never see Chinese barber
or shoemaker
Don't find me harsh or
even farse
Is I sing bout the Negro
So ah could sing bout the
Chiney man"

And he recommends that
since Chinese don't spend and
only "sucking the country dry"
the government should impose
higher taxes on them.
The Mighty Duke as four-
times Calypso King rates star
billing at the Regal, and assumes
the prerogative to stand up on
stage for three songs in the tra-
dition of Sparrow and Kitchener.
But Duke really requires
serious and sympathetic study.
For all his elaborate "present-
ation", the impeccable tailoring
and super-slick polish, he is
still unable to overcome a funda-
mental, personal, unease.
Uneasy indeed lies the head
that wears Duke's crown -

without any real overlordship
of the calypso kingdom.
The sense of not being what
is required of him by virtue of
ascription into super-calypso-
nian status pushes him beyond
the capacity of a limited talent.
In the effect, paradoxically, his
performance is below what he
is really capable of.


It is ironic that the cheerful
swagger he reflected in the
pre-King days of the early six-
ties has now become a self-
conscious anxiety.
His three songs last week
were carefully composed. Wit
and humour included in requi-

site quantity. "Big Shot Neigh-
bour" is a 1973 rewrite of
"One Foot Visina" with which
he won the crown in 1970.
Duke is concerned with the
big-shot pretences of poor peo-
ple pushed to conspicious con-
sumption on pay-later plans.
"Duke in London" is a
calypso bird's-eye-view of the
old Mother Country. The calyp-
sonian is suitably impressed
by all the fabled tourist delights
of "the swinging" city, but
really fascinated by the wide-
spread "vice anglais":
"But what really held my
Is this man-man business."
And he concludes:
"Is true what they say -
London gay".

* From Page 9

if not thorough. Eve was valu-
able to them. Her daughter had
been indoctrinated and was then
the President of Young IMPULSE.
She could not leave. But Cressida
had no ties and escaped to
America Yet wherever she went,
agents followed and she would
be out of yet another job. Job-
less, pregnant at 42 and utterly
beaten. Eve found her and took
her back to England and the
care of Ailsa Bannerman.
By this time Ailsa had em-
barked upon a plan for selec-
tive breeding. It was noticed
that more boys supposedly died
at birth while their female
counterparts flourished. Those
allowed to live were kept on
the human stud farm for future
breeding. Artificial Insemination
was to take the place of co-
habitation so as "to prevent
unnecessary contact with the
After Cressida's baby boy
"died", she returned to her
position as P.R.O. The fact that
the child was alive of
the farms was discovered by
Eve. All the cruel implications
were brought home to her: an
organisation of women that
would seek to tamper with the
natural order and to separate
mother from child, even com-
mit murder to further its
"high-heeled fascism" must be
destroyed even if it meant her


The baby was successfully
kidnapped from the stud-farm
but mother and child met with
a fatal accident before they
could leave the country. With-
out doubt it was no accident.
Throwing caution to the wind,
Eve attempted to enlist the
help of the army. But the Army
Commander saw her confidences
as a plot to trick him into
The end had reached for Eve.
A diary in which she had
recorded her every reaction to
IMPULSE and her growing dis-
illusionment with its policies,
her subsequent resolution to
destroy it, somehow reached
the hands of Diana. With Tashdi
Chantajal on one side and Ailsa
Bannerman on the other, she
was told that it was her own
daughter who had stolen and
handed in the evidence.
She would be sent to South
America with a letter to the


head of the female government
in power there. She knew that
the letter contained nothing
and at some point of the journey
she would die for her attempted
When this book was written
in 1969, the Women's Lib-
eration Movement had already
begun to stir Britain's women.


The interest it created gave
rise to the speculation that is
Ms. Kettle's Day of the Women.
Time though has shown that
a vast amount of work and
organisation lies between the
stage of interest and that of
gaining political power. Here
we are in 1973, and with a
change of dates, the novel would
still be interesting speculation.
Today's women seem little
interested in a complete take-
over of government. India's
Indira Gandhi, Israel's Golda
Meir and Ceylon's Shrimati
Bandaranike seem content to
head their predominantly male
Mary Chisholm was the only
female runner in the Ameri-
can presidential race and
American women did not
regard her as their big

