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Analysis of a planned agroforestry system in Amazon urban resettlement

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Title:
Analysis of a planned agroforestry system in Amazon urban resettlement a case study of the "Pólo Municipal de Produção Agroflorestal" of Acre, Brazil
Creator:
Slinger, Vanessa Anne Vere, 1971-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
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ix, 91 leaves : ; 29 cm.

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Subjects / Keywords:
Agroforestry -- Brazil -- Acre ( lcsh )
Urbanization -- Brazil -- Acre ( lcsh )
Latin American Studies thesis, M.A
Dissertations, Academic -- Latin American Studies -- UF
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non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 1996.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-90).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Funding:
Electronic resources created as part of a prototype UF Institutional Repository and Faculty Papers project by the University of Florida.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Vanessa Anne Vere Slinger.

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ANALYSIS OF A PLANNED AGROFORESTRY SYSTEM IN
AMAZON URBAN RESETTLEMENT: A CASE STUDY OF THE POLO
MUNICIPAL DE PROD U(' 40 AGROFLORESTAL OF ACRE, BRAZIL









By
VANESSA ANNE VERE SLINGER

















A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1996















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am very grateful to my advisory committee, Drs. Marianne Sebmink, Peter Hildebrand and Nigel Smith, for their critical support throughout the period of my master's coursework and fieldwork. I am especially thankful to Dr. Schmink for her inspiration and suggestion to work in this region of the world. The field research for this thesis was funded by grants from the Charles Wagley Endowed Fellowship Fund and the Tinker Foundation, both through the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida. I wish also to thank the Tropical Conservation and Development Program for generous financial support throughout the past two years.

I wish to thank my parents for their unselfish act of sending me to Florida from my country of Trinidad, so that I could achieve this level of education. My siblings have been exceptionally loving and supportive when I have felt frustrated and lonely. I have made many friends in Gainesville who deserve recognition and thanks for their help in the past two years. These include Michelle Zacks, Jon Dain, Karen Kainer, Connie Campbell, Kevin Veach, Ronaldo Weigand, Christina Allen, Katie Lynch and Amanda Stronza. I have been blessed also by the love and support of Patrick Meegan and his family.

Through my field research in Brazil I came into contact with many wonderful and helpful people in Rio Branco. I wish to thank my very competent research assistant Paula









Silveira. Several people from the NGO, PESACRE helped me in numerous ways, from linking me up with a research assistant to being an intermediary contact to the Municipal government of Rio Branco. Everyone with whom I came into contact at the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture in Rio Branco was exceptionally helpful and giving. I especially wish to thank John Haydu and his family for their hospitality and strength through a very difficult time. Most of all, I wish to thank the participants of the Municipal Pole of Agroforestry Production who graciously gave of their precious time, knowledge and hospitality. I am full of respect and gratitude for every one of them.















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . ii

LIST OF ACRONYMS. vi

ABSTRACT . viii

CHAPTERS

I INTRODUCTION .1

Urbanization of the Brazilian Amazon .1 A Look at Urbanization of the Capital City of Rio Branco, Acre, Brazil . 5 The Agroforestry Pole Project . 8 Interest Sparked by the Agroforestry Pole Project. 9 Objective of the Study. 10 Methodology . 12

11 THE POLO MUNICIPAL DE PROD U( .O AGROFLORESTAL . 16

Initiation of the Agroforestry Pole . 16
Objectives and Goals of the Municipal Government for the Agroforestry
Pole . 17 Selection of the Participants for the Agroforestry Pole. 20 Implementation of the Agroforestry Pole . 21 Marketing of Production from the Agroforestry Project . 22 The Provision of Technical Assistance for the Agroforestry Pole. 23 The Predicted Potential for Agroforestry in the Pole . 24 Summary. 27

III THE IMPACT OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE ON THE LIVES OF
THE PARTICIPANTS. 28

Introduction . 28 The Population of the Agroforestry Pole . 28








A Day in the Life of a Typical Fam ily . 31
Production System s . 34
M arketing Tactics . 38
Comm unity Developm ent in the Agroforestry Pole . 40
Physical Developm ent . 45
'Hidden' Subsidies . 46
Quality of Life and Future Perspectives . 47
Conclusion . 51

IV PROJECTING PRODUCTION BASED ON LINEAR MODELS . 55

Introduction . 55
The Linear Programming M odel . 55
Description of the Linear Programming for a Typical Farm in the Pole. 56 Results . 62
Summ ary Points . 67

V THE POTENTIAL OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE AS AN
ANSWER TO URBANIZATION PROBLEMS IN THE BRAZILIAN
AM AZON . 69

The Agroforestry Pole as an "Alternative . 69
Summ ary . 71
Conclusions . 74
The Agroforestry Pole - a Solution for Other Cities in the Brazilian
Amazon . 77
Concerns . 78

Suggestions . 81

APPENDIX

A CROP PLANTS FOUND IN THE AGROFORESTRY POLE . 83
B RESOURCES AND CONSTRAINTS, AND ACTIVITIES FOR THE
LINEAR PROGRAM M ODEL . 85

GLOSSARY . 87

BIBLIOGRAPHY . 88

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . 91














LIST OF ACRONYMS


ABC Associa�do Brasileira de COHABs (conjuntos habitacionais)
Brazilian Association of low-income housing complexes COPAF Cooperativa P6lo Agroflorestal
Agroforestry Pole Cooperative EMBRAPA Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecu6ria
Brazilian Enterprise for Agricultural Research EMATER Empresa Brasileira de Assistencia Ticnica de Extensdo Rural
Brazilian Enterprise for Technical Assistance for Rural Extension FUNTAC Fundagdo de Tecnologia do Estado do Acre
Technological Foundation of the State of Acre IBGE Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica
Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics IMAC Instituto de Meio Ambiente do Acre
Environmental Institute of Acre INCRA Instituto Nacional de Colonizagdo e Reforma Agr6ria
National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform INPA Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amaz6nia
National Institute for Amazon Research NGO Non-governmental organization

PESACRE Pesquisa e Extensao em Sistemas Agroflorestais do Acre
Research and Extension in Agroforestry Systems of Acre RECA Projeto Reflorestamento Economico Consorciado e Adensado
Economic Reforestation Partnership Project








Secretaria Municipal de Agricultura
Municipal Secretary of Agriculture


SEMTRABES SINPASA SUDAM


UFAC


Secretaria Municipal do Trabalho e Bem Estar Social
Municipal Secretary of Work and Social Well Being

Sindicato do Pequenes Produtores e Assalariados do Acre
Union of Small Producers and workers of Acre

Superintendencia Para 0 Desenvolvimento da Amazonia
Superintendent for the Development of the Amazon


Universidade Federal do Acre
Federal University of Acre


SEMAG















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts ANALYSIS OF A PLANNED AGROFORESTRY SYSTEM IN
AMAZON URBAN RESETTLEMENT: A CASE STUDY OF THE POLO MUNICIPAL
DE PRODU(7zrOA4GROFLORESTAL OF ACRE, BRAZIL By

Vanessa Anne Vere Slinger

August, 1996

Chairperson: Dr. Marianne Schmink Major Department: Latin American Studies

The increasing urbanization of the Amazon frontier poses a real challenge to the capacity of urban areas to provide employment and infrastructure. As the Amazon has become increasingly urbanized, efforts to sustainably manage and conserve the rainforest have also been strengthened in the last 20 years. The two processes of increased urbanization and the search for sustainable development together define a major challenge in the Amazon. That challenge is to accommodate the expansion of the urban population while creating and maintaining sustainable production systems that can both feed the people and sustainably manage the forest.

This study analyzes the impact and potential of an agroforestry project

implemented by the Municipal government of Rio Branco, which is addressing the challenges of urbanization created by the influx of agriculturalists from the rural areas viii








and former forest-dwelling extractive producers. Through interviews with government officials and project participants, measurements were made of several variables that indicate changes in the quality of the participants' lives. In addition, information from survey questionnaires was used to construct a linear programming model that predicts the potential output of the small farms once the systems are in full production. This model was used to determine if the expectations that Municipal government has for the participants are feasible.

Measurements indicate that the project participants' quality of life, in terms of food consumption, health situation and perception about changes in quality of life, has improved significantly since arriving at the Pole. Also, the participants' commitment to the project was apparent by the low rate of abandonment. Comparison of the results from the linear programming model and the government's expectations showed that the Municipal government's expectations for the participants in terms of income earning power are feasible. Comparison of the Pole with a low-income housing project in Rio Branco, possibly one of the only other alternatives for the poor rural migrants, showed that while cost per resident in the two projects was similar, the Pole was a better alternative.

