Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
May 18, 1972
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


AS THE en(
moving swiftly int
of Butler (Labour
Emergency" is du
because revolution

d of June approaches, the February Revolution is
o another critical phase. And it is not simply because
) Day on the 19th or because the present "State of
e to end on the 30th. The present position is critical
is are essentially about changing the ways people see

And now, for the first time, the entire country is seeing that if we
do not seize the chance to conclude a political solution to the national
crisis, the only alternative is violence.


Violence for two reasons. In the

first place, over the two years
since April 1970, the Government
has armed itself fully with the
means of coercion and repression.
That is what Williams and the
PNM Government have been
preparing since April-September
1970 when they called for US
troops, imported enormous
quantities of arms for the police
and revealed their gangsters'
designs in the Public Order Bill.
Public opinion held them off for a
while but they have since come back
with the Firearms Amendment Act, the
Sedition Amendment Act and the
Summary Offences Amendment Act.
Now the IRA fully equips them with
permanent emergency powers, and
finally strips us of nearly all our
political and industrial freedoms.

Secondly, neither the Government
nor the State can remotely be said to
have the confidence of the country at
large. In this fundamental crisis of
legitimacy, nobody trusts anything the
Government says or does. What is
worse, nobody believes that our present
set of institutions Parliament, the
courts, public services, etc has the
means to prevent a caudillo-dictator
from intimidating, terrorizing and
oppressing those who would oppose
totalitarian rule.
All the government's "concessions"
have already been proven to be no more
than ,expedient half-tacking to
disannrour trusting citizens and prepare
the way for even more effective
deception. The promise of electoral re-
form has been forgotten. And you can-
not say it has been because of the Con-
stitutional Commission either.
Even if 'we say the voting machine
and voting age issues and the question
of who controls the Elections and Boun-
daries Commission are matters of larger
constitutional significance, what about
radio and TV time for the opposition?

* K'

,- I ]


.i~ P


; ~L(
'4- ~

What about the matter of Government
advertising in the unconventional and
opposition press'?


The promise of national economic re-
construction has always been an open
bramble. The May 1970 promises were
very largely a replay of the 1967 mini-
crisis radio TV "simulcast" crash
The perspective for the "People's
Sector" was blurred from the outset by
the entirely absurd notion that it could
be something different from the Public
Sector and the National Private Sector.
In this field, as in so many others, the

Government was simply forced by the
pressure of unconventional political
opinion into a mechanical fudging of
Tapia proposals for change.
The most conclusive proof of the
fraudulence of the new-found PNM radi-
calism was the ludicrous decision to
jerry-build some barrack houses in the
Beetham Highway swamplands.
The "concession" on Constitutional
Reform has been the lowest dodge of
all. And notatallbecause the Constitu-
tional Commission's work was later
rendered impossible by the October
1971 State of Emergency and the return
to open terror. The very idea of a Con-
stitutional Commission of experts was a
slap in the face of independent Trinidad

and Tobago.
We are not under Crown Colony
(;overntenit. Williams is nol a colonial
governor. lThere is no lomier a Colonial
Office charged to hold the rimn' between
Indians and Africans; freed !:ies and
indentured workers; whites ;, a' men of
colour; between the plantati(,i, and the
working people.
This Executive is not above the
political system. Government is not
something that stands aloof. For what-
ever mess we are in, the Government is
as responsible as the rest of us. So there
is no question of seeing the new move-
ment as simply a protest movement
Cont'd on Page 11






State of Emergency by the end
of June will be considered by
Tapia to be a further act of war
against the people. Even if the
Government merely lifted the
State of Emergency without
also dismantling the scaffolding
of repression which it has been
systematically building up to
terrorise the population, it
would have no choice but to
take refuge in another State of
Emergency before long. This is
what actually took place last
The passing of the IRA will
complete a round of repressive
legislation to give the Govern-
ment permanent emergency
powers. After the Commission
of Enquiry into Subversive
Activities of 1963 64 the

Government went on to pass
the ISA in 1965. But we, the
people then used our political
rights to win our industrial
freedom back.
The Government responded
with the Public Order Bill
which however, failed in its
attempt to strip us of all rights.
Now the Emergency Parlia-
ment of October 1971 has
succeeded. The present series
of repressive acts effectively re-
moves both industrial and poli-
tical rights.
What we have is a prescrip-
tion for civil war. It is beyond
dispute that the large majority
of our citizens are opposed not
only to the dictatorial
measures of the present PNM
Government but also to the
existing political, economic,

and constitutional arrange-
ments. In this context, the cur-
rent "anti-guerrilla operations"
may only be the beginning of a
permanent military regime
against which civilians would
feel bound to put up increasing
Tapia insists that there is
now no genuine State of Emer-
gency in the country. Much
more seriously, there is a crisis
arising from the way in which
the State is organised. We re-
iterate that the only possible
road out of this constitutional
crisis is to call on the citizens
to establish institutions in
which we can all repose our
We repeat that the measures
now required are the fol-

FREEING of allpolitical
prisoners and detainees.
Assembly of Citizens
with the Wooding Consti-
tutional Commission as
the Secretariat.
political interests on elec-
toral reform, constitu-
tional reform, economic
re-organisation and on
other fundamentals rela-
ting to an independent
Trinidad and Tobago.
FRESH general elections
after the Assembly with
the Wooding Commission
in the role of Elections
and Boundaries Commis-

Tipia is satisfied that to re-
ject measures along these lines
would be to opt for civil war.
We are equally satisfied that
the Government is incapable of
any real concession. The emas-
culation of the Constitutional
Commission makes a mockery
of constitutional reform, and
the Industrial Relations Bill
destroys all hope ofa People's
Sector and of trade union and
popular participation in the
The salvation of this
country therefore now rests
with all of us whatever our
political affiliation who are
prepared for freedom at any
10 JUNE, 1972.


,I ,


Page 2 Tapia



EIGHT years after the historic
march on Chaguaramas on April
22, the birthday of Lenin,
Williams and Hudson Phillips de-
clared the State of Emergency in
1970. Naturally Labour Day of
May 1, passed unnoticed in the
reign of terror.
In 1971 excepting the solemn
Frederick Street procession by students
of the Labour College who laid a wreath
at the foot of their patron Captain
Cipiiani, and a reception held by the
Pro Government T.U.C., at the NUGFW
hall, the streets of Port-of-Spain were
deserted. However, there was militant
celebration by anti-Government unions.
OWTU, TIWU, and the Health Atten-
dants' Union which had not long broken
away from the P.S.A., marched through
San Fernando chanting "we shall over-
come". Shirts of blue, green and yellow;
flags of red, black and green, the colours
of the revolution, of NJAC and of Islam
waved gloriously to the sound of
trumpet and drum.


May 1 also has another significance.
It is the day when Shah, Lasalle and the
other soldiers were put in prison on
charges of mutiny. Hoping to drown the
memory of the Teteron rebellion, the
Government decided to hold the Carni-
val on May 1 and 2.


The emergency restrictions which
Eric Eustace and the "Dress-designer
from Maraval" placed on military cos-
tumery and mock-weaponry was a
real fake. Imagine masquerade without
African warriors, admirals of the fleet,
and any caricature of the war in
Now the Government has decided
that June 19 should be officially recog-
nised as Butler Day to commemorate
the struggles of the labour movement
here. It is ironic that this suggestion was
first made by George Weekes, the Presi-
dent General of the OWTU who is still
in preventive detention at the Royal
Gaol for having created labour unrest at
a time when the IRA is causing so much
unrest in the country.
Even more ironic is the fact that
Butler who is now being honoured as a
hero was once the moving target of a
manhunt in Fyzabad with a price on his

N. E. Drive,
Tarouba Road.
Phone: 65-81910-2

head both for sedition and for the
burning to death of an ace police crime
fighter of the day Corporal Charlie
King. We must also remember how some
years ago the Government directed a
bulldozer against the squatter's shack
which Butler had built, and how the
Governor-General's butler was given a
national award while the hero of this
nation went unrewarded. It was as a
result of public outcry that this
liberator was able to receive the Trinity
Cross. We must, therefore, ask ourselves
what is the sinister motive of this
Government in restoring this 'relic of an
archaic past' as Butler was once des-
cribed by a socialist friend and fellow
historian of Williams.


In tackling economic problems the
Government has been taking the very
sheot view of setting laglee wherever
there is birdshit. Since the February
Revolution we have had National
Reconstruction and the People's Sector,
Small Business Unit and Cooperative
Year, Prime Minister's Special Works
Programme and the Unemployment
Levy. But all these projects fade against
the recurring background of an oil
boom in the 'roaring seventies.'
But in politics the Government has
been taking the long view of how to
remain in power at all cost. Its greatest
fear has been that one day the labour
movement would become organised.
Williams knows that the education
currents which swept him into power in
1956 flowed contrary to the rising tide
of proletarian consciousness. He knows
that the tourniquet is encircling him, So
from the start he has tried to show that
he has the support of labour by em-
bracing a bunch of right wing trade
unionists who could be made to demon-
strate support from time to time.


Now that labour consciousness is
returning in a tidal wave even William's
supporters in the Trades Union Congress
are powerless to resist. They have to
move with it or perish. So Tull, Crich-
low and others have suddenly assumed
an air of militancy. They have described
the IRA as a 'serpent' and 'an iron fist
in velvet glove.' They have called for the
lifting of the State of Emergency; they
have threatened to march with or with-
out police permission:. Sensing the
mood of the workers they have been





- No Vibration

39 Pembroke Street,
SALES & SERVICE Port of Spain
Phone:62 35883
62 32782

forced tq take these impostures.
What is more is that these men have
learnt from the fate of Clive Spencer.
They know that when push comes to
shove the Doctor will throw them to the
lions. He had no scruples in blaming
them for his declaration of the State of
Emergency of 1970. Now he will accuse
them of having forced him to act against
the so-called poaching of OWTU in its
bid to represent the workers at Tugs and
Lighters. Dictators do not hesitate to
kick down the ladders on which they
climb to power because they never
intend to come down again.
In typical Machiavellian fashion
Williams, after destroying the Butler
movement, hopes to praise it to the
skies. And with the aid of the choreo-
graphy of Hudson he intends to go in
the public square and shed crocodile
tears over the',corpse of the labour
movement which he is determined to
'That was meant to be, the man is
laying his role superbly.'

