Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
August 29, 1971
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


This issue contains ECONOMIC BULLETIN NO 1. iT'TuT B

ECONOMIC Bulletins of Tapia are
to appear twice a year at the end
of August to mark Independence
and at the beginning of January to
mark the New Year.
In principle, the mid-year
number will attempt surveys of the
economy while the end-year

number will emphasise projections
and perspectives.
This year we have the reverse.
Being the first, the current Bulletin
presents the fundamentals of'
Tapia's policy and point of view.
We hope to give readers an idea of
the ideology which underlies our
thinking on the economy.

L fBRA ?y

N. Y
C I'?

Our central article on Econ#t ;.THE STUDY OF MASt
Reorganization simply brings2 EAST 73 STREEWo
together in one place an uneditedw^ YORK 21, N* t
set of statements published singly e o
*71 ohf
in 1969. It can be seen how directlySEP 23 '71 o 4j
Tapia has influenced the rhetoric of o Z
both the Black Power Movement
and the Government. ,- o

West Indian Evening to mark

The Tapia Monthly
Seminar will end this
month with a West
Indian Evening to mark
the Independence of
Trinidad & Tobago. All
Tapia Associates and
friends. are invited to a
programme of poetry
reading, music and

drumming which begins
at 8 p.m. on Sunday
August 29 at the
Moonlight Theatre, 91,
TunaDuna Road,
Tunapuna. Refreshments
will be available.

The Seminar itself is
for members only and
starts earlier in the
afternoon at 3.30 p.m.
sharp. The topic for
discussion is: "Now that
we are the Alternative."

Tapia House Chairman,
Ivan Laughlin, will
The next Tapia
Seminar of Members is
carded for Sunday
October 3 and will also
end in a cultural evening
marking the second
birthday of Tapia.

" i .I. .

AUGUST 31st is here once more but who
recalls how often Independence has come and
gone away again? The legacy of dispossession
lingers still of unemployment and
inequality, of degradation and inhumanity
writ large.
Yet this year is not at all the same as last.
BMlinind us now lies victory with the Public
Order Bill, the real climax of some 475 years
of Caribbean struggle. Never again will
Governor be sovereign over people, never
more will community yield to ruler.
The consummation of February was
September, not April. For the first time since
1493, the voice of people counted without
violence. For us who've lived by Water Riots
and Hosay Riots, that was really' something
else. It's been a fitting finish to a movement
which has always known that we're not too
poor and not too small, not too backward and
not too black, not too stupid and not too
lazy, to take our manhood back again.
It's been a movement of many tributaries. By
1968, there were New World and Moko; before that
there had been the militant Unions. By 1969, there
cane Tapia and the Express and then for the grand
finale came the NJAC. Intellectuals and workers,
blacks and youth, they marched together side by side.
And yet the movement was larger still by far, It
took in a multitude who never marched at all but
simply hoped and waved and nodded. And
particularly those who saw the brighter vision of won
a better understanding of ourselves. For that is all the
revoltttion ever is, a change of Vision and perception.

It's not been revolution fof blacks and youth and
dispossessed alfie. It's been rev6lutinfi for bfoWti and
yeiow, black and white, for Africans aid Asians atld
Europeans as Well f6f y60Ufig ad d old and also
middling. for haves arid have0filot( ffr colonized and
colontit too, it's been a revolution fotf all the
tiilitation in which we've suTffeed. Por whfe the
foundation stone is shifted, the entire edifice mulst
tumble, And it's we here I these little islands, iwho'v
been the basement of the building
Yet at home the battle has not yet b~ei won: The
establishemnt still survives to bluff its way afleog:
infee February Williams has changed espgegtive iI
the way you change a shirt on m@Monings. "We' whad

August 31, 199.,; Lt
Out political independence, he says, let's imone
towards ecolrint c freedom next. W we've fattened the
eoipot:tiong and the n ,leet, tlt's found a people'
Setp fr noW.
Who 1 there among us to be diddled by this, the
latest little dodge? The sovernlment has (lone nothing
whatsoever, to summon people to wirt and plai angi
se~e and build. teheiew pfespe6tive is jtst a frsh
mi'fageJ another gamble onf atnl il bo6~ tiza,
But have we iot seefn the whole of this fbehie
from 19 to b61b Did we ft have both ouf alfaries
afd troubles disabled then? o what iit th ts goflin
to Mak the different fleow
Yes, what is it thdfas going to mak-e the difference
flO Mh eafftainlty not what Williams thinks =- ntl

ookmlg for independence
the coming boom in oil, no t the recent change of
face. The thing thal's going to make the difference is
the sovereignty of people, the subordititaot of
government to politics, the assertion ofybout Opinion
oet and agahit official will.
The state arH make ni sect for t the people, Not
bta govetrtment appontil a season fot ptifuing
nalitIal dilongue. Notr Ideed 6Man a C'I~ottii(loCnal
Cornmftrloil tf evtrtfs wfite lt h6 social cotitect hat
we need:
A social entrt we 'll have, of ctise. o di.: And
people's setof with t ifmiti, nd the nftiorfl
dialtige as Wll But tell have them with a
dlffelfrce beatUse iin eptemenf iast we won fl fj
means ntdepefl nee is ff keep:



1' L

1 ~ir

Page2 TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29,1971 INDEPENDENCE SPECIAL AND E' comicI C BULLETIN


Who owns this country ? Ask any old citizen and
they would tell you is somebody else... .not we!
Blacks say is "the white power structure." Whites
retort that since the British left, "we're only here on

Africans and Syrians are fond of telling you to
watch the Indians, "they are moving like lightning".
For their part, Indians insist that the scholarships, the
cushy jobs in the Public Service, the perks, are all for
the party boys... "and you know who party the PNM
And so a mixture of jealousy, ignorance and all
sorts of very genuine grievance combine to fan the


we need for drawing up a concrete plan of attack on
equality could be largely ignored. If foreign capital
was going "to float all boats", why worry?

And now that this policy has silted up the port
with mounting unemployment and discontent, hard
facts have actually become a political embarrassment
to Williams and his boys. Even the Leader of
Government business in the Senate is not told that
the Government has been raising longish-term loans
from a Bank to finance the back-pay to civil servants.
Even the annual national accounts are neglected; so
you cannot tell who's getting what, or how the
economy is working.

The Caribbean has always been a
playground for metropolitan business.
The national business elite is hardly a
ruling class. While direct foreign
investment contributed 65% to!
investment between 1956-62, the
re-investment profits of locally owned
corporations contributed only 9%. The
local share of total profits is simply not
high enough to permit a higher
contribution of local savings to local
investment. In most countries savings
come mainly from profits not from
wages. The most damaging result of the
fact that nationals work mainly as wage
earners is that even a high and rising
'national income does not lead to more
national ownership of business.

When Arthur Lewis recommended
-:the policies which the W. Indian
governments are now following he
expected the increase in income to lead
to a national take over of business. It
has not worked. And the groups which
have been left most out in the cold are
the traditional wage earning groups -
Africans above all, and then Indians.
This is one reason why Africans perhaps
feel more dispossessed economically
than other groups even though they
certainly earn more income as a group
than the Indians, for example.
:The domination of the economy by
foreign firms has left the entire nation
frustrated but within the nation, the
Europeans and High Coloured sections
have managed better, on the evidence.
Certainly they are still the national
business elite such as it is.

In his UWI study (1970) Camejo has
found that 53% of the business elite is
white, 24% off-white, 10% mixed, 9%
Indian, and 4% African. Race and
colour more or less go together. 55% is
very fair, 23% fair, 12% high brown, 7%
brown and 3% black. So if the 230 odd
big shots who responded to Camejo's
questions are a good reflection of the
whole, the economic policies of the last
15-20 years have not yet altered the old
order in any serious way.

The Indians have certainly not been
"moving like lightning". A full 30% of
the elite have simply got in their
position through inheritance and of
those 93% are mixed (14%), off-white
(38%) or white (41%). The other 7% is
Indian, none are African. Of the 70%
who have made it through their own
enterprise (20%) or through promotion
(50%), only 9% are Indian, 3% African.
58% are white 16% off-white and 13%
mixed. So the impression that Indians
are doing well is an African impression
but the Indians cannot be excited by
their position in the whole picture. So
we can see why both groups must feel
that "We are the second class citizens".


Remember that the background is
one in which, according to Harewood's
study of the 1960 Census, Europeans
had a median income of $500 per
month as against $133 for Chinese and
Syrians, $113 for Mixed, $104 for
Africans'and only $77 for Indians. By





1965/66 we got other indicators. The
median income then for agricultural
workers, mainly Indian, was still only
$67; for petroleum workers it was $254,
for construction workers, $148.
At the 1960 Census, a quarter of the
European working population had the
equivalent of University education. 53%
of the white working population had
school certificates or better. Chinese,
Syrians, etc. had 2% with University
education and 12% with school
certificate or above; Mixed races had
figures of 1% and 10% respectively.
African and Indians had under 4% of
their number with school certificates or
above and an insignificant proportion
with University education. A quarter of
the Indian workers had no education at

So we have been making judgments
of a complicated kind. Everybody has
been looking over his shoulder at
everybody else and concluding that "we
are not the elite". In a situation where
foreigners have been taking over and
where the government and the official
leadership has shown a total incapacity
to inspire the nation to get going, the
Europeans have simply retained their

The overall educational position is
bad but even to the extent that
non-whites have education, it has not
helped them much. Camejo has found
that of the people with advanced
education who have been recruited to
top executive posts and remember
inheritance is still important and
recruitment is more to middle and lower
executive posts than to top posts 70%
have been white or off-white, 10%
mixed, 20% African and none Indian.
Africans have done better than Indians
here but they cannot rejoice about their
position in relation to whites.
It is not surprising that the brothers
on the block insist that the "white
power-stricture" has a local section,
too. It is true that Camejo's elite is
largely white or off-white (77%),
Catholic (56%), and Upperclass in origin
(60%). In a welcoming economy (to
outsiders) which has practically shut our
local enterprise "word of mouth" was
found to be the main route for
recruiting executives to the elite.
"Contact" is still the order of the day."
In the quest for a more just and a
more stable society, all nationals are
going to have to face up to this
structure. We cannot afford the
chest-beating incompetence of Williams
and the PNM. Nor can we all run to
Canada. Something has to give.

"Major growth Sectors are still
largely foreign-controlled." McIntyre
and Watson report here what we all
already know. But they also add that
direct investment is significant in a wide
range of new industry in
petrochemicals, cement, tobacco, dairy
products, poultry processing, fruit
juices, edible oils and animal feeds; in
paint manufacturing and varnishes; in
matches, medicinal and pharmaceutical
products; in large-scale construction,
transport, and communications; in
wholesale and retail trade; and in
services, especially advertising. All this
in addition to petroleum, sugar and
banking, insurance and hire purchase.
Only recently has the government
moved to extend national control here
and there.


The level of foreign investment has
been high since the PNM assumed
office. Between 1957 and 1965, direct
investment averaged about $86m. per
year. In eleven reported years since
1956 it fell below 50% of total
investment by the business sector on
one occasion only; on five occasions it
was more than 75%. In 1963 it reached
99%. During the period 1956-67,
although national income was growing
at a rate of 9% per year, private foreign
investment came to 53% of total
investment and to 63% of investment by
the business sector. Of all this
investment, US investment accounts for
the lion's share. One measure which we

have shows the following proportions.
*US $145m. *UK $25m. Canada -
$3m. Clearly, Trinidad and Tobago lies
in the American Mediterranean.

Yet our dependence on foreign
investment is largely an illusion.
Between 1957 and 1965, while inflows
of investment averaged $86m per year
outflows of income averaged $111m or
30% higher.... .not counting income
paid for licences and management fees.
Actually in 1966 and 1967, it became
much worse. Outflows were one and a
half times the inflows. And the worst of
all is that the bigger gap is said to be the
better indicator of future trends.


The grim fact is that we have
ourselves been generating the capital
with which the firms have been getting
more control of our economy. Between
1964 and 1968 71 cents in every dollar
invested by foreigners came out of
profits made in Trinidad & Tobago. And
the figure was perhaps higher in the
earlier period. Firms have been
re-investing something like 35 to 40%
of their profits after tax. Business in
this welcoming society is lucrative; they
can be confident of the future.

flames of national mistrust. As Wally Look Lai put it
in 1969, every group thinks of itself as the
underprivileged of the underprivileged, "the real
second-class citizens".
But what are the facts about privilege and
dispossession? How much do we actually know about


Not much because the PNM Government, like all
the other governments in the West Indies, has been
hoping that the problem of inequality would
somehow solve itself through that magic known as
"economic development". So the cold figures which

S~reg controlof our


Name: ...............................................
Address: . . . . . .

. ~ e ~ oo 6**o

INDEPENDENCE SPECIAL TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29, 1971 Page 3



Trinidad in particular, not so much
Tobago, is a classic case of
land-ownership by a narrow
"power-structure". Our economy never
really came to life until less than 150
years ago. Land has always been
plentiful and rewarding but hard to
acquire unless you had large capitals.
Wages have always been high by
Caribbean standards.


Our African forefathers, mainly
immigrants, established themselves most
easily as labourers, tradesmen and
clerks, with a sprinkling of
professionals. Education and
government economic policy
encouraged this. Our French Creoles
including high-coloureds and the
Europeans excepting Portuguese,
founded cocoa and sugar plantations.
Our Indians were indentured in
agriculture while Others, especially
Portuguese, escaped from all else into
petty trading and commerce.
In time, cocoa collapsed and left the
Europeans, by then mainly in
companies, as the people with the only
large stake in agricultural business.
Gradually, the Indians too, carved out a
tiny toe-hold in agriculture mostly in
the very late-half that we can still


Today, the large majority of the
population has very little sense of being
in charge of our land. The obstacles of
times past left the Queen in charge of
half the country (until Kamaluddin
Mohammed and his successors
embarked on the their big Crown-Lands
enterprise). On the other half-million
acres that are left over, there are less
than 36,000 holdings. The
concentration is very heavy. Only 0.1%
of the holdings account for 25% of the
land all in holdings over 1000 acres.
A quarter of the acreage is held
in only 40 pieces of over.
1000 acres; a half is held in only 510
holdings over 100 acres; and 60% in just
under 10,000 holdings of between 10
and 1000 acres. Of these 10,000
holdings, 9,400 are in pieces between 10
and 100 acres. Only 18% of the land is
held in pieces under 10 acres there are
about 26,000 of such holdings,

30% of the land is owned by
companies in only 210 holdings. 57% of
,the cultivable land is companies owned.
Nearly half the land is in export crops,
:seventimes what is devoted to producing
food for national consumption. Only
;15% of export land is held by small
people under 10 acres; for land under
for our use at home, the figure is 56%.

