Material Information

Place of Publication:
Tapia House Pub. Co.
Creation Date:
May 23, 1971
completely irregular
Physical Description:
no. : illus. ; 43 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Dates or Sequential Designation:
no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note:
Includes supplements.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Tapia House Pub. Co.. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000329131 ( ALEPH )
03123637 ( OCLC )
ABV8695 ( NOTIS )

Full Text


TAPIA at this time has many anxieties. So far from being resolved, we
feel certain that none of these can be even mitigated, by whatever might
emerge from the coming general election. Moreover, a general election
at this stage can only serve to exacerbate the already confused and
potentially violent state of the nation.
The fact is that few, if any, of the civic institutions that we went
into Independence with were appropriate to the needs of our society.
They were not appropriate then, and they are even less so now. And
between 1962 and the present,none of our basic institutions has changed.

With the exception of the miscon-
ceived Industrial Court the Government
that has been constitutionally a n d
morally in charge for the whole period
which should have been a period of great
creative innovation, has offered us
nothing new.
On the other hand, very profound
changes have taken place both in our
sociology and in our economy; and per-
haps most important, a virtual revolution
has taken place in the capacity of our
peoples to see themselves with objective
clarity in their relationship', to one
another, to our society and to the in-
stitutions which govern our daily life.
The growth of this awareness has been
proceeding apace for years instinctually
and informally, and we have given our
support to those leaders who were best
able to articulate our feelings..

This is. why it is a mistake to
feel that Williams taught us some-
thing new. It is Williams' propaganda
that for a long time has made us
believe that he was The 'Great
Educator of the people of Trinidad
and Tobago. But this, perhaps with
hindsight, we know to be only a
halftruth. We gave our support:to
Williams, not because he taught us
what we now know, but because in
1956, he said things to us. that we
already knew, -and had felt for
years. But he did not articulate our
feelings on many matters for us.
And more important, he spoke to
us with great strength and Granger
was the first to say it with great
violence. The violence of his'dfeiivery
persuaded us that he would be the
strong and worthy champion of our
frustrations and he translated these
for us on the public platforms into
the idiom of formal political science.
Williams' power, in other words
derived from his oratory, even more
than from his technical strength.
Had we not given him constitutional
power and the long opportunity to
demonstrate his betrayal as a
champion of our frustrations, he
might still be enjoying, as an or-
ator, the real political support of
the people. The emotional invest-
ment that we placed in Williams
was total. And our disappointment
is total. This is one of the great
problems that face the people to-
day: that Williams has constitutional
power, but has no power from the
There is an irony here, for we
more than Williams have created
this situation. Had we in 1956, had
the political experience that we
now have, we would not have mort-
gaged ourselves in this fashion to
one man. We would have retained
our right of re-entry. But by allow-
ing Williams at the height of his
popularity to prepare our consti-
tution for us and to negotiate it in
London, it turned out that instead
of our permitting him the privilege
of being our servant, we have made

him our master.
Through the instrument of the
constitution he has converted the
responsibilities which we gave him in.




N O,,

tiust,-into a tenancy of perpetual.
power over us. Williams' popular
support was greatest in 1956, and
has been declining ever since in in-
verse proportion to the increase of
his stranglehold on the country.,
And in 1971, with no party of any
significance opposing the PNM,
Williams is likely to be given b.y
the election even greater constitu-
tional control than ever before, at
precisely the moment when his

popularity is at its lowest ebb So
that we can look forward with
virtual certainty to a Government's
being elected to office which not
only enjoys no support from the
people it will govern, but which has
come to be the symbol of the frus-
tration and desperation of the elec-

This is the dangerous monkey
pants that the nation will be forced
.to wear. For in formal terms the
people have nothing to complain
about, and Williams is, if nothing
else, a dedicated formalist. He is a
genuine conservative and his sense
of the conventional is overpowering.
It overpowers and frustrates any
possibility of Williams' even solving
a problem with a flash of authentic
creativity or even by a lapse into
His powerful intellect is com-
pletely derivative. He is a slave to
the conventional. Another interest-
ing and significant facet .of the
man's psychology is his thorough
contempt for and dislike of Trini-
Williams judges himself and his
behaviour by Britain's professed
values. His self confidence is brittle
and vulnerable for it is not based on
the values of his own people. Unable'
to sell himself in the marketplace
of his own culture, he tries and
continually fails to achieve any
recognition abroad save as a circus
performer, as a kind of intellectual

He thrives on flattery, and
needs it like bread and water and
he will not, literally cannot, tolerate
criticism however constructive or
well, meaning, even from his most
loyal, colleagues. There is no point
in hoping 'that he will change, as
some of his.less sycophantic erst-
while' colleagues must have done.
His personal. psychological consti-
tution" makes him allergic tooppo-
sitjion'-so-:he must rid himself of it,
crush it..'break it, or as he has most
recefitly threatenedd to do, sweep it-
into the1. Gulf of Paria. And if-he-
can't 0d this, he will, literally, sulk
and.:not talk for years to the person
who has opposed. him. Ask'Ma-
habir, ask Constantine, ask Solomon,
Ask R6bin-son.
He is a very strange man in-
deed. And at this critical point in
our history where the society is
seething with dissension and crying
out to have its voice heard, he is*
is absolutely the very last person

we want as Prime Ministe
fear him; he will sweep us ii

Williams, of course,
have the world believe that
win more seats than in '56 b
he is even more popular today
he was then. He will -clai

perhaps even delude himself into
believing that today, in spite off in-
tolerably increased unemployment.
and poverty, in spite of the des-
perate inadequacy of school places,
in spite of crippled health services,
a paralysed transport system, a
wholly demoralized public service,
chronic shortages of water, housing
and other basic amenities, a cap-
ricious and often vindictive tele-
phone service, in spite of all this, he
personally is still more popular than
Of this he is quite capable of
persuading himself. Williams will
pretend that the events of February,
March and April 1970 were of
only passing political importance,
were no more perhaps than the in-
evitable growing pains in a develop-
ing nation, which at heart still loves
and reveres him, because he is still
the best gun-talker, picong-slinger,
opposition-crusher of all. He cannot
see that his gun-talk and picong-
slinging no longer strike the chord
of response that they evoked in the
underprivileged masses in 1956, and
that he no longer articulates our
feelings and our frustrations in a
credible way.


