Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
October 3, 1971
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


The night before February 26 a star pitched from the sky as though it
were falling to earth. It was a sign of things to come. "When beggars die
there are no comets seen." The next day the revolution gathered
momentum. It has made rapid progress ever since. In the case of the
Roman Dictator Julius Caesar the triumvirate of three successors, who
fought one another to the bitter end, came on the scene after his death
at the hands of Brutus, the traitor deputy. Here, the difference is that
the three have been appointed in
advance. I TLJE A

Williams has hinted that he might be
quitting. "Like a bridge over troubled
waters I will lay me down." It is well
known that one of the gravest problems
facing the country and the PNM is the
problem of the succession to his throne.
When the aged Marxist professor Rene
Dumont visited these shores one year
ago as a guest of the Prime Minister his
advice was that Williams should prepare
the way for his successors.

But we can be sure that the intrigue
has begun. The shrewd old man might
have made the statement to allow the
hundred aspiring flowers to bloom. Like
the towering Samaan tree he has spread
over and put in the shade two
generations, stunting the growth of real
leadership. If he should shed his
branches what a crop of contenders
would spring up.
Inside the PNM alone there are
many. There is Kamal who has been
preparing for the role of Prime Minister
for years. Not too long ago he staked his
claim publicly by boasting of his
seniority and his loyalty. His wings have
now been clipped. By appointing him a
political deputy with equal status to
Errol Mahabir and Chambers, Williams
has in fact demoted him. It is now
unlikely that he will even act as Prime


Since there is no Deputy Prime
Minister this manoeuvre has some
important side effects. It does not
destroy the ambition of
Hudson-Phillips. It kindles hopes in the
breast of Chambers whose Khruschevian
tactic is to be the willing hatchetman
and footstool of the master, and who, as
Minister of Finance, Planning and
Development, is obviously in line. It
leaves an opening to Prevatt, the
Chairman of the Party.
In describing himself as the "bridge
over troubled waters" Williams has
struck a fine balance between the
serious and the frivolous. He has shown
a sensitivity to the mood of the times
and a capacity to be pragmatic. He has
used the meduim of soul to
communicate the discomforting fact
that more than anyone else he is indeed
a bridge between the Old world and the
New. But the Two Worlds of which he
spoke in '56 are still in conflict.
Although for an interval the Old was
put into eclipse by the sheer brilliance
of this distinguished scholar, it has been
evident since the about-turn made in the
march on Chaguaramas and the
corruption of the PNM that the Old
Order prevaileth.


This incidentally was the main theme
of Joe Young's address to workers and
sympathisers who gathered at
Independence Square on Tuesday
September 28 after demonstrating
through the streets of central
Port-of-Spain in protest against the
lock-out at the Neal and Massy
Assembly Plant. "Profits and Privilege
take precedence over people," said the
tall, tough Transport and Industrial
Workers Union President who is a most
able and consistent champion of the
working class. "Wherever men are

1 "U E

organised," he urged, "they must
prepare for the liberation struggles
which lie ahead."
What the Neal and Massy strike and
the related marches demonstrate
beyond doubt is the revolutionary
potential of the working class. All the
ingredients were present the critical
mass; flags, microphones and oratory to
stir it up; the burning sense of
deprivation, inequality and injustice to
set the soul on fire. During the coming
months battles for fundamental right
will be fought in the courts to
determine what protection the citizen
has against the arbitrary encroachment
of the State; what is seditious and what
is treasonable. Battles will be fought on
the labour front to determine the right
to withhold one's labour, and whether
one has the right to opt out of National
Insurance which in its present form is a
burdensome tax designed to raise
revenue for the Government to continue
its squandermania and public bribery.
Battles will also be fought at the local
government polls to determine whether
official trickery or the consent of the
governed is the proper basis of

Such have been the abuse of power
and the deafness of this regime to the
cries of humanity, that very soon the
spirit of this nation will rise up again
from the grave. Contradictions have
begun to make themselves manifest. The
Prime Minister attacks individualism
when he is the biggest individualist of
all. It is he who has given the public the
impression that he alone can cure the
ills of this country. He brings water to
the pipelines; he builds schools; he loans
to businessmen on his endless tour. And
when everybody appeals to him
personally for help Kilroy complains. It
is an admission that his party is not
Going through his books of Oxford
vintage where he expects to find a
plaster for every sore he picks up Sir
Ernest Barker's National Character, and
highlights it. But if he turned to another
text in which that same author discusses
Ethics he would see that "In order that
law may be valid, it is enough that it
should satisfy the canons of declaration,
recognition, and enforcement by a
constituted authority acting on behalf


of the community. In order that it may
have value, over and above validity, law
must also satisfy as much as it can,
and as far as its strength avails the
canon of conformity to the demands
of moral conscience as expressed in the
general notion of justice."


Law and Ethics cannot be separated:
the one is concerned with external acts,
the other with internal motive. How can
we have national character when the
examples set by the men in power do
not inspire it; when deceit and
opportunism are rewarded with
ministerial honours? Who can respect
these men? Wilton Hinds as Secretary of
the NYC accepts a Senatorship while
Victor Marcano, his President, is
detained in the Royal Gaol without
justice. There are so many others who
pretended to be opposed to the PNM,
and who never had the courage to
defend its ideals. These suddenly felt
forced to respond to the "call of duty."
In such a setting we are faced with the
contradiction of having Wooding, who
has long stood for Big Business, and

whom many have dismissed as an
Afro-Saxon, come forward as the voice
of moral conscience.
The national establishment is now a
house divided against itself. The
capitalists are already aware of this
breakdown, and are trying desperately
to close ranks under the leadership of
Mr.deVerteuil. The churches are split.
The Government has no moral right to
rule. Now it seems that the prospect of
the workers of different industries
coming together is very real.


At the last PNM Convention at
Chaguaramas Dr. Williams disclosed that
the leadership of the Trades Union
Congress, headed by ex-Senator Spencer
twisted his arm into declaring the State
of Emergency last year. In a lengthy
reply to exonerate himself Spencer has
only confirmed the truth of the the
accusation. So that he, Crichlow, Tull,
Stanford, Sam Martin (Manswell was
out of the country) and Bhadase now

stand exposed in the clearest light. They
are the ones who conspired to put the
nation in chains.
And the reasons are obvious. The
Black Power movement last year made
most of these leaders feel very insecure
about their following. The highpoint of
this threat came on April 21 when the
State of Emergency was declared. On
that day a massive march was planned
to commemorate the Second
anniversary of the Bus Strike of 1969.
Sugar workers were expected to join
Weekes and the OWTU who in turn
were to join workers from TIWU and
WASA in Port of Spain. Water and
Sewerage Authority was a most sensitive
area. There the workers seemed intent
on going the way of the electrictiy
workers into the Oilfield Workers' Trade
Union. So the proposed march posed a
serious threat to the TUC and the Trade
Unionists of the Establishment.
Moreover, it is on record that the
Government has always intervened to
prevent the workers in Oil and Sugar
from uniting. This is Williams' proudest
boast in Inward Hunger. It will not be
long before most of these reactionary
Congressmen are kicked from their
Unions the same way Spencer was
booted from the Seamen and
Waterfront Workers Trade Union.
But why did Williams decide to
remove the mask from the faces of these
men? The answer is simple. For years, in
their endeavour to save their own skins
they have made Williams appear like
the devil himself. The persecution of
Weekes and the radicals started when
Senator Rojas charged that there was
communist infiltration in the OWTU.
The Commission to investigate
subversive activities was then appointed.
After succeeding Rojas in the oil belt
Weekes has continued to threaten the
position of other union leaders whose
rank and file have been inclined to
defect towards his brand of unionism.
This partly explains why Weekes has
suffered so much at the hands of the

But all along people were not aware
of the extent of the deceit of these
wolves in sheep's clothing. After giving
Williams an ultimatum to declare the
State of Emergency and to send for
foreign arms and ammunition Spencer
cried crocodile tears over the Public
Order Bill, and Crichlow, under pressure
from his union members, was forced to
come out against the measure. By that
time too, Manswell, who had just
returned from England, voiced strong
opposition of the Bill. Now the Public
Order Bill was nothing less than a
permanent form of the State of
Emergency, and the impression was
being conveyed that these unionists
would have nothing to do with anything
of the kind.
To make matters worse these very
Trade Unions of the Congress were the
ones which held the Government to
ransom by demanding increased wages
with approach of the general elections.
Williams has therefore decided that they
cannot be relied upon. He has driven the
shaft through all of them. The one thing
that disturbs him most is how he will be
judged by historians of the future. If he
happens to be painted in the image of
the devil, posterity must know who are
the imps around him.


Rising spirit of the nation





IT," so the saying goes. And so
too the ideological zig-zagging of
"the old man" of the PNM is fast
coming to an end. That much is
clear from the text of Williams'
address to the 13th Convention
of his party last weekend.Caughtin
the rhetoric of the new movement
it is as if he is being flung into a
wall of brick. He no longer knows
if he is coming or going, or even B
from bull foot.
The College exhibitioner has
stumbled on the concept of localisation.
He has charged Tapia with making a
"great noise" about the policy proposal
of localising the economy, "which if it
means anything at all, must mean
majority local participation, whether at
Government level or private level."
Since that kind of reconciliation with
the foreign sector is what he, his party
and his Government is backing, Williams
finds it incomprehensible that our "hit
parade" should include such firms as
Trinmar, British Petroleum, Tesoro,
Tate & Lyle, Cable and Wireless,
Continental Telephones, TTT, and
Trinidad Asphalt.


Let us explain. Now all the firms
cited above have substantial local
participation. In some cases there is 50%
ownership of shares, in others like TTT
and Trinidad Asphalt it is even greater,
Williams' confusion stems from the fact
that he does not seem to understand
that mere ownership is not enough to
achieve control; and that majority
participation by either the State, or
private enterprise does not put
economic control in the hands of the
people. And it is on these grounds he
parts ways with Tapia. He remains with
only the rhetoric and the tone of the
new movement. That's why Burnham
and he are in exactly the same camp.
Our article in the Independence issue
was quite explicit on the question.
Localisation involves: (a) Control of the
foreign sector of the economy. That can
only be achieved by a mastery of the
techniques of production, marketing,
and research. To this end we are
insisting that the corporations become
distinctly local companies, both in law
and in fact. This is meant to distinguish
them from all the other sister
subsidiaries, and head offices abroad. It
is to pave the way for insisting on
separate books and accounts. Quite
strict procedures are to be specified for
the pricing of sales and purchases.