: Half of the holdings and 67% of the
acreage are fully owned (not rented).
168% of land in holdings of 1000 acres
;plus is owned by foreigners who
Account for 47 out of 260 holdings of
:over 200 acres. In fact, foreigners
actually own at least one in five acres
(19%) of the entire half a million acres
that have been alienated. Caroni, of
course, is the biggest fish in agriculture.
Small fish are going to have to eat big
Fish, this time round.



. Fed Chem
* Trinidad Asphalt
Trinidad Cement
"Tate & Lyle

* Bookers
* Cable & Wireless
* Continental Phone
* Radio Trinidad
* Trinidad Guardian

* Chaguaramas T'mnals Corbin-Compton

"Van Leer
i* Readymix
i* George Wimpey
I* Caribbean Betchel
* Dunlop
* ICI Paints
* Sherwin-Williams
i* Berger Paints
* Sissons Paints
* British Paints
* Lever Brothers
* W.I. Tobacco
* International Fds
* Nestle's Products
i* Cannings
* Trinidad Flour
* BataShoe
* Singer
* Woolworths

* K & E/CPV'
* McCann Erickson
* Lonsdale-Hands
* Nova Scotia
* Chase Manhattan
'* Barclays Bank
* Royal Bank .
* First National City
* Canadian Imperial
* American Life.
* British-American
* NEM Insurance
* Agostini Insurance
* Confederation Life
* Crown Life
* North American Life
* National Life
* Imperial Life
* International Life
* Maritime Life

I W t P*r ta

The brothers and sisters on.the block
insist that Trinidad & Tobago is owned
by the"white nower-structure". Most of
us have only a few "hard facts" about
this and almost none of the technical
control needed to be able to interpret
the facts. But we are all living and
working here, and we can see and feel
what's going on..


When our intuition is tested against
the research findings we are better able
to say precisely what we are aiming at
when we use such effective but
dangerous slogans as "white
power-structure" and "black power".

The intellectuals .in the movement
know very well that our more
dispossessed brothers see almost no
white people who are indigent, few who
are even poor, brutalised by the
authorities and intimidated by the
Courts. It makes sense morally to
divide the world into "black-people"
and "white-people". But such a
division ignores the fact that there is
equal dispossession among whites in the
metropolitan countries and in such
kindred Caribbean countries as Cuba,
San Domingo, Puerto Rico and
Venezuela. So the division is too simple
and we have to be careful that it does
not prevent us from finding real
solutions to the problems. It is not
simply a question of race.

S.......the review of the new politics

S Surface Trinidad and Tobago $5.00 TT
SOverseas. $6.00
Air} Caribbean $8.00
P North America $10.00
f U.K. 812.00
Europe $15.00
Africa $20.00
Return to The Tapria House Publishing Co Ltd,
91, Tunapmua Road, Tuiapuna, Trinidad and Tobago


The Corporations*

Like the merchants, the corporations
provide enterprise, capital, knowhow,
and management. Like the plantations,
the mines "engross" large holdings of
land and provide services of local
government in company-towns. The
local people work for them mainly as
"junior-staff". Even when they are
ostensibly "seniorstaff", they have
little real responsibility.
The pay-off from these elaborate
institutions is venture-profit which takes.
different forms as is convenient -
interest on loans, profit on ordinary
shares, payments for knowhow, etc. The
residual goes to.the national economy in
the form of rents and royalties, of
payments for materials used, and
particularly, of wages for the service of

The national economy uses these
earnings to import items for its own
consumption. After some time, the
economy acquires the habit of living by
exporting and importing and habit is
difficult to break. People come to prefer
salt-fish to fresh fish; there is a wall of
prejudice against buying local. The end
result is that when exports are doing
well, it's very very good, when exports
are doing badly, it's simply horrid.
When one export collapses, habit and

culture suggest only that we look tor
another. So Cocoa succeeds sugar and is
in turn succeeded by petroleum.
Technology, capital, enterprise markets
continue to be imported. And so the
game continues.


The latest link in this chain is the
assembling industry. Aimed to relieve
the dependence of the past, our strategy
has ended up by projecting a continuing
dependence into the future.
"Industrialization by invitation" has led
to "finishing-touch" activities. We
produce by imitating what we used to
import. We, operate under licences
which bar us from exporting goods
which are in any case hard to sell
because they are not original. We tie
ourselves up with the suppliers of parts
so we cannot use our own materials nor
buy cheap materials from countries like
The "screw-driver" industries have
left our economy more
"underdeveloped" than ever. Few of the
nationals engaged in industry lead a
creative, inventive existence even the
big shot executives and technocrats lead
a rubber-stamp existence. The inevitable
consequence is an utterly impossible
frustration which leads to one of two
resolutions: the brain-drain or direct

This Dever happens!
Md&6- -.900kv



Page 4 TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29, 1971

Hinterland Economy
AN economy which is dependent in the way that a piece
of back country is dependent on a port for its access to
the world. A Hinterland economy is therefore a
subordinate economy and that is why it remains
underdeveloped. It remains underdeveloped because it
has to depend on metropolitan capital, skill,
management, enterprise and markets. The important
decisions are all taken in the metropolitan head offices
of firms in agriculture, industry, commerce, banking,
insurance, tourism, advertising, radio, television and
news papers.
The hinterland economy has no real independence; it
exists just to export raw materials like brown sugar,
unrefined coffee, cocoa, bauxite and petroleum. For its
own consumption it imports food and assembles the
parts of imported manufactures. Both local producers
and consumers are therefore usually at the mercy of
prices set in foreign markets.

Metropolitan Sector
THAT part of the economy where the important
businesses are run from metropolitan Head Offices. In
Trinidad, this means oil, sugar, fertilizers, cement,
banking, insurance, advertising, radio and the Trinidad

Multinational Corporation
THOSE giant businesses which are run from Head
Offices in the metropolis but have subsidiaries or
branches in many different countries. Texaco is our best


LOCALISATION is the act of
taking control of the
metropolitan sector or of any
industry or firm within it. It
does not mean transferring
control from New York head
offices to the office of the
Ministry of Industry or the
offices of the Chamber of
Commerce. It means the
citizens in the local areas must
control industry .... in
Pointe-a-Pierre, in Port of
Spain, in Caroni, in Couva.
The strategy we have in mind
involves the liberation of national
enterprise so that all the citizens can
participate in business (See
Economic Reorganisation). And it
involves changing the structure of
government so as to free opinion and
to decentralize the power. In other
words, constitutional reform.
Tapia's policy is to localise the
petroleum, fertilizer and
petro-chemical industry,- the sugar-
industry, banking, finance and
insurance, advertising and the media.


Localisation is not the same thing
as nationalisation or expropriation. It
may involve either or both or
neither. In fact, we coined the term
localisation in 1963 in order to be
able to distinguish what we intend to
do from the ideas which the colonial
radicals are always borrowing from
the North Atlantic experience.
The aim of localization is to break
the stranglehold which metropolitan
corporations have placed on our
economy. Economic control for the
ordinary citizens is to be achieved
through a mixture of individual and
co-operative ownership along with a
certain amount of. central and
particularly local government
participation in business.
Localization requires that we
understand a great deal about how an
industry actually works because the
aim is to control, not just to own.
Mere ownership does not guarantee
popular control and certainly we
know now that government
ownership has very little to do with
popular control. We have any

Plantation Economy
AN economy where the metropolitan sector has been
built up around plantations in the way that the
Caribbean economies have all been built up around sugar
plantations. The Caribbean economy is the most
outstanding example of a plantation economy. All the
big export industries like petroleum and bauxite and
even tourism treat the local governments and people in
much the same way as the sugar plantation did. So
although the sugar plantation is not so important now ir
Jamaica or Trinidad or Antigua, these economies are still
essentially plantation economies.

Industrialization by Invitation
THE policy by which a government hopes to
industrialize a country, not by liberating national
enterprise but by inviting in multinational corporations
to bring their enterprise, their knowhow and their
management as well as their capital.

Direct Investment
THE KIND of foreign investment which destroys
national enterprise because it brings a package of
knowhow, capital, technology, management, and
consumer taste. Nationals are required to work mostly as
labour or as public relations bureaucrats and
window-dressing technocrats. The creative work in
science, technology, and administration is done at Head
Office and imported as policy directives.

strict procedures for pricing of both
sales and purchases.
We shall also be undertaking
radical alterations in the method of
tax auditing and to this end we are
already mobilizing our Techretariat
of accountants, economists and
engineers. A radical government will
need such a Techretariat to deal with
the corporations and it will need to
help the OWTU to establish a parellel
Tapia will also insist that certain
crucial jobs in the corporations be
held by nationals only. The Senate
which we have proposed as part of
Constitution Reform will give

number of examples in BWIA, Public
Transport, Caroni, Orange Grove, T
& TEC., the National Petroleum
Company, the Telephone Company,
the National Commercial Bank, and
the Hilton Hotel.
Ownership may of course be
necessary for securing control. Where
it is, localization will demand
ownership. But the principal
requirement is to be able to make the
key decisions about investment, and
technology, about the design of
goods and the choice of materials,
about the pattern of pricing and the
sharing of the income, and about
such things as how to advertise and
where to bank and insure. This is
what matters.


It certainly does not matter
whether Fed Chem or Lever Brothers
or the Cement Company are foreign
companies or not so long as they
perform in the way that the people
of Trinidad and Tobago dictate.
The most radical act of policy
now would therefore be to insist that
both in law and in fact, these
subsidiaries of the multinational
corporations become distinctly local
companies. It is the multi-national
personality of Shell, Caroni, Fed
Chem, etc, which is the root of the
At the moment, Texaco runs
about 13 or so companies in Trinidad
but we cannot disentangle their
accounts from one another nor can
we disentangle their transactions
from those of Texaco International.
Tapia will therefore begin by
insisting that there be clearly
separate books and accounts. To
translate this requirement into more
than a fiction we shall specify quite



Independence Square


Portfolio Investment

THE KIND of foreign investment which makes loans for
an agreed interest but allows nationals to organise the
business and to make the important decisions. This is the
kind of investment that the USA was built by.
Import Replacement
THIS is when the economy stops importing motor cars
or refrigerators or TV's and "produces" them instead. In
this case the local producer has to pay a foreign firm for
a patent or a licence and has to import the parts for
assembly. This usually means creating a dependent
industry, hamstrung by foreign Head Office.

Import Displacement
THIS is when the economy stops importing products
from abroad and allows local producers to design their
own substitutes. This means creating a climate of
innovation and enterprise so that people are encouraged
to put up capital, invent their own knowhow and use
available local materials. It means independent business
which may borrow abroad or buy skills or get parts. But
in this case, the borrowing and the buying are on local
terms; the economy does not have to take a package deal
of parts, licences, directives and so on.
Welcoming Society
A COUNTRY where a policy of industrialization by
invitation requires that everybody should cowtow before
metropolitan investors and please foreign tourists. A
place where the radio, the press, the television, the
advertisers, the education system and everything else, are
tailored to make foreigners more at home and more
comfortable than nationals.

representation to ithe corporate
sector and the rules of representation
will make it extremely costly for any
corporation to sustain the policy of
having national executives and
directors who are mere fronts.
When we were first putting
forward these proposals in 1969 and
1970, both the conservative
economists and the militant radicals
described them as "milk and water".
We have become so accustomed to
the wild generalizations of the "left"
that if you are to be a radical, you
must say that you are for
"nationalization", you are for a.
total take-over". Thank God that"
Burnham has now shown us how
fraudulent that position is.
Tapia is not impressed by radical
headlines which are meant to sway
Cont'd on Page 8








I Wha the'big wors ea









IN THE old days, when the
conqueror arrived in a new land,
he would give the natives beads in
exchange for gold. Those who
claim that this kind of transaction
is still going on today may be
more right than we would care to
admit. And it is not only
"Sunday-School Doctors" like
Gairy and Bustamente either, who
have been giving away our bauxite
and beaches for a song. The
"first-in-the-first-class College
Exhibition Doctors" have also
been bamboozled into all kinds of
Swiss-bank type affairs with
metropolitan gangsters and
We have had the most absurd deals
over oil refineries and fertilizer plants
and over every conceivable kind of
screw-driver industry. And lately all of
these Doctors, Sunday, Grammer and
Public School vintage, are being sold a
dummy in the form of the "tourist
solution to poverty and
According to two economists, we
make only $1.073 for every dollar spent
here by the tourist. And that is only
about half of what the international
promoters claim we are getting.
The celebrated Zinder Report on The
Future of Tourism in the Eastern
Caribbean put the figure at $2.30 for
every tourist dollar spent. Professor
Levitt and Professor Gulati, writing in
Social & Economic Studies, the UWI
journal, reject this and other "highly
extravagant claims which have gained
widespread circulation and considerable
acceptance in the region."

Zinder and his Associates were
contracted to do their study by the
USAID probably because of an earlier
job which they did for the World Bank
on Essential Elements of a Tourist
Development Programme.
Gulati is now a UN Economic
Adviser to the Salvatori Building Office
of the Economic Commission for Latin
America. He is best known as the man
who really framed the Finance Bill of
1966-67, perhaps the most cogent and
competent piece of nationalist
legislation ever to be introduced by the
conservative neo-colonial regime of
Williams and ANR Robinson.

Levitt has been here as IMF National
Income Adviser to the Ministry of
Planning which is anxious to bring the
national accounts into line with the new
Caribbean economics. In the Caribbean
Mrs. Levitt is known as a collaborator
with Alister McIntyre on the book,
Canada-West Indies Economic
Relations, and as a pioneer with Lloyd
Best of the Studies in Plantation
Economy. Her own recent and
fast-selling book, Silent Surrender, has
been described in the North American
press as "the most scholarly and
convincing analysis of American control
of the Canadian economy."

This team of two has by chance,
been thrown together in Port-of-Spain -
one from "the world's richest
underdeveloped country", Canada, the
other from the world's poorest ..."
They've now put their heads together
and exposed the tourist hoax by which
so many governments in the Caribbean
could be taken in. They've found out
that the Zinder UN Report had openly
explained the need to "get into the
minds of" in common parlance, to

* Taximen
* Restaurants

"brainwash" -
concerning the


the economic planners
economic benefits of

Levitt and Gulati show that the
calculations of our gains from tourism
in the Zinder Report are based on
"three magic numbers". The finding
that one tourist dollar yields $2.30 of
national income is also based on the
wild assumption that all the territories
of the Eastern Caribbean have exactly
the same saving and spending habits, the
same import habits, the same wage
patterns and the same tax burden.
Zinder offers us the absurd notion
that 47% of the national income of
Barbados and no less than 89% of the
national income of Antigua is supposed
to be due to tourism. And yet, Levitt
and Gulati have been able to find
examples of "unquestioning
acceptance" of this "slipshod"
psuedo-science. In its Development Plan
1969-72, the Barbados Government
accepts the thing hook, line and sinker.
So much for West Indian
"independence" with all its flags and
anthems and petty principalities.
The fact of the matter is that tourism
like everything else, provides no easy
solution to Caribbean economic
problems. We can get out of it only
what we put in. How much we will
actually make on a tourist dollar
depends on several things.
It depends on how many imported
things the tourist is forced to buy or
wants to buy. If he comes here to buy
Texas steaks and is provided with
Tobago souvenirs made in Hong Kong
we're spinning top in mud.
It depends on how often the tourist
dollar is "turned over" inside this

country. If it goes out as profits for
Hilton or Holiday Inn or as fees for
managers and chefs from Switzerland,
or as payments for imports by those
who earn directly from tourism, then
we're cutting off our noses.