Williams and Hudson-Phillips are
actively conniving with the leaders of
the TUC to make the celebrations
appear like a victory for their minority
Government. If as workers we are not
vigilant we will all be soldout wholesale
once more. Glean of SWWTU has
already been sent abroad on a special
assignment. Hackshaw and Sutton have
been posted in North America. Other
trade unionists hope to be installed in
the many new posts which the IRA has
created. The pattern is very familiar.
The leaders of the Trades Union Con-
gress are playing their part well. They are
turning the valve on and off. They are
cutting both ends against the middle.

At their recently held general annual
meeting Tull attacked the American
union boss George Meany who strongly
advocates that the strike weapon be
taken away from workers. Yet the plat-
form was packed with representatives
from the American Embassy, the OAS,
and the international labour organisa-
tions which have interests in putting the
labour movement at rest and are conti-
nually making offers of all kinds to the
leadership of the establishment unions.

One week ago at the biennial con-
vention of the Communication Workers
Union Carl Tull, the President-General
admitted that the Government was in-
troducing legislation to "whittle away"
the powers of unions.
Yet Tull was careful to give his friend
Hudson-Phillips an opportunity to pro-
ject the image of a friend of the workers
by pointing to the widening gap bet-
ween employed and unemployed and
different classes of the employed, which
he attributed to the economic "pro-
gress" over the last 15 years.


The TUC leaders are privy to the
Government's intention. Conveniently,
they are preparing to hold most of the
Labour Day celebrations indoors. But
they got themselves in a fix because the
grand old hero of 1937 is embarras-
singly unpredictable: he has insisted on
a march.
Butler's political instincts have begun
to sniff out the fraudulence of the
occasion. It is a farce, he said, as long as
George Weekes, the product of his
struggles is in prison.
It came as a shock that the OWTU
has decided to pay indoor homage to
the man who led the oil workers in the
streets and marched from San Fernando
to Point Fortin. But this is an
indication that the oil workers are aware

Bound volumes of Selected
Tapia Back-Numbcers are
available for sale. write The
Tapia House Publishing
Company Limited, 91,
Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna.

Butler, B3rimstonc and Fire

of the Government's plan to reap the
bench "ts of liberal praise for Butler Day.

The plan is to programme and
control the activities of the hero. If only
Butler and Weekes have t y 'r v and
there could be a show of jrkers'
strength against the ISA and the
Government in Fyzabad! But 250 police
and soldiers would long before be in
place to suppress it. Which is why for
three weeks they have not been able to
hold a single one of the alleged eight
armed fugitives.


Meanwhile, Eustace's Bernard, The
Commission of Police, has- given the
TUC permission to march in Port-of-
Spain in protest against the IRA.
It is an open season in which all the
flowers of Opposition are likely to
bloom. People who have not been able
to demonstrate for over two years are
expected to participate TIWU and
other militant workers, black power
activists and enthusiasts, unconventional
political groups, ec. (Jamadar's DLP
will be boycotting and Robinson;
will be busy marching his 18 miles
in Tobago).

the Government knows that it can-
not stop the political speeches and
marches. It calculates that with the
growing anger against the IRA the
climate is now ripe for genuine labour
unrest. It may therefore lift the State of
Emergency, release the detainees, while
allowing the TUC o to stage-manage this
token march with a cast of speakers
hand-picked in collusion with the
Commissioner of Police.

Their hope is that the frustrations of
such an occasion might provoke the
radical elements to add fuel to the fire
and brimstone of Butler who still has
visions of liberating the country from
neo-colonial rule. The demonstrations
will most certainly be infiltrated by
secret agents charged to provoke a dis-
turbance if and when necessary. And
then it will be time for another instal-
ment in the continuing series of States
of Emergency.
It is therefore the solemn duty of
every citizen and worker to avoid
excess, to insist in peace on the
withdrawal of the IRA, and to call for a
People's Parliament in the form of a
national assembly to resolve this
national crisis once and for all.
People's Parliament in the form of a

In the report of the elec-
tions results to the National
Executive of Tapia, the name
Ernest Massiah .'. Treasurer
was inadvertently left out from
the report.

-- --- -- -- -


-Just a quiet

stream of

cool air

Climate Control Ltd

the air conditioning people



Au'gustus Ramekersingh

THE RAPID growth of the
nationalist movement and the
consequent accession to power
by the PNM in September
1956 saw a definite though
temporary slowing down of
industrial unrest. In 1956, for
example, there were 11,028
persons involved in industrial
action. But within the first two
years of PNM rule the period
of bliss and golden expectation
only 1891 persons were
involved in industrial action.
Even in 1959 when the
number of workers involved in
strikes rose to '12,598, it could
hardly be said that industrial
unrest was a serious problem or
that it was a consequence of
government policy. Large
sections of the country were
happy and willing to give the
new government a fair chance.


In 1960 the figure rose to
20,898 workers the highest
figure for 1956-71. The
'number of man days lost -
245,773 was also the highest
for the period. Responsible for
the high rate of industrial
unrest was the oil strike which
was purely an industrial
dispute. A year. before there
was the protracted Telephone
Company strike, which the
Government settled to the
satisfaction of the workers
involved. The Telephone
Ordinance of 1939 was
repealed and the Company was
bought by the government for
$13 million. Most of, .the
workers in these two strikes, a
year later, were to demonstrate
in favour of the.government.
1961-the year of a
general election saw a fall in
industrial unrest 12,322
workers and 145,203 man days
lost. But in the year after a
resoundingg electoral victory by
the PNM, there were 75 strikes
-the highest for the 1956-71
period, involving 15,962
workers and the loss of
164,657 man days.
At the beginning of 1960,
one could hardly have
predicted that the next five
years (1960-64) would have
seen us teethering on the brink
of relative industrial anarchy -
230 strikes, involving 75,667
workers: and the loss of
856,412 man days. The PNM
still appeared to ,be strong,
especially' among the black
population. But by this time it
seems that black support was
divided in its motives. There
were those who still genuinely
believed in, the movement;
others who saw through the
PNM but found' that the DLP
had nothing to offer; and some
who supported the PNM out of
fear of the Indians' coming to
power. Intemperate statements
by Capildeo, on the question of
labo-ur helped to galvanise
black working class support to
the PNM even further.


It was against the
background of the rising
industrial unrest of 1962 that
Williams. announced in
,Parliament on the 5th April
1963 that a .Commission of
Enquity ,into- "Subversive
Acti\ivr"-was to be set up. It
was aimed principally, as he
later said, at the communist
,element which had infiltrated,
certain sections of the labour
movement and at certain trade


union leaders "who seem to
regard a trade union as a
political party."
From this time, I think, it
became clear that the
government was coming into
real conflict with some trade
union leaders and at least a
section of the trade union


Yet 1964 was the easiest
year of the 1960-64 period
with respect to industrial
unrest. While there were 44
strikes, only 8686 workers
were involved and 95,906 man
days were lost. The graph
seemed to be taking a
downward trend. 'A turn for
the better. But soon this
illusion was to be decisively
In the first three months
of 1965 there were 11 strikes
involving 7569 workers and the
loss of 78,649 man days. Even
before the period had elapsed
fully' the- Industrial
Stabilisation Bill was enacted
into law. It was the' action of a
government which in its 1961

opposition does not take
unconstitutional directions, so
be it. The Act is on the Statute
Book and it will remain on the
Statute Book". (1965
Convention speech).


The argument that the ISA
was justified in the context of
imminent industrial anarchy is
Sat best worse than superficial.
While the incidence of strikes
was rising it is not valid to say
that industrial chaos was upon
us. In a paper delivered on
Saturday 20th May, 1972, Roy
Thomas claims that simply to
say that there were 238 strikes
and 856,412 'man days lost
during the 1960-64 period is to
state the case only partially. It
is necessary to take into
the size of lthe labour
the size of the work
fo rce i.e. the niu pbe rk
man. days lost a s .a
proportion of the labour force.
man days lost as a
bropo.rtion of the work force.

of deeper problems the
economic policy of the
government and the
constitutional crisis.
Once the economic policy
of "exploitation by invitation"
was adopted we were
bargaining for trouble. S.uch a
policy relies on foreign capital,
technology and entrepreneur-
ship rather than local resources
as,a means of development. It
postulates that abundant
supplies of cheap labour arc
our only asset. In this context
wages must be low, and the
control of strikes is a "sine qua
non" of stability or in
Robinsonian language,
"tranquility in industrial


The-PNM's case for
dependence of foreign capital,
originatingg in Arthur Lewis'
model ,of development, was
beautifully stated by Williams
During the 1966 elections
campaign:' "1 asked my
aui7ience, if 'American
capital could be invested
in oil refining in Britain



AI! Saw
'A '~I. i

election manifesto had said
that it stood for "Freedom of
collective bargaining between
employer and employee
without go vernment.t
interference". Moreover, in as
late as March 13, 1963,
Williams had said, "This is to
stop all those idiots all over the
place who say, that
Government must step in to
interfere in the relations
between employers and
employee or a Government
must pass laws to ban strikes
.etc. (From an address entitled
The Future Of The West Indies
And Guy'ana, delivered at
Queen's College, Guyana).
The ISA was an attempt
"to restrain destructive and
senseless strikes,, substituting
judicial' determination of
disputes and the rule of law for
the lawlessness of the industrial
jungle which, preceded the
p.ism,', b'f tbe Act in. March'
1965". (Williams at the 1966
.PNM Convention). 'Williarms
saw the oppositionto the ISA
as being "'purely political". He
went on to say, :"So long, ri i,:

He concludes, that the
figure 856,412 man days only
sounds large. It, in fact
represents only .013% of the
number of working days of
which the entire labour force
was capable. And -as a
proportion of the work force
(those employed) it represents
only .014%. According to
Thomas, therefore, labor
unrest was infinitesimal. While
me is correct, I think, we must
nevertheless bear in mind that
the labour movement was
becoming increasingly restless,
and that in relative 'terms
industrial .relations were
This, then raises two.
questions :
SWas the ISA an attempt to
deal with the root causes
of the higher incidence of
industrial action?
Did the ISA, ip fact,
contain, the. tide of so
S called industrial unrest?
First of all7 it was not
industrial unrest, per se which
Seeded treating, such unrest
was in effect only symptomatic

and West Germany, why
could it not be invested in
oil production in Trinidad
S Ito provide additional jobs.
I asked then, if the whole
world could be dependent
on American capital
in'vsticnnt; why should
'rinidad ,and Tobago,
lower tb an Canada,
France, Germany, Japan,
United Kingdom, in terms
of gross domestic product
per capital seek to make
Am eric q n capi tal,
investment difficult?"
(Inward Hunger, P. 334)