Why then his continued supre-
macy at the polls? Why will he
command more seats in 1971 than
he got in 1956? The answer is that
success at the polls under the present
system has little to do in fact with
public popularity. Success in the
polls now has to do first with con-
trol of the state machine. Williams,
under the monarchist constitution
Ellis Clarke wrote for him and
for which, significantly, the latter.
was given the Trinity Cross -
enjoys total control of the state
Williams constitutionally is
King, Prime Minister, Chief Justice,
Minister of Health, Housing and
everything else, Chief of Police,
chief organiser of athletics. He is
appointer of public servants, of
policemen, of judges, of teachers, of

The dependence of the local
private sector upon the goodwill
of the Government is direct, par-
ticularly where contracts, customs
facilities and bureaucratic co-oper-
ation are involved. So that here


r. We it takes a brave or a reckless man
nto the openly to express an opinion anti-
pathetic to the Party's sensitivities.
The PNM as a political party
has become imbued with paranoia.
With discussions wholly stifled in
would its policy making ranks, self-criticism
he will has become tantamount to dis-
because loyalty. Promotion in the party
ay than



P7n -7'AF;~ /

ftheohtnz c.0,

AT THE Independence Square car
park on Thursday May 13 Tapia
held the Tirst ofa series of public
meetings. For the first time in its
history Tapia embarked on a prog-
ramme of public meetings, covering
five key localities over a one-week
A crowd of some 500 attend-
ed the Independence Square meet-
ing. The Tapia platform included
five speakers. Janis Paterson who
introduced Ivan Laughlin, the chair-
man, noted that the many under-
21's, who were standing in the
Square, like herself, had been den-
ied the right to vote because of
Williams' refusal to lower the vot-
ing age. "Not that there is anybody
we would want to. vote for," she
Ivan Laughlin, Syl Lowhar and
Augustus Ramrekersingh spoke on
the theme "Solutions to the Elect-
ion Crisis", and Lloyd Best gave
the major address on unconvent-
ional politics. In a voice charged
with passion (the press reported he
was "tearful" and "weeping") Best
began by describing a kind of "mat-
hematics one against a million ...
and that one has to go ".


He identified the problem as
the system which we have had for
years and years whips on the backs
of the Caribbean people. Williams
inherited the system and perpet-
uated it over 15 years. Now, with
widespread unemployment,inequal-
ity, a fraudulent electoral system-
and after the crisis of the February
Revolution there were to be elect-
ions on Empire Day, May 24.
"May God help our gracious
King", said Best.
He outlined a solution that
involved economic reorganisation

and constitutional reform "to put
the entire system under the press-
ure of revolutionary change".
Economic reorganisation was
needed to come to terms with the
big companies, like Texaco, Grace,
Tate and Lyle and the banks.
He saw the issue in economic
reorganisation as being the small
man against the big companies. The
big foreign companies had to be
localised, and the small man had to
emerge in a system geared to his
needs. Best dismissed as a "phoney
dispute" the debate between
"capitalist" and "socialist" systems
- both of which were relevant to
Western Europe.
"Whether it is capitalism or
socialism, I don't care. So long as
the small man emerges. Then we can

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.........the review of the new politics

talk about whether it is capitalist or
Reorganising the economy
would give economic freedom to
people. They would for the first
time have the independence to stand
up, take positions, and back them.
As it is now, Government is the
largest single employer of labour,
and this put an inordinate amount
of power in the hands of the state,
and eventually of the Prime Minister.
Constitutional reform, said Best
involved' local government and the
Senate. A viable system of local
government had to be started in
which people in the communities
could participate. It meant decentral-
isation of the Central Government.


The senate must be enlarged to be
more representative .of the interest
groups in the country.
Dealing with the events of
1970 Best said they provided us
with a new vision, but we did not
organise well enough to finally push
over the tottering old order. The
Public Order Bill remonstrance of
September 1970, however, showed
that confrontation could be suc -
cessfuj and non-violent.
But the Public Order Bill is the
real PNM manifesto, and though
we rejected it, we still have not
changed our habits ... "we began to
look for a new Messiah."
Conventional politics had led
us into a trap, he said. Though we
realized that Williams and the old
order had to go, our habits of mind

made us consider conventional
politics as the way to remove them.
"The question we have to ask
ourselves is whether the ACDC/DLP
is not the old order too. There are
things about that merger which
should worry us."
And he went on to outline
the needs of the new politics. The
only kind of politics," he said,
"which can save this country is the
politics that starts from below and
begins to build."


Best pointed to the example of
Granger and Darbeau of the NJAC
who before February 1970 were
talking to very tiny crowds in the
communities long before. It was
through their work that were
created the tributaries that flowed
into the February Revolution.
He admitted that Tapia had
been "self-righteous", and did not
appreciate that the "brothers on
the block" could not see the prob-
lem in the same way as the relatively
comfortable people in Tapia.
Apart from this, "we didn't
believe that you can divide the
world into "black people" and
"white people". We knew that the
industrial revolution herded white
people into the cities, after uproot-
ing them from the land, in the same
way that Africans and Indians were
herded into the plantations. And
now you have young white people
fighting the systerhs as well. ..
So NJAC was morally right but
factually wrong."
With the situation now leading
Williams into a dictatorship, the
solution was clear, but the ACDC/
DLP had created a lot of confusion.
That merger had discredited con-
ventional politics "so here we
are with an Empire Day Election
with Williams and Bhadase Maraj...
we can't participate in that. .you
must be mad. .. I am not going to
vote .."


Best outlined three measures
for the bringing about of successful
unconventional politics. The first
was unity. The groups involved in
the February Revolution had to be
brought together. Tapia and NJAC
were the two poles of an extended
fan in the movement of unconven-
tional politics and now the fan must
close and the poles come together.
The second was mobilization
of the country for unconventional
politics. Thig meant boycotting the
elections and registering all the
citizens for unconventional politics.
Then there is need for the
Constituent Assembly, he said. "The
State has to be re-instituted in a
way that satisfies the legitimate
demands of the people. And if
Williams doesn't call this meeting
the people will have to call it them-
"Either the government con-
cedes to the legitimate and peaceful
demands of the people or a jack will
have to hang."


)cm On u n DbIscussito nr

M zn, t tl 65 ball commlthibVj
Owl I e.r-tin (viTn

Thu,;z-.WHAT NEXr?


Surface: Trinidad and Tobago
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Address. .............. .. ................. ..............