The results of this research suggest that the Agroforestry Pole project could be a significant option for other Amazonian cities that are experiencing increasing urbanization and associated problems. However, if adopted as a measure to address urbanization problems, project administrators need to understand and take into consideration the requirements and limitations of the project.

ix














CHAPTER
INTRODUCTION

Urbanization of the Brazilian Amazon

The colonization of the Brazilian Amazon has been the subject of extensive research and writing over the last 25 years. However, many studies on frontiers of colonization do not consider simultaneous urban developments that take place in the Amazon (Volbeda, 1984). Despite massive governmental investment in rural development, the population in Amazonia is predominately urban (Godfrey, 1990). The region, although referred to as the 'Great frontier', has not acted as a 'sponge', absorbing excess population that would have otherwise migrated to the large urban regions of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in the 1970s. While the region is thought of as an 'agricultural frontier', in reality the population of the Amazon is mainly concentrated in cities (Martine, 1993).

Figures from the demographic censuses of 1970 and 1980, along with the research of Sawyer (1990), indicate an increasing degree of urbanization in the Amazon area from 35.6% in 1970 to 58.7% in 1990. Figures for the Western Amazon state of Acre, the focus of this thesis, show an increase from 27.5% in 1970 to 55.0% in 1990.

From the 1950s, major spatial movements in the population in the Amazon region toward the urban areas have occurred. Especially during the 1970s, '80s and '90s some urban areas grew rapidly from towns to cities. In all the States in the Amazon the

I











population grew at an elevated rate (Table 1). The processes of urbanization of the frontier are intimately connected to the situation in rural areas. In the 'agricultural frontier', the expulsion of the population is being promoted by various factors. One of these factors has been the concentration of land in the hands of large property holders. This has caused conflict over the land between these 'latifundiarios' (large landholders) and colonists, rubber tappers, brazilnut collectors, Indians and small holders, leaving as the only alternative for the population without land, migration to the urban nucleus (Ramos de Castro, 1989, Schmink & Wood, 1992).

The growth of big and small cities in the Amazon is occurring through different types of migration. New cities are being influenced by the accumulation of migrants from other regions who are looking for land, or who were expelled from land that they occupied for too short a period. Interregional migrants, with previous urban living experience, are also contributing to the increasing size of the cities. Migration in the Amazon can no longer be characterized as only being rural-rural.

Another form of migration is occurring in the western Amazon where economic stagnation is occurring in areas of previous extraction and agriculture. This type of migration influences the cities of Manaus, Belem, and Rio Branco (Sawyer, 1989). In Acre, the decline of rubber tapping has been an important factor in rural to urban migration. Schmink and Cordeiro (1992) point out that from 1978 to 1989 the city of Rio Branco experienced an increase from 33.8% to 60.2% of the respondents who had previously lived in a rubber tapping area.










TABLE 1
AMAZON REGION: Population of the principal cities 1980- 1988
(1000 inhabitants)
State / City 1980 Urban pop. 1988 Urban pop. % GROWTH

PARA 1670 3148 88.5

Beldm 827 1168 41.23
Santarem 102 180 76.47

Maraba 42 170 304.76

Castanhal 52 96 84.62

ACRE 132 169 28.13

Rio Branco 88 114 29.55

AMAZONAS 858 1131 31.72

Manaus 613 1084 76.84

RORAIMA 49 72 46.94

Boa Vista 44 72 63.64

RONDONIA 233 408 75.11
Porto Velho 104 237 127.88

AMAPA 104 138 32.54

Macap6 93 136 46.24

MARANHAO 1257 1564 24.42

Sdo Luis 248 321 29.44

GOIAS 2403 2962 23.26

Goidnia 704 1169 66.05

MATO GROSSO 657 955 45.36
Cuiabd 198 360 81.82


source: Estatisticas Demograficas do Estado do Para. IDESP, Anuario Estatistico do Brasil, 1971, 1981 and 1985. IBGE, Censo Demografico do Estado do Para. 1980. IBGE










The consequence of high urbanization rates is that the Brazilian Amazon is experiencing many of the same urban problems that affect the three-quarters of the Brazilian population living in cities. Given the high rate of population growth, migrants are excluded from access to government and state resources and services. Spontaneous urban periphery 'invasions' are a reaction to the shortage of housing, and a high level of unemployment or informal sector employment occur in response to the lack of employment opportunities. The periphery areas of Amazon cities often lack access to basic services such as piped water, sewage treatment, electricity and garbage disposal. The increasing urbanization poses a real challenge to the capacity of the Amazon's urban areas to provide adequate education and health services.

It is expected that the process of urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon will

continue into the future. The number of cities in the Amazon attaining a population of more than 20,000 inhabitants increased from 7 to 20 between 1970 and 1980 (Ramos de Castro, 1989). By the year 2000 it is estimated that 65% of the Brazilian population will be urbanized (Fox, 1975). One implication of this trend in Brazil, as indicated by previous developments in other countries, is that it challenges the validity of the oftenrepeated rationale for continued rapid population growth: that vast extensions of territory still await colonization. Instead, the present and projected trends in both high and low population growth countries suggest that most if not all of their net population increases accrue to the cities.

Researchers such as Schmink (1992) and Sawyer (1990) refer to the 'closing down' or 'closing off of certain parts of Brazil's frontier for poor agriculturalists and











extractivists and foresee a further rise of the already strong tendency for pioneers to live in boom towns rather than in the countryside. Certainly, if plans for the paving of BR364 and BR-3 17 to Acre's Bolivian borders continue there will be even greater access to the Amazonian urban centers of Rio Branco, Senador Guiomard, Pldcido de Castro, Sena Madureira, Xapuri and Brasileia by rural migrants and greater pressure on these cities to meet the needs of their growing populations.

As the Amazon has become increasingly urbanized, efforts in the last 20 years to sustainably manage the rainforest have also been strengthened. Widespread acknowledgment of the potential lack of sustainability and the destructive consequences of current major forms of Amazon land use such as slash-and-bum agriculture, cattle production, and logging (Smith, 1995, Anderson, 1990, Uhl et al., 1990), has resulted in a search for alternative land-use systems that combine economic, social, and ecological sustainability. The two processes of increased urbanization and the search for sustainable development together define a major challenge in the Amazon. This challenge is to accommodate the expansion of the urban population while creating and maintaining sustainable production systems that can both feed the people and sustainably manage the forest.

A Look at Urbanization of the Capital city of Rio Branco. Acre. Brazil

The process of urbanization discussed above and its associated consequences are very evident in the region in which the fieldwork for this thesis was carried out. The capital city of Rio Branco shelters more than half of the total population of the westernmost Amazon State of Acre, Brazil. Close to 80% of the inhabitants are migrants from











the rural zone (Schmink & Cordeiro, 1992). In the decades of the 1970s and 1980s in particular, due to large increases in deforestation and the decline of extractivism, these people left the countryside (Secretaria Municipal de Agricultura, e Abastecimento, 1993).

As Schmink and Cordeiro (1992) suggest, the bulk of migration to Rio Branco that occurred in the 1980s was as a consequence of the decline of rubber and the penetration of cattle ranching in the state of Acre. The migration of agriculturalists from the rural areas to the city, in addition to the migration of rubber tappers due to the decreasing opportunities in the rubber extraction economy, resulted in a process of swelling of the city of Rio Branco.

At the beginning of the 1970s the city of Rio Branco had close to 35,000

inhabitants and in the present decade these numbers already exceed 190,000. The number of neighborhoods has increased from 23 to more than 120. This situation has given rise to 'pockets of misery' in the city of Rio Branco. Results of a study performed by Schmink and Cordeiro show that most (54.8%) of the migrants to Rio Branco, upon their arrival did not have the resources to maintain themselves for one month and 23.3% more of the respondents had enough for only one to two months (Schmink & Cordeiro, 1992).

Unemployment and underemployment are on the rise, a situation in which

workers cannot guarantee the minimal conditions of survival for their families. In 1979 the number of people employed in legally registered establishments in Rio Branco, was approximately 13,000. In contrast, the potentially active population ( between 15 and 64 years) in the city at that time was about 45,000 people (Pinto De Oliveira, 1982). A comparison of data from two studies in Rio Branco conducted by Schmink and Cordeiro











in 1989 and 1994' showed that of the population interviewed there has been a percentage increase in the number of households in which someone was looking for work, from 23.8% in 1989 to 3 1.6% in 1994.