The constitutional problem
may be briefly' stated as the
alarming increase in the gap
between the government and
the population caused largely
by the uncritical adoption of
the -Westminster model of
parliamentary democracy at
Independence and the inherent
organisational incapacities of a
doctor party such as the-PNM.
The most eloquent testimony
pf this was Williams' decision

returned with vengeance. It
,was worse than ever in terms of
It Is against the background
o'f an unstable political
situation, characterized by an
incipient, police state a
government voted in by 28% of
the electorate rising
industrial unrest runaway
inflation and the need to
facilitate AMOCO exploitation,
that the IRA is being
introduced .as a replacement
for the ill-fated ISA.
In a-paper on Industrial
Relations delivered some
months ago, Roy Thomas
argues that the IRA repeats
the fundamental
misjudgements and
misconceptions of the ISA".
Further, "if the IRA as
proposed ever becomes law in
this country it will ultimately
fare no better than the ill-fated
ISA." He'sees five basic flaws
common to the ISA and the

Cont'd. on Page 11
I, '


to undertake a Meet the People
.Tour an attempt to restore
contact on the old doctor
The government's failure to
change the direction of the
economy and to induce mass
participation in spite of its
"radical" rhetoric created a
situation in which labour
control was imperative. Hence
the ISA of 1965.


By 1968, it became quite
clear that the riajor part of the
trade union movement was
against the ISA. Twenty
thousand, at least, marched the
streets"bf Port of Spain calling
for its repeal. But it was the
Transport strike of 1969 which
belled the cat and showed that
the ISA was in real trouble.
Even the Industrial Court had
become critical of the Act.
And in 1970, the explosion
came. In spite of the fact that
the country was under a state
of emergency for 7 months
there were 64 strikes, involving
11,280 workers and the loss of
99,600 man days. In 1971
there were 70 strikes involving,
18,506 workers and the loss of.
138,326 mandays. 134 strikes
in two years and the ISA was-
still .on the Statute Book,
impotent. The very 'situation
which its advocates claimed
that it was designed to prevent
"the lawlessness of the
industrial jungle" -, had




- A treat of cricket, a treatise in politics

I. 'i

Most West Indian nationalists
who follow cricket sense a poli-
tical message in the game.
Some of those who have put it
over successfully are CLR
James in his masterpiece 'Be-
yond A Boundary,' and in his
character study of Kahhai;
Woodville Marshall in 'Gary
Sobers and the Brisbane Revo-
lution' (the last two accounts
appeared in the Guyana In-
dependence Issue of New
World); Lloyd Best in his
appreciation of Sobers entitled
'Beyond the Boundary Every
Man for Himself:' and George
Lamming in his short story on
theBatsman at No. 3.
'Twice before I have felt the
urge to write 'down my own
impression. The first time was.
/in Guyana in 65 when the
English-bowling attack, spear-
headed by paceman John Snow,
penetrated the best of that
country's batting until 'it was

checked oy C.ouy more
bowler and no re,cogni
man. That awkwal
landish crossbat,'with
termination and dog
fiance, managed to i
tide of defeat and .
game for Guyana.
The second time wa
that same series when c
'was' hauniliatedat Queei
Only TKanhai showed
He scored most of the
the final innings. Butc
aristocrat of batsmen,
and collar always
buttoned, batted dl
Who can forget: his
cover drive! As if spe
however, he watch
fielding skipper place
careful) at mid-on. ai
gn to, push the. ne
straight mnto this field
hand. And so the. pr
back 'to the pa\illion
Lloyd was miserably in
hopes on Sobers 'were
when he slashed at one
the off stump, and was
We lost that series
our team was complex
moralised. I think the s
are to blame for that
line. For too long tl
sisted with Camache at

iept. All
s aught

tely de-
sad de-
ie, per-
the ex- ,

pense of Fredericks. Sobers
was captain, yet they picked
the side behind his back while
he was up the islands. They
dropped Holford and brought
SRodriguez who was unfit. We
witnessed the tragedy of seeing
one 'of our most deceptive and
destructive spinners of the past
being mercilessly battered all
over the place. In one over he
conceded so many runs that his
withdrawal became overdue.
Yet Sobers had to keep him on
for want of another slow
bowler. Thousands i-gictted
the selectors' error, .,I IAdge-
Ultimately Sobers II.dJ i. re-
move hi'm He offered the ball
to Carew who quite disrespect-
fully turned/his back on the
captain. Whereupon Butcher
was given the ball. He even-
tually claimed five wickeci.


, a slow Just asthe.long s.hadu.. .I,
sed bats- players in the evening reflect
rd, out- the portion of the sun, so too
sheer de- the structure of cricket in
;ged de- Trinidad, not to talk about
turn the'
turn the Tobago, reflects the political
save the system. The.: importance of
cricket to England has not unl\
been to boost the trade in the
cotton and flannels of Yor
s,during kshire and lancashire nor in
aur team building," an .industry around
n's Park. the allow w tree.. It has been
mettle. much' iiore. It-has been a very
runs in effective means of spreading
her, the British values ot tairplay,
his'cuffs justice, and gentlemanly
neatly conduct through a popular
tegantly. i culture. Those who boast that
flowing they would prefer to work
Il-bound under the white man any. day
ied the rather than under one of their,
a man own kind victims
nd went ,oft this te of propaganda.
wxt ball : .
dsman's '

SThe truth. is that the
Englishman has' alwayss held
himself above 'that code ,of
ethics which 'was-,intended for
colonials. So a gentleman
Slike Peter I May coula think
nothing 'of refusing a runner
for an injured batsman. Yet
when Cowdrey alleged that he
had taken a controversial
catch, and the umpire gave the

benefit of the doubt to the
batsman Kanhai, Kanhai asked
Cowdrey whether he had really

caught it, and when the reply
was'yes, he gave himself out.
Some .thing similar
happened on the first day of
the final ..test against ,New
Zealand. Something similar
happened on the first day
of the final test against New
Zealand. Kallicharan, reminis-
cent of, Kanhai in many ways,
r #

the middle. Blacks remained
beyondf the boundary and
cheered. Gradually blacks were
allowed to chase ball, and even
to bowl to give the whites
practice. Those of exceptional
brilliance were allowed to join
the team on special occasions.
Every other"institution func-
tioned along similar lines. The
black man was excluded from
colleges, from the professions.
from Parliament.


r I

^, ;

~,' : .'4


-I i rn~h

A. Kallicharan

at 97, begah to .'receive -the
:.cheers of the crowd in antcipa--
tion of his centu'r). His concen-
tratior' lapsed. and he played
one"' uppishlyy toward's Viviani
who caught the ball, and made
anl/appeal which the umpire
disallowed. Vivian then kicked
the ball to the, umpire. It was
noticeable that not one of the
New 7ealand fieldsmen
stepped forward to corigra-
tulate the Indian boy from Ber-
bice .on lYis well, deserved


The cricket ground' was rui
like a,colony, an est'ite. It wa:
governed, by a regime of rules
At first only white occupied

To 'niintaii hlis position or.
.a'ni team the black man had to,/
shine. He had to be a Headley..
a Con'isi~ijtire, e a Worrel.
Weekes or Walco~t.,White let
ments such as' Stollmeyer,
Goddard, Atkinson, Alexander
dominated the game for years,.
Only ,after spirited public
protest did Worrel become'
captain, and Sobers succeeded
him. Both of them helped to
break the old regime in
Jamaica and Barbados. Walcott
and others performed a similar
\ feat in Guyana where tradition-'
ally 'the game was controlled
by the white Georgetown
Cricket Club whose pavillion
Forbes Btirnliam boycotted for
a long lime. In his role as coach
for the sugar states Walcott

you canbe

surei fts

dpIA 1


,Washday worries
are over with
; automatically.
Dry clothes even on
Si the dampest days.
A With Westinghouse
you get famous
SStephens service.
.. _.' No better terms
S anywhere.

= ehens
r .., ....O .11 .n wltD


-1 - ........ = : :

.. I, ... .

jgjrrfe-.n 'w

~ .. ... *: : "*'
;~ -,D.; ,

assisted in the development of
Kanhai, Butcher, 'Solomon,
Fredericks and Kallicharan.
Even Lloyd of the Demerart
Cricket Club with his present'
mastery of the hpok and back-
drive is the perfect replica of
the tall Strapid Barbadian.'

Only in Trinidad the
structure of cricket has not
changed at all. One reason for
this wretched situation is that
the gate : receipts from the
Queen's. Park Oval determine
the success or failure of a tour, ---
and that a substantial share of
the Club is in the hands of a
few white families. Were it not
for the .effort of Wes Hall,
another Barbadian, players'
such as Julien, Ali,',and'Juma-
deern would never have been '
exposed to the light. Only re-
cently Julien was debarred
from being' a member of that
exclusive Club.

To watch Davis bat is to
study the Englishman's correct-
ness, his plodding patience.
When in doubt he may not use
his pad as: regularly as
Cowdrey; he may hot: be as
sickening as Corgdo ; but the
style nonetheless is the same:
follow the rules and the runs
will come. ih contrast Kalli-
charan got off the mark with a'
most unorthodox beautifully
executed stroke. It was neither
a cut, nor a drive nor a dig out.:
He just dropped the bat down
on .a. superbly timed yorker.
;which damned toward, third'
man. It was like chopping at
the root of a cane..-
When Kallicharainwaso on 2
he was joined by Davis. At tea
when he was on 59 Davis was
on 20. He scored his century in
a little over ani hour after the,
resumption of play iIt included
13 fours and a six, a dazzling
performance. Although the
bowling of Taylor, Congdon
and Howarth was sustained,
accurate and tight he square
,cut, drove, and hooked with
powerful crispness. In one over,
he blasted 14 runs off Howarth
two twos, one four and a six,
his bat ;flashing like the spokes
of a,wheel. Such was the/duel
between batsman 'and bowler
that he was forced to concede
'a maiden to Howarth's next

What made, Kallicharan's
innings so interesting was that
we saw a pantopnime of the
process by which West Indian
crowds destrby men, to create
heroes. What passion was it
that drove him to his century
with such speed? Why did a
senior player like Lloyd, at-
least Kallicharan's equal, en-
courage him in such reckless-
ness. He seemed to have forgot-
ten the total situation, and ne-
glecting his own superior'
ability, made a fascist identifi-
cation with this single'glorious
achievement. ,
SThe crowd 'did no
better. They swarmed the
field, and literally heaped
their praises :on,their new
found'"hero. They lifted
him,., and tugged at him.
Je became so tired that he
skied thie next ball and was -
caught at 101. A. treat .f
cricket,. a treatise in poli-
tics. .