I enclose$ ........for ........yr(s) Air/Surface mail

Return to The Tapia House Publishing Co Ltd.,
91, Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna, Trinidad and Tobago.

Syl Lowhar

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4 v


ONE OF the methods the PNM has used in the past 14 years to
strengthen its grip on the instruments of power has been to keep
people out of politics. Instead of doing all in their power to in-
volve people in the government of the country and thereby deve-
lop a continual supply of talent (both inside the party and out-
side) they have fostered the notion that involvement in the affairs
of the country was the business of nobody but the Government.
An idea which has been made to
serve these purposes very well derives
from the Westminster constitution we
are supposed to .have here, that Civil .
Servants must not engage in politics,
In the 14 years of PNM rule this
has come to mean that Civil Servants
must not engage in any politics
other than those of the ruling party.
In other words, it was very much in
the PNM's interest to support this
principle publicly, because they knew
perfectly well that it was among the
class of people from whom the Civil
Service and the Teaching Service
were largely drawn that the PNM ini-
tially found its largest support.
Then as the standards of govern-
ment in the country declined, as
they very soon began to do, the
lines inevitably became more firmly
drawn between the PNM and the
rest of the nation, and the idea that
"if you are not with us you are
against us" came more and more in-
to the open. As part of the general
breakdown of organisation and
authority in the administration, party
politics began to infuse the Public
Service more and more. Favouritism commissions appointed by itself for
became rife; advancement in the ser- improvements in the machinery of
vice came. to depend more and more Government. And yet after 14 years
on political influence, and political Williams had the nerve to blame the
heterodoxy was victimised. Support Civil Service for many of the short-
was rewarded, opposition was punish- comings of public administration in
ed. As always happens in the para- Trinidad and Tobago.
noid situations, genuine administrative This is not to say that Civil Ser-
disagreement on the part of conscien- vants are totally free of blame. The
tious officers was considered to be situation is not a simple one. Many
political sabotage; favourites rose and Civil Servants were quite happy with
fell, and spying and tale-bearing be- the covert conditions of loyalty to
came commonplace. In this atmos-
phere, work was impossible. the PNM which underlay their pro-
Slphere, work was impossible. -l r


This is the situation now if
you are considered to be for the
Government, everything is fine and it
is all right for you to proclaim your
support, to attend party conventions,
to write about politics in the news-
papers. If you are against it, watch
Now many members of TAPIA are
Civil Servants, and all of them are
against the Government. But if
Williams thinks he is going to be
able to victimise them, let him think
again. We are warning the Govern-
ment of Trinidad Tobago to keep its
hands off TAPIA members.
Politics is not about who is with
us and who is against us. Politics in
the broadest meaning of the word is
government in its widest sense. Ad-
ministration is politics in its day-to-
day application. Members of Parlia-
ment, Ministers, Civil Servants and
ordinary citizens are constantly in-
volved in both, in varying propor-
tions. By attempting to keep Civil
Servants out of politics the Govern-
ment has stifled their administrative
capacities. At the same time, the
politicians' jealousy of senior Civil
Servants has forced politicians to be-
come involved in administrative detail
to an extent that ic largely respon-
sible for the administrative : .o "int
exists now.
-It is not as if the Government
had not been warned. In the two
most recent reports on the machinery
of government the Lewis Report
and the Dolly Report the com-
mittees pointed specifically to over-
centralisation of governmental power
and the failure of the Cabinet to
delegate responsibility as being major
causes of bad administration. The
Dolly Report gave the yearly average
of Cabinet submissions as 2,800 -
which would be more than seven a
day if Cabinet met every day of the
year. As a result there was a backlog
of 6,000 Cabinet submissions.
The fate of the Lewis Report is
well known it was shelved, as was
Lewis. The Dolly Report seems to
have been shelved also, and Dolly is
now living an even more spectral
professional existence than Lewis.
The Government has therefore dis-
regarded the recommendations of

JssaUi e ULI ; others; no, U UUUUL, werei
long-sighted enough to realise its
dangers but did not have the guts to
oppose it. For them, as for so many
people in Trinidad and Tobago, bread
and butter came first, and they were
content to settle for the appearance
rather than the substance of power.
Two things are necessary if this
situation is to be overcome. First,
the right of Civil Servants to partici-
pate in politics must be recognized.
This is not incompatible with profes-
sional integrity, but is rather a recog-
nition of politics as being not
narrow partisanship but an active
concern with all issues of national
importance, including a consciousness
of the role of one's professional
occupation in the national scheme.


There is no such thing as govern-
ment in the abstract. There is only
government of particular people in a
particular place at a particular time.
However neat, however idealistic
theories of government may be, when
they are put into practice they are
altered to fit the practicalities of
power. If power is held by one
group, they will be altered to suit
its own interests. Political theories
will be altered to suit the practical
needs of the people only if the
power is exercised by the people -
only if the people constantly partici-
p-L1 'n government.
This does ,... mean that the prin-
ciple of independent professional Civil
Service must ,e discarded. It is
essential that, just as there should'be
an elected element responsible to the
people, there should also be a
permanent professional Civil Service
which recognizes the duty of serving
the nation whatever government is in
But if Civil Servants' participation
in politics is brought into the open
and recognized, the result is likely to
be an increase, not a decrease, in
professional integrity, and a conse-
quent development of real, rather
than fictitious, rules of conduct in
regard to the boundaries between
professional integrity and party loyal-
ty, if any. From the point of view
of the governing party, it will bring
about practical decisions as to which
offices shall be openly recognized as
sensitive from the party point of




view, and therefore reservable if
necessary for political appointees.
This development must be part of
the overall development of a confi-
dent and mobile administrative and
technocratic group in the society as
a whole.