The limits of the formal market are immediately apparent. The estimated active population in the city is roughly three times more than the population effectively occupied in the established work market. Certainly, this relationship between the potential work force and the established work market is not distinct from other urban centers in Brazil, where urbanization does not correspond to the growth of productive activities. This disparity is even more acute in Rio Branco due to its relative geographic and economic isolation.

For the most part the inhabitants of the poorer districts of Rio Branco, of which a large proportion consist of ex-rubber tappers and agriculturalists, have low incomes and lack professional qualifications. It is estimated that 38% of the resident workers in these areas receive a minimum salary; another 27% in the informal sector earn even less (Secretaria Municipal de Agricultura e abastecimento, Rio Branco, Acre, 1993). Jorge Ney Viana Macedo Neves, the Mayor of Rio Branco, spoke of 'urban rubber tappers' and the fact that while they were not disqualified for the work market in Rio Branco, their qualifications, based on life in the forest, were mostly unadaptable in the urban environment (Alves, 1995).


'Data from the 1994 study have not yet been published











Data from the study by Schmink and Cordeiro in 1994 indicated that of the

population surveyed approximately 56% obtained their water from sources outside of their houses, including from their neighbors' wells. While 75% of the respondents stated that they placed their garbage in a sack for collection the questionnaire did not specify the reliability of the collection system. Almost 22% of those surveyed disposed of their garbage through either burning, burying, or throwing it in a vacant lot in the street or in the river.

The rural-urban exodus also has placed additional burdens on the urban

provisioning system. Data from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions indicate that almost 80% of the commercial products in the markets of Rio Branco originate in neighboring states and from the central/south areas of Brazil. The state of Acre, and more especially the city of Rio Branco, is heavily reliant on these imports.

In light of this picture the municipal government of Rio Branco developed a strategy to generate jobs, produce food, and combat hunger and other social problems experienced in the urban area. The method that they adopted was the creation of the "P6lo Municipal de Produgdo Agroflorestal" (Municipal Agroforestry Pole).

The Agroforestry Pole Pro-ject

The Municipal Agroforestry Pole, initiated in November of 1993, was seen as an important alternative way to provide a home, work and income for needy families existing in the periphery of the city. The project entailed the settlement of urban households, of ex-agriculturalists and former forest-dwelling extractive producers, to underutilized, already degraded, land on the outskirts of the municipality of Rio Branco,











for habitation, the production of food and raising of animals destined for subsistence and to supply markets in Rio Branco.

The design of the project was based on an agroforestry system considered to be sustainable. As planned by the Rio Branco Municipal government the Agroforestry Pole Project is an agrosilvopastoral system combining the following components: annual crops, perennial fruit trees and shrubs, and small animals. The land designated for the project, previously a cattle ranch, was considered degraded. It was felt that the outcome of this project could be an improved quality of life for the participants, and at the same time development of a more harmonious relationship between the small producer and nature.

Much has been said about the promise of agroforestry production systems

(Current et al., 1995, Anderson, 1990). Indeed information coming from research on intensive agroforestry systems such as those in Tome-Acu (Uhl et al., 1990), and on extensive systems of forest management by indigenous groups and other forest inhabitants, provides promising new directions in the search for ecologically sustainable land-use alternatives for Amazonia (Anderson, 1990). While agroforestry systems do not maintain the original natural vegetation, they do provide many recognized benefits for the soil, crops and participants within the systems. It was in the hope of attaining these benefits that the Municipal government based their project on this system of production.

Interest Sparked by the Agroforestrv Pole Project

The Agroforestry Pole has attracted much attention on both a local and national scale. From its initiation up to the period of my field research several newspapers had










written articles pertaining to the project (A Gazeta, 1993 & 1995, 0 Rio Branco, 1993). One of these articles detailed the visit of the First lady of Brazil (A Gazeta, 16 May 1995). Ruth Cardoso, wife of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, had breakfast with a participant family during a visit to Acre.

Other interest in the Pole came from a magazine, Nossa Amazona, based in

Brasilfa. During my field work the magazine sent a writer to do research for an article. Also, a demonstration model of the Pole was displayed at an annual exhibition of products and programs from the Amazon to create interest about the project and to advertisee' the Municipal governments' attempts to deal with problems in Rio Branco. Interest for the Pole seemed to focus on the Pole as an innovative way to address the problems encountered in the city of Rio Branco. The reviews about the Pole given by every article so far have been very positive.

Objective of the Study

In this study, I assessed the feasibility of the planned agroforestry project,

designed and implemented by the Municipal government of Rio Branco, Acre, Brazil, as an 'alternative' measure to address some of the problems being experienced as a result of increased urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon.

The feasibility of the project as an alternative was based on both quantitative and qualitative data collected through interviews with the participants of the project, and assessment of whether the goals set out at the beginning of the project have already been met or will be met in the future. This assessment was made through the use of a linear programming model. Based on the linear programming model and several other









I1I

qualitative criteria, I analyze the feasibility of this relatively young and innovative project in terms of its potential to meet the needs of the participants and the goals of the municipal administration.

Using questionnaires and semi-structured interviews, I examined the following quantitative and qualitative variables: (1) perception about changes in quality of life, (2) food consumption, (3) health situation, and, (4) rate of abandonment of the project. These variables were used as indicators of the participants' satisfaction with the project, their commitment to the project and the success of the project in meeting the participants' daily needs. They reflect the goals of the Municipal government which are to improve the quality of life of the participants and to create production systems giving the participants subsistence and providing food to the city of Rio Branco.

Structured interviews with the representatives of the Agroforestry Pole in the Municipal government provided information on the initiation of the Pole and the expectations of the municipal government for the project.

In this first chapter I discuss in more detail the pattern of urbanization as it is taking place in the Brazilian Amazon and the consequences of these patterns for Rio Branco.

In Chapter 11, I describe the initiation of the Agroforestry Pole by the Municipal government, including the selection process for the participants. The Municipal government's expectations for the participants and their production systems are detailed. Also in this chapter I explore the basic tenets of the agrosilvopastoral agroforestry system as they apply to the agroforestry systems of the participants of the Pole.











The third chapter reports the results of my fieldwork including data from the

interviews with the participants and the representatives from the Municipal government. The production systems of the Agroforestry Pole are described in detail. Also, demographic data on the participants is presented. The development of the Pole, with reference to social, physical and economic aspects is explored.

Chapter IV comprises the results of the linear programming model based on the production systems of the Agroforestry Pole. The linear programming model attempts to simulate the development of the farm systems and then predict output of the small farms once the agroforestry systems are in full production.

In the final chapter a comparison is done between the Pole and a low-income housing complex in Rio Branco, one of the few alternatives for low-income families in the city. I conclude by summarizing my findings and analyzing the Agroforestry Pole as an alternative for dealing with the problems of urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon region.

Methodolgy

The fieldwork for this thesis was carried out from May through August of 1995. During this period I divided my research time between the urban area of Rio Branco and the Agroforestry Pole, located less than half an hour from the center of Rio Branco. In Rio Branco I visited the offices of the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions and the Prefeitura to interview representatives of these institutions responsible for the administration of the Pole. I utilized the resources in the libraries of UFAC (Universidade Federal do Acre), IMAC (Instituto de Meio Ambiente do Acre) and JBGE









13

(Instituto Brasileiro de Geographia e Estatistica). The list of Acronyms give a description of these institutions. In Rio Branco I also visited the tenda set up by the Municipal government for the sale of the participants' produce, and the local produce market.

My contact with a local NGO called PESACRE in Rio Branco was invaluable to my securing a local agronomist, Adaildes Maria de Paula Silveira, as an assistant for my research and, also in becoming familiar and comfortable in the area. The research assistant accompanied me on most of the interviews and visits to the participants' lots and assisted me as necessary when I had difficulties in Portuguese.

During the initial weeks of the field research I established contact with the

administration responsible for the Agroforestry Pole. I began to observe the dynamics and activities of the municipal government with respect to the Agroforestry Pole. I conducted several short informal interviews with the administration involved with the Agroforestry Pole in the course of my research, as well as two in-depth structured interviews with key administrators. I reviewed and collected documents pertaining to the Agroforestry Pole, including newspaper articles, official proposals and maps of the area.