, a

"" -




JoeYoung -


,Inan interview with Lloyd Taylori Tapia's
Assistant Secretary, Joe Young made it clear
that he stood for a working association bet-
ween labourand political movements. This is
a necessity for the political well-being of the
country. He went on to note that this is al-
ready. covertly taking place on the side of
the Government.
Tapia. a conversation with Mr. Joe Young, Presi- Transport and Industrial Workers Union.

MR. YOUNG could you tell us how lon you
have been representing the interestsof workers?
Twelve years
If anyone or group feels motivated to take' up the
cause of workers to be involved in collective bar-
gaining, do you see any special difficulties he would
have to face now, which may not have existed in
your earlier times? -
S Yes, there are some difficulties. In the first place
much-more' is demanded of the serious trade union
,. leader,' With' the rapid growth .of; political con-
Ssciousness it:is now very hard for the crooked trade
union leader to survive. Secondly, one would meet
opposition from those leaders who are in search of
political rewards from the present Government and
Sas a consequence find. their position a bit shaky
since they are unable to effectively represent the
interests of their workers.. Thirdly, any new leader
would have to contend with the-Government's entry
into the labour relations field through laws ISA.
These have introduced a number of new concepts
about the role of labour., Then too, there is the
situation of having to operate under a Government
Which is essentially hostile to labour. Any proper,
er, :.ri. representative of labour is bound to come
'ip :.j:', the GovernientT-f here caF r. -.' .
cated working-class representative who does not
come up against the policies of the Party in power
In terms of an economy whose key sectors are in
the hands of foreigners one such as ours how
Should you square the interests of workers with that
of the national community?
Well, rthe National Community is d.-fined
Differently by different ,people. Williams has passed
laws taking away rights in the interest of that enrtt,.
In our country the majority of people are worker .
*. .wagem-erners. Then. the interests of workers
should accord more or less with the interests of the
'National Community. This brings-us to a funda-
mental contradiction .- which is that the majority ,
while-involved in production, it is not in charge
Sof anything. A government perpetuating that con
edition, canhnotbe acting in the National interest.
khe regirne has tried to modify its stand by taking a
S fifty, percent Ishare here and a there. But
'this to, my mind is more in the nature of patching
'the colonial blanket when some crisis bursts out',
rather than part and parcel of some consistent and
coherent plan of action.
: Do you think that the so-called militant brand of
trade-unionism has, a place in such an economy? If
"so why? ',
Yes. It is the engine or turbine which contributes
toward change. I ,can't conceive,of a conservative
union. Notwithstanding what ANR Robinson had to
say, to operate in a context in which official policies,
counter trade union activity then Unions will be-
come even, more militant.
SIni calling for: compulsory arbitration. Govern-
ment and conservative interests alike have always
argued on the basis of the need for 'tranquillity' in
our industrial relations. This, they say, is necessary
to woo foreign investors while at the same time
maintaining those -who are- already here. Do you
concede the need for stability in our industrial rela-
,tions arena? ,
S. Well, I'll quote Williams here:

"Capital must understand that the day when
West In dians were merely content to hew.
wo&d and to drary water for private investors
is gene forever. The worker today requires in-
ducements, incentives and guarantees, just as
much as the investor does . We repudiate
S unambiguously the indefensible efforts of the
S Minister to intimidate the trade unions, split
workers ranks, and set themselves up as little
demi-gods, recognizing only those they con-
sider amenable. That road leads straight to


Industrial stability can only be achieved if
Government'policies are giving people some' con-
crete. stake in the country; not Wvhen large sections
.are exploited by privileged minority groups. You
can't have stability when 28% of the electorate vote
for the Government. In fact it is the most unstable
thing I can think about.
The present framework within which industrial
relations are to be carried out can't yield social jus -
tice. With the kind of heavy reliance on foreign capi-
tal we can't be truly independent. How can you tell
people to be passive, when in this society the mass
of the people are the pawns which are used to en-
rich minority economic interests? Government has
been literally beating down people's aspirations in
order to entertain foreign investors: For every dollar
inyested, one and a half flows out People want
these things tol change. So" that instability or the
lack of tranquillity is an inevitable manifestation of
Sa system that is peo-colonialist.
, '1har factors do you thin/, are responsible for the '

-4; _,L.
,- _

_- "" I

,-! _. .-, -

progressive deterioration in our industrial relations?
Do you care to illustrate from your own expe-
Deteriorating industrial relations is symptomatic
of failures in public policies. It has its counterpart in
the confusion we find in sport, the army, the-police,
the law, the church and other institutions of the
society. One can'blame as well Government's active
S interference 'in the affairs of the trade union move-
ment: This was blatantly, manifested in every elec-
tion George Weekes fought in the OWTU. Another
high vRater-mark was the Bus Workers strike of
1969. By claiming that workerswerenot fired, but
merely left,their jobs a precedent was set, which'
S most employers have since used as their stock de?
.fence of, their actions. Things have gone so bad now
that workers at the Telephone Company witnessed
its forced occupation, under armed guards. And the
1963 "Mbane'fo Commission into Subversive Acti-
S vity" was the Government's declaration of war
against labour!. .
What do you think of the technique of 'cOmpul-
Ssory arbitration' and of the ISA as an instrument in /
this direction? .
Compulsory arbitration is incompatible with the
Process of free collective bargaining. The arbitrators
being' drawn from the ruling class must 'inevitably
reflect their philosophy in their handling of,awards
and judgements. It slows down the rate of progress.
workers would ordinarily make through the free
play of industrial bargaining, and puis a brake.on
the desired erosion of the status quo.
So far we have proceeded as if politics and the
drive for power have htclittle or nothing to do with
all we have talked bbout. low do you see the state
of qur'natoioal polit oal life .affecting all this? Do

you think, for example, that things like enforced
stability, and the ISA have a clear political intent? If
so. What's this intent?
Precisely, the ISA is a political instrument preg-
nant with the ideas and philosophy of the party in
power. It marks a, drive to maintain power by a
Government long out of touch with popular
suasions. Either it does not know what to do, or
knows; but finds itself unable to act because of its
commitment to groups of privileged and economic
power. What is required is.the functioning of poli-
Scies and programmes that people would, embrace
and adopt policies that would put the country
on the road where laws like the ISA, would have no
Continuing as we are going now, it seems that the
Government would have to become more repressive
than iLt has been since this last state of emergency,.
In 1972. the Government is offering the industrial
relations Act as another panacea for our industrial
relations ills. What are the essential differences bet-
-ween this and the ISA?
The IRA adds constitutional insudit to industrial
Inmlur, in so far as it goes further in its trespass on
the rights of people. Its preamble states thai it is to'
operate notwithstanding sections 1 and.2 'of the
Constitution. That the Government deems it
nec-'ilar, and expedient shows the extent of its
arrogance in this respect t t falls into the same
tradition of the repressive laws passed in late 1971.
The IRA marks another attack on what'the PNM
malignantly calls "political trade-union'ism."
This means that the struggle for labour must.
.._.-.,oji i involve the resi oT the community. How
can this crucial link be made?
The time has come when trade unions must
openly and unashamedly associate with parties
whose policies are designed to rid the country of
neo-colonialjsm. That is one ofitheir sacred responsi-
bilities. There have been trade union leaders who are
Government M.P's. So "political trade unionism"
exists on the side of the /establishment. It is
crookedness' to pretend that it does' not exist.
Workers are aware of the-need'for this. But.leaders
have been so terrorised by the PNM not only are
they fearful of speaking out against them, they are
fearful of telling their own workers that political
participation is essential.
1l'har prospects are there for a united labour
mot emren't2
RS Prospects are inherent in the'objective situation.
If'the destruction of neo-colonialism is synonymous
with the removal of the PNM, and there are labour
leaders who support the PNM, then unity as
popularly encouraged is difficult to achieve. rThe
aim then must be to pitch one's appeal to workers
rather than to leaders.
Mr. Young, we (Tapia) never cease to be amazed
by the similarities between the policies of the. indivi-
dualistic political bosses of the fifties, land the
P.N.M. regime which succeeded it. Let's take a look
Sat labour. Albert Gomes, we know was then the
Minister of Labour, Industry, and Commerce all
in one hand. Gomes himself a labour leader came to
power with the backings of urban labour. But as the
Industry and Commerce Minister, as well, he
stressed a policy of wooing foreign investors and a
parallel need for industrial peace which is quite
familiar today. The result was that he found him-
self, as 'Ryan notes, having to jettisor, his old
buddies, and to- curb strikes, though without'
'outlawing them. His tactic was to pre-empt strikes
by urging labour and business to make concessions
before the'disputes came to a head.
,What do you think of Mr. Mahabir's handling of
the present situation with the-aid of the ISA, es-
pecially in viewvof the fact that Gomies was able to
keep the number of man hours lost through strikes
down to 3,209 during the period 1951 to 1955?
The functions of the Minister of Labour are
creations of the ISA. The Minister is supposed to be
the national labour counciliator. There could be har-
mony between collective bargaining and conciliation
S. some kinship exists. Once statutes enter the
,.picture however, conciliation becomes ineffective.
'What you then get, is the employer talking about his i
legal position and his legal right. So yoo, get an in-
dustrial impasse. You see laws are not necessarily. i:
S synonymous with social justice.