We need the basic information to be
able to make the correct decisions. And
this is why a Techretariat of accounts,
economists and engineers must be set up

to furnish us with information on the
operation and functioning of these
corporations. This sort of participation
will both set up the process of control
and win us the expertise we need to
make the control effective or to run the
industries when we are ready. It must be
stressed that this is a far cry from
buying 50% or more shares on the stock
market and staffing the board of
management with a few locals who
cannot comprehend the technical details
arising out of the discussions of a Board
meeting. That is majority participation.
It is a settlement with foreign enterprise
which comes from having a bunch of
resolute incompetents running this
country. What it leads to is more subtle
forms of metropolitan domination, and
it maintains the condition of

Well, we don't want that. Too many
foreigners have already outsmarted us.
And we are literally fed-up with black
politicians selling our birth-right for "a
mess of pottage." We want now to put
an end to the obvious colonial condition
of having to settle for what firms like
Texaco tell us to be their figures of
output, prices and profits, and what
taxes they are going to pay. We must be
in a position at least to dispute them.
To do that we need information we do
not have now.
More. In a situation where the
majority of the people are materially,
and psychologically, dispossessed, where
self-confidence is lacking, and
impotence prevails, the new movement
must insist on bringing economic power
to the ordinary folk in the communities.
This is to enable them to withstand
domination by central government in a
society where the State, and big
business are the largest employers.
In this context, localisation is geared
to achieve control for the ordinary
citizen "through a mixture of individual
and co-operative ownership along with a
certain amount of central and
particularly local government
participation in business." By this single
requirement none of the firms which
make our "hit parade" qualifies for the
control we have in mind. Further, as we
have stressed elsewhere, localisation "is
not the same thing as nationalisation or


If that were all the issue would be
settled at this point. But the doctoral
text ranges far and wide and lacks
depth; and as dishonest as it is wide
ranging. Sensing that we may well mean
something else, Williams in vindicating
himself and his Government,
surreptitiously inserts into the text of
his address, the insinuation that we may
well be proposing something sinister.
This comes to light where he talks of
the new consciousness of Huev Newton

in so far as confrontation is not all, and
in so far as the Black Panthers are
apparently now prepared to work
within the confines of the US system to
see if they can change it. It comes out,
too, where he stresses that his
Government has carefully avoided
prestige projects; and above all where he
claims that his regime "...has been
extremely careful not to sacrifice the
welfare and wellbeing of one million
people on the altar of some intellectual
fetish..." In the latter respect he cites
the experience of the "previous
regimes" of Ghana and Indonesia, and
the fact that Yugoslavia and
Czechoslovakia have considerably
modified such policies.


That is his answer to the charge of 15
years of shilly-shallying over oil and
sugar. But that is a great deal of
dishonesty also. Since 1957 Williams has
been aware that the proposed entry of
Britain into the European Economic
Community was not likely to
materialise until 12 years after. That
means 1970-1971. What is the excuse

for not preparing the society for the
adjustment to the production of
agriculture, for local consumption?
Surely it is not the individualism which
is his constant whipping horse. Since
1957 he has been planning to take oil
and sugar out of politics. What is the
position today? In sugar there is
violence between competing unions. In
oil, Texaco surely knows the answer!
In case he doesn't know, Tapia's
background to the problems of Trinidad
and Tobago is not the international
scene in which Williams digs year in year
out. Rather it is the hole of imperial
domination which the Caribbean has
been in for over 400 years, and the
neo-colonial policies of a regime which
enjoyed the trust of the population for
five years and which has been in power
for three times that.


If we look at this background we will
see that the PNM's position has not
simply been one of trying to avoid
sacrificing the popular welfare of the
0 Cont'd on Page 11

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Sunjet Services to New York, Toronto, Miami and everywhere in the Islands.



IT IS TAPIA'S second anniversary of publication. In November it will
be three years that we're in existence as a group. This paper marks both
these anniversaries. And if anniversaries have any use in the new
dispensation they are a time for self-examination.
Reflection must always be an essential ingredient in the
revolutionary process. To ensure that we keep on the road to the new
world we all long for, we have to be continually taking stock.
In Tapia we have always argued that
our fundamental task is just that. To
attempt to set ourselves and the
population along the road to meaningful
independence. To do that it is vital that T O S E T
we constantly assess the movement.
For it is now the Dead Season of
1971, year and a half since the
"February Revolution", and the regime
lingers on. There is no doubt that 1970
heightened the consciousness and threw A
the whole country on to a new political
plane but the fact is: the colonial A
legacies are still here. A f

Look at it Doctor Politics
continues, well supported by the
national press; on the economic front,
foreign domination, large scale
unemployment and underemployment
are the norm; Afro-Indian unity remains
only a hope.
The lesson is clear. To break with the
past calls for real hard work. Work that
does not necessarily bring us popularity
on the national stage but work that is
essential if we are to succeed in bringing
into being our New World. Emotional
mobilization is obviously not enough.
We not only want men's hearts we also
want their minds. It was Fanon who
warned that "racialism and hatred and
resentment a legitimate desire for
revenge cannot sustain a war of

That is why the next round is a long
haul. "The road forward is through
discipline, routine, unceasing initiative
and patient slogging." So we said in
Tapia No. 1. And that is why we have
been building slowly in Tapia from the
ground up, from the mud and the grass
these past three long years. Seeking to
build in miniature the type of culture
we envisage for the country as a whole.
Refusing to follow the conventional
approaches of dividing the world into
black and white or to pursue the
capitalism/communism categories. But
rather searching for the new political
and economic forms that relate to our
environment and which can lift
ourselves out of the impotence that we
have been wallowing in for the last 400
And the point is that though on the
conventional scene the colonial legacies
lingers on, there can be no doubt that in
the unconvential arena the movement is
making strides. Moreover, we are doing
so in the face of an all out attempt by
the old regime to subvert the
revolutionary spirit.


But history is on our side. For we are
just a tributary of that whole Third
World Movement that is sweeping on to
the centre of the international stage.
Undoubtedly those parts of the world
that have been the footstool of Europe
are emerging from the darkness of
centuries of colonial exploitation and
slowly but surely we are throwing off
the shackles of the North Atlantic.
OPEC (the Organisation of Petroleum
Exporting Countries) has dictated oil
prices to the mighty petroleum
corporations and in the words of one
metropolitan newspaper "for the first
time the MNC (Multi National
Corporation) has been brought to its
knees." This is the pattern now with all
the Third World countries to tackle
the great international corporations and
give meaning to their independence.


The British star has long set.
Victoria's Empire has died with
Churchill and now in her senility Britain
is seeing her former subjects assert
themselves. This is a bitter pill to
swallow so she seeks to re-establish her
position. But the response is a decadent
as the civilization. The ideology is
Powellism giving legitimacy to racism.
The slogans are "Keep Britain White";
"Arms for South Africa, our kith and
History may also record the 1970's



as ushering in the decline of the
American star. That outgrowth of
Europe that is today the most backward
country in the world in social terms. A
land whose youth are totally alienated,
and more and more they turn their eyes
to the lands that their fathers colonized.
The "Senior Policeman" has military
power but no moral power. Raked with
internal strife, faced with the realization
that to defeat, (not conquer) the
Vietnamese people the bomb will have
to be used; that more and more
Americans are refusing to fight; that we
are going to deal with the MNC that
pillar of American exploitation; that
Castro has shown the hemisphere that
we can defy Uncle Sam and survive.
(Admittedly Fidel's internal politics
leave much to be desired. He is heavily
reliant on Imperialist Russia, but with
the new consciousness sweeping Latin
America, he is certainly getting into a
position to throw off that yoke). For
sure the American star is in decline.
Decay from within, rejection from
It is now as Cesaire saw it 30 years
"Listen to the white world
appallingly weary from its
immense effort,
the crack of its joints rebelling
under the hardness of
the star.
Listen to the proclamation victories
which trumpet their defeats.
Listen to the grandiose alibis
(stumbling so lamely)."
Technologically superior Europe has
dominated the world for the past 400
years. She has tried to make all in her
own image and likeness. But no more.
The tide of Europeanisation is on the
But what will we of the Third World
add to the history of Man? What is the
task of revolution we will lead? These
are some of the questions we must seek
to answer.


Fanon, the Martiniquan
revolutionary, advised the "wretched of
the earth": "Let us decide not to
imitate Europe; let us combine our
muscles, and our brains in a new
direction. Let us try to create the whole
man, whom Europe has been incapable
of bringing to triumphant birth." And
Lloyd Best addressed a similar
injunction to us in Tapia No. 5:
Now that our society is breaking free
of the shackles of North Atlantic
domination and is trying to establish
itself on its own terms, we must reject
the assumption that the only pattern of
social and economic re-organisation is
the North Atlantic one. If the
emancipation of the colonized peoples
is to mean anything, it must be cast in
terms of fresh political theory and
philosophy, in terms of new frames of
social and economic organization, in
terms of new styles of being and living.
It is in devising these new forms that
we can see the true significance of
"black power". We can see its
significance in the inheritance of'
Afro-Asian traditions on which we are

SUNDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1971 Page 3

Chairman of Tapia

A**. ?

privileged to draw.
"Black-power" in the Caribbean
must mean drawing on this rich heritage
of humane community security,
drawing on it to transform the
degradations imposed by Europe, while
at the same time saving the noble strains
that we have undoubtedly gotten from
the European historical connection.
A new civilisation is the ultimate
task, brother, in the words of Fanon:
"For Europe, for. ourselves, for
humanity, comrade, we must turn over
a new leaf, we must work out new
concepts and try to set a foot a new

And what does all this mean for us
here in the West Indies, the area Naipaul
demeaningly described as the Third
World of the Third World? In an area
where people coming or being brought
from all regions of the earth, have been
thrown together. In an area where the
plantations with all its brutalities was
the nexus of social organisation. An
experience that we have all suffered
from in varying degrees, an experience
that has never made us a people, never
made us a nation. And so today the
region is once again breaking down as it
did in 1838 and 1938.
And it is our generation which is
saddled with the responsibility of
charting the new direction. It is we who
have to set population on to the new
road. It is we who must see that power
is put in the hands of the people.


But who are the people? it is a
question that we must answer for it is
fundamental to the whole idea of the
"Third World writing a history of its
own". It is fundamental to us, for the
whole experience of our colonial past
has made us a unique population East
Indians who are not East Indian,

Africans who are not African, Chinese
who are not chinese, Europeans who are
not European. The hitat has produced a
"Trinidadian", a "West Indian" and we
have got to identify what being a
"Trinidadian" or a "West Indian" is.
That is why Rodney said that "it is
not for the Black Power movement to
determine the position of the browns,
reds and so called West Indian whites,
the movement can only leave the door
open and leave it to these groups to
make their choice".