Every Tuesday and Friday the participants of the Agroforestry Pole gathered at a community meeting to discuss concerns and, while I was there, the initiation of a cooperative. My introduction to the community occurred at one such meeting within the first two weeks I was in Rio Branco. It was a great opportunity to introduce myself personally, explain my research and answer questions. Throughout the period of my fieldwork I was able to attend several of these meetings and found them to be










informative and useful in discovering the problems and concerns experienced in the community, as well as a good way to get to know participants.

During the first two weeks I was also able to get an idea of the logistics of the participants' lots. I completed my pre-test questionnaire and administered it to one family. Based on the pre-test survey and the recommendations of members of the administration of PESACRE and the municipal government, I modified my questionnaire.

My focus then shifted primarily to the community as I administered the

questionnaire to every lot (a total of 44) excluding those that were vacant or still in the very preliminary stages of being settled (no living quarters). The decision to interview every lot was based on the relatively manageable size of the region and the population. The data collected centered on information pertaining to the participants' subsistence, production for the Rio Branco market and the quality of the participants' life, as well as the participants' motivation and level of commitment to the Agroforestry Pole. Most interviews were conducted in the presence of the entire family.

Several families were selected to complete an in-depth study in which detailed information on the farm production system was acquired in order to construct the linear programming model. A considerable amount of time was spent with each of these selected families both in the formal interviewing process as well as through participant observation, and open-ended conversations. I was able to participate in their daily household and farm activities. All of the participants were aware of my presence and fully cooperative in the interviews.











Throughout the entire research process I was able to obtain data from the local markets on prices of the products sold by the participants as well as information on another urban housing project comparable to the Agroforestry Pole. I was also able to visit a family in the process of being interviewed to be selected as participants. This was very interesting as I was able to see the procedure in its entirety.

Before leaving Rio Branco I was able to compile and present data collected from the participants on food production, collection and sale to the municipal government and to the community. In a follow-up meeting with the municipal government at the end of my field research, I made some verbal suggestions referring to some of the concerns that my research assistant and I had heard expressed by the participants.















CHAPTER 11
THE P65Lo MUNICIPAL DE PROD U(7,1 AGROFLORESTAL


Initiation of the Agzroforestrv Pole

The Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production grew out of the Municipal

governments' recognition of the need to address the problems in the city of Rio Branco associated with the increasing immigration of rural people. The Municipal government felt that the poverty in the periphery of the city created a situation in which the population who originated in the rural zone looked for opportunities to return to their origins.

In many cases, migrants to the city of Rio Branco moved because a particular situation arose which made their former occupation infeasible or impossible, as was the case of many rubber tappers when the price for natural rubber declined. The decline in the price of natural rubber from Brazil was initially a result of the production of rubber on plantations in Asia, followed by mass production of synthetic rubber. Given the chance and a better situation, many of them would return to the rural area and to their former lives and occupations. Furthermore, as explained by the Mayor of Rio Branco, Jorge Ney Viana Macedo Neves, there existed a perception that agriculture and the rural zone had not been given enough attention.

If we do not resolve the problems of the countryside, we will never resolve
the problems of the city. The only way that we will efficiently combat
hunger is through the production of food. But, more than this, we have to










increase the number of arms in the countryside and decrease the number of
mouths in the city. (Diniz, 1995. p.1)1

There had been other projects in the 1970s, known as PAD's (Projetos de Assentamentos Dirigidos), whose principal objective was to settle people in the countryside to produce food (Schmink &Wood, 1992). With the passing of time the negative results of these projects became evident: concentration of land, and the accelerated expansion of extensive cattle ranching whose consequences in the region are already well known. The Agroforestry Pole was promoted as a better alternative.

While the Municipal Secretary for Agriculture and Provisions is responsible for the coordination of the Agroforestry Pole, the project was jointly funded by SUDAM (Superintend~ncia Para o Desenvolvimento da Amazonia), PMACI (Programa ProtegAo ao Meio Ambiente para os Communidades Indigenous) and the Prefeitura of Rio Branco. The location of the Agroforestry Pole was identified after preliminary studies, in which the conditions of the area were considered, such as agricultural potential, water resources and the ecosystem of the region. The area selected, about sixteen kilometers from the city of Rio Branco, had previously been a cattle ranch and was considered to be degraded. It was bought by the Municipal government from three prominent families.

Objectives and Goals of the Municipal Government for the Agroforestry Pole

The general objectives of the Municipal government in creating the Agroforestry Pole were the following: (1) to encourage the resettlement of urban populations, originating in the countryside, to the areas of agricultural production, (2) to create


'Translation of this and all other quotations is by the author, unless otherwise noted.











adequate conditions for establishing the participants in the countryside, (3) to combat poverty in the peripheral areas of the city, (4) to encourage the production of food as a means to improve the provisioning of the city of Rio Branco, (5) to promote the occupation and utilization of under-utilized "peni-urban" areas that were in the process of degradation, (6) to create a new proposal for agricultural settlement, based not on the ownership of land, but on the value of its use and productivity, (7) to improve the quality of life and income of needy populations, (8) to generate new job opportunities and income sources in the peri-urban zone, (9) efficiently and effectively to establish schooling and marketing of agricultural products, (10) to promote the organization and autonomy of participants in the project.

With a total cost of US$410,524.00, the Agroforestry Pole project aimed to settle between 60 and 80 needy families on land with a minimum of three and maximum of five hectares. The projected cost of each family to be placed in the Pole is approximately US$5,132 - 6,842. This cost was very favorable in comparison to the cost of other assentamentos implimented in Amazonia by INCRA. It was anticipated that these families, aided by a program of permanent technical assistance and rural extension, would produce in the first few years a total of 64 tons per year of grains such as rice, beans and corn and 400 tons per year of manioc roots for subsistence living and sale. According to the expectations of the Municipal government it was hoped that eventually the raising of small animals in the Pole would yield 45 tons per year of animal products and, that by the beginning of the third year of production the fruit trees would yield 500 tons per year of tropical fruit. Because one of the Municipal governments' goals for the project was to










supply the local market of Rio Branco with production from the Pole, they anticipated that during the initial years 80% of production would be consumed internally; and the remaining 20% would be sold in the city's markets. Later, as production increased, the Municipal government expected that 80% of the produce would be sold externally.

The Agroforestry Pole is considered by the Municipal government of Acre to be daring in all of its dimensions because it intends to solve various problems at the same time. The problem of lack of housing is being addressed by guaranteeing a house for every family. The families are ensured a piece of land where they can work and in this way unemployment is lowered. In addition, by providing employment for these families delinquency is attacked at the root as these families are taken from the urban periphery, where there are no jobs for the children.

The Municipal government goes so far as to suggest that the Agroforestry Pole is a form of agrarian reform, even though the participants are not given permanent title to the land. The following statement, found in an official publication, attests to this sentiment.

These projects (the Agroforestry Poles) could serve as a model of agrarian

reform in Acre because they allow the families, originating from a rural area, an opportunity to return to produce with dignity. They are unheard

of projects and dare to combat hunger, unemployment and lack of housing

(Prefeitura de Rio Branco, 1993).

The project is viewed as a way not only to give these families a better quality of living, but also to attack the problems of poverty and hunger by decreasing the number of











mouths in the city and increasing local provision of food. As an incentive for these families to stay in the area, the Prefeitura provided every family rural electrification and conditions for year-around transportation so that all surplus produce could be brought to the market in Rio Branco.

Selection of the Participants for the Agroforestrv Pole

The implementation of the Agroforestry Pole project comprised three phases:

selectionn of participants and informing them about the project, (2)implementation of the project, and, (3)marketing of agricultural products from the project. The selection of the participants for the project occurred in two phases. The pre-selection was done by using the censuses already carried out by SEMTRABES (Municipal Secretary of Work and Social Well Being) and by SINPASA (Union of Small Producers and Workers of Acre). These censuses were used to identify periphery areas containing families with the characteristics that were prioritized for selection as a participant in the Agroforestry Pole. These characteristics are discussed in the following paragraphs.

For the second part and actual selection of participants, individual interviews were carried out in the periphery neighborhoods with the pre-selected producers. In the selection process 48 families were identified to settle an area of 210 hectares. The selection of the participants was done by SEMTRABES, SINPASA, SEMAG (Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions), and the Municipal Advisory Group for Planning and General Coordinator.