It depends on how our production of
food and manufactures and handicraft
and of entertainment and services,


* Accommodation

Food & Drink





* Local goods
and services

* Imported goods
and services


* Giftshops
* Hoteliers


responds to more spending by tourists;
and on how much local material we use
in production. If we do not increase
production or if we only assemble
imported parts for sale, then the money
will go out of the country to pay for
imports. Or prices of what we are
already producing will go up and make
the cost of living impossibly high as has
already been happening in Antigua and
It depends on how much new

25 & 87 EM. Rd., T'pm.
Suiting, Clothing. Footwear.

Serving San Fernando
2a Mucurapo Street
Tel: 652-2093

construction activity is started up to
provide accommodation and furnishings
for the tourist industry. The bigger the
construction activity, the better for us.
Levitt and Gulati remind us of the
importance of "buying local". Buying
local also means producing locally. The
tourist dollar will then turn over here
and then we will have the means to buy
the equipment and the machinery.really
needed from abroad.
They also show that more exchange
of tourists between Caribbean countries
would make the entire tourist industry
more viable. Demand would be less
sometimish and there would probably:
be more buying local by tourists in spite
of the Caribbean habit of discriminating
against home production.
As part of this changing of the base
of the industry, Tapia has advocated
that we go for
* boarding-house tourists who do not
have exotic luxury tastes
* Low-income tourists
* "black" North American tourists -
including French Canadians who
might have a political interest in the
West Indian experience and could
perhaps more easily fit into the kind
of tourism which is both profitable
and acceptable to us.
The one thing we cannot continue to
do is to lap up the science fiction of the
kind exemplified by the Zinder Report.
The Report is not only economically
misleading; it is downright reactionary.
Levitt and Gulati are very clear in
pointing out that it exaggerates "the
effects of a possible setback to tourism
resulting from the current social and
political scene in the Caribbean."



For Cars, Trucks, Tractors
156A Eastern Main Road
Barataria 638/3223
500 Eastern Main Road
Arouca 664-5256

102 A Sutton S
San F

'ernando 652-3104




Page 6 TAPIA NO.20 Sunday August 29, 1971 INDEPENDENCE SPECIAL







Camping tents



TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29, 1971 INDEPENDENCE SPECIAL Page 7
0-1 ----------------

AFTER THE Tapia meeting in Independence
Square at the end of May this year, the Express
said in an Editorial that the reason Tapia is
communicating now is that they have worked
hard. What the Editorial might also have
remarked is that our "non-communication"
which was headlined on the radio after our
Auzonville Park meeting of 1970 and repeated
in the Express after our Auzonville Park meeting
of 1971, was an essential part of that hard work.
Our hard work has been to change the style, the
method and the medium of communication. And to
change the style is to change the very message of itself.
Ask McLuhan if the medium is not the message? Or
better still, ask Derek Walcott. This poet who said so
much for the people before they became popular, once
admonished us that to change our language we have to
change our lives. So if we want to liberate ourselves from
the degradation and the.dispossession of the past, we
cannot do it by the methods and procedures of crown
colony government and politics. The organization and
the plan must change.. .and the kind of leadership, in
-particular, has to change long before.


Politically we have been raised on one kind of fare
alone: we wait for a new Messiah to tell us all the
answers from the hustings. We would shout and march
and clap and cheer, certain in the knowledge that we'd
got the message. Then home we went to forget in glee -
until tomorrow's outing in the public place. "Tonight
the Doctor will mash them up again.. .statistics and talk
for so, we boy!"
Such was the "communication" of mere crowd
support. We were the "cast of thousands," the faceless,
mindless makers-up of numbers. Such was the politics of
popular impotence, the politics of the messiah-men
And so long as the government was in the hands of
the colonizer and his agents and we were powerless to
win our manhood back, that kind of communication was
good enough. The Doctor's function was at bottom
largely therapeutic. The robber-talk would railroad all
our doubts and fears away, we being too poor and black
and stupid, too useless to accomplish anything ourselves.
But one of us at least, one of us would deal with them
on our behalf. It is for that we needed gun-talk!
But no sooner had we got pur formal independence
than "licks like fire" had to go. No sooner had we got
the levers of control within our chosen leaders' hands
than the old method of communication was out of date.
Now it is we who have to run this place. So emotional
appeal does not suffice. It is not enough to play on
doubt and fear, or even hope. We cannot risk to tease
and please the crowd with race-and violence; we have to
rise above the politics of rage and indignation.

Now every one of us must have the material at our
own command. That means the unconventional politics
of cool communication, of technical control and power
of information to the people. It means that Doctors'
days are done.

We would like the commentators in the morning
papers to investigate how far back the work has gone.
The conventional procedure of making news from the
happenings of today alone, forms a part of the politics
of yesterday. Change is not a miracle of one sole
morning nor even five months or four. The
"communication" which we are said to have achieved
since May is not because we have become an entirely
new platform of people since the month of January
1971. No; we were exactly the same platform in May as
we were in January.
It is all a matter of a changed political situation and
of a movement that is really new. Tapia and New World
have been knocking at the door of change for years. And
now, at last, the February Revolution has brought a new
perception and an audience that is listening in a different
way. And naturally a more receptive response rewrites
the rhetoric in music and in love. But yesterday, the new
politics, like. new shoes, was still uncomfortable. It has
taken a little time to fit.
No, it has taken a long time. Ever since the New
World Movement arose in Mona, Jamaica, at the end of
the 1950's, we've been shaping a language and a method
of our own. In this we've only been following the poets.
and the novelists who had come to see ourselves through


our own eyes. The metropolitan way of seeing was for
the few who could go away and become a breed apart, a
fragment of the North Atlantic world. The Caribbean
way of seeing is the people's way because.all of us have
shared the horrid nightmare of this Ocean Sea.
And now the dawn has come; it's been a night of
endless pain. They used to say the New World Quarterly
was so very hard to read; they used to say that Tapia
even, could never hope to reach the people. And yet we
can now sell every New World on which we put our
hands; we're even being encouraged to reprint the
numbers that are out of stock.
People who dismissed Tapia only months ago are
now the most voracious readers of our back-numbers.
Tapia has become the only political review which
attracts serious notice in the English-speaking Caribbean,
which enjoys a significant demand abroad. No other
paper is as cogent and coherent, none so attractive to
commentators of competence, discrimination, and taste.
And yet none has sustained so high a circulation on the
The West Indian people are not mindless colonials,
to whom the media and the politicians can continue to
serve up "entertaining" trivia. That kind of contempt is
done for. We know very well now what is "Plantation
economy" and what is "Afro-Saxon culture" and what
it's done to all of us. We have long since been rejecting
the colonial policy of "industrialization by invitation"
and now we know why it is that we have to "localize"
"the metropolitan sector" and why we must embrace
"unconventional politics".
One of the reasons for the present crisis is that we
understand Doctor Politics in all its guises. Everybody
understands that Williams is totally bankrupt and has to
be swept aside into history; but the country is not going
to jump from the frying pan into the fire of another
now-for-now Doctor party. Before we shift this time,
leadership and organization have to abandon miracle and
seerman politics and seek to prove themselves by work.
There were those who, at the New World "split" of
1968, thought that Doctor Politics was "a shot-gun
conception" and argued that the thing to do was to rig
up a now-for-now party behind the facade of "an
intellectual movement". But they were wrong. That kind
of party attracts only Crown Colony personalities who
are disillusioned, but are still living under the
tremendous impact of yesterday's Doctor and are really
looking for him in modern guise. When they discover
that the miracle cannot happen twice, they run quickly
back into the fold and the now-for-now party starts to
disintegrate and to leave the carbon-copy doctor high
and dry.


The New World people who came to the
foundation meeting of Tapia on November 14, 1968
understood all this very well. We began our life by
asserting that "we do not need, or cannot afford, a
political party now." We reaffirmed this one year later
when Tapia No. 1 appeared and said that there was no
movement in the country which enjoyed sufficient
trust, confidence and moral authority to govern wisely
and well. So we set out to explore ways and means of
building such a movement not by the magic of
Doctor Politics, but by the only sure method: work
And now the chickens are coming home to roost.
The deck has been cleared of a lot of short-cut
charlatanry. And that is one reason why Tapia is said to
be "communicating" now. Of course we are also very
much clearer because the work has helped us to sort out
the contusions in our own mind. Then too, other people
have seen for themselves that local concepts are much
more exact in illuminating the Caribbean experience
than all the imported constructs from Locke and Lenin
and Mao. "Planter Government" we've always known
and we are fast learning about "Military Government".
If any organization has given the February Revolution
its language, that organization is Tapia.
Anybody who has actually followed Tapia meetings
and not gone by the reports through which the media
try to create politics will know that our platform is as
rich in rhetorical command and oratorical power as
any in the country today. But we have not sent our
message by this route. We were wary of the method
because in the context of our political culture and our
media, rhetoric necessarily doctorises the situation.
Reporters come to meetings and they do not open their
notebook until "the Doctor" comes on stage. Sometimes

they do not report what was said at all.. .only the asides
that contribute to the Battle of Doctors, or what they
think about the "success" of the meeting. As the
Express put it in May, "conventional politics makes
We shall see how long it will continue to make
news. We have beeh moving surely away from the
politics which depends solely on emotional appeal by
the individual to a mindless crowd. We have been
shifting to a politics which continues to summon people
to action as a group as politics must do but which
also creates the organization and the will to constructive
and sustained individual effort after the excitement in
the public place is done.
In terms of political strategy, this has meant forging
a group culture of open discussion and hard work before
attempting mobilization on the hustings. It has meant
creating machinery that could survive an election, a
muzzled press and all the corrupt dodges of a regime
that must try to pull everything down with it as it passes
into the labasse of yesterday.


It has been said that the risk of this is that while
the grass grows, the horse starves. Nonsense, sheer
nonsense. It is the act of building and learning, it is the
hardwork that feeds the horse, not the political
agitation. We cannot win personal strength and political
independence in the square; we have to win them first
and then we will win in the square as well.
Another risk of building slowly and putting our
ideas for national conversation, it is alleged, is that the
old order will then be able to take the programmes over.
Or the more impatient members of the new movement
may break away and conduct the struggle unarmed with
organization and plan.
Tapia has never been worried about the take-over
of its ideas and plans by Williams and the PNM. You can
only take over headlines and slogans and intentions. You
cannot fulfil them unless you change your way of living
to fit the newer world that we have for so long been
trying to build. And when you look at the PNM and The
Nations you can see that there is no dialogue and no
conversation and no new thinking being generated in the
governing party. The "bright young men" are a pack of
opportunists whom we know in Tapia very well because
they were all pretending to be men of the new
movement until suddenly we heard that one by one,
they had agreed to be candidates for the PNM.
What kind of integrity is that? Why were they not
publicly working for and defending the PNM all the time
before they went for office? Because Williams is the only
competent politician in the PNM and he is the only one
who believes in what he has built. And it is he who is
fudging Tapia's plans to stay alive. The rest are just using
him while gravy lasts.
So the PNM does not have the men to translate the
ideas of our movement into action. And even if they did,
then the new movement would have won everything
except control of office, an office which by itself has no
significance whatsoever. By taking over radical ideas, the
PNM is going now to be caught in the contradictions of
its own conscience. And the net result is going to be a
more thunderous precipitation of the old regime into the
darkest limbo.


Nor are we worried that the impatient members of
the new movement have brought the pot to a boil too
early. That method would have been disastrous; it would
have created only cynicism and disillusionment if
agitation was all the movement had. But when behind
the spearhead of agitation lie the building blocks of
organisation and work and plan; and when the new
movement finds the strength to settle its mind and pull
its members into a single striking force; when we reach
that point, the old regime done and finished. And all the
evidence is that we're reaching that point now that
election has discredited short-cut politics in all its
various forms.
We once reminded the nation that revolution
is not a miracle but a consummation of work. In Tapia
No. 13 we reminded the charlatans that it requires not
publicity, but toughness and organization. We urged our
brothers that it was not a game for boys.
The movement is now growing up and Tapia is
"communicating". The game is going to finish soon.








Page 8 TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29, 1971


The New



Tapia Anniversary


SEPTEMBER is Tapia's anniversary
month, and to make the occasion of our
third birthday really memorable for
ourselves and for the country we'll be
holding an Anniversary Festival of
dramatic and other presentations at the
Tapia House Moonlight Theatre.
The programme begins on September
10 and ends October 3. It includes the
production of three local plays and a
special anniversary show to coincide
with the monthly Members' Seminar.

Hopkinson's The Rose Slip will be
put on for two nights at the Moonlight
Theatre on September 10 and 11.
On September 24 and 25 Tapia will
sponsor in conjunction with the
Company of Players the performances
of two new local plays. The plays, both
of which won several prizes at recent
local competitions, will be performed
by the groups which originally produced


The two plays are: Winston Cooper's
comedy Big Deal which deals with the
dilemma faced by a husband when the

outside woman who is the mother of
two of his children comes to work as a
maid in his household. The St.
Margaret's section of the Anglican
young People's Association will perform
this one.


The other play The Blood Clot the
distinction of being highly acclaimed at
the Secondary Schools Drama festival
last year and of being rejected by TTT
because it was considered too powerful
for that medium. Not surprising, for its
theme recalls the drama of April 21 last


The Tapia Anniversary show will end
the festival on October 3. We hope to
put on with the assistance of some of
our friends and associates a wide
sampling of West Indian art and culture
in different forms.
We invite members of the public and
particularly our friends and Associates
to come and celebrate with us the third
anniversary of our life as a Group
dedicated to the proposition for change
that so many at the beginning
pooh-poohed as never-never stuff or an
impossible dream that couldn't last six

* From Page 4
people who are suitably kept in
ignorance by the media and the
politicians. We know what's been
going on and we know that the men
in Wall Street and the City of
London know that we know. They
are very happy with the kind of
"nationalization" that Williams and
Burnham have been undertaking.
They know that Williams has not yet
taken an inventory of what he
bought at Orange Grove years ago;
that he understands none of the
issues behind Tate & Lyle, that the
National Petroleum Company is a
The corporations have
manoeuvred these incompetent
governments into a position where
they confuse the slogan-mongering
"left" with radical words, where they
waste tax-payers money on acquiring
"ownership", and where business, in
fact, proceeds as usual. What Wall
Street and the CIA are really afraid
of is the Tapia proposal which will
let the corporations continue but
only on terms which would, in effect
make them pay back some of what
they have been taking out of here for
donkey's years.