It seems to me that the choice is to
identify with and be part of the general
movement seeking to place human
values at the forefront. To introduce
equality, morality and justice into a
society beset with bribery and
corruption; it is a movement seeking to
re-establish the manhood of peoples
who have suffered the ravages of
European colonisation.
But it is the actions of men that will
decide their identification. Talk alone
cannot do it. Suspicion and a lack of
trust abound in this land and the
barriers can only be surmounted by
groups clearly deciding whether or not
they are the PEOPLE.
This is particularly so for the whites.
It is their responsibility to remove those
barriers that the civilisation has erected.
And they must do so on their own

Tapia then has always seen the
system as the enemy. And that is what
we have attacked. We have always
argued that we must see people as
people and we refuse to use the colonial
categories of discriminating in terms of
race, colour, occupation etc.
So for us the unconventional politics
"is not the politics of violence; it is
politics that insists on participation and
involvement. It is a politics that departs
from looking for a man and seeks
instead to change the system".
But as the brother said "change hard,
yes". That is for sure and we have to
face the fact that because we failed to
remove the regime in 1970 the task has
become even more difficult. The
counter revolution is in full play as the
old order deals its backlash.


The marches of 1970 indicated a
degree of commitment and sacrifice that
is seldom seen in the Caribbean. Men
marched miles in the blistering heat
simply because they saw the possibility
of a new life. There was no free rum, no
money rewards. That is the old politics.
What was happening, was that a new
man was emerging who was serious and
dedicated. The seed of revolutionary
change was germinating.
But the State aof Emergency stunted
its development and the backlash of
reaction is seeking to kill it once and for
all. The upsurge in drugsis appalling, as
is the significant increase iniEvangelists
coming from the Metropole. Drugs and
Cont'd on Page 10

RUM Royal Crown

& RUM bottled by



...~ ";r-"- a~s~l~;ist



are once again in the air. The
Government of the day persists
with the absurdity of trying to
prepare the country for local
government elections in a
situation where no local
government exists. Diego Martin is
just another one of the localities
where to search for local
government, is like trying to see
God's face.
Yet that will not deter the
campaigners from painting an all too
bright picture of the valley. The view
will be propagated that Diego Martin is
a thriving settlement, a daily advancing
community, whose people staunchly
uphold the virtues of a "law and order"
devoid of any social conscience!
Remember well! -They will point to
things like Diamond Vale, housing so
many families, its array of houses,
streets, it's school; and things to come
like the Diamond Vale Co-operative
venture whose first sod was turned to
meet the deadline of the May 24
elections; the new Junior Secondary
School now under construction; and the
new housing scheme now being let
down as part of the Master Plan for the
fertile lands of River Estate situated just
below the foothills of the celebrated
Patna Village.


"And to think all that was once
bush, lying on land without use," the
politicians would continue. For them all
this so-called modernisation means that
the natural resources of the country are
being exploited to their fullest. And
that is just what the Prime Minister
wants. Mayfair Knitting Mills, and the
garment industries tt testify to all this.
We are better off. Thanks to the P.N.M.,
they conclude.
But there is another view,
unofficial, and so far private which lie
deep in the hearts of true Diego
Martinians, even in many who are still
caught up with the fraudulent
pretensions of the P.N.M. These are the
people who are not too degraded to be
able to appreciate the sheer beauty of
the valley, and who carry in their minds
something of the rich heritage of the
place. To understand this is to
appreciate the significance of the
popular revolt led by Vic Marcano,
Gene Miles and others against P.N.M
authoritarianism, and central
government domination in May/June


They know some thing of the
history of the place. Patna Village, once
Coolie Bloc, is for them a symbol of
Indian-African unity. Many are still old
enough to remember when the
indentured workers, known then as
"bond coolie" were released from the
sugar and cocoa lands of River Estate in
the 1920's. They had to-live for the first
time among the Negroes in Patna
Village, and the St. Lticien Road
districts. Then untouched by the worst
of racial politics the picture was one of
harmonious living, of peoples working
and fishing together. They surmounted
the language barrier. The foremost
-indicator of the success of race
relationships there is the presence of a
few elder persons of African descent
who speak, with pride, fluent Hindu.


Such people, born and bred in the
valley, are literally jolted by the practice
of a modernisation which bulldozes
crops, trees and people from the land.
We in the Bamboo Group stand behind
these people. It is not that we don't
want change, that we are too
traditional. No, none of these things.
What we object to is the ruthless




4-~ "

c II/ _-
.-.. .

r- -.C "L
3"~ r,I,,
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PNM 'modernization' concrete and bricks on agricultural land

removal of people from the land by the
implementation of what must certainly'
be irrational planning. No organic sense
of the growth of a community is to be
seen, neither is there any rational
allocation of resources, namely lands, to
their most profitable use. What passes
for development in Diego Martin is
really a haphazard, slipshod
implementation of dis-jointed schemes
in one of the most outrageous cases of
contempt for local initiative and


You will see what we are talking
about, if you walk past Patna Village on
the North Post Road, and look down in
a southerly direction. The much
vaunted Diamond Vale Settlement looks
like a scab gripping the centre of the
valley, having no organic relationship
with it. Behind that settlement lies a
most appalling history of new-colonial
brutality and dispossession. That spells
disaster inflicted upon black people by
black people.


The area once represented a
settlement of people who led an
agricultural life. It comprises what was
once the Diamond, Richplain, and
Gookool Estates, including a number of
small holders. The area was roughly 360
acres. There may well have been'a little
over 100 settlers making a living off the
land, and renting from the owners at
roughly $9 per acre per year. They had
going for them a Diego Martin
Agricultural Association whose leading
lights included Scipio Mapp, and George
"Jajoo" Hosein.
Known for the richness and fertility
of its soil, the area yielded thousands of
pounds of tomatoes, yams, cassavas,
pumpkin, melongene, and numerous
heads of patchoi, lettuce and cabbage.
Ginger was known to thrive in the area
too. But that was not all. The land also
yielded grass of a quality which
sustained roughly 200 head of cattle

reared mainly for dairy purposes.
The area was developing nicely until
the gestation of P.N.M's concept of
Within five short years of their
coming to power the concept led them
to displace the people from the land so
as to produce the barren fruit of
Diamond Vale.


It all happened in 1961, and despite
the protests of the Agricultural
Association. It happened when the
settlement was ripe for a co-operative
venture based on real interests in the
community. But it was not possible
without stirring up racial strife between
the two, historically, most dispossesed
groups in the country. The elections
were in the air then; and in the rough
and tumble of electioneering the
protests got caught up in the barbarism
of the politics of the day. Agent
provocateurs of the P.N.M. were
unleashed on the community. Farmers
who were raising just demands for social
amelioration, were all, tout monde
bagai, branded as D.L.P. Ever since, a
weage has been driven between the two
At Independence this year Williams
had the nerve to talk about Trinidad,
being spared the worst excesses of racial
politics. The point is that despite all
that they have done to stir racial hatred,
the people have yet been spared these
excesses. Fanning the flames of race was
the major tool used by the P.N.M.
regime to unsettle farmers from the
land. For them the history of Patna
Village might never have been at all.


The experience for the farmer:
could not have been more brutal. The
political incumbents tried their best to
effect just compensation for the value
of the crops, and attendant losses.
Farmers asked to be settled in Bagatelle
where they could lead more or less the
same type of existence with much less
dislocation. But to no avail. Instead

they were given lands just below Patna
Village, with sufficient money to build
houses. Also offered were holdings,
about 17 in number, and roughly about
three acres each. Nine accepted. The
rest refused because the lands, were
largely suited to tree crops which they
had neither experience in caring, nor the
means to begin cultivating.


So it was in five years, central
government domination of the P.N.M
kind, and reckless planning brought an
end to over half a century of effort in
Diego Martin. It meant, for one, that
people were cut off from a means of
livelihood of income. In the light of
worsening job opportunities the
problem is even graver. Many still roam
the place looking for an odd job here
and there ... for jobs like watchmen
etc., which are completely alien to their
It meant too an end to the incipient
rise of Diego Martin as a supplier of
agricultural foodstuff for the city of
Port of Spain and the rest of the nation.
For it is well known that when the
supplies of the low lying areas in the
Central, and the South of the country
were destroyed by the perennial floods,
(which still greet the plains) the valley
of Diego Martin always came to the
rescue. Now that is all history. Diego's
potential for adding to domestic
supplies has been systematically
mutilated. What is all this talk of "going
back to the land?"
More, there has also been the
specific instance of a farmer and
exporter of ginger in Diego Martin, who
for three years 1965 to 1967 exported
the root to -North America. This came
to an end when officials at the new
Central Marketing Agency agreed to
export at a cheaper price, thus
underselling the farmer. We watch in
despair when achievements like these
simply go to nought, because they are
made despite the Government.

Quite apart from the impact of
social dislocation on ordinary lives, the
experience raises serious questions
about the competence of the
administrators who are supposedly
inspired by the policy of the men in
office. No planning, no zoning of the
area into its various allocations or
employment, no nothing. Just sheer
vaille-qui-vaille bulldozing of some of
the best agricultural lands in the
River Estate is the present case in
point. Unlike the settlement where the
Diamond Vale concrete slab now stands,
River Estate was mainly geared for
export agriculture. Cocoa then was the
main interest. The area comprising some
1,629 acres was leased to the Imperial
College of Tropical Agriculture 24 years
ago by the Colonial Government. It was
meant to be used mainly for research
into cocoa. It was part of the deal made
between Cadbury Brothers, chocolate
manufacturers in England, and the
Colonial regime for returning Ortinola
Estate in the Maracas Valley, to the
people of the country. Since the interest
of the industrial imperialists in Britain
had to be met, I.C.T.A. had to show an
interest in cocoa research. River Estate
may well be called an imperial state


Up to the 1st January, 1963 the
allocation of land was as follows:
Cocoa ... experimental 156 acres,
non-experimental 130; Citrus 20
acres; Tonka bean 16; Coffee 15;
Pastures 42; Yard, roads etc. 41
For the same year the cocoa crop
marketed through the Cocoa Planters
Association yielded $57,486 from a
crop of 97,618-lbs. One has only to
look at the output figures over the years
to appreciate the significance of River
The gradual fall in output was
caused by a combination of drought and




And from a plain brown
he'll draw butterflies...

THIS IS how Alfie Fraser begins
his poem entitled "John Coltrane
is dead" in Savacbu; 3/4. And this
Eric Roach cannot understand.
Read the, two lines again...
and again! Read the whole poem!
Then one can see the beauty and
And Roach finds it hard to respect
this kind of poetry.
Reviewing Savacou. 3/4 ,in the
Guardian on July 14, he says: "a poet
will not appear in each generation of
our tiny sea-bound clans, nor will a
good poem be written every day by
young would-be poets."