During the selection process priority was given to families that met certain

criteria. These included that the family possess some tradition in agro-extractive activity









21

and originate from a rural environment, and that the family live in the peripheral districts of Rio Branco, particularly those locations susceptible to flooding, invasions, or on the banks of rivers. Families that did not possess property, in the rural or urban area, were given priority. The participants were either unemployed or employed in the informal sector. The families chosen in general had a family income of less than two minimum salaries. The minimum salary in 1993 was roughly US $70.00. Families with available labor in the form of two or more children between the ages of seven and fourteen were also favored.

An absolute necessity for selection was that the family be willing to return to the rural zone and furthermore showed their interest by participating in all the meetings called by SEMAG to explain the project and define the obligations of the participants. During these meetings the participants received training in management, production and marketing provided by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture through technical exchanges with the project RECA and other research institutions in the region. RECA, located on the boundary of the states of Acre and Rondonia, has experience in setting up agroforestry systems.

Implementation of the Agroforestrv Pole

The implementation of the Agroforestry Pole project was carried out by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture with the support of the Assessoria Municipal de Planejamento e Coordenadoria Geral and the participation of other research institutions. In this phase a survey of the area for the Pole was completed. At this point, machines and equipment for the Pole were acquired, the land was parceled and zoned according to base








22

studies of the soil, and a system of lines for electricity was erected. Two buildings were constructed, one for the storage of machinery and equipment, and another for rearing pigs. The participants chosen for placement in the agroforestry Pole were distributed lots on a random basis, and terms of concession for the use of the soil were signed by the participants. The participates of the project were given use of the land for five to ten years, and longer if the present government administration stayed in power. The participants were not given actual title to the land. The land could therefore not be sold by the families. The participants could build only one house on the property because of the limited size of the parcels. However, families would be allowed to add on to and expand their house over time. To maintain their position in the Pole, families had to be working on their lots, developing them and producing food.

In the implementation phase, seeds, seedlings and animals were acquired by the Municipal government for use in the project. Furthermore, the participants, manually and/or with the use of a tractor, prepared the soil for cultivation of annual and perennial crops. After the participants had been on the lot for six months living in a temporary house made from material taken from the surrounding forest, the Municipal government provided construction material and helped to build a permanent dwelling.

Marketing of Production from the AtaroforesLry Project

The Municipal government planned for an 'efficient and effective' system of

marketing of production, to be administered by the producers. The surplus produce was to be marketed through wholesale, retail and street markets in Rio Branco, particularly those under the coordination and administration of the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture











and Provisions. Other sales could also be directed towards the private market. The project budget allowed for the provision of a six-ton truck that would be the initial form of transportation for the participants' produce.

Three distinct types of production exist in the Pole. The first type, known as "temporary crops," including rice, maize, beans and manioc, are grown in association with perennial tropical fruits. These crops are mainly for subsistence. However, it is expected that surplus production will be sold. The second type of production is the cultivation of tropical fruits and more permanent cultivation. It is anticipated that once the production of the fruit trees is in full swing the resultant produce will be marketed outside the Pole. The third kind of production is the raising of small animals for consumption and for sale. Manure from these animals would be used to fertilize the perennial crops and the vegetables.

With reference to marketing, it was assumed by the Municipal government that any surplus production had a guaranteed market given the structure of public and private demand in the neighboring municipalities of Placido de Castro, Senador Guiomard, Feij6, Xapuri, and Taraucd. The state of Rond~nia was also considered to be a potential market due to the size of its population and the presence of conditions for year-around transportation.

The Provision of Technical Assistance for the Agroforestry Pole

Technical assistance for the Agroforestry Pole was to be provided by technical people from the department of vegetal and animal production in the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions. Other technical monitoring of the project was to come










from research institutions such as UFAC, FUNTAC (Fundagdo de Tecnologia do Acre), EMBRAPA (Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecu*ria), EMATER (Empresa Brasileira de Assistencia T6cnica de Extensao Rural), INPA (Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amaz6nia), and, PESACRE (Research and Extension in Agroforestry Systems of Acre).

The Municipal government also considered that the success of the project depended on the organization and effective participation of the beneficiaries. They wanted to encourage a structured, legal administration mechanism for the management of the Pole. This mechanism was to be defined by the participants themselves and could perhaps take the form of an association or a cooperative. This structure would be internal and created by the small producers.

The Predicted Potential for Agroforestry in the Pole

The Municipal government considered the proximity of the Agroforestry Pole to the center of Rio Branco and its easy access by road to be important factors in the success of the project. These conditions would allow for easier marketing of any surplus produce. In a similar way the Municipal government expected that since the project was based on an agroforestry system, certain benefits would be derived from this form of agriculture that would help the project flourish.

In recent times agroforestry systems have been linked to the concept of

sustainable development. Solutions to some environmental and production problems are being sought in agroforestry systems. Agroforestry involves the deliberate growing of woody perennials on the same area of land as annual crops or animals, in a spatial









25

arrangement or time sequence, with significant interaction between the tree and non-tree components of the system (Young, 1987). The aim of these systems is to optimize positive economic and ecological interactions between components of the systems, and between components and the physical environment in order to obtain higher total, more diversified, and more sustainable production from available resources than is possible with other land use forms (Lundgren and Raintree, 1983).

While there are many different forms of agroforestry systems, the Agroforestry Pole is based on an agrosilvopastoral system combining perennial trees and shrubs with animals and annual crops. These components are generally found in a multi-storied configuration and associated with high species diversity. It is this multi-storied, complex, diverse nature that allows the agrosilvopastoral systems to fulfill many important economic, ecological and social functions that contribute to their being considered sustainable systems.

Agrosilvopastoral systems, besides providing food production for subsistence

living and sale, give several secondary functions. Generally stable yields, varied products and continuous production throughout the year are important facets of agrosilvopastoral systems. These facets are attractive features for small farmers who tend to be risk adverse. By planting a combination of crops with different production cycles and rhythms, not only is an uninterrupted supply of food products maintained, but a certain level of protection is built into the system against a wipe-out by pests, diseases, unfavorable market prices for a product, and other unpredictable events.











The importance of agroforestry systems as a nutrient source for the human diet has been recognized. Many studies have detailed the regular quantities of minerals, vitamins and plant protein derived from these systems (Haryadi, 1975). The various food components of agrosilvopastoral systems provide a significant amount of the energy and nutritive requirement of the local diet.

Agrosilvopastoral. systems can also contribute to water conservation and

management, for example through the use of windbreaks, moisture conservation by tree litter mulch, and the reduction of runoff for erosion control. As well as preventing soil erosion, agrosilvopastoral systems can contribute to environmental protection by improving soil fertility by maintaining high levels of recycling of organic matter and nutrients from household refuse, crop residues and animal manure. With the recycling of organic matter and nutrients, soil fertility is enhanced by the nitrogen fixing capacity of certain species. Waste materials from the system may also be used to feed animals that in turn provide manure to return to the soil.

Agroforestry systems do modify the original vegetation and therefore will not

sustain primary forest. Perhaps agroforestry systems are most appropriate in exactly such situations as that found in the Agroforestry Pole project of the Municipal government of Rio Branco, where the land is already deforested and degraded. It should be stressed also that while agroforestry systems aim to be sustainable, the wrong choice of species combinations, management practices, and lack of peoples' motivation and understanding may cause agroforestry to fail just like any other form of land use may fail (Nair, 1993).










summq y

This thesis examines the potential for the Pole project to improve the quality of life for the participants and to contribute to the market economy of Rio Branco. The success of the Pole, in so far as these goals are to be achieved, will be determined strongly by the ability of the participants to bring their crops to harvest and to market surplus. While almost all of the participants have some agricultural tradition, some are not experienced in agroforestry. Along these lines, the financial support and technical assistance given by the Municipal government will be important to provide the participants with the knowledge and materials for the agroforestry systems.

The participants' capacity to market surplus relies on the presence of the following conditions:- excess produce after subsistence needs are met, available transportation to market areas and demand for their produce. These conditions will also allow for the city market to receive produce that is fresher and, hopefully, cheaper due to lower transportation costs. Any produce sold will add to the participants' cash flow and in turn increase their standard of living by allowing them to pay for better health care and food products outside of those produced on farm.

In the following chapter I will explore in detail the results of my findings, in

particular as they relate to answering the question of the potential of the Pole to meet the expectations of the Municipal government and provide for the livelihoods of its participants.