chance. -Then again Chisholm sion of women, they would
was black. never allow women to assist in
The fictitious Druce govern- any important way in deter-
ment saw the need to transcend mining their policies.
the barriers, of class and race if
the sex was to succeed. -Race WOMAN POWER
and class still divide today's
The repeal of anti-abortion Therefore the road to woman-
laws seems then to be one power lies in independent action,

central issue around which
women have united. In Canada
the issue rallied thousands into
a movement that has had poli-
ticai impact.
Why abortion? The issue
attacks the very basis of society's
definition of women: repro-
ductive machines.
As Jacquie Henderson of
Canadian Labour Challenge says:
"Just as lack of control over
our bodies is essential to our
oppression, gaining control is
essential to our liberation".
It is clear then that women
would never gain power under
the present system of traditional
governments. Capitalist govern-
ments depend on oppression,
whether it be of class or sex or
race, for their survival.
Neither can women hope to
gain power for themselves by
teaming up with the already
established parties. Since these
very parties uphold the oppres-

the radical women of Canada
have seen. They have allied
themselves with a party like
the "New Democratic Party"
which, rooted in the labour
movement and the struggle of
the working people of Canada,
is seen to leave room for women.
The NDPhas reportedly proved
to be responsive to pressuring
from the ranks of its women
I wonder why Ms. Kettle
did not paint the picture of a

smoothly running democracy
under women. Their many-fa-
ceted minds, developed by the
home, should have been well
employed in the housekeeping
of the state.
The strength of the human
will is unlimited. Strength of
will in woman, oppressed for
centuries by man and desiring
revenge is a formidable force.


Added to womanly, wiles
and craft, embellished by edu-
cation, power, lust and the
bitter mentality of the under-
dog, it is not wishful thinking
to assume that the men would
have a good fight on their
Ms. Kettle in her novel is
perhaps cautioning women to
get a clear idea of the uses of
power. That hatred for men
and the desire for vengeance
are too risky a basis for wanting
to take power; a dictatorship
could always slip through the
loopholes of a democracy.
Whatever her reasons, Pamela
Kettle is wary of any totally
female government. Perhaps like
King Solomon, whom she quotes,
she sees oppressed woman, once
saddled with power as a terrible
force which has all the potential
to create or destroy at whim:

Who is she that looketh forth
as the morning fair as the moon,
bright as the sun, terrible
,as an army with banners.


Every Week

T&T............. $12.00 TT
CARIFTA .......... 18.00 WI
CARIBBEAN........ 12.50 US
US/CANADA........ 15.00 US
UK. .............. 1 8.00 UK
W. Europe.......... 10.00 UK
WEST AFRICA.......1.2.00 UK
INDIA............. 12.00 UK
AUSTRALIA........ 12.00 UK
EAST AFRICA...... 15.00 UK
FAR EAST.......... 15.50 UK
All overseas deliveries airmail.
Surface mail rates on request.
Tapia House, 91, Tunapuna
Road Tunapuna, Trinidad &

0 0

Pettolc4mat P4011tics

Do you know that the Captaincy

DID YOU know that the
first West Indies cricket
tour of England had a
captaincy problem.
THAT the first West
Indies tour to England was
in 1900 and that repre-
sentatives from each of the
islands met in Port of Spain;
one each from Demerara
(Guyana), Trinidad, Barba-
dos, Jamaica, Grenada, and
St. Vincent.
THAT the representatives
from Grenada and St. Vin-
cent were only coincident-
ally in POS at the time?
Reports of the time were
loaded with the notion that the
team was not intended to repre-
sent the West Indies in a "gen-
eral sense", but to give an
illustration to the British public
of the native cricket talent in
the colonies.
Reports of the above kind
came in specific response to a
controversy in the selection of
the captaincy when a Mr. Bow-

issue is 73 years old?



ring, an English citizen who
had resided just over a year in
Barbados was appointed captain.


When the delegates from the
various colonies met in Trini-
dad Mr. Bowring came as the
Barbados representative and,
contrary to the instructions he
received from "home" he suc-
ceeded not only in including
himself in the team but securing
the captaincy as well.
Fortunately, Bowring ultim-
ately gave in to the tremendous
outcry over his selection, but,
while the controversy raged,
another point of interest arose

when only one Jamaican was
selected on the team.
At that time, cricket in
Jamaica was not as well organ-
ised as in Trinidad, Barbados,
and Demerara. Consequently,
only one pick was granted to
Jamaicans took offense to
the decision and argued that
the opinion of their Governor,
Sir Augustus Hemmings, should
be placed above that of the
selectors and that if his opinion
was unacceptable Jamaica would
F. L. Pearce, captain of the
Kingston Cricket Club, at the
time articulated the Jamaican
position comprehensively in a
letter published in the POS

Gazette. Pearce opened his re-
marks by stating that five places
had been given to Barbados,
three to Trinidad and Demerara
and one each to Jamaica, Gre-
nada and St. Vincent.