I can accept the latter point. The
former indicates a certain narrowness of
vision, a poetic elitism, that in these
small islands there can be few poets;
that the volume of poetry varies in
inverse proportion to the population.
To my mind, poetry, good poetry,
will come out of the emotional make-up
of all human beings. In times of
revolutionary stress man must write and
sing of his state of flux. In an area like
the Caribbean which has always been in
a state of flux .... from one frying pan
into another fire..... there will be this
reflection of the trials of the times in
the literature; music and art of the
Torn from his African village, bribed
away from his Indian home, lost because
of the perversion of his ancestor's role,
the Caribbean man, in one way or
another is trying to put forward the ase
for a new man.


And because of this, there will at
times be excesses of rhetoric. Blackness
may sound extra angry and bitter at*
times, but this is good. It is only
through people of the region being
honest with one another that a new
society will come. Each, super-stricture
hangs on only by the economic threads
holding the sub-cultures, or rather
distinct cultures which exist side by
And this agony in the society must
be reflected in the poetry.
Yet Roach takes it upon himself to
discard the new poetry as
fanaticism."Fanaticism in writing
produces pamphleteers and marching
song for revolution' ...
Fair enough. the man has a right to
think that way about revolutionary
literature. But then he continues: "Art
is outside -the fanatics' scope because it
engages the whole man, the totality of
his life and his experience ...It draws
from his past, which is his tribalhistory
and his nurture.... It offers meaning to
the bewildering experience of the
present and opens new trails into the
figure; "
But, this is exactly what is being
done in Savacou 3/4 by the many poets
and writers in the region. They are
pampheleteering and writing mardhfing
iign 'for revolution. They re offering
meaning to the bewulderinr e&xpeience-
of the present post-i'ndependence
dependence in terms of sllavry awd
b _ekns s Hence Adm Kmilt gfss "Mcorlier
to cNud'
gip,&kcMz wipeyw eye
VlwBtitsu mi .....
A ,tifkym ....

7b,,f lia. h SMalwnin.,tt,
fitfh4/5 Siftis: ta dhnnriuivt W ilfWVi

W 'aw^, ~B~arh t~an Ripirtt aiurt triht,,


HAD WE been living in the world of Milton's Paradise Lost, it
might have been possible to ignore the irony of Satan's
grandiose councils and elaborate speeches, the antics of a man
at the end of his tether, trying to reclaim a world long lost
him. In fact, like Satan, we too would have been victims of the
grand delusion. But this is Trinidad andTobago and we are not
all devils on the lakes of hell, and many of us must question
the schemes of the Grand Vizer. It is in this light that we must
examine the formation of the cultural councils of art, drama,
handicraft etc, and ask the necessary question: can they
achieve anything? :
If after 14 years of virtually ignoring, or applying
superficial, disjointed remedies to the cultural problem here,
the government wants us to give them the benefit of the doubt
- to think that they genuinely want a new order there must
be those of us who will find this concession impossible.
Any serious government trying to take the lead in the
building of a new world, in the striving to, recreate a social
order, a new understanding, must realise that the essence of
the change would not be electoral or even constitutional
reform, but the emancipation of the lifestyle changing the
habits of the people in the society. And they would know that


grammatically, the river 6f man knows
discourse, not their course:. .
But this is exactly the problem of
that generation of poets and critics.
Everything must be in "perfect" order.
He speaks of "controlled emotions...
Ohe must erect one's own bungalow by
the sed out of the full knowledge of the
architecture of English places and
cottages." "
In fact what Roach is really lo6oing
for when he speaks of g6od' V ers and
Bad verse is a creole Eliot.
We can see the critic's outlook also'
when he describes the n9fW poetry as
having "the artificiality f a' ga04
carnival headpiece made fot the ffftidi
gra and intended for the& AIdSie 6&n'
Asli Wednesday...


6 te is' 6 so atrtF kjir P'o" i* irrTivA1

it+.~lY .: ....... ltt6 m~l+

gr ti i 1 i( s I Mt a4es9 AP" ime trliwe LLa

IIttais aa l 'sranrct l lsutseless-1 t(at tiIre

11 ii ffat 1-ttbiia twtlt
lteF s xmlll osmjihue tb tibz tttlllbA


this change cannot be imposed, formulated or else; it is
something for which we can only prepare the ground.... and
let it grow. So we can initiate this or that, foster, adapt,
expose the people through the means at our disposal to the
vision of something new and better.
This is why it is hard to believe that the establishment of
cultural councils is anything but a political expedient. After
the initial impetus if any of the first few meetings, would
this body of hastily chosen people not face the frustrating task
of working on so delicate a theme without knowing each other
well and without, I am sure, having some notion of what the
government would like them to do?
Here they are, faced with the task of thinking up proposals
for a government which in the past has given n6 lead for
change in the cultural scene. The cultural councillors are sure
to be faced with the contradiction of their ideas by the reality
of the world around. These artists must be sense a
certain example from their government, they must feel that
what they propose is understood, and marks a step forward, a
continual step forward in some proposed direction.
For instance, how would the government adapt to one of,
says Walcott's or McBurnie's schemes to use the theatre afresh,

to adequately and fundamentallyy
so as to expose and highlight aspects of
the society for praise or blame, when
television would continue to remain a
hangup of North American cowboy and
Indian films, and radio a world of
Doctor Pauls and Peyton Placers? The
view of life with which we are presented
through these media is one seen through
American or European eyes; the
advertisements we watch, the prejudices
and habits that become ingrained in us
day after day are alien to- us, serving
only to increase the contradictions in
our behaviour.


Even if television were to be
developed seriously for local drama,
scenario and commentary, what would
the government do for the cinema
which is still the largest entertainment
industry in the country? Would the film
censors still preoccupy themselves solely
with how much sex there is in the film,
or would they look for a certain quality
above the repetitive westerns, the
weep-on-my-shoulder stories or
pornography? There would be no
guarantee that the old practices would
cease and that, rather, films would be
chosen with the aim in mind of
elevating the psyches of the people. We
may yet have to be deluged with those
bawling and singing fantasies imported
from India but which bear no relation
to the real condition of the Indian
Fourteen years of old talk have gone
by and nothing has been done. Would
these things happen in the fifteenth
year? The point is that the work of the
councils is bound to end on notes of
frustration; -they wouldd be pricking
ineffectually at tie culture whei it
continues to be bolstered in other Ways
through other influeiices. No se9ious
work can go on unless fhe task is viewed
in totality. At least not as a government
scheme. Television, the school's, iadio,
the libraries must all play their If-t in
the work.

25 &AiE.Mf I4
Suitings Ctli Foti, '.
Trdl- 6~4909,97.1..

in the La Basse, but for different
reasons: for the same reasons that artists
find it hard to make a living in the
place, that .no piper pays to hear
another pipe.
But that is another story.
The poetry of the Caribbean must be
the poetry of the spoken word, the
so-called veriaicular.
And soe Bongo Jerry can bear
company with Walcott and Company,
and I sincerely hope that thesepoetswho
R6ach is so' ertraptured with, do not
think like thc critic. They too may be
doing a good' jf6,.ici' tb way they know
bdsi .but so is Sitnley Reid, when he
concludes his "Procession''.
It tIha been long walk for
uS. t o hundred veari.
three hundred and .gxrtv five
d: ars rrt the ara of two iteps
'h lOir i r eciti dfrec'ncwi
I now re.: rkolt rla tweve
rmd tterw:ni, n di, -hund ed
.ndr twenry-e brf stepr
and \e c ,mt ,i ,rop no*.


IOi i : LL*,i& W IW "&F4

iib t .-i^ .-

'age 6

THE DRAG" is a tableauif some of the most teasiiig contradictions
a the society; In thaf`part of Frederick Street, designated the nation's
oremost commercial centre, one can see existing side by side an
ordered plaza of modern shopping houses, and. a teeming bazaar of
tawkers, vendors, salesmen of one kind or another, and at times,
SS It's free enterprise if not freedom
Sof movement. Big department. stores,
and on .the pavement the smaller fry -
the sellers of nuts, newspapers, fruit, the
Tourist Annies and now the "Drag
Brothers" offering sandals, belts and a
range of handicraft and footwear. On
S" Fridays and Saturdays the air of
f bustling, business activity contrasts with
L "the elegant, refined idleness of the
"- limers, the dandies and the posers.
But how free isithis enterprise,
really? Every now and- then and
especially at Christmas when business is
best the police embark on one of their
S :"campaigns" to rid the pavements of
..,,.-v,.: c vendors. .One remembers that telling
-.. photograph in the press of the Police
tl Commissioner being feted to-a Lebanese. the businessmen. And the.
"Drag :Brothers" who were recently
arrested can make the connection.
"The Drag" was once .a subversive
"S^ ^term. It embodied the illegal affection a-
i r; t new generation had developed for
A-%j displaying themselves -.on; Frederick
f ? Street, being part of the month-ebd or
S weekend crush and participating in the



total theatre that is Frederick Street -
even with the Black Maria waiting in the
wings. In the late sixties this new
generation came on the scene, conscious
of what they felt were their rights, and
not ashamed to assert their presence at
stage centre, so to speak.
Elemerits of that new mood dared to:
suggest that the name he changed from:
Frederick to Stokely Carmichael Street.
They essayed to take possession of "The
Drag" by sheer weight of numbers and.
bravado. Exulting in the power they
felt, they swept through the area with
flags and banners and in an upsurge of
anger one day, they smashed the
glasscases and went home.
Since then, no more demonstrations
of that kind. "Whereas it is provided by
section 59 (1) .(c .. I,SOLOMON
HOCHOY, Governor General as
aforesaid in pursuance of the powers
conferred upon me ... and of all other
powers thereunto enabling me, do
hereby proiibit an' procession..."
The"' movement, they say, has gone
- underground. The. revolution: has- been
Has it? Just look around. .Frederick
Street is still the arena, -and the
demonstrations continue. You'll see the
limers are still there, defying'a "law and
order" they know is' brutal in its
prosecution and discriminatory in its
choice of violators. They see
businessmen go unharmed for littering
the sidewalks while they run the risk of
being arrested and beaten for
blackanizing "The Drag." They
remember the heavily armed policemen
patrolling the area and the dogs they
brought with them. And they know that
for the most part it is black business on
SFrederick Street which has to squat on
the pavement.

What do you
get when you
Fall in Love

b,- r~dif. r -SS ..