Secondly, it must be recognized
that both politicians and civil
servants have an obligation to do
everything in their power to increase
governmental expertise and efficiency.
The growth of professionalism in the
permanent civil service must be fost-
ered. We have shown how this
growth has been frustrated in the
past, and how, in the future, it is
going to require certain conditions of
freedom for the Civil Service and
administrative decentralisation in the
country as a whole. But it is perfect-
ly possible for the Civil Service to

begin raising standards now, first by
proclaiming its own right to partici-
pation in the political life of the
country and second, by turning its
energies more fully to the task of
improving itself professionally.
This is particularly important at
the present stage, because many
groups and interests, not only the
Civil Service, are beginning to feel
their power for the first time and
mobilise their forces to profit from
the decline of the political regime by
obtaining improved conditions for
themselves. This is true of police,
nurses and doctors, no less than of
the administrative Civil Service. It is
essential that in all these cases the
newly achieved professional conscious-
ness should be directed to profession-
al self-improvement from the point
of view of production as well as
from that of pay and conditions fo
employment. Otherwise, inertia will
be succeeded by agitiation but work
will have got lost somewhere along
the way.
TAPIA therefore appeals to all
members of the Trinidad and Tobago
Public Service to do two things:
first, to declare themselves openly on
the issues that face the country, and
participate openly in the work of
bringing about serious change in our
society ; secondly, to make a start to-
wards increased efficiency and profes-
sionalism by doing on their own
what the Government has not been
able to do in its 14 y-ars of un-
challenged power. That is, to raise
the productivity of administrative
operations by as many simple ex-
pedients as possible reducing
lateness and absenteeism, showing
courtesy to the public. In short, they
must demonstrate to their fellow citi-
zens at one and the same time
essential irrelevancy of the present
elected government and the prospect
of an improvement in the quality of
public as well as private life that the
people in this country have it in
their power to realise.










74 J P/'

Your turn

Trinidad and Tobago is once again clear.
Clear, but far from sweet. In fact, conven-
tional politics is wreathed in the same
stinking miasma that surrounded it in
December 1970.
Williams the arrogant, Bhadase the
gun-toter, Kamal the gamester, Prevatt
-the fresh-air friend, Padmore the lock-
smith, Typhoid Max Awon. And then
there remains the horde of resolute non-
entities from Lequay and Gomes through
Pierre and Sham Mohammed to the
biggest political piss-to-windward of all,
Karl Terrence Hudson-Phillips, Queen's
How can the nation stomach this
bunch of lochoesforanother five months,
let alone another five years!
After all the hasikara and simidimi, all
the alliances and divorces, all the pro-
posals and demands that have obscured
the basic political alignments of this
country during the last six months, the
population is faced with exactly the same
old, insulting choices as usual Williams,
Jamadar and/or Bhadase Maraj, Dhanny
(?) with Robinson on the outskirts
seeking a favourite-son power base in

After all the agonizing months since
the State of Emergency the country's
gains in the fields of conventional politics
are a resounding and unequivocal duck-
egg. In 1970 we all made up our minds
that Williams had to go. Yet he has hung
on to drag our politics to its present
foetid depths where robber-talk and
chest-beating disguise a most retrogressive
play on race. Desperate as we were to be
rid of Williams and the PNM, we left the
way open for the foredoomed adventu-
rism of the ACDC/DLP.
That merger, though obviously in the
tradition of all previous now-for-npw
electoral alliances, introduced two sepa-
rate confusions into the political pattern.
The first was this big hoax of multi-
racialism. The coming of Robinson, an
African of national "eminence," and with
a certain amount of support in the electo-
rate, seemed to promise the start of a new
harmony in African/Indian relations.
African/Indian relations. But this was
multi-racialism at the level of con-
ventional party politics. The NJAC march
to Caroni had already shown the be-
ginning of genuine multi-racialism at the
level of unconventional, grassroots poli-
tics (which was one of the reasons for the
Government's repressions that came
The second thing was Robinson's de-
mands for electoral reform which con-
vinced some people that here was a man
capable of making a stand on principle.


i .- .

For Robinson electoral reform was the
new politics. Indeed, the stronger the
country's desire to be rid of Williams, the
more we were prepared to be-brambled
by Robinson, and to forget that the ques-
tion of the voting machines was just
another non-issue.
The constitutional changes necessary
to break the grip which the establishment
has on our throats must be far wider in
scope than electoral reforms. Conversely,
the problem of the machines is the pro-
blems of trust; and trust can only begin
to enter our public affairs when a lot of
other changes have come about. Those
are the changes inherent in the practice of
the new politics which involves the hard
work of patient building of parties.
But of these other changes, Robinson
said not a word. He -could' easily have
stolen them from TAPIA along with the
electoral reform proposals. After all,
stealing from TAPIA is what the Govern-
ment had been doing for a year. Sou sou
banking, localisation, reform of local
government and the Senate, national re-
construction....But the ACDC seized only
what they hoped would put them in
power. They only took over the labels
without realizing that TAPIA was es-
pousing a new way of life hard work,
free discussion, solid building and the
achievement of self-knowledge.

Now the alliance is broken and its fal-
sity stands naked. Robinson, realising
that he cannot win this way, has picked
up his marbles.and gone home. This is no
stand on principle.Forwhat is an alliance
with the DLP but an electoral alliance? A
little grandcharge about electoral reform
is part of the game, but if you form an
election party you must fight an election.
To pull out at the last minute is to leave
your supporters in the lurch. Besides, you
just burn your boats before they are

Of course, "win" for Robinson means
"take over the government." Robinson
certainly did not resign a seat in the PNM
Government to settle for one in the
opposition especially in coalition with
Jamadar. In the doldrums of opposition,
such an alliance would last about one
day. In any case, whatever Robinson may
desire for himself, he is only useful to
Jamadar if he can be the means of putting
the DLP into power. They can get into
opposition without his help.
The DLP, however, are quite prepared
to settle for opposition if push come to
shove; their marbles may still stay in the
Robinson, then, withdrew because he
knew he could not win. He may, indeed,
have been the victim of his own logic.

I :.;-

Multi-racialism ... conventional politics level ... a hoax of bland images

Multi-racialism. .unconventional politics... NJAC mai

Having (more or less) said that he would
not run without electoral reforms, he
may have found it impossible to back
down. But the reason he called for elec-
toral reforms in the first place was to en-
able him to win the election. So it
amounts to the same thing. Or, he may
have felt that Williams would be certain
to rig the machines against him, but not
against Jamadar, since Jamadar is a per-
fectly comfortable opposition leader for
any Prime Minister to have, that being his
proven natural condition in life. Whereas
Williams may have thought that the rene-
gade Robinson would be too much of a
thorn in the flesh and a continual focus
of public interest, and must therefore be
Excluded at all costs.
But it was possible that, given the state
of panic in the country, worsening with
each fresh occasion of Williams' bragging
and sabre-rattling, the ACDC/DLP could
yet have won a majority. It would have
been more through Williams' indiscretions
than through any success of Robinson's
part to deliver the volume of support -
from youth in particular the alliance
hoped he would bring. Certainly
Robinson's image of clean-cut, grey
flannel, harmlessness by day, and of fat-
headed, dashiki-draped harmlessness after
working hours cannot attract black youth
in a revolutionary situation. And in the
end it was the ACDC/DLP shilly-shallying
and zig-zagging that decided the issue.
In any case Robinson was quite likely
to have been dumped by the DLP if he
had not withdrawn of his own unfree
will. Now he has the same option left to
him as he started with to build himself
up as a revolutionary politician with
Tobago as his power-base. Perhaps he will
seek for revolutionary legitimacy by re-
minding people that he is a lawyer and
that the Prime Minister says lawyers are
subversive. Or perhaps, if the situation
warms up, he will even try for a little jail.
Even as a revolutionary he needs Williams
to legitimise him.