Tapia's policy is like a dagger at
the metropolitan heart. We start with
the assumption that the men here are
just as smart as the men there. We are
not impressed by those colonial
technocrats who think that the
metropole has a technological and
intellectual superiority over us.
Innovation and ingenuity are in
evidence everywhere but political
power has decided the issue against
us in the past. That is why Tapia is
mobilizing in quite a different way
from the rest. Our people cannot
afford to fritter their power away by
remaining a fickle crowd cheering a

Messiah in the square. We want real
control and we want it bad.
Real control can only be won by
freeing the intelligence and the
dedication of all the people. And the
first step to that is to get out from
under the rigid formulas of both
liberal capitalism and Marxist
socialism. There is no "bourgeoisie"
here because we have had no
"bourgs". Nor have we had feudalism
or any dynamic class of national
"capitalists" so there need not be
any "socialists" or "communists".
What is the meaning of
"middle-class"? In almost every
family we can find represented the
full spectrum from professional
through artisan to labourer.


Tapia rejects all of these imported
categories and we seek to understand
what is going on here in terms of
Caribbean definitions. When we do
that, we see all kinds of very rich
possibilities for national integration
and economic transformation. And
we make all kinds of fresh
We see, for example, that Tapia is
as "grass-roots" and "working-class"
an organisation as any in the
country. We are grass-roots because
we are genuinely building from
below; we are "working-class"
because we are working!


We also see that the corporations
are not the real block to progress
here; the real block is the low
opinion that we have of out own
people. The Williams government has
had such a low view of its own
competence that it has allowed
Texaco to get away with murder. We
have been thankful for the small
mercy of higher tax revenue from
crude oil production but we've
allowed all the gravy on refining to
go down the drain. We did not think
we could deal with the complexities
of a really sophisticated policy for
the exploitation and development of
the refining sector.
But now all that will soon be
done. We shall be localizing every
conceivable aspect of the
metropolitan sector now that we
have already localized our thinking.
Let us see if the PNM establishment
can stand in our way.


Bank in your Bank

A, ,The National Commercial Bank
BAIK of Trinidad &Tobago Limited

I i "
:! 1 (* .. .




Metropolitan Sector

THE TERMS of a settlement with
the metropolitan sector need to be
threshed out in the light of the
case against direct metropolitan
investment in the planter-
-petroleum economy. The issue
here is control of key sectors and
of crucial decisions. This must be
located where it is most likely to
bring independence in the
selection of techniques and in
patterns of marketing. It must
ensure sustained re-investment in
local industry. A full statement of
the terms requires a lengthy
statistical presentation. That will
be issued at the appropriate time
and place. For a start, a policy
statement will do. There are some
minimum conditions on which it
does not seem that we can
These involve three measures: the
localisation of petroleum, sugar, cement
and a few other industries; the
rationalisation of the financial sector
and a few other essential ancillary
services; and localisation of the

communications media. For sugar,
petroleum and cement, etc, neither
nationalisation nor expropriation is
proposed. It is not envisaged that
control will simply be passed to the
Central Government, nor that the
metropolitan corporations will lose
anything that they have added to the
value of productive assets here.
What is advocated is private and
municipal participation and national
control. The highest value is placed on
this. Foreign participation is
permissible. But agreement has to be
reached on the method of computing
the value of existing assets, on terms of
collaboration which assure national
control of key decisions and on a level
and type of remuneration for external
services employed in the future. These
are a matters for political bargaining.
International conditions are now more
favourable than ever. To make the best
of them, we need strong community
resolve and good government.

We mean business. Localisation of
the key industries entails the following
steps. For a start, Texaco, Shell, Grace,
Tate & Lyle, the Cement Company and
some others are to be required to
transform themselves into recognisable

and bona fide legal persons of Trinidad
and Tobago. They must not merely be
formally separate from their
international affiliates as some of them
are now; they must be actually so. We
are invoking anti-trust legislation against
them on our definition of what
constitutes a combination harmful to
the public interest. Shares must be
traded on the local market in
denominations and forms which provide
access to every man in the street of
Brasso Caparo or Port-of-Spain.


This will require reorganisation of
the financial system along lines sketched
out later. Special provisions and
incentives need to be offered to
facilitate participation by local
businessmen and by the municipalities
and the unions in particular. The books
and accounts of these companies must
be kept here and where appropriate,
must conform to the demands of the
Central Statistical Office. The accounts
must cover the entire range of
transactions and must be explicit about
the buying and selling prices of all goods
and services. Special regulations will be
designed for this in the light of sharp
practice which has been carefully
documented by scholars. Finally, the
accounts must be submitted to
confidential audit by a specialist
Secretariat to be established along lines
worked out by economists at the
Economic Commission for Latin
America. The Secretariat will be

equipped with accountants, engineers
and economists with the appropriate
The employment policies of these
firms are to be carefully circumscribed.
The device of appointing nationals to
public relations jobs with high sounding
titles and little responsibility will be
made extremely costly. Some jobs will
simply have to be scheduled as national
jobs to be filled by a specified date after
reasonable negotiation.

tThe argument is that
localisation would destroy
confidence. It is not valid in
this context. The terms of
foreign participation are being
changed anyhow. 9

Failure to comply will carry penalties
in terms of the transfer of equity
holdings. A more desirable and more
subtle method of stopping the monkey
business of the past would be, however,
to bring lobbying into the open. The
government has been openly
kow-towing before sugar and petroleum
in particular. It has been receiving
charity in a way .that is not at all
acceptable to this country. More of the
bargaining must be made public. For
this, industrial representation in a
meaningful and independent Senate is
the instrument.
It must be stipulated that only bona

a Cont'd on Page 10




From Page 9
fide nationals can sit in that assembly.
The firms will then have to calculate the
costs of sending uniformed Uncle Toms
to represent. them. For the Senate will
include not only uninhibited
community leaders ready to pose
awkward questions but also trained
technocrats and academics including
lawyers and engineers. A major part of
its work is to conduct enquiry under the
cover of Parliamentary privilege. The
people to man it on the technical side
are available but there is no institution
now designed to protect them.
Still further, firms will be rewarded
for holding their pension funds and for
purchasing all their banking, insurance,
and advertising services here. The
computation of costs for tax purposes
will be adjusted to allow gains for this.
Finally, re-investment and new
investment policies will be subject to
public influence. Tax gains will accrue
to firms which shift to loan borrowing
as against equity and to firms which
pursue imaginative policies of
diversification, expansion and
employment creation.


New investors coming in will of
course also be circumscribed by rules
adapted to suit fresh fresh starters. The
ultimate aim of all these measures is to
clear the field for a different kind of
collaboration between ourselves and the
external world. Foreign investment and
technology, etc., are sometimes useful.
It is direct metropolitan investment
which is anathema.
Once we have re-defined the terms of
collaboration and broken the
psychological and material barriers to
the advance of Caribbean
decision-makers, there will be plenty of
room for play. In fact, some of the
restraints which are now being proposed
will become obsolete. Fortunately, they
will also bring into being a class of
independent-minded local entrepreneurs
and managers holding positions from
which they can change'the rules again.

The second major step in the
settlement is to be the localisation and
rationalisation of essential ancillary
services. Here the utilities pose no
serious problem. There is only the
telephone service which ought to be
re-transferred to complete local control,
this time with private and municipal
participation. This is important if only
for syinbolic reasons.

The major change is needed in the
financial sector The foreign banks,
insurance companies and hire purchase
houses bring no skills that we cannot
ourselves provide; there is no net inflow
of long-term capital through the
financial system. In fact, foreign
financial institutions hinder progress in
several ways. For one thing, they
restrict the growth of local banking and
financial services. A bank of or finance
company is nothing more than a sou-sou
dressed-up. While some make deposits
of "throw hands", others borrow or
"draw hands". The banker makes a
small cut for organising the thing. The
only difference between a bank of
finance company and a sou-sou is that
the former is bigger, has different types
of deposits and makes different types of
loans. In fact, all banks started as
sou-sous joint stock capital lent to
merchant ventures. Our sou-sous would
have developed as banks after
emancipation were it not for colonial
office policy.
In the middle of the nineteenth
century, all sorts of banks were started
in Jamaica by local people. But the
Charters given by the Colonial Office
and the currency arrangements favoured
the British and later, the Canadian

banks. These banks then systematically
frustrated the emergence of local
industrialists including planters and
merchants who wanted to stake their
future on the West Indies. Recently,
they have modified their policies but
too late to save us from plantation
In fact, their presence here only
places an unnecessary strain on the.
administrative resources of the Central
Bank which has perpetually to be
worrying about the ratio of local assets
to total assets. With local banks and
insurance companies, this consideration
would not arise because a money
market will grow up here.


The argument is that localisation of
the financial system would destroy
confidence. It is not valid in this
context. The terms of foreign
participation are being changed anyhow.
Firms will know what they are coming
to and will be reassured. At the
moment, they have to be playing games
with an administration that is itself
playing possum and waiting to chop
their heads off. The banking and
financial system must now be
completely controlled by local
financiers with a stake in this country.
The local employees of the banks are
known to be competent and ready -
ready for the settlement that will take
the burden of racial discrimination off
their backs. The danger is one of
totalitarian control by the Central
Government. To avoid this, emphasis
must again be placed on municipal and
private participation.

The device of appointing
nationals to public relations
jobs, with high sounding titles
and little responsibility will be
made extremely costly.*

Three types of banking are envisaged
under the new financial arrangements:
commercial banking, household
investment banking and industrial
banking. Legislation and tax regulations
must encourage the integration, the
standardisation and the specialisation
implied here. Household saving and
investment are centred around pension
and insurance schemes and around
mortgage, pawning and hire-purchasing.
There is no sound technical reason why
these cannot be integrated.
The reform will reduce costs and
allow individuals to treat their financial
planning and budgeting as a whole and
to save and invest more systematically.
At the moment insurance premiums,
pension contributions and interest rates
for mortgage and hire-purchase are too
high especially in relation to the scale of
this business in the country. Moreover,
perfectly good collateral is not rated or
is undervalued. All of this can be
remedied in the rationalisation. The
ordinary industrious citizen will have
greater access to capital and finance.

SThe ruling blacks have no
confidence in the capacity of
their own kind. They are
keeping black people in chains
by policies which imply that we
cannot get on top of this
The companies will make better profits
on higher turnover and higher national
income. Without this, the goal of
doubling the national rate of saving will
remain paper planning.
On their side, the finance companies
will have to provide an altogether new
kind of consumer servicing. The
insurance and hire purchase companies
need to advise citizens on housing plans,
educational plans, furnishing plans,
holiday plans etc. They need to teach
budgeting. For this they will have to
help plug the brain drain by employing
accountants, architects, surveyors,
educators, economists, lawyers, social
workers and, of course, computer

programmers and statisticians to collate
the information in the office. This
cannot be done in a fragmented system
of branch companies drawn to various
metropolises. If done, it would create in
the localities the necessary basis for
national economic planning.

The second sector embraces
commercial banking. It is envisaged that
the banks will specialise as they have
always done, in short-term
accommodation. Their savings business
will be transferred to the pension,
insurance, mortgage and consumer
finance sector. For household saving
and investment accounts, check-offs can

be made from salary. Take-home pay is
then deposited at the bank, the full
statement with appropriate credit-rating
going to the commercial banker. The
bank manager is then in a position to
arrange accommodation on a very
equitable basis if it is needed. He knows
his man's net worth and has income
position. Indian and African people in
this country need concrete schemes like
this to win them equality. Commissions
of Enquiry are largely a diversion from
reality. By its nature, discrimination is
experienced but cannot be meaningfully


The merchants will, of course,
continue to draw on the services of the
commercial banks. The accommodation
which they will need involve external
transactions. At present these
transactions are serviced by the head
offices of the various Branch Banks.
Localisation will therefore have to be
accompanied by the establishment of
National Acceptances Houses and
Clearing Agents in the main trading and
financial centres.
This problem can be solved by the
appointment of agents. But it would be
better to establish a multi purpose
financial institution with two or three
branches and small clearing counters at
the Embassies. This institution can
handle insurance payments and
remittances by nationals abroad and
may even open a small savings division.
It can be shared by the CARIFTA
countries and assume quite an
importance. At any rate, it will facilitate





administration, budgeting and planning
of foreign exchange by the Central Bank
and therefore lead to more rational and
better informed commercial and
monetary policies.
The third financial sector is to cover
industrial banking. Here there will be
some overlap with mortgage banking.
The sector is to mobilise savings for
investment in business. It must
therefore embrace the stock-market and
involve itself in the kind of work which
the IDC has been doing so badly or not
doing at all. The sector should really be
charged to conduct feasibility studies as
a precondition for gaining IDC help and
Central Bank approval for capital issues.
This approval will, in any case, be
necessary in the enforcement of the
regulations governing the participation
of foreign capital and the incentives for
job-creation etc.

SThey are afraid to appear in
public without jackets and ties,
ashamed to take a photograph
without first putting powder on
their faces. The limit of their
ambition is to put on a wig and
gloves. Other groups perceive
this comedy, become afraid...
they know that this is going to
cause trouble...

It is far better to place the onus on
the private sector to do the feasibility
work. Businessmen will have to select
their banker and pay him. It will cut out
bureaucratic delay and release resources
in the official sector for strategic


F ANI -"im

The Bank is now a white elephant doing
absolutely no work of any significance.
It is a glorified Currency Board changing
money at enormous expense to the
community. It has to be given work if
only to stop the demoralisation of the
economists employed there.

industries and the financial sector. Now
control of the media. Here again, the
danger is one of totalitarian control by
the Central Government. The check:
participation by private and municipal
interests. The Press, the radio and the
television need to be localised. Many
different forms of organisation need to
be devised. Some television and radio
channels can be run by the University,

decisions and for vetting. There may of some by local businessmen, some by the
course, be publicly-owned development Central Government in collaboration
financee corporations which would with the municipalities. Where the State
involve themselves directly in financing is putting up funds, the allocations
business such as smaller scale agriculture should be decided upon by the Senate -
and industry. These should be run as if the only financial responsibility of that
they were private, subject to explicit Assembly.
policy limitations. They should not be
ratoons of the present IDC.