) ".

r 9

* .. MRBBE~r i ^^

~ ~~.- w~')~~r~~~

,* 1

~~BP -21- ---r-j
J- -"

Brother used to be a subersive term,
too. It connoted the surge of a new
understanding of self in relation to
other people. As Lloyd Best said in an
interview with the Express last year, it
heralded a new age in which there were
no longer "ladies and gentlenmei", only
brothers-and sisters. Like "Comrade" it
' is ideologically significant, and its
coming into use as a way of addressing
one another portended change of a kind
that people who neither understood nor
desired it were disposed to fear To say
"brother" or to hear somiieone say it and
not feel upset was to concede something
to the new movement, and more
frightening, to the hordes 'of young
black fellers, the shock troops, who
stunned the city. Or it would be to

E *

Is self-help

S From Page 4
disease (ceratocytis). The next thing we
know was that in, 1966 a decision was
taken to close down River Estate
because of rising operational costs. Two
years were allowed for a phasing out
programme. Closed in July 1968, the
estate has been allowed to ruin.

Having retrieved control, the central
government is at. it.again., In 1971 "we
hear that the National Housing
Authority has begun bulldozer
operations. The idea is another housing
scheme, for whom we don't know? Are
they planning to seize good agricultural
lands? This time the people of. Diego
Martin and all those. who care for
rationality in the. planning of our
country must take their stand.
In doing so. we inust understand
that urbanisation of any community,
without plan, carries with it costs well
above that for developing areas, in order
to construct houses. Urbanisation and
modernisation for them to be
meaningful, mist be organically grafted
on to the community. The erection'of
Diamond Vale, as an 'example, has
meant first and foremost, that fertile
land has been mis-allocated for a use less
than its optimum allocation would
yield; it has spelt the loss ofjobs, and of
employment opportunities; it has meant
the destruction of a vital source of
supplies of domestic foodstuffs; it has
meant, as a consequence, the worsening
of the ability of the country to achieve
self-sustenance. The aggravation of
drainage and transport problems (so far
as no transport policy exists) are also
attendant consequences. These are some
of the real costs which the people of
Diego Martin, poor, ordinary, and black
must bear. We will evaluate all these in
good time.
Socially it meant the creation of a
new se, of divisive forces in the



acknowledge the existence of the
phenomenon. So that it is interesting to
read a release from the Prime Ministers.
PRO office earlier this month.,
"Discussions on re-locating the drag
boys, it is headed. Nowhere in the
release is used the term "Brothers" by
which they had become publicly
known, and indeed on two occasions
Sboys is written in inverted commas.
But there is another way of course to'
remain comfortable and untouched by
the powerfully unsettling moral message -
of the February Revolution. It is the
way in which, in Trinidad, it is possible
for the most exalted or profound
-, ii .

e answer .

community. _In thie tirst iNtance, the .
unsettling of those from. the land, and
their disposal elsewhere must .have.
destroyed the. quality.. of. the
relationships they had before. Then
followed the addition of a. host of
people with ,urban orientations,:
pre-occupations, and..t.stes. Having-no
kinship vihl the rest of
the majority are in fact psychologically
rootless, and therefore less likely. to be.. the needs of the valley. '
Even, withinp the Diamond Vale
settlement only the most primitive likely to be predominant. In
situations where the sense; of-.
dispossesssion is bound to be great, the
act of acquiring a house (even when
paid for) is like fulfilling a great dream.
And the concern n of dwellers, within the
short run, is hardly likely to wander too
far beyondthe four walls.and the parcel
6f land upon which'it stands. .


What- is more the urgency, of
political patronage-. makes -of almost ;:
very social amenity, a political resource
fo be acquired only with the greatest
ack-scratching. .To this urgency,,
rational., government,..and serious
planning a-re increasingly made
.ubordinate. .This coupled With the long
ine :of.applicants must' surely make.
them thankful for small mercies. Such
peoplee ..are most _prone to political
STo forestall these grave tendencies
,ye call on the people of Diego Martin to
insist on the following short term
demands: -
i. THAT there sbe an immediate
halt to the implementation of
plans g.eared_ to., transform,
previous, or good agricultural
land into' 'uses other than
2, THE zoning of the ward of
Diego Maring into a
classification based on land use
i.e. .-agriculture;- industry, and
S housing, before further
Sbulldozing of the lands.

sentiments to become debased,- to
become meaningless after a time, or to -
denote only the simplest aspect ot its
n mejning..-'What halshappened .now. is
that a new categoryjlfitogether has been
created the "brother", whether "on
the block" or on the "Drag" it implies
an essential condescension and the
intention to patronize. A brother is now
someone else, most likely with plaited
hair wearing sandals and a bolero shirt,
young, black and unemployed.

It is ironic (but significant) that the
Church whose central. doctrine is the
brotherhood of iann should now be
struggling desperately to regain some:
relevance among those people who gave
a new meaning and a new dynamism
into the concept. Their efforts are
hardly less futile than the antics and
protestations of those other sections of

w ,i

an effete establishment to 'reestablish
some semblance of bond fides.
On jany Saturda. morning on the,
Drag you.can see a little crowd around:a.
group of young evangelists insisting
through plaques on their chest and soul
sermons and soul singing that "Christ is
the answer". The strategy is cast in the
same vein as the PNM's "Expression".
("So young people like soul and pop
...we'll give them a soul show or a
Woodstock and catch them with that.")
This is not to deny that there may be
people in the Church \ ho are sincere
arid want to do something to correct the
historical heritage of dispossession and
degradation of black people. But we
have to assess their efforts in the
context of the disposition of the entire
church. What's the use of the
Archbishop's brother giving up his job

Or Christ?

3. THAT the following surveys be
undertaken by the relevant
institutions of the central
(a) The number of persons
earning income from the
(b) The past and present
potential of Diego Martin
as a supplier of produce,
for both local and export
consumption. Its potential
for job-creation in
(c) The identification and
isolation of all possible
agricultural land.
(d) The: age distribution of
unemployment. :
(e) The assessment of land
values in agriculture,
industry and housing ..
_4. THE resificti :6f lioousing to
S land unisitable for agricultural
pursuits, and
5.' THE reafforestation o'f the hills''
of Diego Martin where


These demands, we hope, will form
the basis, for brilging"'an end to the
following iniquitious tendenciess:,
"'(i) the social dislocations produced
by' the nrhitrar displacement'
of people, involving a loss of
their means of livelihood, and
the creation of an increasing
lack of a sense of
community.. itself a serious
psychollogical dei-i ie'n'cy,
(ii) Housifig schemes geared-iiainly
to serve the needs of political
(iii)The onward march of
bulldozers and concrete jungles
as -the. Worst *features 'of the
S P.N.M's conception of
modernisation and social
(iv) The ruthless disregard for a
fundament-al -principle of-
economics. and by extension.

the popular welfare of the
people, in so far as good
agricultural lands everyday, and
everywhere are being
increasingly committed to
either crops, or uses other than

Page 7
to go and work in the Laventille hills
among some other "brothers" when the
Monsignor is living m-a grand, upper
class mansion and the Church remains
one :'of the' biggest landowners here
operating just like a metropolitan
corporation; its grand edifices all about
the. place a clerical expression of
conspicuous consumption?
In addition, the Servol enterprise
betrays all the crass insensitivity of the
so-called service clubs. It was established
in a fanfare of publicity and continues
unceasingly to trumpet abroad all its
"achievements" through a sophisticated
public relations campaign. One has to
concede thit in the nature of initiatives
of this kind some kind of publicity ma\
be useful in stimulating interest and
getting assistance.
But Fr. Gerry.Pantin can convince no
one that ,the Church is so poor or so
without influence that -he- needs to
continue a "Neediest Cases Fund" type
of exercise. The poor, black "brothers"
whom he claims he wishes to help must
sense this that they're being used for
political purposes, to restore'the image
of the Church.
All of this must make one
contemptuous of the crocodile tears
being shed over the plight of the "Drag
Brothers". It was outrageous that they
should .be .there in the first place.- It
indicates all ,one. would wish to know
about unemployment,, the .:whole
question of black disposs'ession, and the
.emptiness of the official undertaking to
champion the cause of black dignity and
self-help.' If those :people movedi'to
'speak out" in admiratioi-or defence of
the "Drag Brothers"' had got the point
about what; :the new "brotherhood"
implies thdy would never have had to
ply their trade in such demeaning and
undignified circumstances at all.

agriculture, ..hich cannot
produce the greatest social
good; and
(v) Above all, irrational
and haphazard planning.
Take care of River Estate now!



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_".. ,

Cricket: Queen's Park




THE YEAR 1960 is a landmark in
Trinidad history almost as much
as 1970. The place was the
splendid Queen's Park Oval on a
bright sunny day. It was a fine day
for cricket. But, what we didn't
realize, it was:going to: be a fine
day for politics also. The occasion
drew out as on any day of Test
Cricket emissaries from all the
social groupings. The Caronians,
Laventillians, the Stingoites,
Mapleites, Sh annonians
Shramrocks and Casual-ties were
all there in their "providential"-
places in grounds, concrete, ladies
and members stands.
That-day umpire LeeKow
unwittingly' ignited an explosion the
debris from which still litters the cricket
arena. The debris is not the
"hooliganism" of the time or the
"shame" people think we must live
down but rather the crown colony way
all our institutions from government
to village council operate.

Since the turn of the century the
Queen's Park Cricket Club have -been
the managers of cricket. In that capacity
they have -made the biggest single
contribution to. the organisation of
cricket. That is, organisation that now;
exists at Inter-territorial and Test level.
For we'can't overlook the contribution
that came from a parallel minor league
movement. The existence -of these
parallel movements -;in local cricket
draws us close to the root causes of the
1960 explosion. It is symptomatic:of
the volatile social antagonisms of a
colonial society the conflict between
coloniser and colonised.'


C.L.R. James points out in'
"Beyond A Boundary" that the British
could not operate the colony by.remote
control;it had to have its agents here.
Queen's Park is one of them. Locals
whether Africans, Europeans or Indians
: .ho have allied themselves with colonial
interests have met the same fate the
rejection by the majority of people
materially dispossessed by colonialism. I
have used the term materially
dispossessed because pn a psychological
level all factions the colonisers,
middle management colonisers and the
colonised have all been dispossessed.
This dispossession created a superiority
complex in 'the coloniser and an
inferiority complex in the colonised.
The middle manager is a tragic mixture
of both.
Secondly, the minor league
movement has not really changed the
rules of proceeding; philosophically, it
operates in the same way as Queen's
Park with some modifications. For one

thing as minor leagues are more
intimately connected with-the localities
the resulting scrutiny places checks on
its leaders. If a man used to-run around
bare bamsee with you as a child he can't
play thing for you. To my mind, it is
material dispossession that has turned
out to be life saving factor since it
generated movement which is generally
nonexistent among those who do well
within the system.