But the situation has in fact gone
beyond these possibilities, and Robinson
remains what he always was a footnote
to the political history of the PNM.
The possibilities of alliance among
conventional political groups are now
clearly nil. The basic, tragic irony of the
1960's is still with us. That is, there is still
a large, dissident section of the popula-
tion alienated from the parliamentary
establishment. And there are two dissi-
dent splinter parties, one from the
government party and one from the par-
liamentary opposition. But, despite all
that, the dissident parties have been un-
able either by themselves or jointly to
make any significant rapport with the
large, dissatisfied part of the population.
This is the situation in conventional
political terms. But there is unfortunately
another dimension another aspect of
traditional political alignments that has
once more come to the surface. This
dimension is race. Now that the false
issues are removed, the country is seeing
very clearly that the contest in this
election, as in the so many previous ones,
is a contest between Indian and African.
And as usual, it is in the interest of all
three conventional parties that it should
be so. In fact, so clearly does the country

recognize this that the morning after
Robinson's withdrawal the rumour was
that Jamadar had already contacted
Bhadase with a proposal for a merger,
stipulating a safe Indian seat for himself
and the three opposition Senate seats for
three of his colleagues.

Yes, we are back to square one with
vengeance except for one thing. The
people of Trinidad and Tobago are not
the same people as they were in 1966 or
even 1969. You cannot step into the
same river twice. The scales are coming
off our eyes. We do not want racial con-
flict and we will not have it forced upon
us. From the intensive course in political
science of the last 18 months we have
learned more than in the past 15 years of
the University of Woodford Square. We
have just had our final laboratory demon-
stration of the bankruptcy of now-for-
now politics inside the conventional
system, and the lesson we have learned is

The system itself must be changed;
The people must now intervene to
change it; and that
It is in the METHOD of changing it
we will remove Williams.
Let the election-Williams'
election, Bhadase's election fall into its
true perspective. Let us not wear our-
selves out chasing the issue of voting
machines as we chased the "issue" of the
Republic and the "issue" of guilt or in-
nocence at the Court Martial. Let us ex-
amine what the work is that needs to be
done so that there shall be honest and
meaningful elections whatever the polling
method; so that there shall be a useful
and dedicated Defence Force and there-
fore no need of Court Martial; So that
there shall be no political parties which
need to equate African-Indian Interests
with African-Indian hatred.
In short, so that there shall be repre-
sentative government for the first time in
Trinidad and Tobago.
Most immediately, we must examine
how the population can become involved
and remain involved in the work of
creating its own destiny.
Everything TAPIA has been saying
throughout the crisis, about now-for-now
politics, about participation, about poli-
tical and economic reforms, has been in-
dicated by the present state of affairs.
The issue of the moment is political re-
form, and it is an issue which TAPIA
made. Nor has TAPIA hesitated to put
forward concrete proposals:
Expansion of local government:
Decentralisation of executive
* Senate appointment of State func-
* Independence of the Senate;
Localisation of key industries;
* Rationalisation of banking;
* Public Service reform;
* Education reform.
The time has come when all these
must be widely discussed. Nearly every-
one else has played and missed. TAPIA
That is why TAPIA has printed this
special issue and launched a series of
public meetings. And that is why TAPIA
thinks it is essential that the people
1. BOYCOTT the election and write

9 R jC C./ *47r

- .t,, p p,

h to Caroni.

down their names in a programme of
registration against the election and in
favour of electoral and constitutional
reform NOW.
2. ORGANISE People's Parliaments
representing all interests in the nation, to
hold open discussion of all the issues
facing the country and decide, with or
without the participation of the present
Government, on the forms of government
best suited to the requirements of
Trinidad and Tobago.
3. CALL with one voice for a Con-
stituent Assembly to be formed to con-
tinue the discussion begun by the
People's Parliaments. If the Government
does not respond, then the People's Par-
liament must be developed by the people
into a Constituent Assembly. This meet-
ing of all the interests must be capable of
dealing with the Government from a posi-
tion of strength.
This is the only way we can achieve
the system of government we think most
suitable to our needs.

Vacation School and Homework Clinic

THE Tapia Experimental School will
begin during the coming August vaca-
tion. It will be the first attempt to
put into practice a new system of
education which we have worked out
in theory.
We hope that the vacation. experi-
ment will advance the work towards
designing a Caribbean Certificate of
Youth Education to replace the
London/Cambridge G.C.E.
Classes will be held for a few

hours each day, over a specific
period, and the idea is to teach -
and to pioneer changes in the teach-
ing of languages, literature, history
and mathematics, to begin with.
The emphasis will be on practical
work. For example, we propose to
teach literature through the use of
theatre. And in particular, the course
will encourage the use of initiative
and native ability as opposed to
the cramming of facts from text-

PPY IvA/e.

Sand was soft silt,
flushed from some mountain's passage,
down ravines, rivers green with urine,
cascading down the slope of brown savannahs
into the rugged, salt suckaway sea.
We are the water people
swayed by the star and the crescent moon,
and the silver ring of foam on rock
and the whistle of wind in the reed,
and the ripple of sound from the skin of the drum.
We have always lived on the banks of rivers
Ganges, Niger, Congo, Zambesi.
We camped on the Euphrates
While our horsemen swept the plains.
We built pyramids from the mud of the Nile.
We conquered Rome and discoloured the Tiber.
We crossed the desert-sea on camel-ships
Brine in our nostrils, sun-strokes on our backs.

Students and teachers involved in
work from O' Level to .University,
including Polytechnic and Vocational
Schools are invited to take part. Just
get in contact with the Education
Secretary, Tapia House, 91 Tunapuna
Road, Tunapuna.
Remember, too, that ourHome-
work Clinics for secondary school
children (see Tapia No. 15) are to
begin soon at the Tapia House.