CHAPTER III
THE IMPACT OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE ON THE LIVES OF THE PARTICIPANTS

Introduction

In this chapter I discuss the findings of my research at the Agroforestry Pole, with attention to the demographics of the participants, physical and community development and the progress of the production systems. A brief look at an actual family is used to depict the circumstances under which the participants came to the Pole and the conditions in which they live. This chapter also contains information relevant to the discussion of the ability of the Pole to meet the goals set by the Municipal government and the expectations of the participants. Quantitative and qualitative information, concerning food consumption, health, commitment to the project and finally, perceptions about changes in quality of life, is provided and used in the analysis of the Pole.

The Population of the Agroforestry Pole

The Agroforestry Pole is located on 210 hectares of land outside the city of Rio Branco. The participants' lots range in size from 2.2 to 4.3 hectares with an average of 3.6 hectares. There were 48 families placed in the Agroforestry Pole at the time of my research. My aim was to include every family in my study, and I interviewed 44 of these families. Two of the participant families were absent from their lots on every occasion I went to do the interview (six visits for each of these lots). The other two lots were so











recently settled that no planting had occurred on the land and there were no data to be collected.

The entire population accommodated in the Agroforestry Pole is 276 people. Adults, above the age of fifteen, comprise 44.6% of this population, and children the remaining 55.4%. The gender breakdown shows that 54.7% are male and 45.3% female. The average number of people per household is six. This usually includes the most immediate members of the family; father, mother and children, however, extended family members live in the family units, including grandparents, in-laws and cousins.

These families came to the city of Rio Branco mainly from rubber tapper areas and agricultural colony areas, 54.5% and 38.6% respectively. One participant had come from an indigenous tribe and two participants had always lived in Rio Branco (Table 3-1).

Table 3-1: Location of Participants Before Moving to Rio Branco Percentage of responses (n--44)

Origin Percent

Seringal (rubber tapper area) 54.5

Colony (various) 38.6

Indigenous tribe 2.3

Always lived in Rio Branco 4.5

TOTAL 100.0

The majority of the participants (83.3%) had migrated from rural areas between the years of 1980 and 1995. Some had migrated to Rio Branco as far back as the 1950s.








30

The rate of migration to Rio Branco has increased during the period 1950 to 1995 (Table 3-2).

Table 3-2: Year in Which Participants Moved to Rio Branco Percentage of the responses (n--421) Year Percent

1950-1959 2.4

1960-1969 2.4

1970-1979 11.9

1980-1989 40.5

1990-1995 42.8

TOTAL 100.0

When asked why they chose to leave the rural area that they had previously inhabited, 30.9% of the participants answered that it was due to lack of schools, poor health, and no infrastructure. Worldwide, the process of rural to urban migration is motivated by these factors. More than 24% of the participants said that it was in search of employment or that rubber tapping was no longer feasible as a way of life for them. Personal motives or presence of family in Rio Branco was the response of 16.7% of those being interviewed. Fourteen percent of the participants moved to Rio Branco because they did not own the property where they had lived in the rural region and 7. 1 % moved to improve their lives (Table 3-3).


'Two of the participants had always lived in Rio Branco.














Reason Percent

Gain employment 16.6

Lack of ownership of the property where they lived 14.3

Family in Rio Branco 11.9

Malaria/health problems 11.9

Lack of access to school 9.5

Lack of infrastructure 9.5
To improve life in general 7.1

Personal reasons 4.8

No future in rubber tapping 4.8

Conflicts with indigenous people 2.4

House burnt 2.4

Religion 2.4

Obtained a house in Rio Branco 2.4

TOTAL 100.0


A Day in the Life of a Typical Famfly

It is 9 a.m. and Pedro, 49 years old, and his family are sitting on the small porch of their house. Pedro is dripping with sweat. He woke up at sunrise to water the fruits around the house and the vegetable garden, as well as tend to his animals. His wife, Maria, and their children were also involved in the early morning farm activities. In addition to working on the lot, Maria had prepared breakfast for the family. A light meal of fruit and a fruit juice drink was on the menu for that day.


Table 3-3: Reason Why Participants Went to Live in Rio Branco % of answers (n=42)








32

The noise of the chickens and ducks around the house mixes with the sound of a radio in the background. The family is busy but they are graciously willing to take time out to answer my questions and tell me about their life in the Pole. Like the other 47 families that live in the Pole, Pedro and Maria came from the periphery of Rio Branco with their 4 children and 2 grandchildren. As in the case of 54.5% of the families of the Pole, their previous origin is a rubber tapper area.

In 1990, Pedro and his family made the move to Rio Branco and then in May 1994 they moved to the Agroforestry Pole. The family has been settled in the Pole for fourteen months. Because of this, and their hard work, their lot is one of the most organized and productive. Some of the trees in the system are more than a meter in height. While the fruit tree species are not yet producing, it is anticipated that in about a year from now production will begin. Meanwhile, the family maintains itself through planting beans, corn, manioc and rice, raising chickens, ducks, guinea pigs and pigs, in addition to keeping a vegetable garden. It is uncommon to find people in lowland Amazonia raising guinea pigs. This is the only family in the Pole with guinea pigs. This subsistence cultivation in the first stages of the project is very important to guarantee food for the family and generate some income.

Maria gets up from her seat on the porch and begins to move around in the kitchen preparing a lunch of rice and beans for the family. This is a typical meal for all of the families living in the Pole, as it is for many Brazilian families. Maria still participates in the conversation, adding her responses when she feels it appropriate. The house, like the majority of homes in the Pole, is a simple construction of wooden floors and walls and an








33

aluminum roof On their arrival at the lot in the Pole, like the other families, they built a makeshift house out of materials from the surrounding forest. The trunk of Paxiuba, a palm, was split and used to make the walls, thatched palm was woven together for the roof, and the floor was left as bare earth. It was only after being in the Pole for six months, that the Municipal government provided the materials and assistance to build a more permanent dwelling.

After I finish talking to the family, normal everyday activities resume. Pedro still has to tend to the fruit tree seedlings placed in small black bags and located in a secluded area on the property to protect them from attacks by roaming chickens. He also goes through the area, placing fallen vegetation litter around the base of the fruit trees and picking off any ripe produce. Anything that he collects goes to the house for immediate consumption or temporary storage until it can be taken to market.

After lunch and a rest, Maria collects the dirty kitchen utensils and the family's clothes and takes a short walk to the side of the lake in front of the house. Here she does the washing while the children play and bathe in the lake. Upon completing the washing, Maria might take a quick bath and then hurry up to the house to begin the preparations for dinner. On days that she does not do the washing Maria goes into Rio Branco to sell some of the surplus production from the farm and to complete the necessary grocery shopping for the family. There are some products, such as salt, sugar, milk, soap, pasta, tooth paste and shampoo, that cannot be produced on the land and that must be bought.

Around five thirty in the afternoon, as the sun sets, the whole family is at the

house. Dinner is served, a tasty plateful of rice and beans with a piece of manioc on the









34

side. Once again, the sound of the radio comes through the noise of the quieting animals and the voices of the family conversing. In a couple of hours, at about eight o'clock, the family will retire to bed in order to get enough rest to rise early for yet another busy day.

Production Systems

The Agroforestry Pole was initiated in December, 1993. In the summer of 1995, at the time of the field research for this thesis, the first participants had been settled for 18 months. All of the participants had not arrived simultaneously. Some had arrived as recently as April, 1995. This created a situation where every lot was at a different stage of development. Longest settled lots showed signs of vigorous growth of the perennial fruits, such as peach palm (Bactris gasipaes), cupuaqu (Theobroma grandiflorum) and barbados cherry (Malpighia glanbra), as well as the annual crops, while on the most recently settled lots there was more focus on getting production from the annual crops immediately while the fruit trees were being planted (see Appendix A). The initial focus on annual crops is to create a food supply within the first six months for subsistence living for the participant families. The fruit trees will not come into production until the third or fourth year after planting.

The production systems of the participants in the project center around perennial tree crops, palms, shrubs, vines and other perennials, along with annual crops such as grains, tubers, fibers, and vegetables. More than 30 perennials and 28 annuals can be found in the systems of the participants (Table 3-4). While the original plan for the Pole had not considered that vegetable gardens would be planted, 72.7% of the participants










were involved in cultivating vegetables. These vegetable gardens are grown mainly during October through March.