The paradox that now arises is why
a minority succeeds in dominating a
majority. It is a paradox that is easy to
explain. There are two main pillars on
which the oligarchy rests. They are
constitutionalism and a respect for law
nurtured by a subversive educational
system. That is, oppressive law which is
screwing all of us.
Within Queen's Park doctor politics
find" its: complete expression. The
leadership of Queen's Park has been

shall give due notice to the members
which shall not be less than twoweeks
before the date of the meeting. No
addition alteration or amendment to the
Constitution and rules shall be made
unless the same at a duly constituted
meeting of the Council and carried by a
vote of at least two thirds of the
members present and voting."


Moreover the' TCC, in spite of its
name, is not national either
geographically or philosophically. It is a
Port of Spain/San Fernando operation.
The 'eastern and central areas, where
cricket is most intensive, are
unrepresented. The reason implicity
advanced for this exclusion illustrates
the epitome of Queen's Park contempt.
The annual Beaumont cup cricket
classic which until 1969 was exclusively
a north/south affair was extended to a
four-way knockout series between
north, south, east and central. The
obvious follow-up to such an extension
would be to allow some measure of
representation for the Eastern and
Central areas. Instead,-at the same

6,1- ,: -,

Forward defensive in Las Lomas.... too "backward"
for representation in TCC.

unchanged for 37 years and Queen's
Park dominates the Trinidad Cricket
Council. The council is composed of the
following members-
(a) The president of Queen's Park
cricket club is ex officio
president of the Trinidad
Cricket Council.
(b) Eight members of Queen's Park
nominated annually by the
management committee of the
club, four of whom shall be
chosen to represent the north
and four to represent to the
(c) Two persons who are not
members of Queen's Park.
nominated by the President
after consultation with the
other members of the council.
(d), The secretary of Queen's Park
is ex officio the secretary of the
To crown it off clause (25) reads-
"Any member ,having any addition
alteration or amendment to propose to
.the Constitution and rules of the
Council must forward the same in
writing to the secretary at least one
month prior to the meeting at which he
proposes to move such addition,
alteration or amendment. The secretary

meeting when the decision was taken,
an amendment to the constitution was
made allowing for increased
representation of the management of
the council one more representative
from the north and south zones of the
Umpires Association.


To fix the point, at the annual
presentation function of the central
cricket council at Brechin Castle,
Jeffrey Stollmeyer had some relevant
things to say, and the Guardian reported

on Wednesday March 24 as follows:
"The cricket talent in central
Trinidad was highly recognized.
;He said: 'This is borne out by the
S.fact that a central zone have been
added to the annual Beaumont
classic fixture.'
He went on: 'There has been a
suggestion to form a central zone of
the TCC but I think that everything
will come in time. We have to
maintain standards. At the moment
it might he a little premature but
when time warrants it will come
Stollmenyer's speech is
representative of the Queen's Park view
of people outside its exclusive preserve.
When he says "we have to maintain high
.standards" he is .suggesting that the
others are still too backward. They are
not sufficiently mature, reminiscent of
Ellis Clarke's repugnant speech on
television during the republic debate.


In illustrating the point about the
exclusion of the rural areas I could
easily have chosen the-eastern-counties
but the Indian cricket tour this year
makes it necessary to highlight the
district which is predominantly East
Indian. The official exclusion of Caroni
from the TCC characterises the
relationship between the rural Indian
community and the establishment. It
was not surprising that local Indians
supported India in the way' that they
did. The superficial judgements one
came across at the conclusion of the
series was that Indians are hostile to the
society. But, wasn't last year a
demonstration of hostility to the
society on the part of Africans? Both
demonstrations were manifestations of
the same spirit. Indians and Africans are
not prepared to kowtow to the old
order anymore. The election result
clinches the point. The PNM and DLP
were both rejected in Gandhian fashion
by the majority of the population. A
nation is born.


The task ahead is to bring the
parallel movements in local cricket into
a single stream so that they will
mutually sustain each other. We will
need a national body to organise
Inter-territorial and Test cricket and
small leagues in the communities to
throw up talent for a national league.
Within a genuine national system a
partisan interest may have immense
influence but it ought to be influence
that derives from moral authority and
on terms acceptable to all. What is
repugnant is the type of constitutional
gangsterism that now exists.





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156A Eastern Main Road
Barataria 638/3223
500 Eastern Main Road
Arouca 664-5256
102 A Sutton St.
San Fernando652-3104

SUNDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1971 Page 9

BOOK REVIEW:. Last Cool Days by John

JOHN STEWART eludes the classification "West
Indian writer". His is a New World
consciousness, his perspective that of the
African in the Americas.
In the comparatively short but fecund history of West
Indian literature, we find that in general the West Indian
writer's consciousness is formed, or at any rate matured,
by a sojourn abroad. His perspective is determined not
alone by the experience of his youth in the West Indies.
Usually the place of exile has been Britain, the Old
World, a setting in which the memory of the West Indies
could remain in fairly sharp focus, since there was little
here with which his West Indian experience could be
assimilated and become entangled.
John Stewart's place of exile has been the USA,
where he has lived since 1955. Unlike Britain in the era
when the "classical" West Indian writers were being
formed there, the USA has a black presence as deeply
entrenched as that of the island community in which
John Stewart grew up, with a fundamental similarity of
historical experience, although their respective situations
may not coincide in detail.
Last cool Days hovers between black North American
and Caribbean reality, or rather is a consummation of
our parallel history. The physical setting is unmistakably
Caribbean white sun, sudden rain at
midday, drowsy hypnotic afternoons;
mountains covered with dense green
wooliness, canefields newly cut; the .4
permanent awareness of the sea.
But the violence and the overtness of
the black hero's involvement with the t .5 .
white overlord is not typical of the '*"
Caribbean. Our obsession is more
insidious, far less externalized. For
whereas in the USA the black man lives
under a very concrete and
uncomfortable majority white presence, ''*
in the islands the white man is relatively '
invisible. Involved we are with him, but .
it is not his direct presence which '
preoccupies us, as Marcus is intensely
preoccupied with the "Redfaces";
England has colonized us from a
distance, and we remain involved with a
physically remote whiteness.


This is not an adverse criticism of
Stewart's book. What he has done is to
enlarge the historical context-of the
Caribbean blackman. He has given us a
wider area of identity a very logical
trend, and one which may well become
an important strand of West Indian
writing. The book may be situated in
that tradition which stretches from
Marcus Garvey to Stokeley Carmichael,
the tradition of the merging of
Caribbean and black American
consciousness into a new whole.
Stewart's Marcus thirsts after wholeness,
dreams of undertaking a voyage to
Africa and Europe to gather in all the
.scattered parts of his being. And then he
discovers America:
the discovery of another land to which
I was spirit bound, so that the
envisioned journey to collect all
fragments of.the self into a single whole
took on a revised direction the USA,
West Africa, Madrid, Marseilles,
Liverpool .... this discovery that the
stepping-off point to a full self was not
so distant after all.
Where the shift of perspective works
against the effectiveness of this literary
works in the disconcerting impact of
the characters' speech. As we have
noted, the physical context is decidedly
Caribbean, so it is a little disturbing to
hear villagers of the Trinidad cane-belt
expressing their thoughts in American
dialect; but this might be an attempt to
merge Caribbean and American speech
into a synthesis which would be free of
geographical particularity, an attempt at
stylization of speech.


For the book is more of an epic or
dramatic poem than a novel in the
naturalistic tradition. There are many
long passages of anonymous dialogue
having the function of dramatic
choruses, collective abstract voices
rather than identified individuals
speaking voices from a batch of
convicts herded together in a corridor of
Carrera prison while a storm rages about
the rock; old men assembled in a
rum-shop pronouncing on the War and
Slavery and Marcus Garvey; a chorus of
villagers gathered under the hanging
body of a young suicide. And from
beginning to end the language is acutely
poetic; the poetic tension is sustained
throughout, in describing sordidness,

.beauty, meaninglessness, idealism,
ugliness, aching pleasure all are
transmuted into an intense, bitter-sweet
aesthetic experience:
I sat and watched him go by twice,
each time with the darkness wrapped
tight around his lights and the tumble
of his aggressive engine dying into a
distant moan, leaving the night once
again to the dogs, some scolding
mother, a crying child. Village voices.
The honky dance band; but before
that, distant voices harmonized in
sweet lament from the church. And at
times I sang a phrase or two with them
becuase I knew the airs and words to
every hymn they raised. And even after
church was over, and the grand-mothers
in their shawls had gone by, pocking
home in their square-heeled shoes, the
music they had helped make at the
church still hovered in the air, coming
back again behind Anthony's
mechanical rumble, coming back,
lingering like a melodic echo about the
village even after the dance band struck
up, lifting a melancholy echo behind
the bright brass.
There are characters who become
figures of legendary stature, personages
intensified and abstracted into forces
acting upon the hero (not unlike the
personages encountered along the
journey of Bunyan's Pilgrim or any
other epic traveller-hero) the
Grandfather, the Tutor, the Gambler,
the Undertaker.