We cried rivers of tears
Watching our women fall like water-blossoms.
We died and rose again in the keeled coffins.
In shades of trees from which our fathers hung
We sang the praises of heroes not our own.
Daaga and Enriquillo were unknown,
Cane-arrow pierced their generation's heart,
And from their roots have sprung rebellious grass.
The time's black hand encircles the white face
cries of Uhuru rouse the sleeping bats
whose draping wings fly like unshutter'd blinds.
Comets are flashing flame across the sky
While the Dry River speaks its language-thirst.
The Canal cuts the city like a Wound,
septic, yellow with 5us, draining the life
blood in the gullible sea
Rage, rage Dry River
Under the terrible flight of carrion-birds!


THE SMALL clearing on the old
railway line at Tabaquite Junction was
planted with the colourful flags and
banners of groups in unconventional
politics. The loudspeakers were mounted
onto the branch-covered roof of a shed
thrown up for the occasion on the
adjacent playing field.
By mid-morning the cars began to
arrive, bringing representatives from the
groups invited to take part in what was to
be the first "People's Assembly" at
Tabaquite, Sunday May 9. Tapia,UNIP,

Rally at Tabaquite
Liberals, WEA from the north;'Young
Power and UMROBI from the south; the
Coordinating Council from the east.
From all parts we converged on
Tabaquite, in the centre of the
island. In Port of Spain, forces of the
old order, election parties, gather for a
Voter's Day Rally. Robinson said he
would not run after all, and conventional
politics gave its dying whimper. But in

Tabaquite, the "People's Assembly,"
promising free discussion and community
participation, got off with less than a
Apart from two members of the
Tabaquite Progressive Movement, who
spokethe exercise failed to involve the
people of Tabaquite. They did not come
out to take part in the discussions that
were promised, and the "People's
Assembly" turned out to be an ordinary
political meeting at which leaders of
political groups made long speeches.



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The Regio



GUYANA is a beautiful country. Its people are hospitable to a fault. But
you cannot be there long before sensing an atmosphere of widespread
discontent. There is general dissatisfaction over constant government
promises and projects that are failing miserably to make the small man a
real man. People are depressed about the overt and worsening cleavage
between the two major races, Indians and Africans. On an industrial
estate the Indian foremah greets the African Workers heartily, but in the
safety of his home admits, "Ah have to act nicely to them boys becaas
them in power." And in private conversation, members of ASCRIA are
quite clear as to who is the real enemy the "coolie."
There are some radicals in Georgetown
who do not see the racial situation as a BRINSLEY SAMAROO
bar to progress in the world's first and
only co-operative republic. General
economic prosperity, they argue, could this is. that each Guyanese has his own
effect a levelling off of incomes and definition of nationalization and it is
hence remove the economic insecurity truly amazing to see how diverse these
that facilitates racism. Even if we accept views are.
the logic of this argument, the country What the government considered to be
seems a long way from this desired sufficient was first of all, changing the
economic objective. For the government name of the bauxite mining area to
of Forbes Linden Sampson Burnham Linden (one of Burnham's many names)
appear to have bitten off more than it can and secondly to regale the population
chew, even with American "assistance." with high-sounding and prophetic words:
The setting up of an External Trade
Bureau, the attempt. to establish
co-operatives in wide areas of activity and Comrades! By nationalising Demba
the decision to nationalise Demba are all we are asserting our manhood as a
foundering because of the government's nation, our confidence in ourselves in
inability to find capable Guyanese to our people, because it is hte ordinary
superintend these projects and equally man, the worker manual or
because of its failure to take the people intellectual who can.conceive and
into its confidence and to expalin to make the things that support our
them what is really happening. nation.
The nationalization of Demba'(the In nationalising Demba, I place the
Demerara Bauxite -Company) demon- fate of our nation in the hands of the
states most effectively the failure of a people. If you, the people will take as
ruling elite to communicate with the natural the wrath of the former
people. It also points clearly to the fact masters because we refuse to give up
that those who thus disregard the public what is rightfully ours, if you trust
must suffer acute embarrassment. The your own strength, our strength and
Burnham government failed to initiate our creative genius, we shall succeed.
any public debate about nationalization. (Burnham's address to the nation,
Nor did the government consider it Feb. 23, 1971).
necessary to convince the small man of The result of this serious credibility
the need for the government to undertake problem is reflected in the severe
a project of this magnitude. The result of criticism which this act of nationalization

Guardians of the Coo
|has encouraged. One of the nation's
dissident periodicals, The Liberator, in its
issue of February 1971 warns the govern-

What do you
get when you
Fall in Love


;I ,
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_____________ S. 'c!

..-.- .',,- -
77 R ___ ___

-~ .- ac. -e -'

perative Republic
ment 'against the "mere bellowing of
bellicose bravados and chanting of well-
known phrases [which] will not lead to
success." It then goes on to ask questions
that the government should have
answered in the first instance: "To what
extent is Demba or any of its related
companies likely to obstruct production,
transport and marketing of Guyana
bauxite? What alternatives are open in
such an eventuality? What is likely to be
the position of the workers in the
industry in relation to other workers now
that the industry will become subject to
state control and management "


Another reaction to the nationalizing
of Demba has been the over-eagerness of
the company's workers to draw their
Retirement Income and Life Assurance
dues from the parent company in Canada
before theii own government can
administer these funds. The Sunday
Graphic of 18th April, 1871 carried a
front-page plea by Guyana's Minister of
Mines that Demba's workers with more
than twelve years' service should post-
pone any consideration of withdrawing
their contribution to the RILA plan at
this time. The minister went on to stress
that the government was seeking "to
obtain for the bauxite workers at Linden
the maximum utilisation of the funds
held in the RILA plan." This government
assurance seems to have caused even
greater dissatisfaction; for less than a
week later Guyanese troops had to be
sent to Linden to protect Guyana's first
national company from Guyana's people.
This same type of governmental failure
to take its people into its confidence is
even more clearly seen in the attempt to
operate a system of co-operatives
throughout the country. To workers at
the Cuffie co-operative for example,
co-operation has now come to mean the
loss of their investment, eviction for
those who did not belong to the PNC and
the failure of one of the government's
much-vaunted projects. The racial
division in the country moreover, seems
to have foredoomed co-operatives to
failure. The basic antagonism between
East Indians and Africans prevents any
attempt at meaningful co-operation bet-
ween these two dominant races. And it is
widely believed that that the co-ops are