_0 E

A TRADE unionist has described the Industrial Relations Bill as
a serpent. Unionists understand the terrible nature of this cold
blooded piece of legislation which is intended to crawl stealthily
upon the worker before it strikes him down completely. But there is
a maxim that in nature things adapt themselves to their environment.
So let us examine the bramble in which the IRA lurks.
The IRA stems indirectly from the pattern of industrialisation we have been
following. Inevitably, it has come with the failure inherent in the strategy, a
major consequence of which has been the control of the political system by
authorised minority Government. Under such conditions repression becomes a
political necessity. Syl Lwar
The-Moyne Commission appointed
after the crescendo of labour unrest in In 1950 Lewis outlined his mo
the 1930's included many original of economic development. It consis
minds which understood that of two sectors, one agricultural,
industrialization was a process of other industrial. Each one was
organic growth. generate a demand for the products
Their diagnosis of the basic ills was: the other. The Government was
too limited and fragmented agricultural police the growth of these two sect
holdings for the support of a rapidly to. ensure that inflation did not res
growing population; labour from shortages of consumers goods.
displacement through mechanisation in Lewis claimed that our ecoiol
the plantations causing mass lacked capital and managers with
unemployment in the towns correct techniques. He therefore dr
particularly and a steeply rising cost of up a scheme whereby these sca
living, factors could be attracted, hence
And they prescribed among -other IDC with its package of incentives
things a change of emphasis from the tax holiday, duty free importation
production of crops for export to the machinery and! raw material
production of food through mixed accelerated depreciation allowance e
farming. This implied breaking up the
plantations which had already ACCUMULATED WEALTH
engrossed most of the fertile land. Earlier on Williams had argued t


Had this course been followed
industrialization in the British
Caribbean would have gone in a
, ;different direction. It would have led to
indigenous food, fibre and minerals,
rather than to assembly of semi-finished
products from metropolitan countries,;
to -capital formation and the creation of
jobs at home rather than abroad,


But this was not to be. "To
implement these recommendations the
Caribbean Commission was set up, and
for many years after 1944 Eric Williams
was its moving spirit. At the request of
the British section of the Commission,
probably at the instigation of
Williams,Professor Arthur Lewis was
made Economic Consultant.

So the celebrated model-builder
from the Manchester School and the
historian of "Capitalism and Slavery"
became the master-builders of our
economy. They were colonial scholars
caught in the trap of negritude which
has turned out to be just another form
of assimilation' 'with Europe. Their
major preoccupation was to prove their
talents were the match' of the white
man's. Accepting the experience of
19th century industrial Britain as the
hallmark, of economic progress, they
Ushered in ani era of imitativ
technology. ,


S, -


slavery was abolished only when it
ceased to be paying concern, and that
it was out of the wealth accumulated
from slavery on the plantation in the
*Caribbean that the Industrial
,Revolution in Britain was largely
financed. His exacting logic must have;
'led him to the conclusion that the
British had an obligation to finance the
'Industrial Revolution" of the British
Since the February Revolution and
the clamour for national.ownership ard
control of resources the Government is
constantly being manoeuvred into itself
'becoming the local front by acquiring
51% ownership without effective
control. This is just a convenient device
through which the corporations
withdraw their capital from the country
now that the investment climate is not
too much to their liking. It is common-
knowledge that during the first half of

'70 the "flight" of capital from the
country was phenomenal.

The Development Plans have failed
to provide a satisfactory number of
jobs. In '50 the unemployment rate was
6.4%, in '56 it was 10.6%. Today it is in
the vicinity of 20%.

In the Third Five Year Plan it was
estimated that over the period '68 to
'72, a total of about 100,000 jobs
would have to be created to take care
Of the 53,000 unemployed and tfie
increase in the labour force. Full,
employment waspromised by 1980.

The effect of this approach has
been a suicidal dependence on direct
foreign investment which condemns us
to a future of endless borrowing, and to
the inability of the Government to
control either growth or inflation. In
providing a package of incentives we
have created a business class of
packagers who produce labels for the
imported products which they
Whether it is automobiles and spare
parts, livestock and rations, or dairy
products, the structure of the industry
is the same a local subsidiary
Benefiting from a variety of concessions
under the Aid of Pioneer Industries
,Ordinance, acting as a front, a counter
Over which to sell the products of
foreign corporations.
Recently MOKO carried an expose
of the type of foreigners behind the
powdered milk industry here. The
processing that they do is very simple.
They put the imported milk in
containers, and call it either Cremona,
Anchor or Fernleaf as the case may be.
One of these pioneer-aided firms was
set up with a share capital of only $20.
The rest of the funds was raised on the
local market. This is how we come to
pay for our own exploitation.
But by June '70, the unemployed
were in excess, of 100,000. The Second
Five Year Plan quotes Lewis as saying,
"the success that we have in creating
employment is what is relevant rather
than our '.failure in reducing
Sunenployrient in the short period of a
decade or so." Evidently neither was
unemployment being reduced nor
employment created at a sufficiently
fast rate.

But what of the employed?
Organised into trade unions, workers
had always opposed the foreign
domination of the economy which the
Lewis model only further reinforced. In
fact labour has always provided the
standard bearers of the nationalist
movement, and the historic conflict
with the regime was exacerbated by the
fact that the model simply failed to
deliver the goods.

Labour has always appreciated that
as long as control of the economy
remained' outside of our hands
independence would be a farce. Since
we were riot in control of the structure
of production, we could control neither
profits., unemployment nor even
It meant that the unions had to
take into their own hands to some
extent the matter of securing a larger
share of profits to nationals through
increased wages, flexing the muscles of
industrial action in what they saw as
the national interest. Save for minor
modifications, the regime remained
committed to the model with all
iniquities, inherent inequality and
potential for frustration.

Worsening industrial relations
brought the government more into
conflict with the unions. The
government found itself openly having
to defend the interests of employers
against labour. After all, increased
strike action adversely affected the
"necessary conditions for the foreign
interests'to flourish.

Incapable of abandoning the model
and seeking instead to induce change
through control of the foreign sector on
,thie basis of! popular participation, the

government has been forced to attack
labour, to control unions and to
discredit or destroy militant unionists.

What was involved with the ISA was
the unashamed renegation of the prin-
ciples to which it committed itself in
the second Five Year plan 1964 68:

o The policy .of the Government has
always been andi remains that of
encouraging free collective'
bargaining between employers and.
Trade Unions over the general
terms and conditions of
employment. In order that free
collective bargaining should be
achieved workers must be free to
join independent Trade Unions run
on democratic lines, and employers
in turn are expected to negotiate
with bona fide Trade Unions which
are representative of the employees.

o This policy is based on certain
conventions of the International
Labour Organisation. These
conventions are:

o Convention No. 87 concerning the
freedom of association and
protection of the right to organise.

o Convention No. 98 concerning the
application of the principle of the
right to organise.

Convention No. 26 concerning
wage-fixing machinery..


In spite of this pledge within one
year when there was labour unrest in
the "Essential Industries" of Oil and
Sugar the Industrial Stabilisation Act
was rushed through all its stages in
Parliament in 48 hours. It was
bulldozed during a State of Emergency
like now. C.L.R. James was put in
Why did the Government make this
about turn? What factors were
responsible? Either the Trade Unions
had begun to be undemocratic.
What was becoming clear was that
dissatisfied workers were gravitating
towards the militant Trade Unionism
ander the leadership. of Weekes and

In 1963 Weekes had replaced Rojas.
In 1962 Young had displaced Sutton




organised the Bus Workers in the South,
and formed a people's union. From the
Government's point of view the labour
movement was falling into the wrong
The first ominous sign came when

Rojas accused Weekes of infiltrating the
OWTU with communism. In '63 the
Mbanefo\Commission was appointed to
inquire into "Subversive Activities".
Weekes, Young, Manswell, Best,
Lennox, Pierre, Primus, among others
were summoned before it. The trend
has since continued. ritimidation,
bribery, terror.
The aim of the ISAiwas to deprive
the worker of the right to withhold his
labour. The Act promised to set up a
Prices Commission to control prices but
in fact nothing was done until recently.
All along it was the declared intention
not to interfere with profits and an
abundant supply of cheap labour. But
his strategy was doomed to failure since
labour was determined to be organised
and investors came here on the
condition that their profits would be


The Gove,rnment too was
determined, and in '68 Williams vowed
that not one comma of the ISA would
be changed, He later resolved that it
would be a fight to the finish.
Understandably. Neo-colonialism
demands that there be a free market for
cheap labour. This was the aim of
emancipation; of the Indenture.System;
it is the aim now.
SIn "The Great Transformation"
Polanyi has argued that the triumph of
Capitalism in Britain required the
dismantling of the system in which
workers had rights to one in which they
had none. Their labour was reduced to
a commodity in the free market.

The ISA therefore harked back to
that period, of English history when a
Trade Union was a a conspiracy in
restraint of trade. It is now a dead letter
as the IRA is destined to be. It was
rendered ineffective after, strikes by
paint workers in Chaguanas, citrus
workers in Lai'entille, and by dock

But the real confrontation between
Labour and the Government was during
the Bus Strike of '69 when 250 workers
were dismissed. Only two weeks before
the Trades Union Congress, including
the Police Association, had resolved
that the ISA must go.
Holding fanatically to its position
that strikes were unlawful, the
Government insisted that the dock
workers had a "mass consultation", and
the bus workers a dispute which was
settled by the judgement of the
Industrial Court.
It may be that there are only. a few
Marxists in the labour movement. But
there are signs that working class
consciousness is spreading, and that the
revolution is moving in the logic of
Marxist dislectics: politics is being
determined by economics. Hence the
ratepayers, housewives, and the
Consumers Association.
In '71 there was a strike in Dunlop,
and Weekes was astonished at the
support which came from workers in
Oil,' Fedchen, and Agriculture.
Confronted by the Alliance of
Congress, the ECA, and the
Government, the union called off the
strike. There was a host of agreements
to, and he wanted time
to prepare. The most difficult of these
would be the 'battle of Beaumont Hill'
where he would clash\with Texaco.