While admitting that Cricket
was not as well organised in
Jamaica as in Trinidad, Bar-
bados and Demerara he was
offended that Jamaica was granted
offended that Jamaica was
granted equal status with Gre-
nada and St. Vincent both of
whom were unable to provide
relevant statistics concerning
their nominees.

Secondly, Pearce pointed out
that the representatives for Tri-
nidad, Barbados and Demerara
were candidates for places on
the team and that Mr. Bradley,
the Jamaican representative had
no such interest.
When Bradley returned to
Jamaica, he revealed that the
meeting had been "indolently"
put off until the last evening
of the stay in Trinidad and the
meeting lasted only forty five
minutes making it impossible
for him to contact his committee
for him to contact his com-
mittee by cable if it became at
all necessary for him to do so.
Finally Pearce raised the
issue concerning Bowring's se-
lection to the captaincy declar-
ing the since Bowring had
ing that since Bowring had
resided barely more than a year
he had not acquired the two
years residential qualification
required by the English County

"Arima tonight...S a n g r e
Grande tomorrow night... "
Assistant Secretary might
appropriately have quoted
the words of that old time
calypso to explain what
Tapia was doing helping to
organise the taxi-drivers of
Speaking to the meeting
of taximen last Tuesday
morning, Taylor, whose
TO BUMPER" had, in
December 1971 highlighted
the "woes of taximen",
recalled his work in the
sugar belt November last
The sugar workers, he said,
were facing a plight that per-
haps differed only in degree
from that of the taxi-drivers.
All around the country, it was
the quality of their existence

that people were being moved
to change.
He applauded the taxi-drivers
for taking this initiative to
improve their lot by collective
action and self-help.
Taylor noted that Tapia had
on occasions before, associated
ourselves with this kind of
effort, and he mentioned work-
ing with the people of St.
Helena, to build a road and
later to start a poultry co-op.
That was in 1970, and since
then, community relations work
had taken Tapla to Mayaro,
Guayaguayare, Rio Claro, Mate-
lot, Laventille, Navet, and even
just the Sunday before to
Pleasantville and San Fernando.
Focussing on the specific
problems-of the taxi business,
the Tapia Assistant Secretary
saw congestion as the major
bugbear. Whereas vehicles of all

kinds had increased in number,
there had been no corresponding
expansion of raod surface in
the relevant area since the Beet-
ham Highway and the Lady
Young Road were built.
Quoting from the 1958
Budget Speech, Taylor showed
that for the last 15 years, the
Government's solution has been
to impose "discipline" on taxi-
men by increasing the Police
Traffic Branch staff.

TAXI-DRIVERS want a fair
reward in return for the high
level of public service they are
This is how Tapia Secretary,
Lloyd Best summarised the de-
mands being made by taxi-
Providing the taxi-drivers'
meeting with figures to show
inequality by race and by sex,
Best pointed out that the Bud-
get Speech showed income was
in fact becoming more unequal.
For taximen it meant work-
inglonger hours for less money,
under bad conditions, and with-
out any kind of social security.
Something had to be done

,- "


for public
now, not in five, six, years'
time when some national trans-
port plan could be implemented
if at all.
Why, asked Best, should
taxi-drivers be treated in the
same way as private car owners
when taxis were an industry,
meriting subsidies like farming
or concessions like manufact-
But while endorsing all the
complaints and articulating the
frustrations of the drivers the
Tapia Secretary threw out a
challenge for a greater sense of
responsibility from drivers, in
meeting the demands of better
organised transport.

It would be taxi-drivers' res-
ponsibility, he said, to respect
agreed no-stopping zones, and
to operate a first-come-first-
serve system at suitably chosen
terminuses. And he proposed:
Taxi-Drivers Asso-
ciations in all areas.
Unity among taxi-drivers.
Taxi-Drivers Co-opera-
tives to organise garages,
spare-parts shops and,
service stations
A Taxi-Drivers Sou-Sou
to finance taxi-drivers
ownership of Co-opera-
tives, a Legal Service
and a Group Insurance
Scheme for all taximen.




eRoad r