really meant to provide jobs for the PNC
In sum, despite much talk of a
republic based on co-operation and of a
people of one race and one destiny,
Guyana's social and economic condition
is not much better than it was under
colonial rule. Too many people in that
country, as in Trinidad, have grave sus-
picions about the voting system; one is
still warned to be home by six or else risk
robbery by "choke and rob" bandits, and
among the old brigade of politicians race
transcends the concept of class in
political ideology. A fair number of
Guyanese Marxist/Leninists (ML) are
Indians first and ML's afterwards or
Africans first and ML's after. Hence
Stokeley Carmichael's theory of separate
racial developmiat was enthusiastically
received in some quarters.
But the situation is not as hopeless as
some Guyanese would make it out to be.
As Miles Fitzpatrick puts it, A revolution
is occurring in the West Indies. It has
started in Trinidad. It will start in Guyana
and it will sweep the region. Not only
because of the ideological need for the
revolution but also because of the simple
natural replacement of the older leaders
with younger, more radical leaders."


What are the signs of the emergence of
this new leadership in Guyana? One area,
strangely enough, is the Church in that
country. Some members of the Guyanese
Church, like some members of Trinidad's
various churches are making serious
attempts to create a climate of opinion
that is receptive to change. The Guyana
Institute for Social Research and Action,
directed by a Catholic clergyman and
sponsored by the Roman Catholic Church
and the Guyana Council of Churches, has
been providing opportunities for dis-
cussion of Guyana's problems and for
work among depressed sections of the
population. The Institute's paper DISRA
is useful for conventional modes of pro-
test and discussion and more recently this
group has joined hands with the govern-
ment to set up the David Rose Centre in
South Georgetown which is possibly
Georgetown's equivalent of Shanty Town
and West Kingston. The Centre, now
under construction, will offer medical
and legal service to .the area and offer
guidance relating to general social
There are, on the other hand, the
non-conventional groups which aim at a
more fundamental re-structuring of the
society. There is, for example, the

Ratoon group which has been striving to
create a new consciousness among
Georgetown's young people. Out of this
consciousness new groups are developing
in the place. There is th'e
Anti-Discrimination Movement led
mainly by a group of medical prac-
titioners in Georgetown who publishThe
Liberator; there is the Working People's
Vanguard Party which aims, inter alia, at
nationalisation of factories, plantations
and banks and at greater popular control
of political leaders and government
officials. Of the various dissident,
non-conventonal groups the Movement
Against Oppression (MAO) seems the
most promising. The MAO_group was
formed after a black brother was shot-,
Christmas day last year. This seems to be
the only group that has a fair proportion
of East Indians and Africans who are
prepared to meet and talk of their
common problems. Meetings are held in
one of the "bad" areas of Georgetown
and these appear to be a genuine attempt
at bridging the gap between University
theorists and grass roots members. MAO
has begun the ambitious project of having
nightly classes 'and weekend grounding
sessions." The group is rather amorphous
at this stage and there seems to be con-
siderable controversy regarding its
strategy for change.
If the lessons of the February Revolu-
tion in Trinidad are to be of any benefit
to the brothers in Guyana, they must
bear a few points in mind:
* that a serious attempt should be made
to decolonize -the minds of Guyana's
two major ethnic groups using'

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I -

Georgetown. Centre: famous wooden Cathedral

Guyana's history as a guide to future'
* that the revolutionary movement must.
not be concentrated in Georgetown
alone but should spread all over the
* that in addition to the ideological
work there should be an
accompanying project of practical
measures aimed at providing assistance;
to certain area, e.g. road buiding,I
drainage, cultural activities. In these





projects the members of the group
must work and not concentrate on
handing down commands.
* that the road ahead is extremely
difficult: American supported
governments, people who have lost
faith in political leaders, the constant
bombardment of the region's peoples
by highly developed imperialist media.
Each one of these problems is enough
to deter all but the truly stout-hearted.

Royal Crown

a Cola I

bottled by








u fiiII ll


- - - -



depends on a member's capacity
for sycophancy and intrigue. How
n uch more evidence of this do we
need than Merritt's immortal state-
ment when he introduced Williams
at Arima: "I introduce to you the
Prophet, the latchet of whose shoes
I am unworthy to unloose."


Who did not squirm in em -
barrassment on reading Kamal's
statement when he was making his
bid :o be appointed deputy Prime
Minister at a dinner offered by
Cabinet in honour of the God: "You
are the founder of the party, our
leader and political mentor, but
more than all of these, much more,
you are the master builder who has
well and truly laid the foundations
of the modern state of Trinidad and
The party at the moment is
embattled and aware of its loss of
popular support. Having aborted
every attempt to throw up a leader
comparable to Williams in stature,
it has come to regard hinr as- its
chief and only indispensable political
resource. And Williams in turn, be-
cause of the kind of man that hBeis,
exacts a heavy price from all pbten-
tial.leaders inthe party an ddemands
on every conceivable "occaiori that
they deliver up their balls to him.


While the PNM however,
which was born in a rush of authen-
tic popular support, has now closed
its ranks against the population,and
has gradually transformed itself
over the last 15 years into the
political monster that it is today,
its treasury has expanded through
the generous "insurance" donations
that the traditionally insecure busi-
ness community has paid as the
price for the favour and protection
of the ruling oligarchy. So.that the
transformation of Williams from a
popular mass leader into a powerful
unloved dictator is paralleled by the
transformation of the PNM from a
popular and idealistic movement
into a rich and powerful clique,
totally bankrupt of ideals, whose
only unifying purpose is now the
maintenance of itself in office.
And this combination, this
horse and rider, now sits on the
necks of the nation more tenacious-
ly than the British ever did. For the
British, when they left here in 1962,
wanted to go. They had somewhere
to go to: home, back to England,
where their interests really resided.
But not so Williams and the oli-
garchy. They do not want to go,
andsthey have moreover nowhere
to go to, for their interests are
here. On our necks. Their vested
interests, their jobs, their .status,
their privileges are here, and we
must expect that they will be pre-
pared to use whatever means might
seem necessary to them to main-
tain their status. And the point has
now been reached -in the country
where their legitimate means of
political survival are exhausted.