Labor for each lot was being supplied by the members of the family. An average of 2.9 people worked on the lot that surrounds the family house. Given that the production systems have been in place for less than two years there was very little production from the perennial fruit trees. Many of the annual crops had already produced and been harvested. Likewise, in some of the lots, chickens, ducks and their eggs had already were being consumed.

Water from several lakes within the Pole and wells dug within the participants' lots by the participants themselves was used to water the fruit crops. The participants also bathed and washed their clothes at the lake side. For household consumption most of the participants bought natural water or filtered water through a filtration device. The participants generally cooked meals on gas stoves that they brought from Rio Branco in their move.

There is quite a difference between the quantity of perennial fruit crop seedlings that the Municipal government anticipated distributing to the participants and the number of perennial fruit crop seedlings actually planted in the participants' lots (Table 3-5).

The cause for this difference is not entirely clear. It may be that the Municipal government actually did distribute the anticipated number of seedlings but the participants chose not to plant all. The lots also appear to have a greater variety of fruit tree crops than initially planned by the Municipal government (see Table 3-4).

The remaining quantity of perennial fruit crops could have been made up by other











Table 3-4 Crop Plants Found on the Farms of the Agroforestry Pole Project

English name Portuguese name Scientific name Use
Perennials:


Trees


Palms


Araga-boi Avacado Bacuri Breadfruit Cacao Caimito Cashew Cupuaqu Ingdi Jackfruit Jambo Lime Mahogany Mango Orange Papaya Pitinga Soursop Star fruit Tangerine


Agai Bacaba Coconut Peach palm


Araga-boi Abacate Bacuri Fruta - Pao Cacao Abiu Caju Cupuaqu Ingd Jaca Jambo Limdo Mogno Manga Laranja Mamdo Pitinga Graviola Carambola Tangerina


Agai Bacaba C6co Pupunha


Shrubs, vines and other perennials
Annatto Urucu
Banana Banana
Barbados cherry Acerola
Black pepper Pimenta do reino
Coffee Cafd
Passion fruit MaracuJ A
Pineapple Abacaxi


Eugenia stipitata fruit
Persea americana Mill. fruit Platonia insignis Mart. fruit Artocarpus altilis fruit
Theobroma cacao chocolate
Pouteria caimito Radik fruit Anacardium occidentale fruit Theobroma grandiflorum fruit Inga spp. fruit
Artocarpus heterophyllus fruit Eugenia malaccensis fruit
Citrus aurantifolia fruit
Swietenia macrophylla wood
Mangifera indica fruit
Citrus sinensis fruit
Carica papaya fruit
Eugenia uniflora fruit
Annona muricata fruit
Averrhoa carambola fruit
Citrus reticulata fruit


Euterpe oleracea Oenocarpus mapora Cocos nucifera Bactris gasipaes


Bixa orellana Musa spp. Malpighia glabra Piper nigrum Coffea spp. Passiflora edulis Ananas comosus


fruit fruit fruit fruit,oil


food,dye
fruit fruit spice
coffee
fruit fruit










Table 3-4 Continued.


English name Portuguese name Scientific name Use
Annuals:
Cabbage Repolho Brassica oleracea vegetable
Manioc Mandioca Manihot esculenta tuber
Cauliflower Couve flor Brassica oleracea botrytis vegetable
Chard Acelga Beta vulgaris vegetable
Chicory Chicoria Cichorium intybus vegetable
Common bean Feijao Phaseolus vulgaris vegetable
Corn Milho Zea mays grain
Cotton Algodao Gossypium fiber
Cucumber Pepino Cucumis melo fruit
Eggplant Beringela Solanum melongena vegetable
Lettuce Alface Lactuca sativa vegetable
Mustard Mustarda Brassicajuncea vegetable
Okra Quiabo Hibiscus esculentus fruit
Onion Cebola Allium cepa vegetable
Parsley Salsa Petroselinum crispum herb
Pepper Pimentdo Capsicum spp. vegetable
Radish Rabonete Raphanus sativus herb
Rice Arroz Oryza sativa grain
Spring greens Couve Brassica oleracea vegetable
Sugar cane Cana de acucar Succharium juice
Sweet potato Batata doce Ipomoea batatas vegetable
Tomato Tomate Lycopersicon esculentum vegetable
Sources: Cavalcante (1976), Purseglove (1968), Stephens (1988), Agricultural Research Service.










Table 3-5 Contrast between anticipated quantity of seedlings of perennial crops to be distributed and seedlings planted in the lots. Perennial Fruit Crop Anticipated N1 Seedlings Planted N1 Seedlings

Peach palm 14,000 4,570

Passion fruit 12,000 1,360

Cupuaqu 6,000 5,437

Banana 7,000 3,480

Mango 500 150

Agai 4,900 758

Barbados cherry 2,700 661


perennial fruit crops that had not been in the original plan. This could indicate the participants' desire to have a number of different types of fruit crops on their lots. Variety could provide some security for the participants, for instance if a certain crop produces poorly or is attacked by a pest or disease. Reliance on a variety of fruit trees might also protect the farmer from market saturation and low prices.

MarketinQ Tactics

As anticipated by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture, the participants, after fulfilling subsistence needs, sold surplus produce outside the Pole. In order to accommodate this sale the Municipal government created a tenda in a neighborhood of Rio Branco, specifically for the sale of the participants' produce. This local street-side stall consisted of a water proof plastic cover held up by four metal poles and accommodated four to six producers at a time. The Municipal government promoted the tenda as a place where the consumers of Rio Branco could buy, at low prices, vegetables,










poultry, eggs, and other agricultural products such as pineapples, corn and fruits. The participant's produce was expected to sell at lower prices because there was no added cost of a middle person. All in all the tenda was to be of "commercial advantage" to both the consumer, who could shop close to the home, and the producer, who was provided with a market structure specifically for their own benefit.

Participants also found a market in local restaurants and the street markets. A

small amount of produce was being bought by a third party, or 'middleman' at the lot in the Pole. During the discussions about the creation of a cooperative, participants expressed the desire to market through the cooperative in order to achieve better prices and secure markets.

Most of the production was being consumed by the families themselves; however, in most of the cases, the participants have sold to the external market more than the anticipated 20 percent of the annual crops harvested expected in the initial years of the project by the Municipal government (Table 3-6). Rice, beans, eggs, and pineapples are among the few staple products of which less than 20% was sold.

Seventy-five percent of the participants have sold some surplus. There are several methods by which the produce sold in Rio Branco was transported. A truck and driver, provided with funds for the project from the Municipal Secretary for Agriculture, had been used by 39.4% of the participants who had sold outside the Pole. More than 27% of the participants who had sold to the external market had used the tractor, available to clear the land, to transport their produce to Rio Branco. Another 21.2% took their produce to the market via bus at a cost of $0.89 U.S. ($0.80 centavos) for a round-trip.









40

For those who used the truck there was no cost associated with transportation of produce, while the cost of using the tractor varied based on the amount of produce being transported. The cost was approximately 20% of the cash made on the sale of the produce.

Only two of the participant families, who sold produce, used a car for transport.

The drivers of the cars charged by the kilogram and the price was roughly $11.11 U.S. for ten kilograms. One family had sold their produce at a market on the periphery of Rio Branco. The produce had been carried on the participant's back with no transportation costs involved. Finally, one family had sold some produce to a second party from outside the Pole. The second party organized the transportation of the produce so there was no transport cost for the family. There was no trend indicating that those participants who sold outside the Pole received a higher price.

Community Development in the Agroforestry Pole

In keeping with the plan to provide the participants with technical assistance, the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture held community meetings. Participation in these meetings, held every Tuesday and Friday, was not obligatory. Attendance varied throughout the period in which I did my field research. However, I noted that men, women and children came to the meetings. These meetings were occasions for the residents to receive technical training on matters of production and express their concerns about any matters relating to the Pole. Such issues as the cleanliness of the school bathroom and the initiation of the-merenda (school lunch) were topics of conversation during these meeting.