All ot a sudden came the Badger
Affair in connection with the
Desulphurisation Plant. In the fashion
of Waller Field, Chaguaramas, during
the war years, Badger Pan-american
-were-pay-ing- abnormally high wages,
while Wimpey, sub-contractor, paid
much less to the same categories of
The Wimpey workers protested, and
during one of the disputes the
personnel manager insulted a shop
steward who retaliated with a blow.
These workers went on strike, and the
Badger workers sympathised.
Thereupon Badger withdrew all its staff
and their families from the territory,
and gave the Government an
ultimatum: control labour or we never
Since this precedent employers no
longer bother to negotiate with Trade
Unions. They peremptorily shut their
doors and dismiss the workers. This has
happened in Top Fashions, CGA, Grell,
and Company.

In the hostilities between labour
and capital the Government has come
to the rescue of the capitalists. Some
80% of the wokters of the coufitry
employed in the Essential Industries of
Oil, Petrochemicals, and Sugar, and the
Essential Services of the Civil Service
and the Statutory Boards, including
Transport, Water and Sewerage,
Electricity, and Telephones, Port
Contractors will no longer have the
right to strike. The Governor General
may extend the ban anytime by mere
proclamation. He of course acts on the

advice of the Cabinet. In non-essential
industries employers may now obtain
writs to prevent strikes.


The rules of evidence which were
designed to protect the innocent and
helpless are now to be ignored by the
Industrial Court which will probably be
staffed by hacks with respect neither
for the rule of law nor the principles of
natural justice. After being disarmed of
the strike weapon the poor worker will
now be stripped naked before an.
inquisitorial Court or High Commission.
Under these strange new laws anyone
who helps a striking worker, be he
friend or sympathiser may be convicted
and imprisoned as an accomplice. The
Bill outlaws compassion. Even sickness
does not escape its scope. NJAC is
right. 'Dead on the wuk', is what the
Bill ordains.


r -- k

Contrary to the Truck Ordinance
there is to be an Agency Shop for the
compulsory payment of dues. Although
there are provisions for the payment of
dues :to religious bodies or the Cipriani
Labour College, the net effect ofthe,
Agency Shop will be to> ensure that
dues in an industry or an essential
service go to one Uniun. iu I'c.Br ':c v
few workers will risk not being
represented by a Union'when they still
have to put out a contribution to
another organisation.
The Bill therefore seeks to bring
Unions into the Establishment. Their
revenue will now be assured. They can
afford to be complacent and ignore the
grievances of their members.
Contrary to the ILO Convention on

lve a betteralfe
The National Commercial Bai

the right to organise, there is to be a
Recognition Board against whose
findings there shall be no appeal. Resort
to the Court of Appeal shall lie only on
grounds of substantial miscarriage of
justice, and qnly on points of law. But
the fact that the rules of evidence may
be ignored by the lower Court will
make an appeal very difficult indeed.
On the other hand employers may
lock out in the interest of security. And
although there are provisions to prevent
the combination of workers, employers
may combine as they are doing now.
The recent merger attempt ,of the
Federation of Chambers of Commerce,
the Trinidad Manufacturing
Association, and the Employers
Consultative Association is certainly a
conspiracy not in restraint of trade, but
of Trade Unions.
Everyday at every turn we see
evidence' that it is the Government, not
the Unions, that is being run on
undemocratic lines. It is one thing to
see policemen with guns, and to read of
regular shipments of SLR's. It is
something else when legislation
notwithstanding sections 1 and 2 of the
Constitution becomes the rule rather
than the exception.
The Bill is before the country at a
time .when political meetings are
prohibited by law. Democracy dictates
that there: be free and open discussion,
and the political means for forming an
alternative government. Dictators
however ensure that there is no
discussion whereby they may be
removed. '
About the Bill let us say to the
'-9Afrrv , -o rt i;-l ;-,ak wi, b -
yOU"", /
These miseries I know you cultivate
are yours as well as mind,
Or do you think the impartial
bullock cares whose land is
So jail me quickly, clang the
illiterate door,
If freedom know. no hbappie

come in
see us,we could lend
you a year..or...2
That happens to everyone some time -
that no matter how hard you try, you
can't save a cent. Then you experience a
feeling of real frustra-
SC B tion. The desire is
N "* there but the inability
is greater. It is at a
time like that you need
some time or rather
money. Both actually.
Why not come jn and
see us we could lend
SBANK Oyou a year.

tRINIDAD &TOBAGOLTp fbanvk 1O l 11"
nk of Trinidad and Tobago. 60'independence Square,

Port of Spain.



of the...










Camping tents

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By Aiyegoro

"'WHAT IS remarkable about'
the pamphlet written by Bill
Riviere, B l'a c k Po we r,NJA C
and The Confrontation in The
Caribbean. and the review sub-
sequently written Ivan-
Laughlin in Tapia No. 26 is
i that while one seems to be sb,
very critical of the other, the
.two. writers share a common
theme that NJAC and Black
Power failed the people that it
has become necessary at this
stage to make some form of
SrpI looking at both of the
statements I think that 'it is
very important to re-emphasise
*certain aspects of the revolu-
tionary struggle in the Carib-
bean that have been ignored by
borh Laughlin and Riviere


gLaughlin seeks to'i ake his
Argument on the basis of three
points. The question of reverse
racism, a definition of the
1970 struggle as the negative
phase of the re solution. and he,
puts forward a claim for a poli-
tical settlemer with Williams'
neo-colonialist regime. All in
his attempt to review Riviere.
While Riiere himself despite
I his obv ious sympathy for Black
Power and NJAC differs only-
in degree from Tapia's interpre-
tation of the confrontation
It appears as though the two
writers are allowing the set-
back of 1970 to obscure their
vision of the total struggle If
that is really so it is then easy
to see how the)' can come to
:the .conclusion that NJAC has,
failed in its promise. But of .is hard to believe that
these it\\o w'ritcrs who have
been actively involved in revo-
lutionary politics would, deli-
berately establish such an in-
correct view, because neither
Laughlin nor Riviere could etcr
doubt the tremendous upsurge
of political consciousness that
came with the February Revo-
lution. ',.

If we go back to a pamphlet
,written by Tapia "On the
National Crisis", we see that in
1970.Tapia felt that -

'-'Protest and demonstra-
"tions .are certainly essen-
tial. Indeed they are vitally
lc csary for those, (and
there are many of them)
who precisely because of
:'the brutality of the'
regime, are left with no
other medium of expre.-
sion. Showing how we feel
': is one. quite legitimate and
Effective way of sharpe)-
\mg tht common percep-
tion and of forging a col-
lective consciousness."

That pamphlet con-
itinued with a kind of
advice that NfAC leadership
should begin giving direction to
the masses because things were
getting out of hand.
However' what Tapia and.
SLaughlin failed to understand
is that it was important for our
political development that an
uprising did take place, thereby
releasing lot 'of revolutionary
energy that might otherwise
have remained bottled up in
madness and despair. Mosr cer-
tainly tlhe uprising cleared up a

lot of the mess that has been
/stinking up the Caribbean for a
long time and it thus opened
the way for the final destruc-
tion of neo-colonialism.

'Both Laughlin and Riviere
are guilty of taking atoo nega-
tive approach to-the struggle, ;
so that the g.iodthat came out
of 1970 is overshadowed by
the talk of "failure" and
"ruins" and negative phase."
SThe struggle would have been
much better served had these
'two 'men recognlised that our
limitations in the struggle must
be balanced by the positive
thinking that will give, the
people the incentive to fight

gilance when here was t
the army mutiny.

And with the leaders
prison a kind of undcrg
resistance began in all the
munities of sufferers. All
of activity took place m
it unrecognised because
body thought it was imp(
The mood of the popu
was well tested over the
Order Bill. To imagine
that masses.of people o
streets was the ideal
would have been to ca
mass suicide. People pre
to do their own thing whe
the need arose.

alk of the world and the Cuban
people the speech now known
Sias historyy Will Absolve Me"
that became an inspiration for
the 26th of July Movement
ship in and the guerrillas in the Hills.
ground Russia's victory over the Czars
c om- in October 1917 was preceded:
I kinds b thc'1905 uprising and their
ost f own February Revolution. VWhy
ne no- then in the Caribbean our first
ortant. major attempt to overthorw
elation the system of nco-colonialism
Public mpst be seen as some kind of
then absolute failure? When today
)n the Williams' regime has been
thing thrown wide open for all to sec
il for and totters on the brink await-
ferred ing the final push,.firom the
never people?

S At onepoint.Laughlin criti- Bill Riviere is nearer the
cises the NJAC leadership for Furthermore both men truth when he says: "NJAC's
not being able o get an ought to know thit a revolu- analysis 'of the nco-colonial
army of people out onto the tion is a total thing, like a war situation in their region and
Streets when thy were needed and that it is not the countless their presentation of alterna-
on April 21,. He. like many battles alone that are to be tixje strategies, for change
"other'people hive not yet rea- ,,taken into c,.'nidi.ratin. su, created a pr fi.utld IInpI,',il. i
lised that among other things, that a battle .':iuld be lst bur ,, l ul l.intii l ' os ft th
the .superior violencee that yet the war is \un. li'i'that populationn \\h., ciL in t..t
Williams could have mustered sense rc\tol uriiI .never fail. dailyl; victims of a long record/,
Undermined the Eonfidence.of The. 't i gW.l' goes thi ouLi;gh of economic,' social, psycho-
the people in themselves. In many, stages, over- years until, logicaland political ills."
particular, the East Indians in.', such time as the ',,d system has Besidi's their negative evalu-
Central Trinidad 'who were been .completely overthrown. nations of the 1970 struggle nci-
stopped by the police once No stage is "negative", nor is their writer gives much credit to
When on their wa :to Port of a jn\ "posititc" but ei,,h ln- N.,\C fii its :isc .tinln tIh
Spain and, t\tiie \%hen the\ tributes to the change thii the gr.iv't from the hills ,t
,were on their %a\ to San Fern- society is calling to,.. Castro be .) liventille ti the sugdr l.inds of-
arido. People in he cri' ,'n-i :!; gcan at'the 'i .-. Ju- ba i. .-. I ...... L... .,U.t iC.-
relaxed Frrn-'r' ,1T.l' r'-,n' "r '. 1n. rT7.,igh ,r.' r r...h. ', I I r ,.i, l .i, r. r t-. 1. i .t .