Thus one of two things is
likely to happen. Either the nation
will put its tail between its legs and
suffer the dictatorship in simmering
-outward"ei'ce ;or else it wilH1attack
the dictator and seek to overthrow
him. Either the dictator will cow
the people with violence or the
threat of it, or else the people will
rid themselves of the dictator -
with violence. There will no longer
be any options. Elections, due pro-




cess, have now become like the
Senate, like the Service Commiss-
ions, like the Governor Generalship,
like the Judiciary, a mere rubber
stamp for the will of the Executive.
This is Tapia's central anxiety
for the immediate future. For the
introduction of naked violence into
our way of life must be the begin-
ning of'the end of the civilization
that we have just begun to build.
Williams' personal disposition has
always preferred- the methods of
violence. He has. always preferred
to resort'.to the traditionall instru-
ments of dictatorship. 'fhe Secret
Police, theu trijl. by' in4qisifon into
subversive, activities .(ask Ben
Lazarus. Primus), the",'Review Tri-

bunals, preventive detention, the
Courts Martial.
And like all dictators who see
their presence destroying the civil-
ization they stifle, Williams has de-
veloped a virtual passion for legal
formalism. He feels desperately that
he must legalise his behaviour, and
his most unprincipled measures are
those which he feels the greatest
need to disguise in legal masks. He
feels that because we have been
taught to obey The Law we will the
more readily acquiesce in the rape
of our freedoms if it is done
through legal channels.


It is this passion of Williams for
legalization that explains his other-
wise inexplicable dependence upon
Karl Hudson-Phillips, self-appointed.
Queen's Counsel. And it explains
Williams' sudden intemperate hatred
of the new breed of young lawyers.
The "two-by-four" lawyers, as he
calls them who see through, resist,
and are prepared publicly to fight
against his abuses of the law.
Karl Hudson-Phillips, Qu een's
Canary has thus become one of the
most dangerous persons in Trinidad
and Tobago today. He, not Chanm-
bers, is the Beria of the PNM, he
not Kamal aspires to the throne. He
is the hysterical, insecure, cock-of-
-the-walk who knows how to direct
rich briefs and directorships to his
legal party hacks. He is the one who
most fully shares Williams' Afro-
Saxon contempt for the people
sufficiently to use the law and the
power of Parliament to create

monsters and abortions like the
Public Order Bill, the Defence
Amendment Act, the Firearms Act,
the Immigration Act. He is to law
what Hitler's experimental doctors
were to medicine the legal Doctor,
Frankenstein. It is no secret that he
wants Williams' throne, badly, and
that come hell or high water he
intends to sit on it, before or after
the Little king goes, Then God hel p
And Williams' hatred of the
"two-by-four" lawyers.
The chemistry of the situation
forces the lawyers to resist the abuse
of their 'profession and to fight for
the defence of the spirit of the law,

which they know instinctively
cannot survive if it does not reflect
the wishes and needs of the society
it controls. So that in the Republic
of South Africa, in the Greece of
Papadopoulos, in the struggle for
the emancipation of the black man
in the US, it is a certain type of
lawyer who fights and, more often
than not, is either crushed or trans-
formed into a revolutionary pol-
itician against the system of dictat-
orship which attempts to get re-
spectability by legalisation.


But this phase will pass. Now
that he is to be entrenched on his
last term it will no longer be either
convenient or possible for Williams
to use the law to gain respectability
for his dogma. He will proceed more
nakedly. Williams' campaign mani-
festo is a law and order manifesto.
Because there is widespread
disrespect for the law there is a
threat of widespread disorder in the
It is empty to speak of equality
before the law and futile to require
all persons in the society to hold the
law in respect when the material
conditions of their life in the society
are so flagrantly unequal.
Since Williams took
power 15 years ago the material
inequalities in the relations between
individuals equal before the law in
bur society have become more and
more pronounced. Disorder and dis-
respect for law must follow if the
country's leadership cannot offer
some hope to the dispossessed.
Even if today Williams offered a

programme of hope to the countrv
which he has attempted to do by
cogging from Tapia's proposals he
simply would not be believed. He
has betrayed us too often; too
often has he led us up the garden
path with his sweet talk and then
down again.


Ou r experience in the streets
in 1970, taught us that the popu-
lation was unanimous in its decla-
ration and in its desire for radical
change. When we rejected the threat
of the Public Order Act we learnt
that we were unanimous in our
desire to fight for our basic civil

liberties. Williams has learnt both
these lessons too.
But the events of 1970 have
taught Williams a third lesson: that
power does come out of the barrel
of a gun.
If he could not get the Public
Order Bill through Parliament
in 1970, he will certainly put it into
effect in 1971, with or without the
phony legitimation of Parliament.
And he would take our liberties
from us by force. The writing is
clearly on the wall. All the ominous
signs are, there. Arbitrarily the
Square is kept locked. Security
police ,are everywhere. Telephones
are tapped. In 1969 it was an
alarming novelty to see armed pol-
ice'pin nin the streets. Today it is a
rar6 to see a policeman, even on
trt'atSf duty, who is not armed. The
incid~ice of shooting by the police
"in fhe course of their duty". has
naturally grown dramatically.
Frustrated in his efforts to
abuse the public's privacy through
the Pu blic Order Bill, Hudson
Phillips has, under the guise of the
Firearms A-et, which he wisely re-
frained from exposing to public
comment, given to the police the
right to enter private homes without
a warrant and to seize whatever
they like.
The Commissioner of Police,
traditionally a properly faceless and
anonymous functionary, has begun
to develop his own cult of the per-
sonality so that we can expect to
continue seeing him formulating
policy statements at press confer-
ences and publicly warning the
Archbishop to mind his own busi-
ness. Bernard is naturally beginning
to feel his oats, his political oats,
for he is now only too well aware
that it is only his men and his guns
and his secret police, that stand
between Williams and the Gulf of
Paria where he promises to sweep
us. It is Tapia's greatest anxiety
that it might already be too late for
a return to sanity. Now that the
mock elections have laid bare the
true nature of Williams' power, we
fear desperately that Williams will
prefer to"reign by terror, than to
give the people their will.
What is even more interesting
is that Bernard may soon be think-
ing of moving one rung higher and
interposing himself between Williams
and God .. one of these mornings.


Yet there remains one way of
retrieving the situation even though
it is so desperately late. Tapia has
been insisting all along that Williams
still has it within his power to sal-
vage both the nation and his own
reputation for posterity. We have
been urging him, as we urge him for
one last time: convene a Constitutent
Assembly of all the many interests
in this nation.
Otherwise, May God help our
gracious King!