SFinally, at the top of the entire
system will be the Central Bank. The
lank needs to be freed from the
relevancy and the established
competence of the IMF. It should also
e emancipated from its associations
vith sterling. This means that the
foreign exchange backing of our supply
If money must be determined by
rigorous calculations of our likely
eternal payments. Our range of foreign
assets should embrace the holdings of
he entire community and should be
diversified so as to maximise earning
nd reduce risk. We must never again be
pped into an involuntary devaluation.


SAt home the bank must intervene in
he system and manage it. The
nanciers must be urged and helped to
'aiw and direct funds towards national
terprise The supply of money must
o be a restriction on the increase of
estment and output; nor must it be
prodigal as to cause inflation. Savings
tential must not go untapped nor
westment opportunity go unfinanced.

Ra ,

In the context of the entire reform
of the economy and of the
Constitution, the newspapers will tend
to assume a different character. An
independent local class of businessmen
will find it useful to support weekend as
well as municipal papers and journals.
But if there is need for subsidy, the
Senate should again be responsible. The
most effective solution to the problem
of newspaper finance, however is the
reform of advertising. Advertising
companies should be localised.
Copy must be written here and firms
must have no external association. The
industry is certain to improve under
these regulations and will become more
highly competitive. With the provision
that firms must all procure their
advertising services locally, the media
stand to gain. Besides, the country will
gain from being able to change the
imagery of advertising and to bend taste
towards local output without the kind
of coercion that is required when the
industry is foreign-directed.

This settlement is not at all a simple
one. It demands high intelligence and
technical command and wide historical
and philosophical perspective. It
demands subtle orchestration and
extremely sensitive human relations. It
imposes a requirement of national
self-confidence and political unity. It
therefore dictates the character of the
political movement to undertake it. The

movement must enjoy moral authority
and extensive political resource. It must
draw the races, the classes and the
interests into some working organisation
within which we can disagree, bargain
for disadvantage, and yet work together
for the larger good.
It must be a movement that both
understands and practises politics.





Six Steps

and the settlement with the
metropolitan sector will together
set the stage for a national attack
on the old regime and open the
gate to economic transformation,
racial harmony, political
democracy and social justice.
Hope will be re-kindled and
popular interest in hard work will
surely revive. Yet there are other
measures needed to free
For a proper evaluation of these we
again need a statistical statement which
cannot be prevented here once more,
for a start, an outline of the strategic
moves. The problems to be solved here
are unemployment, inequality, and
inadequate education. The strategy
involves six crucial steps.


First the economy must cut down on
inessential imports. When we come to
examine the figures, we shall see how
much fat there is here. We import a lot
of foolishness. Food and manufactures,
Fruit juice, canned fruit, whisky, wine,
pepper sauce; thirteenth rate
decorations, cloth for jackets and ties
and a whole range of meretricious
trinketry. Sheer pacotille. It is pleasing
to be able to afford these "luxuries" but
not when it threatens the political
stability of the country. The nation has
to be faced with the stark reality. We
have to give up some of this for a while.
We shall see that it involves little, if any,
real sacrifice.

Let us assume at this point that the
settlement with the metropolitan sector
does not induce any reduction in our
earnings from exports. Then the
curtailment of imports will release some
money to purchase tools, machinery
and materials which we will need to set
the 57,000 unemployed to work. The
problem is one of getting hold of this
money for the right purposes and on
terms that do justice to its owners. The
solution to this lies in our proposals
concerning localisation of the financial

SWith the provision that firms
must all procure their
advertising services locally, the
media stand to gain. Besides,
the country will gain from
being able to change the
imagery of advertising.

The immediate effect of curtailing
imports is to push prices up. Food and
manufactures will soon become more
expensive. This need not be a bad thing.
It would mean that for the first time in
our economic history, except during
wars, the economy will become a
price-maker instead of a price-taker.

Prices will be set by conditions in our
own backyard and not by imports. This
is crucial for national enterprise. High
prices mean that the sellers of goods will
make handsome profits.
Farmers, artisans, industrialists,
people who do services of one kind or
another. They will do well. Under these
conditions, they will want to expand
their businesses and their production.
New producers will also wish to start
business. On both counts, job
opportunities will expand. Some of the
unemployed will find jobs, others will
create jobs in new business for
themselves and for others.
How far this can go depends upon
whether skills, capital, land, materials
and machinery are available. We have
assumed that the money saved on
imports can pay for the machinery.
Capital can be also be provided through
the banking arrangements proposed
earlier. The Central Bank will be able
both to channel savings to worthy
borrowers and to increase the supply of
money available to the whole
community. The danger associated with
increasing the supply of money will not
run us into difficulties on our foreign
account for several reasons.
First, we are not big exporters of
food and manufactures. In the long-run,
this is a disadvantage; in the short an
advantage. The high prices of goods will
affect us mainly at home. For the small
number of exports to, say, CARIFTA,
countries, there are technical devices
we can use to maintain our competitive
position. The IMF opposes these devices
which is one reason why we must have
as little to do with it as we possibly can.

The land is plentiful and
productive by any reasonable
standard. Our inability to win
twice the amount of produce
from it is largely due to
tradition. We do not like to
work garden, to live in the
country, to dirty our hands,
Secondly, our staple exports are not
terribly affected by wage increases.
Petroleum products including fertilisers
earn the lion's share. This industry can
afford to pay especially after
Sugar is tricky and may have to lay
off labour. But this it will have to do in
any case if it is to become competitive.
The plans for localisation have taken
this into account. When we control,
there are idle resources in sugar which
can be used to help other business along
and to provide extra jobs. The fewer
men remaining in sugar can be paid the
higher wages without disrupting the
Cocoa, coffee and citrus are
problematic. They will need help with
their exports. But they may not want to
export at all. The good prices for food
at home may encourage them to process
all their produce for the local market.

Cont'd on Page 16



From Page 15
Thus the bother over exporting may be
less for these minor staples than it seems
on first glance.
Thirdly, on the import side, the
restraints we advocate will mean that
higher incomes will not result in the
usual expenditure on foreign goods and
services. Demand will be turned towards
local products. This will sustain the
pressure for prices to rise. How can we
dampen this pressure! Initially, we must
persuade the citizens to save rather than
spend a good part of their incomes. This
is why an attractive scheme of pensions,
insurance, and sou-sou investment clubs
is necessary. The population must be so
deeply involved in the banking system
that they can see advantage in saving,
budgeting and planning their finances.
Yet, savings drives can work only up to
a point.
Ultimately, the only effective
solution to rising prices is an increase in
the flow of goods and services. For this
we .have assumed or established that
capital and machinery are not a serious
problem. The prospect therefore
depends upon whether skills, land and
materials are available to be tapped. It
will not be easy but with a little
ingenuity and much hard work, there is
a chance to make them available.
The land is plentiful and productive
by any reasonable standard. Our
inability to win twice the amount of
produce from it is largely due to
tradition. We do not not like to work
garden, to live in the country, to dirty
our hands, etc; We do not prune our
fruit trees, fertilise them, select varieties
etc; we do not like breadfruit, we are
not accustomed to eating a lot of
perfectly good bhajis and vegetables, we
do not breed fresh water fish and so
forth. In manufacturing likewise, we do
not fiddle and tinker: that is for
carpenters, mechanics, etc. We prefer
There are valid historical reasons for
all this. But we cannot continue this
way when we are in charge. To save our
own skins, we've got to make the shift


now. So far no government has had the
combination of insight, technical
understanding, patience to explain,
courage to tell the truth and above all,
confidence in the people to undertake
the large measures required to activate
But the next government is going to
do just that. We will sink or we will
swim. The monkey business is over.

THE SECOND step therefore, after we
have restricted imports and set up all
those processes is to abandon the
policies of paternalism in agriculture
and industrialisation by invitation. The
onus for transformation msut fall on the
private sector. The emancipation of
national enterprise is not a freeness. It
involves creative opportunity and
rewards for those prepared to take
initiative. But there are corresponding
responsibilities and we have to rise to
them. We will stand or we will fall.
At the moment, the government is
doing too much planning paper
planning. In the next round, it will need
to do more real planning. More but
proportionately less because the
community has to work too. The work
for the government must be in strategic
areas. It cannot be serious about giving
out land, stocking it with animals,
establishing the grass, building the

farmhouse, providing water, electricity,
roads, schools, post offices virtually
It is a most revealing thing about us
that we can have adopted these Utopian
schemes. There is no such magic.
Industrialisation and agricultural
transformation have got to be toiled for
by the sweat of our brows. We simply
have to work, to get the country
organised. The civil servants, the
bankers, the teachers, the women, the
tinker, the tailor, the candlestick maker
must all address their wit and their
intelligence to the problems of the
As things stand, the population
knows that the policies we have been
following stand no chance. So that the
farmers and the industrialists take what
gravy they can while it lasts. And it
cannot last much longer. The revenues
are not there; the inequality is too
much; the drudgery is no substitute for
creative word; and the youth and the
unemployed may tear the whole fabric
down long before the millennium of

SOne key to the humanisation
of the African lies in a fresh
policy towards tourism. Blacks
must be invited here. They
must eat soul food, share our
music, live in our house, our
boarding houses. *

The country needs a concrete plan to
come to terms with the specific legacy
of difficulties. The public sector has to
intervene to cast the framework for
action and then to use its resources in
crucial areas. The extension services

have to be more realistically deployed:
they cannot be spread all over. Research
must be geared to key problems. Capital
must be channelled to critical
investments. The tax office msut
specialise first in petroleum accounting.
The books of little parlours are hardly
important while Texaco virtually audits
its own accounts and 30% of the
revenue jumps gaily up in steelband.
There is need for order, discipline,
routine, for thought on priorities and on
sequences. There must be a sense of
logistics, a notion of strategy, a
disavowal of zig-zagging. In a word,
generalship. Public policy cannot be
made ad hoc by announcements on the
radio in response to every interest that
declares itself. Generals do not walk
about the battlefield meeting the
soldiers. That is the college-exhibition
style: a boy on the burning deck
whence, unfortunately, all but he have

ONCE WE become organised and
abandon current policies of
industrialisation and agricultural
transformation, we will have to be ready
to move into strategic areas of
investment and activity. Here housing is
the top priority. Embarking on a
national re-housing plan is the third
major step in the strategy of
emancipating national enterprise. We
have decided to leave the statistics out.
But a few figures will show how housing
can become the thrust to economic and
social change.
In 1966, according to official figures,
over one-third of the housing in the
country was fair to poor. Nearly 75,000
living units could not be described as
good. The worse than average areas were
Nariva/Mayaro with 56%; St.
Cont'd on Page 17



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page 16 TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29, 1971



From Page 16
Andrew/St. David with 48%; Caroni
43% and St. Patrick 42%.
The effect of all this is that some 45
percent of the population or 450,000
people are living in grossly overcrowded
conditions. This is a guarantee of social'
unrest and political discontent; it
ensures the failure of economic
planning, educational planning, family
planning, all kinds of planning. If we
decided to solve this housing problem,
about 75,000 three bedroom houses
would be needed now. For the next
government, the figure will rise to
115,000 and if the government gets
back, to 165,000 by 1980.


There are ten powerful reasons why
the new movement must accept this
First of all, housing is highly
labour-intensive. It creates a lot of jobs
for people of no great skill.
Secondly, it need not require heavy
expenditure on imports. We have clay,
cement, stone, tar, wood, mud, grass
and straw. The cement and tar
industries will have to be localised and
transformed into public utilities run by
the municipalities. CARIFTA deals can
be swung for wood from Guyana and
aluminium from Jamaica. A steel mill
will then have point. Our brick and
block makers who are already doing an
excellent job will be able to work round
the clock and even more imaginatively.

Thirdly, housing is highly attractive
to savers. The high demand for
imported gadgets and household
equipment is accounted for largely by
the difficulty in financing housing.
Mortgage banking is not adapted to the
needs of the population. So people now
keep their old shacks and even in
Shanty Town, furnish them with the
biggest television, refrigerators,
radiograms and washing machines. For
this the consumer credit is easy since
the durable is itself the collateral.
Once we have re-organised mortgage
banking and consumer credit along lines
suitable to popular needs, the
population will proceed in a different
way. People will go for the house first
and begin to plan strategies for
furnishing, equipping, etc. It is this that
will open the gate for raising the savings
rate to the figure of 14 percent
stipulated by the Third Plan. Purposeful
saving, household budgeting, clearing up
the confusion in the yards, providing a
dignified place for the family.

Everybody knows that it is foolish to
be spending on grams on TV's when the
boys are sleeping with the girls, the
parents have no privacy, the children no
place to study or play. But what choice
do we have now when it is so hard to
acquire or rent a decent house? We
settle for the grams and show our
neighbours that we are not doing all
that bad.

Everybody knows that it is
foolish to be spending on grams
and TV's when the boys are
sleeping with the girls, the
parents have no privacy, the
children no place to study or
play. But what choice do we
have now when it is so hard to
acquire or rent a decent house?
We settle for the grams and
show our neighbours that we
are not doing all that bad.

Fourthly, a major housing drive will
enforce town planning. Roads, parks,
schools, traffic arrangements, libraries,
water, electricity, telephones. We need
to plan these systematically and in
relation to where the population is, its
age, composition, how it is growing, and
so forth. The planning of housing is
central to all this. The way in which San
Juan, Laventille, Tunapuna and other
areas have just grown up topsy-turvy is

an outrage. No water, no schools, no that we are inferior; they are afraid to
churches, no public baths and toilets..It appear in public without jackets and
can hardly be worse. ties, ashamed to take a photograph
without first putting powder on their
FAMILY PLANNING faces. The limit of their ambition is to
put on "a wig and a gloves." The other
Fifthly, important for the groups in the society perceive this
success of plans for education, for comedy and they in turn, become
health and for family planning. When afraid. They know that this
children, wives and husbands return self-mortification is going to cause
from the school, the hospital or the trouble here. In this climate, everybody
clinic into overcrowded conditions, we has to be unreasonable.
are spinning top in mud.
Sixth, housing is the key to AFRO-SAXON QUESTION
community pride and therefore to the

success of municipal organisation. Good
housing is essential if political
participation at the local level is to be
sustained. The local planning of saving
and investment clubs, the discussion
about location of schools, clinics, sport
and entertainment facilities, etc., will
bring the party groups to life -
especially if the local authorities have
powers of taxation.

Seventh, the housing programme is
the key to plugging the brain drain. The
architects will have work, the surveyors,
the lawyers, the economists, etc.

e The economy must cut down
on inessential imports. We
import a lot of foolishness...
fruit juice, canned fruit,
whisky, wine, thirteenth rate
decorations, cloth for jackets
and ties. The nation has to be
faced with the stark reality. We
have to give up some of this for
a while.