The book employs the literary device
of inevitability; in the first chapter the
hero, dressed symbolically in a spotless
white suit, receives a life sentence with
equanimity, aloofness. His aloofness and
imperturbability survive a harrowing
trip to Carrera, to an isolated cell; the
chapter ends with Marcus' death in a
storm in the Bocas. Here the detached
Reporter leaves us; the narrative moves
into the first person. We are sucked into
the hero's tortured consciousness, and
follow him from his boyhood down the
violent precipitous path to his end.
John Stewart considers it the duty of
the writer to interpret the forces of
society for the members of that society.
Marcus' grandfather is determined that
his grandson should one day write "a
book of truth" for the black man:
... he harped on that from the first
day he moved me into his house: Black
man needs a book of truth about
Marcus Shepard (Shepherd-Leader-

Prophet) is convinced that to sidecover
his truth he must set out opon an
Odyssey to find and gather in all parts
of his fragmented being; until this
achieved he is incomplete, undefined,
Walk ... but how? How shall I walk
... How shall I walk in peace? What
shall I do first of all with my eyes?...
If I were not a black man, would I have
such great difficulty finding a peaceful
style in which to walk?
For Marcus rejects what the poet Aime
Cesaire calls "the old Negritude":
J Je dis hurrah! mon grandpere
meurt, je dis hurrah! la vieille negritude
progressivement se cadaverise...(Aime
.... I say hurrah! my grandfather is
dying, I say hurrah! slowly the old
negritude stiffens into a corpse...
Marcus rejects the resignation, the
submission, the moral decay of "the
I want survival, but not their kind. ...
if he were not in the way, he and all the
other grandfathers who sweated out
their lives in fear, with a trust in
vengeance, if they with their vengeful
glances at the white man's back but
tucked in heads when he approached
were not in the way, I could reach up
and be more than just a man a hero.
A hero like his alter ego Anthony, the
white overseer's son, who by proxy
comes into the fulfimment of one after
another of Marcus' thwarted dreams -
material comfort, the enjoyment of a
woman to whom they both aspired,
voyages over the ocean, the glory of
being sent to fight in the War.
Anthony and Marcus grow up
together locked in an intense love-hate













struggle, their identities merge, are
interchangeable. Marcus desires
Anthony's death in a magic lantern
show in the church he identifies
Anthony with the picture of Absalom
hanging by his hair from the tree, dead
at the hands of the "grim bearded
assailant", and immediately transposes
their roles:

I quivered, then cried. I should never
grow a beard to fall upon my chest, nor
grow hair long enough to wrap around
the boughs of an oak. Yet knowing I
was the same as one or the other,
bearded or long-haired; knowing
Anthony, adoze as he was in the first
pew beneath the pulpit was one or the
other too.
Events build up to his savagely
murdering Anthony. An act of suicide.
Hille, a white American girl with whom
Marcus has maintained, a perfunctory
relationship, more symbolic .than
passionate, is present at the killing; she
suffers shock and has a miscarriage. She
describes to Marcus afterwards how the
sight of Anthony's blood flowing caused
her to haemmorrhage; she has lain side
by side in the ambulance with
Anthony's bleeding body while the
blood of Marcus (Marcus' son) flowed
from her. Anthony's bastard lives its
mother is the black woman who was the
object of their rivalry from their early
youth. John Stewart, the poet, executes
an intricate and arresting pattern 'of


Marcus' Odyssey aborts, even as
Marcus Garvey's "Black Star Line"
never sent a single ship across the
Atlantic to Africa, never fulfilled his
dream of ferrying black Americans back
to their homeland. The furthest the
hero goes on his journey is on a rickety
launch, a convict among doomed
convicts sent out in a storm to rescue
cargo from a ship. Marcus is drowned
right in the Bocas, right on the
threshold between his own Gulf of Paria
and the Atlantic which was to take him
to Africa and Europe.
But in this drama where loving is
hating, the doomed criminal is "a truly
free man", and in the very final words
of the book "losing is winning", the
hero's death is not necessarily defeat.
Marcus stands his ground to the last; he
has not betrayed his aspiration to
purity, he has not compromised himself.
To the end he remains proud, upright,
indifferent to his impending doom,
uncontaminated by the despair around
him. this miniature journey, though it
will end in death, will yet be survival,
"survival, peace, a healed soul".
Marcus Garvey is the father of the
entire movement of black America
towards rehabilitating its shattered ego
through a deepening of its historical
perspective. Marcus Shepard, lonely,
idiosyncratic hero, is another prophet
along the way (the 1940s to 1950s) of
the black man in the New World
gathering his spiritual resources rewards
a new resurgence.
John Stewart has recently returned
to the United States after a stay of
about a year in Trinidad. One looks
forward eagerly ato whatever this
re-immersion in Caribbean reality will
have stirred in him. Already he has
achieved an impressive work, rich in
symbolism and levels of meaning.
Already he has found and .mastered his
own idiom, a powerful, confident
language. John Stewart is an asset to our
literary tradition, Caribbean or


Page 10 SUNDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1971


From Page 3
religion, props to blow the minds of the
Moreover all the perspectives for a
new society coming from the PNM have
no meaning here; for the PNM is the
complete expression of the old colonial
politics. At a time when seriousness and
hard work, dedication and sacrifice are
essential if we are to build the nation,
their campaign was excursions to
Moruga and Mayaro, free rum, free roti,
free pan "fete for so". Attempting to
bramble the population with frivolity. It
is the same scene on the blocks -
promises of pans and projects. The most
vulgar type of colonial politics.
Combined with political bribery are
police harassment and intimidation.
Julian Kenny comes to speak at the
Tapia House on "The Fishing Industry
in Trinidad and Tobago" and in no time
the Security arm of the Police Force is
checking to find out what he was doing
at TAPIA. But what is important about

the role of the Police Force is that it is
being used in the same way as the
colonials used it black men to keep
their brothers in check by force.
So that subversion is rife. The
government without any moral
authority and without trust must resort
to bribery and force to stay in power.
They can give no direction to the
country. That is why all their
manoeuvres The Constitution
Commission, the Education Conference,
"National Dialogue", "National
Reconstruction" etc. are doomed to


For even though there is an air of
despondency today a feeling of
hopelessness people are still looking
for the new direction. That is why
Raffique Shah's speech made such an
impact. It struck a chord in the hearts
of people from every walk of life.

Simply because Shah stood on principle
and argued for morality. Courage and
truth be exhibited in a society that dem
say knows only corruption. But he
became the hero:
And we all know whom the government
decorated. Shah in fact represents the
new Trinidadian, the new man and the
regime has given its answer -jail for 15

On reflection, therefore, what we
must realise is that because in 1970, we
failed to remove the regime, the counter
attack of reaction has made the task
more difficult. If then we are serious
about change, if in fact we intend to
have real participatory politics and a
genuinely humane society then we have
now to throw our full capacity to the
wheel of revolutionary struggle.
In assessing the movement in general
and ourselves in particular, therefore,

we must also look inward to answer the
question whether we are doing what we
say is needful. And we can derive no
great satisfaction from the fact that the
new movement is to some extent
pervaded by old, discredited ways of
proceeding. That the hard work
prescribed by the.many too often is left
to be implemented by the few.


It is one thing to talk about change.
It is something else to change. In
Trinidad where political movements
have always wallowed in
self-righteousness, it is clear that the
process of change demands critical, even
painful, self-analysis. It is fitting in
conclusion to recall an observation we
made in the first issue of this paper two
years ago: ... "by putting past
achievements in their historical context,
we will learn charity, humility and even
generosity. These are attributes we are
going to need in particularly large
measure when we come to assume the

Grenada-Gairy's Isle of Spies

"TODAY the Grenadian
policeman knows that by his
efforts in stamping out the
attempts of those involved in
Black Power or any other
subversive movement he can win
the award of 'Policeman of the
Year' and climb the ladder of
promotion or receive monetary
The attitude inherent in that
statement is not by any means peculiar
to the Gairy regime. The intrinsic
brutality and Caudillo-type arrogance
are just the keen edge of the entire
complex of evils the Caribbean wide
new movement has set itself to combat.
In the first issue of its cyclostyled
publication, the voice of the Cribou

Movement. the Cribou Movement of
Fontenoy, St. Georges, surveys all the
elements of dispossession, police
brutality, Doctor Politics,
overcentralization and neglect and
makes a call for "committed
involvement" in the work toward the
creation of a "truly new humane
society". Survival in the reality of the
increasingly undisguised repression and
constant secret police surveillance of the
Gairy regime is undoubtedly a foremost
preoccupation of the members of the
Cribou Movement.

"From the time of its initiation,"
says the paper, "the Cribou Movement
has been operating against a background

ot suspicion and physical dangers.
Despite the odds, we have survived."
Cribou has so far established groups in
five areas; its main strength is in the
country districts.
Describing itself as a "revolutionary
nationalist organisation", Cribou
disavows "electoral politics" and
alliance with conventional politicians.
The policy statement, however,
expresses willingness to "work with
individuals and or groups who are
serious and conscientious in their
opposition to this system and are for
the cause of the oppressed people
One of the Movement's stated aims is
the promotion of free and open
dialogue "on every conceivable aspect
of national life and international life
... .establishing .... the normality of
public participation in the running of
the nation's affairs". Cribou does not
propose "any exact substitution for this

system" but it considers "the movement
to some form of socialism is the best
direction for our people".
The first issue of The Voice carries a
"Focus on Africa", an analysis of
developments in Uganda, Guinea and
East Africa; articles on the relevance of
Black Power to Grenada; on tourism,
highlighting the sell-out of Grenadian
land to foreigners "The Assault on
Grenada by White Parasites"; a report
on conditions in Gouyave; and a
statement in support of the Grenada
The style throughout is reminiscent
of NJAC publications, with all the usual
' 'Power'' slogans and
straight-from-the-shoulder rhetoric.
Indeed the paper acknowledges the
receipt of a cable of support from NJAC
on the nurses' issue, and two NJAC
publications are mentioned in a list of
suggested readings.
Cribou sees as part of its role
"attempting to assist the people in
obtaining a true understanding of
Grenadian and Third World Society".
Its first paper therefore includes a
glossary of terms used in the analysis.

VoL. I / I

New World publication

Cic e

*)C- fI ^' t
I:F,-) u 4 n -.,

7-ozzre -t~o ihe -peop~pel

CRC-IENPdI"Zr llA.tic-

New World Associates announce the
publication in Jamaica at the end of
September 1971 of a book of readings
on Political Economy in the Caribbean.
This book brings together a collection
of 19 reprints from past New World
publications, and covers a variety of
areas of Caribbean political economy
with suggestions for further reading.
Most of the material in the volume is
currently out of print as a result of the
demands of students, scholars and the
public at large.
The book falls into four parts. Part 1 is
devoted to overviews of the Caribbean
economy, both in relation to its
historical evolution and the problems it
currently faces. Part 2 which is
concerned with Plantations and
Corporations, analyses the impact of
multinational enterprise on Caribbean
political economy. The third section is
concerned with case studies of the
functioning of particular Caribbean
countries in the post-war period. The
final (and largest) section deals with
policy issues and proposals relating to
such topical issues as Devaluation,
Economic Dependence, Economic
Integration, Planning, Nationalization

and Unemployment.
The editors of the collection are
Norman Girvan and Owen Jefferson,
both of whom are Lecturers in the
Department of Economics at the
University of the West Indies, Mona,
The book will be distributed by the
Institute of Social and Economic
Research, University of the West Indies,
Kingston 7, Jamaica.
Price:- Jamaica J$3.00
Eastern Caribbean EC$7.20
U.S. and Canada US$5.00
United Kingdom *.2.00


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9 From Page 2
masses at the expense of "some
intellectual fetish"' Nor is it simply a
case of having to achieve political
independence first, as the party claims
in its Perspectives for a New Society.
The key to the answer is to be found
in the implicit assumptions of the
political economy underlying PNM's
budgeting. It is to be borne in mind that
the main characteristic here was that
Williams and Company accepted as
given the foreign definitions of our
society as small in size and poor in its
endowments of natural resources. (His
Economic Adviser William Demas
shared this colonial conception of the
society until the New World thinkers
forced him to abandon it. He has since
been borrowing from the movement just
like Williams without acknowledging it.)
In the logic of this assumption they had
to plan for foreign participation mainly
in the forms of plants and machines,
entrepreneurs, skills, markets and
technical know-how.
The big problem was: how could
Williams reconcile the desire for
independence, with increasing
metropolitan presence in the economy?
Thus the first contradiction was
inherent in the assumptions about size
and resources. Against this threat of
foreign domination was set the vigilance
of the strong political leadership.
It was not likely that the PNM was