in jail. What then too of the
revolutionary institutions that
came out of thestruggle? Ex-
cept when Bill Riviere makes a
point about the People's Parlia-
ment that he may have had ex-
perienced, no mention is made
of these institutions.
Riviere says:
"In prac-'
tise the People's Parlia-
ment did not constitute a
forum for discussing pro-
bhlem\s and finding
solutions. Instead it deter-
iorated into fa platform
where NJAC leading
spokesman raised the sub-
ject of the reality of op-
pression, to the status of a
religion, urged blindly on
by shouts of 'Power,
Power to the eqple.
There was much more
rhetoric and far less discus-
sion. .
Thie' forms of the instilu-
tions de 'cl'ipcd b\ NJAC, es-
pe,.iall\ rhe P iople's Parlia-
ment jnd, the People's Rally
have nlow become genuine par-:
ticipa'tory gatherings. It is very
unfair of the writers, in the
society to give people the im-
pression: that what had happen-
(.J in 0"l!i did not go through
-a whohl new pilcess~i'attr t\of -
years. '


- I a i I I'


I I I _I I I r


11 1195



From Page 9
But on the question of ideo-
logy. It has been said by many
people (Ivan Laughlin is not
the first) that NJAC has no
ideology. In his own words -

In the first place is Black
Power really an ideology?
To me it really is a politi-
cal banner that has enor-
mous emotional appeal
particularly to the men
from the Middle 'Passage.
Moreover I think it simp-
listic' to .talk about Black
Power as being relevant to
all Third World countries.
Where is the evidence to
show that Black Power has
appeal outside the areas
where we find African des-:
cendants. I can find none
SThe point is that Black
Power does not commit
people to anything tan-
gible, it racially motivates
people. In the case of
NJAC the message of
Black Power was trans-
lated into terms of black
and white.

Only Bill Riviere of the two
writers has the perception to
understand what Walter
Rodney (am6ng other Black
revolutionaries) means when he
says that, "Black Power as a
slogan is new. But it is really an
ideology and a movement of
great historical depth. Tb Black
people it is important that ,as
- yet' 'the final word has not been
maid about Black Power be-
cause as we go, along day by
day our ideological position de-

Since :970ttherehave come
'from NJAC pamphlet after
pamphlet' which have ,been
used as guides in the building
of our ideology. The two most
recent and important being Sla-
ivery\to Slavery NJAC on the
Economic System, and Con-

ventional Politics Or Revolu-
tion NJAC on the Political
Svitem. These have been the pil-
lars on which NJAC is building.
ro .people on the outside these
may not seem to be much but
to. the brothers and sisters
struggling in the organisation
these are real guides to action.
Only by constant practice am-
ong Black people will the truth
emerge. NJAC starts out recog-
nising the, tradition of revolu-
tionary struggle in the Carib-
bean and is adding its quota to
its thought.


Laughlin is, frightened that
the stress of racism in NJAC
political campaigning will lead
all Black people to be racist to
white people in turn. In doing
,so he is showing that he mis-
understands what the struggle
really is. Because it is not white
individuals who are the real tar-
gets of Black anger but that
racist capitalist system that was
developed among them and
which has been imposed on us.

How to deal with it, this
white, Western civilisation, is
what really is in the minds of
Black Power leaders and fol-
lowers. The serious questions
that are being asked everyday
are: what are the roots of the
white people's oppressiveness
and racism? How deeply has it
affected us?,How has it created,
and maintained differences be-
tween Africans and inoians in
the West Indies?

True, mere hatred, just like
mere rope, will never achieve
our liberation. Fanon who un-
derstood racism better than all
of us is quite right to say that:
SRacialism and hatred and

resentment a legitimate
desire for revenge' can-
not sustain a war of libera-
tion ... the leader realises
'day in day ;out that hatred
alone cannot draw up a
programme. ''
But surely we Black people
are not going to be expected to
love white people just so. After
they and their system have
made a mockery of our lives
and the lives of all Third World
people for the last five cen-
turies. Yet to be so uptight
about "racism in reverse" is to
assume that every man who
follows Black Power hates
every white skin' that he sees
merely because it is white (or
vice versa ,loves every Black
skin because it is Black) and it
is also to assume that all Black
Power advocates are narrow-
minded fanatics. and not Black
Revolutionaries dealing with a
particular situation.


All this talk about "racism
in reverse" is at best a defence,
for refusing to face, up to all
the implication 'of Black and
Third World struggle and at
worst it is to give white people
the mistaken impression that
we Blacks want to oppress
them. Weldo want them off our
backs:and we will defend pur-
selves against their oppressive
system'but Blacks have too
much to'do solving all the pro-
blems among themselves to go
"around trying .to create-the
apparatus to subjugate another
race. ,
Castro is a white man and
he is loved and respected,by us,
for what he has done for Carib-
bean people, not for the colour
of his skin. -
Finally, what is this "poli-
tical settlement" that Laughlin
and Tapia are talking about? Is

it of the nature oftthose politi-
cal settlements that are used in
international politics togive
the appearance of change, ne-
glecting to get tqthe roots of
the problems? Is it something
like the "political settlements",
that the Big Powers enforce on
small powers when they are fed
up of giving them arms to fight'
the wars that the Big Powers
themselves have initiated? Like
in Viet Nam and the Middle


Eric Williams, who playing
Bossman is definitely not
thinking about settling up
"politically." Is rope and more
rope from him, a whole series
of laws that look like the Pub-
lic Order Act, more arms for
the police every month, SSS
shock troops, Burroughs on a
rampage, bribes for judges and

YOUTHS of Belle Vue and
Dibe area have only just expe-
rienced the irresponsible exer-
cise of authority that police are
now becoming famous for in
this country.
They have complained that
on Saturday 20 IVay a party of
policemen in van PL 8743,
completely wrecked their
basket ball post by driving the
van upon it. When asked why
they ,did not go to Police
Sports instead one of them re-.'
torted: "Yuh ent see we doh
like sports. Look wha i,/e -
.The youths view this atro-
cious act as a serious blow to
themselves and to sports in the
community, especially when
they stop to consider that their
community play field was only
cleared in the height of the
PNM campaign last election ...
after years of fighting for it.

public servants in the form of
higher salaries and States of
Williams is leaving
the revolutionary people no
room for political settlements,
he doesn't want one.
S He and
his mast, are waiting now for
a "fight to the finish", while
appearing to paper over cracks.
What he is waiting for is the
second confrontation that is
well on its Way,
We have gone full: circle
since 1970 and it will be good
for some of the political wri-
ters in the country to heed the
words of the Black Brazilian re-
volutionary Carlos Marighela,
"'let he who does not wish to
do anything for the. revolution-
aries do nothing against them."

The most disturbing conse-
quence of this kind of official
'bullying'. is that disillusion-
ment sets in as people seem un-
able to deal with the police.
Some are coming to realise that
the solution lies in strong local
government and community
control of the Police. In this
vay the police would be ac-
countable to community
authorities rather than to some
sensitive body in the, city!/
Thisishould go a long way to-
ward humanising the relation-
ship between people and
Under such a system, there
is the additional advantage that
authoritarian political: figures
in Whitehall would find it diffi-
cult to use the police as-instru-
ments ,of intimidation and


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I _- r 1'... .. -%Y". I




From Page 1 "
appealing to the Governor for help. We
have to abandon the colonial ritual of
appointing a glorified Royal Com-
mission of Enquiry to advise the Colo-
nial Governor on what changes the
Secretary of State might at his pleasure
introduce from above.
We elected Williams and the PNM to
office and it is they who have mis-
governed us into this crisis of confi-
dence. The solution cannot therefore
escape involving and-indicting them
from the very start. Before a Constitu-
tional Commission can have the slightest
relevance, the Government must eat
crow in a political Assembly. The only
possible solution is a Constituent
Assembly, a conference of citizens, a
People's Parliament, if you prefer.

We must now recognize the validity
of political interests other than those of
the ruling party. Government must bow
before politics; and the State, and ad-
ministration must'yield pride of place to
the people. That is what decolonization
means; it is what a free democracy dic-
But the country now sees that the
government is incapable of any accom-
modation to popular opinion. The
government is armed to the teeth
against the people. Armed with re-
pressive law, armed with bayonets and
And we the people do not want
them. Everybody says it is time for
change. So the stage is set for conflict.


On top of that, the government
simply cannot govern to provide us with
the most elementary public services.
Jobs simply cannot be found. School
places are still an 11-plus lottery.
Telephone and postal services, water
and public transport are the booby
prizes in a game of chance. Health
services perpetually threaten an
epidemic of incredible epidemics.
With ailT -thl-taxes-- and---i.ices arc
rising; inevitably, the tolerance level is
falling. In the face of the incompetence,
the corruption and the cynicism in
public affairs, it is frustration all round.
Students, blacks, youth, soldiers; unem-
ployed, intellectuals, housewives;
Africans, Asians, Europeans; trades
unionists, journlaists, businessmen;

Tapia Page 11



clergy, industrialists and farmers are in
the large majority clamouring for a
change of regime.
Political dissatisfaction on such a
wide scale adds up to a political
vacuum. And a political vacuum does
not remain unfilled for long. Either it is
filled by the means of politics or it will
be filled by the means of violence.
Over the years 1961 1971 we had
a similar choice to make: change by
government and power from above, or
change by politics and moral authority
from below. We could have established a
free Trinidad and Tobago by moral and
political means. We could have involved
the people of this country in framing a
new set of institutions and policies.


Instead we cow-towed to the
Americans on Chaguaramas, we took
over the Westminster system from
Britain, and we settled for a reliance on
foreign investment. We yielded to the
pressure of imperial legacy and refused
to rely on our manhood. We settled for
being mimic men.
The inevitable result of this was an
increasing conflict between the Govern-
ment and an ever widening section of
the people. At first it was the militant
unions. The only large and popular
grouping not controlled by the state or
the foreign corporations, they were in-
dependent enough to speak their minds.
The government responded with the
Commission of Inquiry into Subversive
Activities and by a deal to bring back
Bhadase and split off the sugar workers.
And finally it was the ISA.
But Williams and the PNM did not
reckon with another partially indepen-
dent institution which produced New
World, and after October 1968 Moko
and Pivot, and prepared the way for the
eventual 1970 coalition of students,
intellectuals and youth with the militant

Leadership for the new movement
L Uas bo n t IL- t 1, i iis: i Dlof th, i '? t
Indies at St. Augustine. Part of the con-
tribution of Granger, Darbeau and the
other NJAC leadership was to use the
surviving freedoms to march and agitate
to win back the industrial freedoms
taken away by the ISA. TIWU's 1969

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9 #9LOYI


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It was crucial in other senses too. It
was the occasion for Williams to declare
his intention of pursuing a "fight to the
finish." And it provided the opport-
unity for the opposition groups to weld
ourselves into a single striking force so
as to be better equipped for the struggle
Williams initiated.
The TIWU Assembly of Opposition
Groups during the bus strike was the
turning point in the history of
opposition unity. The assembled groups
had before them two choices, the merits
of which were perhaps not as clear then
aSi tey are now.