Eighth, the programme holds the
solution to the problem of tourism. Our
sunshine and beaches are a genuine
natural resource saleable to outsiders.
But we do not want to be pennywise,
pound foolish. What is the point of
earning foreign exchange and destroying
our souls? We do not want the kind of
tourist who imposes his culture and his
values on us. He has to conform. He has
to eat food produced here so that the
small farmer can make money from
him. He has to buy local so that small
industrialists can make money too. This
means low-income tourists staying not
in large fancy hotels, but in boarding
houses. It means black tourist of whom
there are now over twenty million
possibles in the United States.


At the moment, the ads put out by
the Tourist Board and BWIA give the
impression that these islands are
playgrounds for rich white people.
Black people are nearly always shown
white-washed or doing menial jobs. It is
a scandal reflecting the fact that the
country is run by Toms, perpetually
shopping in the North Atlantic for
honours and phony acclaim.
The problem of the country is not
one of racial discrimination. It is that
the ruling blacks have no confidence in
the capacity of their own kind. They are
keeping black people in chains by
policies which imply that we cannot get
on top of this situation. They believe

We must move now to create a
climate of reason and reasonableness. In
terms of political strategy, this means
that the new movement must first settle
the Afro-Saxon question. The next
round is not about getting control of
the DLP and then inducing a few
Africans to defect from the PNM. Even
if that stood a chance of succeeding, it
would solve no problem. For it is a
strategy which is concerned with
government, with office, not with
politics. The new administration will
still not have the moral and political
resources to tackle the problems of the
country. Within a month, it will be seen
to be no better than the old
administration. It will not be able to
govern unless the Civil Service, the
Police and the Army feel secure.

The Africans have therefore to keep
their eyes opened if we are to solve the
thing. They must see that their biggest
enemies are themselves and the ruling
class of blacks. They must appreciate
that one of the major reasons why our
policies rely on metropolitan resources
is our fear lest a turn inwards should
give economic control to non-African
groups. The assumption is that Africans
are not competent to match all comers.
Once we are clear that this assumption
is sheer Afro-Saxon nonsense, it will
blow the lid off the phony politics of
the present and open the gate to new
parties based on different strategies of
change. Parties having nothing to do
with race: Europeans, Portuguese,
French-Creoles, Indians, Syrians,

The population knows that
the policies we have been
following stand no chance. So
that the farmers and the
industrialists take what gravy
they can while it lasts. And it
cannot last much longer. The
revenues are not there.

They will all take positions if
reassured; reassured that the Africans, as
guardians of the future because they are
the majority in the Caribbean and
because their degradation goes back
furthest into the past, are willing to
accept their responsibilities and to run
the system with a sense of equality and
tolerance. At the moment these other
groups cannot have that assurance. All
they can see are figments, eunuchs
dressed up in European rags with
cold-cream on their faces and conks in
their hair. Ashamed to be black, afraid
to be men.
One key to the humanisation of the
African lies in a fresh policy towards
tourism. Blacks must be invited here.
They must eat soul food, share our
music, live in our house, our boarding
houses. We will make money. The
money will circulate among small
people. The Americans will come and
see black men genuinely in charge here
with other races equally in command.
Side'by side; manos-manos.
They will go. back home with a
political message. And that, as we shall
see, is a vital element in the entire
strategy of dealing with the imperial

THE CLOSING-OFF of luxury imports,
fresh and imaginative policies in
agriculture and industry, a massive
housing programme. The fourth step is
in the field of employment policy. We
have to make a bid for full employment
in a very short space of time. This is
more feasible than it sounds.
When we present the technical plan
for agriculture and industry with the
figures, we shall have concrete estimates
of the number of jobs probable in these
sectors. At this point, it is enough to
frame the possibilities. We know that
the main problems at present are a
shortage of skill and credit and
difficulty with marketing. There is also
the traditional prejudice against artisan
work in the backyards and against
working garden.
These problems cannot ever be
solved by current policies. The
Government simply has few clues as to
what industrial development is about.
Not the foggiest notion. The
College-Exhibition view is that industry
is about shining new factories' on
industrial estates. It puts book before
sense. It is sheer utopian rubbish.


The country knows better. Industry
is about dirty hands in backyards. It is
about tinkering and fiddling with the
materials lying around in order to
satisfy urgent needs which people have.
The only genuine break-through we
have made in industry has been the
work of the steelbands. Free from the
brain-washing of the eleven-plus, these
unbridled intelligence have created
instruments out of dustbins.
There are now jobs for tuners and
pan-beaters, as well as for ancillaries at
home and abroad. The thing even earns
foreign exchange as it travels all over the
world. In the bargain, it makes music
wherever it goes.
There is more. Every year the
steelbands are progressively motorising
their operations. They have invented
Cont'd on Page 18





27 Charlotte St. P.O.S.

Page 18 TAPIA NO.20 Sunday August 29, 1971 ECONOMIC BULLETIN


0 From Page 17

stands for the pans and they have put
wheels under the entire outfit.
Notice what is going on. These
creative men are going to start
manufacturing those wheels, and then
the chassis. And before long,
exceptionally bright fellow is going to
introduce internal combustion. That
spells motor industry, appropriate to
their needs and ours.


Sense make before book. Almost the
entire economics profession is suspect.
The textbooks are replete with religious
formulations, unexamined dogma. For
years, we have had to resist the attempt
to impose the end-product of North
Atlantic experience on to every other
country. In Cambridge, in Oxford, in
Paris, in Rome, in Montreal and in New
York. The work in these places has been
doing untold damage in our countries. It
has done good too, of course, but one
wonders where the balance lies.
Fortunately, we have now made a
departure at St. Augustine, Georgetown,
Mona and Cave Hill. Chaps can now be
excluded or they can be included. We
have already opened up a free discussion
and four or five generations of
independent minds are running loose in
the Caribbean. They are in the Central
Banks, the Planning Divisions, the
IDC's, the statistical offices, the schools,
everywhere. We have reached a new

(The Unions will be fast
becoming part-owners of
industry by way of check-off
saving. Unorganised workers
will also be owners of capital if
part of their labour is
capitalised instead of being
rewarded in wages.

The plan for industry that these
young men will service involves putting
capital into the yards. Television and
radio sets, metal workshops, chemistry
and physics labs, equipment to teach
the new mathematics and so on. At the
Tapia House, we are designing the
programme now with the help of
scholars from English, French and
Spanish speaking Caribbean countries.
The work is in progress. We do not
know where it will lead. What we know
is that that is the way to economic
transformation. The discipline, the
interest, the entrepreneurship are
already there, directed towards mas.
The task of the planners is to build on
them emancipate them and give them
the chance to re-direct themselves
towards other constructive activities.
As in industry, so in agriculture.
Massa bull, massa cow! Rising prices,
land reform as part of the settlement
with sugar, municipal organisation to
provide apparatus through which capital
and education can be made available.
The tractor-sheds, the machine shops
and the laboratories of sugar factories
will be made centres of activity for the
entire agricultural sector. We build on
what we have. we will also create new
centres with labs and libraries and TV
and radio schools.

The young will work on the land
part-time; the rest of the time they
educate themselves at the centres. Days
off, evening off, months off, as the case
may be. They will be in charge and will
decide. The country is small our
biggest advantage. With proper bus
services on key routes all over the land,
they can shuffle back and forward to
the municipal centre to read and work
and dance and so on. Then back to the
farm or workshop.
Highly feasible. Sixty-two per cent of
the population under twenty-five.
Adjustments in habits easy to' make,
easier than it will ever be. Our youth is
our next big advantage. Politics and
science are about the facts of a
particular situation, not about
textbooks and myths; nor simply about
North Atlantic fears that the
"population explosion" in poor
countries might change the balance of
power and wealth in the world.
Step four, it is now clear means
making educational plans realistic. The
current concept of the Secondary
School has little to do with this world.
The School has to be a working and
entertainment yard for working youth.

to apply a lot of cabeza. Planning must
be limited to allow enterprise. But what
planning we do must go rigorous and
strict. The National Service part of our
time will be subject to central planning
in collaboration with the municipalities.


Perhaps the whole age-group from 14
to 22 needs to be engaged in work and
study. The increase in food and material
output will create the resources needed
for the education plant. The young can
certainly build their own hostels and
schools in tapia and thatch if
necessary. They can construct their
swimming pools, their dance halls, their
libraries, their playing fields, their labs
and machine shops, and so on. Learning
as they go. In this way the skills which
are initially scarce can be spread.
Meanwhile we build up the stock, each
one teach one that's the way it must
be.. .a great adventure for this degraded
nation, hewers of wood and drawers of
water for hundreds of years.

SIndustry is about dirty hands
in backyards. It is about
tinkering and fiddling with the
materials lying around in order
to satisfy urgent needs which
people have. The only genuine
breakthrough we have made in
industry has been the work of
the steelbands. Free from the
brain-washing of the
eleven-plus, these unbridled
intelligence have created
instruments out of dustbins.

As part of this step, the pattern of
expenditures will shift radically towards
services. A host of jobs in services will
be created. Tending golf-courses,
minding language-labs, keeping playing
fields, superintending libraries, running
buses, organising restaurants and clubs.
There will be work in TV, work in
radio, creative work in all forms of
formal and informal education, public
and private. We can probably knock off
a hundred thousand jobs cool. But this
is a matter of statistical treatment in
due. course.

NOW, STEP FIVE: National service.
National service for the whole
population. For those over fifty, it can
be voluntary, for those under,
mandatory. The thing need not be a
co-ercive measure if imaginatively
conceived and humanely administered.
We are imaginative and our smallness
admits democratic organisation without
undue bureaucracy. All our apparent
disadvantages can be turned to
advantage including the colonial
heritage which has made us so
individualistic and scheming. All we
need is a positive self-view,
emancipation of popular energies,
democratic organisation and leadership
sufficiently at peace with itself to trust
in our worth.
The proposal here is that national
service be part-time for some. Lawyers,
doctors, economists, architects,
surveyors, nurses, teachers and all the
professionals will do their thing as usual.
We work out an agreement as to how
much time they will give to national
service. So many man-hours spread over
so many years.


A Doctor will say that every Tuesday
morning for five years he will go to
Guayaguayare. An architect will say
that he will design and supervise 50
Municipal centres, the equivalent of two
years work over six. A lawyer will draw
up 500 deeds. We make up the
programme and roll. We trust our
professionals to be responsible and to
fulfil their commitments. The whole
nation is working, everybody pulling his
weight. With municipal organisation and
the kind of representation we envisage
in the Senate, moral sanction will be
very severe for backsliders and slackers.
We are lucky to be small. Everybody
will know.

SThe Civil Service and the
Teaching Service will be
liberalised and many will be
free to do two jobs. Many will
engage in business and so earn
profits as well as their monthly
salaries. *

New educational concepts. Young
people, bright people, our people, black,
pink, yellow, white, brown people.
Imaginative people. People tired of the
degradation, champing at the bit,
rankling in the chains. Unemployed
people, whether at work or not.
National Service. Every man Jack
pulling his weight, taking initiative to
win back his manhood, to recover the
humanity he has lost over the centuries.
The programme which we will be in a
position to draw up if there is national
service means that there will be some
leverage in allocating scarce resources.
We are in a jam. Don't doubt it. To
salvage this thing we are going to have

THE SIXTH STEP is the adoption of a
national incomes policy. The Unions
will be fast becoming part-owners of
industry by way of check-off saving.
Unorganised workers will also be owners
of capital if part of their labour is
capitalised instead of being rewarded in
The professionals will be giving
something back by national service. To
the extent that they work longer hours
than normal. They raise total output
and therefore make their contribution
without sacrificing what they already
The Civil Service and the Teaching
Service will be liberalised and many will
be free to do two jobs. Many will engage
in business and so earn profits as well as
their monthly salaries.
The stage is therefore set for most
groups to gain on the round about what
they lose on the swings. Prices will be
rising at the start. The value of salaries
and wages will be falling. But profits
will also be rising. It is therefore
necessary that incomes be made up of
wages and salaries as well as profits. It
gives room for play. The more
enterprising will come off well.

But we will need to take care of
those who cannot fend so well for
themselves. The aged, the unlucky, the
sick, the unskilled, the not so
enterprising, the Westminster part of the
Civil Service and so on. We also need to
curtail excess on the part of those with
strong bargaining positions.
These considerations impose
Minimum Wages below and Maximum
Incentives at the top. Nation-wide
unemployment, insurance and pension
benefits are also necessary. They will be
cheap if the financial system is
re-organised as proposed. The risks will
be spread and the capital invested here
to raise total national income. We will
quantify this too, later. The policy
proposal is that the annual
wage-bargaining be carried out in the
The only change from the present
situation which the scheme implies is a
more equitable and more dignified
sharing of food and imports. At the
moment, we are sharing anyway. The
employed have to keep the
unemployed. Men rely on their mothers
and their girlfriends for a dollar. With
fuller employment, they will be earning
their own money and creating more
income to be divided up. A larger part
of this income will be spent on services
including housing and education, a
smaller part on goods. And we will all
be building the nation and discovering
our talents and who we are.





15 Henry St. P.O.S.

INDEPENDENCE SPECIAL TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29, 1971 Page 19




THE EMPHASIS in all the public
statements so far made by the
Chairman of the Constitution
Commission has been on his
determination to draw everyone
into the work of the Commission.
But on none of these occasions
did it seem to strike him as odd
that only one section of the Press
was represented at his two press
conferences; that several
newspapers, Tapia among them,
had not been invited. (Tapia does
not consider a last minute
telephone call a serious
Tapia is a registered newspaper with
a readership of 12,000, but one can
only assume that in the judgment of the
Commission it does not qualify as a
newspaper at all. Therefore the
Commission carries on the authoritarian
tradition of Government press
conference (see Tapia No. 9) from
which Tapia, in spite of its repeated
demands, was always excluded.

This arbitrary and unilateral
assignment of people and things to
categories designed to suit the
convenience of authority is a prominent
mark of kinship of the Commission with
the system it is supposedly setting out
to modify.
Tapia, however, though excluded is
by no means disregarded. In fact, a large
part of the Commission's second press
conference was nothing but a reaction
to Tapia's article on the first press
TAPIA No. 18:
"to set a tentative deadline of twelve
months, as Wooding has done, is
Wooding 31/7/71:
"I fear it will take more than a year.
It will be impossible at this point of
time to estimate how long it will
TAPIA No. 18:
"People must have proposals to react
to, suggestions from others to
stimulate their ideas."
Wooding 31/7/71:
"After the memoranda have been
received we shall---once again go out
to the country---to meet the
people---to discuss their
memoranda---we shall invite public
discussion, with groups being able to
comment on the proposals of
TAPIA No. 18:
"The Commission is certainly not
going to draft as it goes along and
submit interim reports to the nation
for criticism. "
Wooding 31/7/71:
"When our report goes in....public
opinion will see to it that our report
is published in full...people will be
most anxious to read the draft
report...if the Government should
think of modifying our views, the
position would be such that they
would be impelled to have a public
debate as to whether our views
should be accepted."