SUPT. Tony'Pr
of police ba
participants sen
dish which was
with the soul fo
fed of late. (Joh
THE parent-tea
the Eckles Villa
decided to buil
"if Government
but the associate
money, and
donations to ass
wages, another f
should be kept
industry and
altogether. He

equal to the task of facing this
contradiction. It came to power too
quickly to be able to establish itself as a
mass party especially in the rural areas,
where the East Indians needed to be
brought in on the same psychological
base as the African descendants. This,
together with the fact that the party,
"specifically declined an ideological
formulation of its purpose in favour of a
nationalist banner carrying the effective
slogan of independence," forced it to
wallow in the contradictory conditions
of its emergence.
These conditions included the
continuing entrenchment of "small but
powerful sectional interests," a

ospect, his loyal group demanding $4 and $5 per day for
indsmen and other labour which farmers were unable to
red us a sort of musical pay. (Guardian)
like caviar, compared
od which we have been NEWSMEN tend to treat Saturday as
n Babb Guardian) an unofficial holiday but there never
**** was such a turn-out as at yesterday's
achers association of press conference at the Hilton
ge Anglican School has featuring this year's "Miss Universe,"
d toilets costing $500 Miss. Georgina Rizk of the Lebanon.
couldd not do it.." Occupying all the front seats, their
ion does not have the voices soft and low, they put
will have to solicit important question after important
ist in the construction. question:

of the high cost of
farmer, Mr. Hughes of
said that the OWTU
out of the coconut
out of agriculture
said the OWTU was

"Do you really believe in
sex before marriage?
Have you a boyfriend?
What sort of man are you
looking for?
Have you had any offers
of marriage?" (Guardian)






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production structure in the hands of
foreigners; of monetary and fiscal
institutions "designed to support the
condition of dependence"; and of the
external influence on ideas whether
revolutionary or reactionary. To
challenge this situation the PNM could
have had to risk some minimal social
dislocation. But it had neither the
organisation nor the vision to do so with
confidence. Thus this first choice was
cut out from under the foot of Williams
and the "doctor party."

So Williams' first important lesson in
politics is what Tapia has always been
arguing: the terms on which you get
into power determine what you can do
with it.
To resolve this dilemma Williams had
to settle for less than was best. The
Puerto Rican model of development
now commonly referred to as
industrialisation by invitation was quite
comfortably acquired. In essence it
meant that the regime accepted the goal
of an increased income to nationals at

the expense of social and economic
transformation. The events of 1970
testify to the fact that the social reform
which was to be a by-product of that
policy was not realized. So pleased was
Williams with the new dispensation that
he was moved to speak in glowing terms
of Prof. Arthur Lewis: "...the world
famous authority on the economics of
underdeveloped areas, the most
distinguished intellectual son of our
Caribbean soil."


Of Teodoro Moscoso: "...the father
of one of the most vigorous programmes
of economic development in the history
of the world..."
That was in 1956. And so much for
"the intellectual fetish" he has been
careful to avoid.
By 1968, increasing unemployment
and retrenchment, mounting discontent
and frustration gave a fillip to the new
movement with the youths spearheading
the struggle. The population was
beginning to rise up, and it is clear that
people were just sensing the fraudulence
of the Williams regime. Recognizing the
gap between talk and performance, the
"first in the first class" opted for the
policies of the new movement. At the
party Convention in 1968 he rushed
into the spotlight with a poor
interpretation of the New World
solutions, while urging his flock that
"...the time has come for us to make a
positive attempt to break away from the
centuries-old dependence of Caribbean
economy where all economic
decision-making was taken outside of
the country in the metropolis." Then he
was changing ideas as if they were
clothes. He openly pointed to the
limitations of the Puerto Rican
experience. But he has
a second thought coming. We are seeing
that the fit on the Afro-Saxon mind of
the New World solutions is quite
uncomfortable. Only Brer Nancy shares
his predicament.








Industrialisation by invitation


-I -
11~1111113 -1




BY CLIVE SPENCER'S account of the events of April 21 last year, the
Prime Minister met himin on the front steps of his official residence and
embraced him. Clearly, Spencer cherishes the memory, and he might as
well for that was the last embrace he is ever likely to get for "doing
what he had to do"in the service of his country and his government.

The State of the Emergency was the
high water mark in Spencer's long career
of playing man-of-conscience within the
Establishment. His fall since from grave,
power, prestige and perks has been
steady. The award of a Chaconia Class
11 Medal at last year's independence is
his only consolation.


According to his highly intriguing
story, he was at the time of the
Emergency declaration, not only
president of his congress of
recognizedd" trade unions, but an
influential national figure, a valued
adviser to the Prime Minister, and in
those tense hours the virtual power
behind the throne. So that Williams'
coming out to identify him last
weekend as one of those "taking up a
position of opposition to the
Government, apparently to curry favour
with the dissident elements" was for
Spencer particularly galling.


He was careful to point out how
-much weight he hid with'Williams or
otherwise how much Williams depended
upon him for advice or moral support."
You know what you were telling me
more than "my own blasted Minister of
Home Affairs").... You have a point
there ..' the Prime Minister wanted to
see me more than I wanted to see him."
In addition he had access to Williams'
six secret telephones. And the
responsibility for organising the
volunteer force to assist the police. So
that to be lumped with all the other
opposition elements a year and a half
later must appear to him as a stab in the
Nevertheless, Williams is on firm
ground here for it was Spencer who
used the occasion of the SWWTU 1970
conference of delegates to give A.N.R.
Robinson the forum to make his speech
calling on the Prime Minister to resign.
That historic conference was also the
occasion of the first public getting
together of Jamadar and Robinson who
were photographed together shaking
hands afterwards. No wonder three
Government ministers declined
invitations to attend.


Williams', and so the PNM's
discrediting of Spencer along with the
bitterness the radical elements of the
country must now regard him with will
place him in a political no man's land.
This of course will disillusion those
people who held the view that a trade
unionist because of his connection with
the "working class" and the long
association of the movement with
"revolution" etc. must be for the
people. Otherwise, it could be felt that
he was impartial in politics.
The reason is that Spencer is typical
of a whole class of people who
steadfastly hold to the view of
themselves as being "not in politics". In
Spencer's case he made the distinction
between politics and "public life." It is
amazing that after the role Spencer
described he played in the Emergency,
he could claim in an interview with the
press he was "not going into politics."
Of course this is a particular view of
politics as something apart from
ordinary activity, living and working
and taking positions. They endeavour in
ways oblique and patent, direct and



indirect, to be players in the political
game while insisting that they are just
men who love their country and want to


That Spencer and the Labour
Congress should be revealed as the ones
who demanded the State of Emergency
ought not to be surprising. In any case,
it was clear from later events that such a
decision by Government had been
contemplated from long before. (A.N.R.
Robinson resigned for he saw
developments leading up to that one
week before Spencer began to get
anxious.) And Congress' demand only
provided a convenient excuse which
Williams has used on two occasions
since to justify the decision and try to
pass. on the blame to someone else.
Moreover, the evidence is there that
these unionists who ranged themselves
with the recognizedd" Labour Congress
had for years been merely playing the
Establishment game. They seemed t-
see themselves as holding a brief for;I
something called "labour" whose:
interests were narrow and isolated from'
those of the rest of the country ahd
required that their advocacy fall short
of holding any position that could be
overtly "political". They held fast to
this distinction between trade unionism
and politics, playing into the
Government's hands as they did so, and
manifesting fierce opposition to the
"unaffiliated" unions which took a
more militant position. Epithets like
"pseudo-politicians" and "political
opportunism" characterized the
vocabulary of Congress leaders as they
spoke of the OWTU and TIWU.


In manoeuvres like the Tripartite
Conferences and devices like endless
audiences with the Prime Minister,
sedulously cultivating a doctor image in
the Press, they showed all the features
of conventional politics. They would
accept senatorships, posts on
Government boards and trips abroad in
the understanding that these came in
the natural course of their being
conscientious and well-behaved
unionists who would take A.N.R.
Robinson's 1969 advice to "stay out of
Part of the technique was to "speak
out" on national issues. So that men
like Spencer became a favourite of the
national Press who were fond of quoting
him because he appeared to be
"impartial". And it was in this context,
particularly, that the "expose" last
week could be regarded as a kind of
shock. But he was no turncoat. He
always wore the same coat for those
who had eyes to notice.


To their credit, the OWTU leadership
could never accept living in a half-way
house between accepting the system
with a few minor reservations and
rejecting it altogether. They recognized
that in the long perspective the workers
could only find fulfilment in an
economy that was controlled by the
people'here of whom the workers were
a part. They must have sensed if they
didn't articulate it this way that the

asks ve been lied
Masrs have been lifted

people who live here must have a hand
in shaping the system which takes
cognizance of the historically
determined position of those among the
labouring classes or unemployed masses,
and one which was geared to suit their


The real contribution of Spencer and
his type, then, lay in giving the system a
kind of spurious validity and credibility.
Spencer, in particular, cast in the role of
conscientious objector, was one of those
who fostered the illusion about the
existence of a middle ground of
impartiality. Mirage of course. Anyone
could see the polarisation steadily
taking place over the years. The field
has been dividing into those who were
for basic, radical, change of the order
and those who accepted it, felt it could
be made to work, and preached the
usual platitudes about the need for
"honest and forthright" men and strong
Parliamentary Opposition. In the case of
the Labour Congress unions, the
emasculation of their capacity to bring
about radical change here can be traced

in p.,rt- to indoctrination through
courses given by such US'agencies as-the
AIFLD, a CIA-type operation whose
avowed function is to maintain a
suitable climate for American
investment in the Caribbean.


The final result is a clearing up of
perceptions and another lesson in
assessing the relevance of people who
are found on the national stage with
access to the daily Press etc. Now the
radical unions stand in a much stronger
position. As Weekes said at
Independence Square last week, "the
blood that flowed last year and is still
flowing this year is on the hands of
these people in the Labour Congress".
Weekes and Young now stand in the
public's eyes as the only people who can
be trusted in the labour movement, and
this must explain the evil alliance of the
government, the ECA and the Labour
The masks have been lifted and the
people know who are in what camp;
who are for the people and who are not.


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