Either we could settle to equip our-
selves with permanent organisation in
the contemplation of a long-term fight
to the finish. Or we could work to mash
up the whole pigeon coop in one quick
In the context of the first alternative
Tapia proposed:

starting a joint Opposition paper
setting up a Committee to co-
ordiiiate the activities of the unions
with those of the political parties and
miovemenits newly on the scene
putting in place machinery to
service workers striking against the ISA.

But tihe political instincts and
methods cultivated under colonial rule
and Crcwn Colony Government pre-
vailed. Instead of the Bus Strike
Assembly galvanizing the opposition
into a single political force, the groups
left that meeting to go their different
By 1970 when NJAC and the unions
had brought the pot to a boil the

reW U




machinery for an alternative govern-
ment was just not there. We had failed
io prepare for a political solution. A
military solution backed by US marines
and arms could not go in our favour, for
we were unorganised politically to deal
with that invasion.
And now we have the same choices
again. Will the solution be military
again? Or are we going to seize the
political chance this time? Will the
opposition forces put machinery in
Tapia is urging that we bring all the
forces together. Which is not to propose
tlht ,-o f.m w, ,C n ol;fil nrvl
a--Suchn-a4hing-eannot -e-simplyAW-sH
into lasting existence.


What we can do is to organise a
genuine political conference of the
assembled opposition i;roups in\whichwe
could take positions on fundamentals of
the new society. This is not going to
provide any formula for setting all the
issues but it will certainly revive the
hope of the people. And a revival of
hope is what we need to open the gate
to a genuine radical alliance which
would fill the political vacuum.
The lessons of the period since 1969
are that no alliance which could con-
ceivably fill the vacuum can conic into
being without going through the
necessary stages. The groups have to be
allowed to take positions and line them-
selves up on the fundamental and penn-
anent issues of the society.
It is quite clear that the Government
cannot call a Constituent Assembly of
Citizens not even with its own Wooding
Commission in the role of a Technical
Secretariat. We have offered the PNM
reasonable compromise after reasonable
compromise, but they are corrupt and
ICont'd on Page 12

111 FIrederick St., & Campus St. Augustine

PRICI: S10.80





mo~m. womm-=,


I APIA has launched a new self-help
Ili.:ng company. The Tapia House
I' inning Company Limited will be
ittUiing shares to Tapia Members,
Abso;iates, supporters and friends.
At the moment, the Company is a
Llisidiary of the Tapia House Pub-
I lhiing Company Ltd. which has been
: iiL'csfully publishing Tapia since
Scpteniber 1969.

Capital built up from the Tapia
so,,Sou Investment Club and from
eily donations to a Tapia Printing
Fund has been invested in acquiring a
,ste for the new company. Arthitect's
plans for the construction of perma-
iin;tl offices are almost complete and
construction is expected to begin
shortly. An offset printing press cap-
able of sustaining the high quality of
Tapia pi oductions is on order.

We have taken this step in response

to promptings from artists, writers,
printers, illustrators, educators, book-
binders and booksellers from all over
the Caribbean who feel the need to es-
tablish a genuinely Caribbean printing'
and publishing enterprise.

It is hoped that we can in time
embark on an extensive programme of
low-cost publication of every conceiv-
able kind of relevant Caribbean

And of course, we shall be pub-
lishing the Tapia news and views-paper
as regularly as the Caribbean situation
demands and at intervals of not more
than seven days.
As we have developed smoothly
from the early days of New World
Quarterly and New World Fortnightly,
Tapia Associates have learnt to pro-
ceed in manageable stages. We have

begun this time with a small capital
which is being topped up by mortgage
and loan finance.
From a careful evaluation of our
experience over the last three years we
estimate that the project can become
self-sustaining in a very short time. But
we would not be able to produce on
the scale which our Caribbean
situation demands unless we could
count on the same sort of support
which New World and Tapia have been
fortunate to evoke over the years.

Contributions to the Printing
Company may be made in the form
of subscriptions; purchases of
premium-priced ($100) bound
volumes of Tapia; life subscriptions
($100) to Tapia; lump-sum donations
or bankers' orders over an extended
period; offers of debenture loans (hard
or soft); offers to take up equity ($1)

shares when the Company is ready to
come to our supporters with a project
which has already proven that it is
Tapia members have already begun
collecting donations by means of
authorized sheets. Members can obtain
these sheets from the Treasurer, Tapia
Correspondence and donations may
be forwarded to The Treasurer, Tapia
House Special Fund, 91,
Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna, Trinidad
& Tobago. Deposits may also be made
directly to Tapia House
Special Fund, Barclays Bank,
Tunapuna, Trinidad & Tobago, with
duplicate deposit slips to the
Treasurer. Associates in other West
Indian Islands and abroad will be in-
formed in a later issue of their local
agents of the Tapia Special Printing


SOME CONGRESS unions aie calling on the President of
now finding it difficult in NUGFW to stick to the official
practice to deny workers their policy of Congress. In other
constitutional right to join a words to practice what he
cise of which official TUC po- workers of CPI as members of
licy calls 'poaching' on the part NUGFW.
of the opposing Union.
This is gradually revealing
:i,lr h in n.,,-i i...-. STRIKE THREAT

1sti 1 in a Iusli-nus llellerl-
ship tug-o-war between the
Union of Commercial and In-
dustrial Workers, and the
Union of Government and
Federated Workers. The
workers involved are those at
Caribbean Packaging Indus-


But some of the workers,
while not refusing the freedom
to clooise membership any-
where, are insisting against a
policy of: do so, doh like so.
In an open letter (which the
dailies have not thought fit to
publish) these workers are

They have also reminded Mr.
Critchlow of Congress threat of
a general strike which set the
stage for the present state of
emergency when workers of
Tugs and Lighters desired to
exercise their freedom to join
"Are you all doing the same
act that you did not like for
yourselves?" the letter queries.
Yet there exists disenchant-
ment with UCIW's representa-
tion and workers may sooner
or later have to exercise a
choice. They may well do so in
favour of a Union which cannot
see how it is possible to 'poach'
a man.

From Page 3
the assumption that the problems by itself or within must insist on the "repeal" of
development of free collective the traditional economic and the government which so
bargaining is consistent with consitiutional framework is impertinently confronts with
compulsory arbitration, bound to be of a repressive this type of legislation. There is
the assumption that nature and ultimately doomed need for sui r:n-,i p....aUr-
couii,.LIoU L.uimig can work to worsen the situation. At action to achieve this urgent
without the sanction of the least we should have learnt and desirableabjective.
strike or lockout, from the ISA experience that
the virtual absence of any labour control is not the
scope for appeal to public answer to industrial unrest. It T ap a i aB 0 k
opinion, is characteristic, though, of a
government enamoured of Cl b
the deep involvement of symptoms and scared to tackle I U
a political figure the Minister the root causes. The Tapia Book-Club is now
of Labour in labour-manage- However, the fight against re ad y t o circulate
ment relations, the IRA is in a sense more memeographed statements of
t e fa i i r e t o difficult than the ISA. At the "Tapia's Proposals for National
discriminate among present time there is a state of Reconstruction." Individuals
different kinds of disputes in national emergency, a Sedition or Groups wishing to be placed
prescribing procedures for Act and a Summary Offences on the mailing list are
settlement. renluepcred rn forward $1. to

The problem of industrial
unrest cannot be solved in a
vacuum. It has to be dealt with
in the context of radical
economic change and sweeping
constitutional reforms. Any
attempt to deal with the

Act which constitute serious
restraints on free discussion
and political action.
Finally, to repeat what we

said in the last
sufficient to
withdrawal of

issue, it is not
call for the
the IRA. WE


From Page 11
too paranoid to place the nation before
the party.

The forces of progress have to
organise on their own. The Assembly
that we need now has to be exclusively
an assembly of the movement for an al-
together new regime. When we get our-
selves together we will then decide how
to deal with them.
That is the road towards the political
solution. The future now lies exclusively
with us. With its repressive laws, its guns
and now its troop manoeuvres in the
Fyzabad forests, the PNM Government
has written a prescription for civil war.


But the lesson of 1970 is that to win
a military battle we have first to be
politically organised. And if we are
politically organized, what could stop us
from despatching the PNM into hell-fire
by simple democratic majority opinion?

join the Club.
Club Members will also receive
lists of Caribbean reference
material books, journals,
memeographed articles.
Wherever possible, cheap
purchase will be arranged by
the Tapia Research Secretary.
Now on sale arc :- Readings in
Government and Politics of the
West Indies at $7.50 and
Readings in the Political
Economy of the Caribbean at




Offers are invited from Tapia
Associates for 100 attractively
bound sets of Tapia literature.
:Volumes include papers,
Special bulletins, pamphlets,
'handbills and posters. Bidding
begins at $100 and proceeds
are to go towards the financing
of a Tapia House Print Shop.
Write to The Tapia House
Publishing Company Limited,
1,, Tunapuna Road,

Printed by Vanguard Publishing Company Limited, San Fernando, for the Tapia House Publishing Company Limited, Tunapuna.


S&T $ 7.50 UK $21.60 (4.50)
CAHIFTA $10.00 W. Europe -$33.60 ( 7.00
Other Caribbean $15.00 ($7.50 US) W. Africa, India $36.00 (7.50)
US/Canada $20.00 ($10 US) E. Africa, Ethiopia S38.40 (8.00)
LIFE SUBSCRIPTION All Countries $100 T.T.
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Address ............................. ............... ......................................

I enclose $ .......... for ............. years) Air Mail

Return to the Tapia House Publishing Co. Ltd.,
91, Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna, Trinidad and Tobago.

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