The last sentence is also intended as
an answer to Tapia's main criticism -
that the appointment of the
Commission represents no concession
on the part of the Government to the
will of the people, since the
Government has given no advance
undertaking to accept any change.

On the surface it is quite remarkable
for a Chairman of a
Government-appointed commission to
tell the Government that its report must
be made public in its draft form; and for
Wooding to say that public debate will
curb government arbitrariness in altering
the draft sounds suspiciously like a
threat. It also sounds suspiciously like
Tapia, which has always maintained that
an effective constitution is one under
which the Government will act against
the popular will only at great risk to its
own survival.
So it is important for us to try and
figure out how Wooding and the
Commission see their role.

First of all even if the Government
does publish the draft and even if public
opinion does force the Government to
think twice about changing it (which is
very unlikely), there is still no guarantee
that it will be a good draft in the first
place. For no matter how much debate
'Wooding is able to- stimulate among
those who are willing to work with the
Commission, the fact remains that he
has very little hope of getting the
participation of those who are most
disaffected and whom it is therefore
most important to involve.
And although Wooding seems to be
threatening the Government, it is a
moot point whether he is really doing so
in the name of the people. Nowhere has'
he stated that his report or his draft
constitution will represent the views of
the people. All the Commission is
promising is that it will listen to the
people and draft a Constitution, which
is precisely what the Government is
promising by appointing the
Commission. In other words, what
effect will the so-called National Debate
have on Wooding's drafting? It is all
very well to discuss what will happen if
the Government should think of
modifying the Commission's views, but
what will happen if the Commission
modifies the people's views?

So Wooding, the Government's
appointee, is in precisely the same
relationship to the people in this matter
as was the Government. All that has
been introduced is an additional step in
an already discredited grievance process,
in the tradition of the meet-the-people
tour, the garment industry conference,
the education conference...
What then is the significance of the
concessions Wooding is apparently
trying to force on the Government? Are
they merely a pretence, agreed to by
Williams in order to make it easier for
Wooding to conduct a sham inquiry and
allow people to let off steam, as at the
Chaguaramas Education Conference? Or
is Wooding really attempting to give the
Commission teeth by setting his prestige
against that of Williams? If the latter,
then what will his next step be? If'there
is a next step, it must have to do with
bringing the radical movements into the
work of Constitutional reform that is,
turning the Commission in some way
into a fully representative Constituent
Wooding has, also begun to try to

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legitimise the Commission by
mentioning Tapia by name, thus
conveying the impression that the Tapia
Group is collaborating with the
Commission, which it is not. He
achieved this by "thanking" the Tapia
Group for sending the Commission the
copies of Tapia in which our open
rejection of his invitation appeared. If
this is part of a battle between Wooding
and the Government in the interest of
real national dialogue, he is hereby
forgiven; if it is merely an attempt to
give a greater legitimacy to another
establishment con-job, then we can only
say that it might have been more
convincing if Tapia representatives' had
been at the Press Conference to receive
Wooding's thanks in person.
It must also be remembered that
Wooding is not the. only member of the
Commission, which has certain members
with radical outlooks and sympathies
whose views about the present exercise
will have to be accommodated if the
Commission is not to break down
prematurely from the same internal
strains as afflict the society at large.
So the question is: will Wooding bite
the hand that fed him? Probably not,
though the game is still open. Besides, if
Wooding does not turn the
Commission's deliberations knowingly
into a Constituent Assembly, the debate
surrounding, the very existence and
validity of the Commission may do so
for him. If he considers that this is
likely he may feel that he might as well
take the credit and reap the rewards.
While Wooding is performing his
fancy political footwork, whether to a
good or a bad end we do not yet know,
the Trinidad Guardian is also reacting to
Tapia with all the subtlety of a
sandbagged bull goaded by matador's
darts. In tfvo editorials following the
Commission's second press conference,
it gave fulsome praise to the
Commission for getting off to a fine
start, because, it says, "the Constitution
is most important indeed (sic)!" After
comparing the Commission's projected
peregrinations unfavourablyy) with the
Prime Minister's "Meet the People"
tours, it went on in the following terms:
"As was expected, he [Wooding] turned
down the suggestion that the
Commission demand in advance that the
Government accept its report in its



entirety...the proposal is one worthy
of novices in public affairs." It
characterized critics of the Commission
as "that misguided minority who
profess to see nothing good in anything
appointed by the Government".
Those misguided citizens who see
nothing good in anything appointed by
the Government amount to a minority
of between 80 and -90 percent of the
population, if one includes those who,
being under 21, show their
dissatisfaction by their presence in
demonstrations rather than by their
absence from the voting booth or their
support of non-PNM candidates. And as
for the suggestion that the Government
might pledge in advance to accept the
Commission's recommendations, Tapia
No. 18 set it forth as the extreme or
limiting case in a. series of possible
concessions the Government might
make. The list even included
concessions that the radical forces must
.make to Williams at the same time.


Nevertheless the "Guardian" regards
us as "novices to public affairs who take
an inflexible position only to find at a.
late.stage they are left with no room for
manoeuvre." The opponents of the
Commission in its present form are the
people of Trinidad and Tobago; and a
people cannot be inflexible because it
does not have to manoeuvre. If the
people become dissatisfied enough with
their government they will get
themselves a new government in one
way or another; a government cannot
get itself a new people. It is therefore
the Government that must be flexible if
it is to survive. This Government will
not survive because its inflexibility is
the inflexibility of rigor mortis. But
Wooding needs all the flexibility he can
get, and we shall watch his slippery
footwork with interest.


in bound


ALSO: Fishing nets and Cords.
42 Independence Sq. Phone: 62-37424. 5 Charlotte St. P.O.S.

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Page 20 TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29, 1971 INDEPENDENCE SPECIAL

available at


TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29, 1971 INDEPENDENCE SPECIAL Page 21



IT IS hard to decide which member of the crooked
Caribbean regime is the crookedest of all. But
Guyana is sure to be a favoured candidate. Yet we
in Tapia have been mortified to see how many
associates of the new movement have actually been
brambled by Burnham into supporting the
Corrup-rative Republic. Like Williams in 1970,
Burnham has been surreptitiously taking over New
World ideas. He has been trying to implement the
Participatory Republic without abandoning Doctor
Politics, mobilization by racial appeal, or any of
the conventional techniques of manipulating
Caribbean crowds.
An Associate reports from Georgetown.
THE MORE they lose their popular support, the
wider they extend their administrative net. That's
the rule with West Indian governments. But rule or
no, this tendency, for some time apparent in
Guyana, has now become a veritable flood.
The Government came in on a high tide of
African hopes and support. But now the tide is fast
receding as is daily witnessed by rising
unemployment, mounting prices and almost
unbridled corruption and inefficiency in the
From the point of view of African progress, "getting
the coolie government out" has proven to be no solution to
anything and is increasingly seen for what it really was a
convenient slogan for the USA and the new ambitious
Negro elite. Add to this the immense wave of black
consciousness that is sweeping through the region and you
get a population that is becoming increasingly disaffected
with a government which does not dare to sit still. Given its
origins and pretensions, Burnham does
not have the kind of room which, say,
the Jamaican government still seems to MILES I

Let recent events tell the tale more
The Government nationalisation of
DEMBA resulted in a strike of the
bauxite workers at Mackenzie (now
renamed Linden after you know who).
A corrupt union whose leadership the
Government attempted to use to tell the
bauxite workers what plans it had "in
store" for them after nationalisation -
was finally exposed as a total fraud, its
leaders chased out of Mackenzie, and a
workers' committee set up which
demanded that the Prime Minister go
personally to Mackenzie to explain the
Government's intentions concerning the
acquisition and use of their pension
funds. When he refused, in true Doctor
style, telling them instead to send a
delegation to meet him in Georgetown,
they invited Jagan to meet them

Workers' demonstrations were
suppressed by the use of tear gas. When
Burnham finally deigned to visit them
the workers left him in no doubt as to
their feelings that the union executive
must go and "belt tightening" must
start from the top ... that is, from
Burnham himself. All this is the direct
result of a nationalisation which even
people in the Caribbean should know
better seemed to regard as "progressive"
but which was the end result of secret
diplomacy and bureaucratic imposition
from the top.

The rise in prices of basic foodstuffs,
mainly the result of external factors
(saltfish, a basic ingredient of most
working class meals, is imported) led to
a Government campaign to "drastically
reduce prices". The result was the
creation of the External Trade Bureau
to administer Government control of
imports in food and drugs. No
experimentation, no serious planning,
just a directive from the top. The result
has been a continued rise in food prices,
a shortage of drugs and more bobol for
the boys. Having represented the Bureau
as the instrument to reduce prices many
of which were fixed by external
manufacturers and producers, the
Government has inevitably been blamed
for the continued increase in food
prices. Thus control levels imposed
yesterday have to be changed today
without explanation or excuse.



The Government has also recently
announced the further centralisation of
public corporations, under of course,
the Prime Minister (Minister of Public
Corporations) and an administrative
Chairman, who is the person appointed
to head the new national bauxite
company. In the process of this further
concentration of power, the Chairman
of the Guyana Marketing Corporation,
Eyusi Kuyana, the leading figure in
ASCRIA, the main African cultural
nationalist group, has been relieved of

his position. His comment was a biting
take off on the inevitable tendencies of
Doctor Politics: "I have not resigned, I
have been relieved of my position. The
Lord giveth and taketh away".
The latest announcement from
Government reveals their intention to
take over another sector the diamond
trade which will bring the new elite in
direct contact with and control of the
diamond miners ... the "porknockers"
of local legend.


Intensifying disaffection among the
African masses which provided it with
its mass base, increasing centralisation
and bureaucratic control with attendant
corruption, have caused a tearing apart
in the fabric of the PNC/ASCRIA
alliance. Kuyana has come out publicly
against the corruption of those around
Burnham, without directly attacking the
Doctor himself, and ASCRIA members
are consistently weeded out from party
and government posts. It has become
clear that ASCRIA has reached the
crossroads. It will wither away or have
to become a mere apologist for the
Government, or take the separate road
of black liberation and popular control
(which will inevitably lead it to
reconsider its relationship with the

Kuyana, who has come under attack
from the Mackenzie workers and their
Georgetown counterparts for his
seemingly acquiescent attitude to the
new black elite, shows his awareness of
the position by increasingly frequent
public attacks on corruption,
individualism and opportunism in the
Government which he sees as
symbolised by the lack of
communication between the new
interior co-ops, most of which have
either collapsed or are in serious
trouble, and the city bureaucracy.
Meanwhile, the Government
intensifies its campaign to improve its

image as the most radical "socialist" of
the West Indian countries ... helped by
the misguided assumption of so many
that nationalisation (Government
control) equals radical politics. The PPP,
long fallen victim of this myth (by way
of the Russian model) is left bereft of
tools with which to fashion a real
democratic and radical alternative.
Meanwhile, the new elite moves against
actual or potential areas of disaffection.
The Students. The Government has
packed the Board of Governors of
the"university" of Guyana with enough
party people, including the Prime
Minister's wife, to control the board
absolutely. And they intend to
introduce legislation which will make
the already decisive power of the Board
absolute. The intention is clearly to

preserve the "university" as the night
school it has always been. All plans to
introduce day students have been
dropped and the Minister of Education
is now insisting that the University give
her the power to select entrants for
certain courses on the basis that the
Government is the ultimate employer
anyway. This demand is being resisted
by the University staff, but the
reconstruction of the Board bodes ill for
their prospects.
Apart from the University, the unrest
in the secondary schools has made us
realise that our young students finally
are fast entering the social struggle. A
recent strike at a secondary school a few
miles from Georgetown supported by
radical teachers has helped to radicalize
the younger generation. The issue
centred on a tyrannical disciplinary
system of (so the students said)
Victorian vintage. Attempts by the
Government to split the, striking
students along racial lines were only
partly successful.

Unionised Labour. The strike of
bauxite workers at Mackenzie and a

more recent waterfront workers' strike
both hinged on the issue of
unrepresentative union leadership.
Throughout, the unionised workers are
agitating against an old corrupt
leadership structure whose only means
of support lies in Government
interference and control. The
Government's response to these
developments is two-edged: the use of
police and troops and the promulgation
of a Labour Relations Bill.
The unemployed. The recent
establishment of the Movement Against
Oppression (MAO) in the old Tiger Bay
section of Georgetown is evidence of
increasing politicisation of that section
of the community. MAO has already
started a free kindergarten and medical
clinic in the area in spite of the constant
harassment of its members by the


The professionals. The Government
has responded to increasing criticism
by a suddenly vocal group of
professionals, who have formed the
Guyana Anti-Discrimination Movement
and who publish a paper which is both
strongly critical of corruption in the
Government and very conservative and
well-to-do in tone. Another response to
criticism has been the introduction of
the tax bill which in effect sets ip a
system of work permits for doctors,
lawyers and all self-employed
professional people. Under the Bill one
cannot work without a certificate of
Tax Clearance from the Inland Revenue
and such a certificate will not be issued
unless the Government is "satisfied"
that all income tax due is paid or that
satisfactory arrangements have been
made to pay such tax. Under earlier
amending legislation, those who wish to
appeal against arbitrary or excessive
assessments have first to deposit two
thirds of the assessed tax.
And so the machinery of repression
is strengthened, whilst the one-man
government seeks to extend its control
more and more over the arteries of the
The problem for radicals and
revolutionaries is no longer one of
opening the eyes of the people the
government is by far the biggest inciter
of public disaffection. The people's eyes
are becoming clearer every day, and the
long term strategy must be one that
takes into account the present
limitations and the future possibilities.


* Nationalization from the top Black disaffection
* Rising prices Worker Unrest
* Increasing central control Secondary School Strike
* Labour Relations Bill Professionals dissenting
* Government's University Movement Against Oppression
* New Black Elite Afro-Indian Unity?

The Cuatro Centre
P.O. BOX 1219-Telephone 38453 ,r :0
J%4ezuL_ 80, Henry Street, Port-of-Spain. -

Importers & Exporters
PHONE. 36219


L ~r ~L

Page 22 TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29, 1971 INDEPENDENCE SPEC
ON JULY 1 Learie Constantine, Baron of Maraval and Nelson, died
in England at the age of 69. As a final tribute to their life peer the
Lords of the realm attended a funeral service at Westminister Abbey.
Harold Wilson. Prime Minister of the last Laboui Government,
delivered the oration in honour of the man who rose from humble
beginnings in a colony to the highest status ever enjoyed by a West
Indian in the social order of the British Commonwealth.


The Tapia House was


In Trinidad, the island of his birth,
he was given a state funeral, the second
of its kind since the PNM took power.
But the news of his death was not
received with the same kind of national
mourning as when the late Minister of
Education and Culture, John S.
Donaldson died. Sudden disaster tends
to intensify sorrow, and Donaldson was
killed in a road accident in the prime of
his political career. We had known
about Constantine's health. His doctor
had warned him to return to the sun
and sea of the Caribbean if he were to
survive. Why he hesitated, and allowed
the danger to overtake him is another
matter which is worth looking into.
But the main reason why this
national hero was treated with such
popular indifference was that times had
changed. Far from being on the rise, the
PNM's sun had set; its past had begun to
haunt like lurid shadows. And Learie's
was remembered as a founder member,
its first Chariman, and Minister of
Works and Communications. Moreover,
the February Revolution with its call
for Black Power had swung into motion,
and to most of the youth Learie was
simply a black Englishman, an Uncle
Yet we must not mistake this
indifference for contempt. I suspect
that the population behaved this way
out of a deeper appreciation of his real
greatness. We refused to participate in
the hypocrisy of showering the dead
with roses which he was maliciously
deprived of while he lived. It is an open
secret that Learie had fallen out of the
favour of the PNM Gods, and had

become the object of much personal
abuse. This victimisation partly explains
his reluctance to come back home. All
the gun salute, therefore, the last post,
the draping with the flag, the polished
casket on horse-drawn gun carriage, all
the goose-step and printed invitations,
all this ceremony seemed to us the
people a hollow act of organised
disrespect. Those who went to rural
Arouca to see his remains laid to eternal
rest were mainly the common villagers,
his admirers, relatives and close friends
like Clifford Roach; and of course the


For us at the Tapia House his
memory will live on. He grew up in
Tunapuna and walked like us under
these mango trees around the area
reflecting on the state of the nation.
Perhaps it is here that the navel string of
the PNM lies buried. Because the Party
strove for assimilation: with Europe, to
outmanoeuvre the white man at his owh
game, we cannot be possessed by its
spirit of negritude. Nor can we, like
Hamlet, resolve "to take up arms against
a sea of troubles, and by opposing end
them." We cannot promise the ghost of
the dead to seek revenge on those who
betrayed our trust. We do not hate
because of race or colour. If we do have
to hate we'll hate black is white so long
as this wicked regime still survives to
practise discrimination,: exploitation and
Learie was no Uncle Tom. He could

never be. To accuse ihim of that is to do
him grave injustice. We sometimes say
the same of Luthei King. But it may
well be that we are guilty of arrogance
and conceit.
Imagine it, the ch ldhood
of a voice,
the voice of childhood
telling me my nam e. (Carter)
Perhaps we are 'much wiser in our
generation after :he event. If we
understand how difficult it is to wash
ourselves clean of the colonial taint; if
we allow for the limitations of historic
time and circumstances, then we must
conclude that in his season Learie was a
The fight for liberation is often
harder for the men in the front line. In
Ameripa Luther Ki helped to clear the

way for Stokely and the Shabazz. When
in the '50, fresh on the heels of
Macarthyism, the Klu Klux Klan and
the White Power structure had the
blacks on the run in a permanent State
of Emergency, the strategy of
non-violence was necessary.
It is like here last year during the
Reign of Terror between April and
November when the State directed
naked violence against the people. This
is why Tapia started the Non-Violent
Committee for the Defence of
Democratic Freedom. Emmanuel, Ince,
Espinet and I were arrested for
advocating non-violence.
When as early as '63 Lloyd Best was
brought before the Subversive Activities
Commission for attacking the system,
most of the "radical" leaders were then
the "new men". of the PNM. Today









,Trinidad & Tobago

dress from

Joseph Sabga and Sons


34 Pembroke Street P.O.S. Tel: 35842 38434.


I i -



INDEPENDENCE SPECIAL TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August 29, 1971 Page 23


those men who are so petty as to accuse
him of being an Afro-Saxon, a phrase
which he put in their mouths, are
spitting in their own faces.
When Constantine went to England
he was probably the only black man in
Nelson. He was certainly a curiosity on
the streets. Children wanted to touch
him to see whether he would blacken
their fingers. They thought we lived in
trees. They were surprised that he could
speak English, so little was known of
the West Indies. He used his eminence as
a cricketer to draw attention to the
black struggle. He provided funds for
the publication of The Black Jacobins
when the author C.L.R. James was a
voice crying in the wilderness. Later on,
he published his own Colour Bar and
Cricket and I.
With the possible exception of
Norman Manley no West Indian
attracted the notice of the British Press
like Learie. When Dr. Williams
"tiptoed" into London, Learie's arrival
was greeted with fanfare in the
newspapers. Such was his reputation as
a great cricketer, a civil rights fighter,
and a man. It is believed that he lost his
job as High Commissioner as a result of
his concern with the black question. But
that cut did not succeed either in
damaging his name or clipping his wings.
The British recognized his worth by
making him Baron. Even then he
continued to agitate for the oppressed


That he spent many years studying
law must be seen a perseverance to
equip himself to help his fellowmen,
and not as ambition to gain a profession
to become wealthy. He died a poor
Learie never wanted to be Chairman
of the PNM, but he yielded to the
pressure of those who could not help
but look outside for approval, and who
thought that his fame and influence in
England would have been assets in
forming a political party. However, he
did not tolerate this nonsense for long.
He was raised on a different morality.
In Beyond A Boundary James
explains how QRC was built on the
model of the British public school
system of Rugby, Eton, Harrow. Very
early he saw through the ambivalence of
this two-edged, doctor-shop knife
morality which purported to place a
high value on honesty and fair play
while it bred much crookedness in fact.
That system encouraged him to keep
a "stiff upper lip", and to obey the
rulings of the umpire in the middle, but
to lie and cheat behind the walls of the
classroom. One still hears stories of the
brilliant history scholar who insisted on
"kicking down" no matter who won the
toss, and of the headboy who turned
against his friends the moment he was
given the authority of prefect.
Exhibition, scholarship, profession,
wealth and the title of Honourable,
James relates how his father, a puritan
trainer prepared him assiduously for the
education race, and took him one year
before time to the examination centre
to get him accustomed to the
atmosphere of the track.


Learie was able to reject profession,
wealth and the title of Honourable
because of the manner in which he
started his career. If the battle of
Waterloo was won on the playing fields
of Eton, Constantine's independence of
spirit was derived from Shannon. Not in
the fenced grounds of QRC or St.
Mary's, but in the common savannah is
where he learned his cricket. Shannon
still conjures up images of solid
brilliance. In their time Wilton St. Hill
and Victor Pascall were respectively the
finest batsman and slow bowler of the
West Indies. In my time prefaced so
many of Learie's commentaries on the
game that it made him unpopular in the
announcer's box. The truth is that he
never forgot the standard of excellence
set by Shannon.
Even in sport, "class lay escalated
into structures still." From English QRC
and French-Creole St. Mary's whites
went on to Queen's Park and Shamrock;

browns went to Maple. Colour and class
were the criteria. White-collar blacks
had to play for Shannon. Blue-shirts like
George John, Joe Small and Telemaque
met as Stingo. The structure of sport
was based on occupation, and when
these clubs clashed class conflict took
place with a vengeance. Shannon and
Stingo hated Maple most of all. They
understood that in the insecurity of that
bigoted half-way house class and colour
prejudice was at its snobbish worst.
Learie became a legend in his time.

What appeared to be unorthodox was
just the variation on a theme he had
completely mastered. He was invincible
in the field. He could rush from long leg
to take a catch at short leg. It was
normal for him to snatch a shooting ball
from behind his back, giving him
sufficieri time to run out any batsman
he chose. Like when, instead of
Hammond, he decided to dismiss
Hendren who had already scored two
double centuries on the tour in '35.
Rolf Grant recounts a fabulous story.
Learie bowled a ball which was played
to extra cover. He fielded the ball and
threw down the batsman's wicket, but
the batsman regained his ground. The
ball ricocheted to square leg, and the
batsman went for a run. Learie then

chased the ball, and ran the batsman out
at the bowler's end. Against the MCC in
Trinidad in '35 he scored 90, Derek
Sealey 92. and Headley 93. This is how
a calypsonian recorded the event:

The second test match was
the best to me.
It will always remain
in my memory.
Nobody at all scored
a century
Only 90,92 and 93.
The MCC really did that fine
By stopping them at the
ninety line.
Ames played well,
Leyland batted fine
But was beaten by the fifth
hall of Constantine.



/ uStart



from NEAL & MASSY i







SINCE THE PNM came of office Government "thefts, losses and serious irregularities"
have increased 2,890%. The figure is computed from the Auditor General's Reports up
to 1968.
Funds misappropriated under this head amounts to only $250,000 and the big
items are really "chicken-feed" by the standards of today's morality in public affairs. In
the "burglary" at the Public Transport Service Corporation for example, only $44,000
has disappeared. _. a

The real meaning of this
astronomical rise in
irregularities is that bobol has
once again become the
standard. In the late 50's
people used to ask whether it
was true; now they query only
the amount. In the three years
1956-58 there were 100
incidents of irregularity but by
1959 the figure had jumped to
111 for the one year. By 1968,
we had reached 335. Anything
goes. It is now accepted that in
politics you look after yourself
-just don't overdo it.
Williams began by making a
great play about anchoring
financial control with the
Ministry of Finance and about
making each Permanent
Secretary the accountable
officer in the Ministry.
All of this has now turned
complete ole mas. Not because
Williams did not mean what he
said but because political
support had to be acquired at a
price when the charismatic
excitement faded. And the
price has been escalating with
every passing generation of
party "fanatics" and
handmaiden Ministers.

It is not surprising that over
the period since 1956 some
$13 million have been spent
without authorisation. A
further $6 million have been
spent against inadequate
vouchers or no vouchers at all.
The high season of this
slackness were the years
1961-63 when it became clear
that the PNM had failed to be

Oh shimz, Kamla when I tell you to sell Tobago, is
advertise I mean.

anything more than an
electoral coalition playing on
African hopes and fears. ANR
Robinson's stewardship feU in
the middle of all this and
accounts for more than half of
the improperly spent funds. So
Robinson as well as Williams
has a great deal of explaining
to do. Tapia is certainly going
to help them explain.
Over the 15 years the PNM
Governments have disposed of
some $3,200,000,000, !an

average of $230,000,000 per
year. Behind this lies an
increase from $86m. in 1956
to $371m. in 1970. The big
questions are two: where has
the money gone? and who has
been paying for the spending
spree? When we discover the
answers we will be better
placed to size-up the
"perspectives" for the new
One reason for the current
crisis is that PNM supporters
have already made a judgement
about the past. Government
policy in the last 15 years has




THE past few years have been characterized by
indiscriminate spending, and injudicious proliferation
of civil service posts, and a gross abuse of perquisites
and allowances, all of which combinedare economically
unsound, politically impossible, and morally
indefensible. .... BUDGET SPEECH 1957

not helped the ordinary people
to establish themselves in
business. Wage earners have on
the whole remained wage
earners. And wage earners
cannot escape taxes. They have
been paying week by week to
learn and paying very dear.

Williams has also learnt
certain things. During 1970 he
learnt one important thin
which is that there are a lot of
people (80% of those over 15?)
who are quite prepared to see
him go. They are so utterly fed
up that they would go along
even with a quick surgical
operation, though they may
not want to lift a hand.
Williams has learnt that. So
whatever may be his current
smokescreen national crash
programmes or national ole
talk the government has to
have guns and troops in the
background. In fact, the guns
keep coming to the foreground
because official gangsterism
invariably breeds unofficial
gangsterism and shooting up is
bound to follow arbitrary
searching-up and locking-up.
And somebody has to pay
for the guns. Somebody also
has to pay for the bribery and
the corruption that are part
and parcel of a gangster regime.
But the real costs do not show
up in the accounts. When
intimidation and terror,
bribery and corruption reach
indefensible heights, the

government simply stops
accounting. That is one of the
reasons why Parliament needs
to be destroyed.
So it has now become
impossible to establish what
the government has been
spending on BWIA and the
PTSC, what we have actually
put out'-for the National
Commercial Bank, how much
we have paid for Caroni and
what is the level of military
expenditure. Tapia has tried tp
find out. But National
Accounts figures are not
available and the balance of
payments figures are quite
If you want, you can get all
kinds of "rakes" and all sorts
of dubious sums appear from
time to time in the morning
papers, but the public finances
still remain a mystery. The best
you can do is to pick up some
of the guestimates which are
cooked up from time to time
for the IMF and the other
international agencies in
Washington, Geneva or New
York. But these data are
practically useless for
answering the questions which
people are asking inside of
Trinidad & Tobago itself.
Tapia is therefore
continuing its research. Out
full findings in the field of
public finance will appear ili
our Economic Bulletin No. 2,
in which we shall be taking an
end of year of look at the
economic state of the


ALMOST imperceptibly, Tapia moved
towards the development of the nucleus
of a paid, permanent staff capable of
servicing the multiple requirements of a
growing political movement.
Over the last four months we made
appointments to two major posts within
the organisation. A full-time editor of
Tapia has been appointed; he is Lennox
Grant, 25, former reporter and feature
writer with the Express.


And we have engaged, also on
full-time basis, Lloyd Taylor,.
Administrative Secretary of Tapia.
Taylor, 25, had been attached to the
University of the West Indies as a
postgraduate research assistant.
The two appointments are significant
in that they mark a new stage in our
organic development from a small group

T ay /
T aylor

r -^,
\ r

ra /nt


to a larger organisation which
anticipates even further growth to
become a nationwide movement.
Such a movement, we feel, ought to
be self-sufficient and able to provide an
adequate means of livelihood for its
members engaged in the business they
have made their life's work.



AT THE end of September Tapia will
be entering its third year of
publication, having survived the
horrors of the State of Emergency as
a virtual public utility in the
Tapia now sustains full-time

Thursday Night is Open House at
Tapia Headquarters. The free-for-all
discussion on "The State of the
Country" is now being supplemented
by a programme of prepared
addresses by Guest
discussion-leaders, not necessarily
Associates of Tapia.
On Thursday 19th August, Julien

professional staff and we shall be
publishing both more regularly and
more frequently. To meet the extra
cost of delivering the paper to
subscribers, new rates will be coming
into effect from October. Life
subscriptions will also be available
for the first time.
The revised schedule will appear in
our anniversary Number on
September 25, 1971. Readers are
invited to take advantage of the old
rates by returning the form.

night Guest
Kenny started with a highly
informative presentation on "The
Problem of our Fisheries."
Next Guest will be Clive
Alexander on Thursday September
2. His topic will be "Architecture
and Low-Cost Housing."
All Thursday sessions begin at
8.30 p.m.

Printed by the Vanguard Publishing Company Ltd., San Fernando for the Tapia House Publishing Co. Ltd., Tunapuna.


TAPIA NO. 20 Sunday August. 29, 1971