Table 3-6: Percentage of total production of the Pole being sold


Product Harvested Sold Percentage
Perennials:

Trees:
Araga boi (unit) 9 0 0
Lime (unit) 900 0 0
Mango(unit) 300 0 0
Papaya (kg) 2,839 1,235 43.5
Soursop (unit) 50 0 0

Shrubs, vines and other perennials:
Annato (kg) 6 0 0
Banana (bunches) 149 47 31.5
Black pepper (bundle) 3 0 0
Passion fruit (unit) 4,556 3,300 72.4
Pineapple (unit) 91 10 10.9

Annuals:
Acelga (unit) 30 0 0
Almeirdo (unit) 100 50 50
Manioc (kg) 34,950 22,545 64.5
Cauliflower (unit) 2,000 2,000 100
Chicory (unit) 9,525 3,080 32.3
Chili Pepper (kg) 691.5 492 71.1
Coentro (unit) 25,696 12,300 47.9
Common bean (kg) 2,190 170 7.8
Corn (kg) 26,232 8,346 31.8
Cucumber (unit) 763 320 41.9
Eggplant (kg) 30 30 100
Jambu (unit) 13,104 11,065 84.4
Jilo (kg) 30 30 100
Onion (unit) 24,766 21,420 86.5
Lettuce (unit) 21,392 16,670 77.9
Maxixe (unit) 2,774 2,150 77.5
Mostreiz (unit) 80 50 62.5
Mustard (unit) 26 0 0
Okra (unit) 270 175 64.8
Pepper (unit) 1,068 0 0
Rabonete (unit) 55 0 0
Rice (kg) 11,160 1,336 11.9













Product Collected Sold Percentage
Annuals continued

Salsa (unit) 5,095 2,000 39.3
Spring greens (unit) 11,149 10,470 93.9
Sugar cane (unit) 10,125 5,200 51.4
Sweet Potato (kg) 5 0 0
Tomato (unit) 141 0 0

Animals and animal products:
Chickens (unit) 282 125 44.3
Ducks (unit) 31 0 0
Eggs (unit) 15,263 96 0.63


Table 3-6 Continued.










The community meetings were held in the school building. Eventually, the

teacher complained that the meetings disrupted classes and the meetings were moved to a shaded area behind the house of one of the participants. In later meetings the community and the representatives from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture discussed the setting up of a cooperative or an association by the participants. Over the course of several weeks the idea of a cooperative was examined. The Municipal government, through examining the role and ftinction of a cooperative with the participants, tried to help the community decide if it was something that they wanted, and how to organize and define the purpose of the participant organization.

Results were eventually achieved from these meetings, despite complaints on the side of both the community and the representatives of the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture. In June the merenda program was established in which each school day, women from different lots, would come to a room converted into a kitchen in the back of the school, to cook a midday meal for the students. The midday meal consisted mainly of rice, beans and manioc. The need for this system arose because of the distance and time it took some of the children to go home for lunch and return to school.

A decision was also made to create a cooperative run by the participants. During the final weeks of my fieldwork official elections took place in which the president of the cooperative was elected by the community. Through a vote the cooperative was named 'Cooperativa Polo Agroflorestal' (COPAF). The focus of the cooperative was determined to be the general issues of production, marketing, transportation and investment. Another concern of the participants that was discussed at the community










meetings was the fact that they did not have title to the land and that there was the possibility that they could be taken off the land after 5 to 10 years.

The main concern over giving the land to individual participants was that the participants would sell their lots and return to the city. Title to the land could not be given to the participants by the Municipal government. Only INCRA, and not the Municipal government, can carry out agrarian refonn. The Municipal government hoped that if the community showed strength through organization in a cooperative, eventually INCRA would give the land to the cooperative. This idea was only just being considered during the end of my field research.

The community had mobilized in other ways. Several leaders were chosen among the participants to lead by example, to attend community meetings and be aware of all activities in the Pole. I became aware of at least two community fairs that had taken place in the Pole under the organization of the participants. In addition, a woman's group had formed primarily for the function of leading how to prepare and process products from their lots. Representatives from EMATER came to the Pole to give the woman's group technical assistance. On another occasion a group of hairdressers from a teaching school in Rio Branco was transported out to the Pole by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture to go from house to house cutting the participants' hair in a volunteer exercise.

As the participants have become established in their permanent houses and

production is firmly underway, they appear to focus more on the area around their houses. Several families have undertaken "beautification projects" in which they have improved











their living area by planting flowers, painting their houses and building fences. The participants.have a deep sense of pride in their lots. Besides the community fairs, social and leisure activities in the Pole take the form of church on Sundays and soccer during the weekend.

Physical Developme

Besides the participants' lots, the Pole has other lots with a variety of purposes. For example, lot number 15 is an area of 4.38 hectares of legumes. Lot 32, with an area of 4.68 ha, is part of a reserve and lot 33, with 4.09 ha, is available for experiments by other local institutions. An area of 3.75 hectares is being used for leisure activities, such as soccer. At the time of the research, lot 25 was vacant; however, the representatives from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture suggested that eventually a family would be placed on it or the land would be used for another purpose.

In the period since the Agroforestry Pole project was initiated, three lots have

been 'abandoned', meaning that the participants left or were forced to leave. In the case of two lots, there was an internal conflict between the participants, resulting in the woman from one attacking and paralyzing the man from the other. The family of the paralyzed man decided that they wanted to return to Rio Branco, while the woman was asked to vacate the lot since her actions had not been in keeping with community development. Another family left because a family member had cancer and had to be hospitalized in Rio Branco.

Central to the Pole, a wooden school building was constructed to accommodate classes for the children of the Pole. A teacher from Rio Branco was hired by the








46

Municipal government. Children attend the school four hours a day on week days and the school timetable is split into morning and afternoon classes.

Part of the Municipal government's plan is to supply each family with a couple of pigs. The pigs are being kept and bred in a construction near to the center of the Pole. Two of the closest residents are responsible for the upkeep of the pigs, feeding them grain provided by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture.

Across from the pig building is a large barn for the storage and protection of certain processing equipment bought by the Municipal government for use by the participants. This equipment includes a gasoline-powered dehusker for rice, an electric sugar cane processor, a processor for cassava and a construction to dry cassava and make flour.

'Hidden' Subsidies

During the implementation stage of the Agroforestry Pole electricity lines were installed. Every house, with the exception of one which did not yet have lines installed, received electricity and had the capacity for electric lights, use of an electric stove and other appliances. The electricity was being provided to the families at a subsidized rate of $0.78 U.S. ($0.70 centavos) per month.

Some of the subsidies provided by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture were not as readily evident as that for electricity. For instance, every day a truck from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture went out to the pole, often transporting both Participants and their produce. On countless mornings I arrived in the offices of the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture to find participants waiting to see representatives








47

about their concerns, questions or need for seeds. This technical support was in addition to the technical assistance given in the weekly community meetings. Monthly, a truck load of green manure in the form of cuttings from parks in Rio Branco, would arrive in the Pole for use by the participants.

These 'hidden' subsidies, were not counted in the costs of the project. As already mentioned, the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture, through project funds, also provided seeds, processing machinery and an enclosure, feed for the pigs, material and assistance to build the participants' houses, and the tractor.

Quality of Life and Future Perspectives

Table 3-7: Reason for Moving to the Agroforestry Pole % responses (n=44)

Reason Percent

Did not have own house 30.7
No work or conditions to survive in Rio Branco 30.7
Desire to plant/work on the land 23.9

Improve life in general 8.0

Tranquility 3.4

Better than working for others 2.2

Able to leave the Pole if the participant does not like it 1.1

TOTAL 100.0

The two main reasons stated by the participants when asked why they moved to the Pole were that they did not own their own house (30.7%) and 30.7% did not have work or the condition to survive in Rio Branco (Table 3-7). In fact, only 59% of the








48

households had heads with any form of employment, temporary, part time or permanent. This contrasts with the situation in the Pole where all of the household heads stated that they have ajob. Likewise, before moving to the Pole only 34% of the participants owned their own house whereas each family in the Pole indicated that they were the owners of the house in which they lived.

The participants' overall perception of the change in their quality of life since

arriving at the Pole was measured. More than 89% of the participants indicated that the situation of the family had improved and almost 98% said that they felt that the Pole is going to improve their lives in the future.

When questioned about their desire to return to Rio Branco to work or live in the future, 90.9% of the participants responded that they had no intention of returning to the city. The remaining 9. 1 % of the participants stated that it was possible that they would return to Rio Branco depending on certain conditions. Two of the four participant families gave as their prerequisite to return, the presence of favorable conditions in Rio Branco to make a living and support their families, whereas the other two families said that if conditions in the Pole were not good they would consider returning to Rio Branco.

The same question was posed with reference to their children. Out of the 42 families that have children in the Pole, 61.9% stated that under no condition did they anticipate their children would leave the Pole to live or work in Rio Branco. Another 14.3% said that they could not answer the question with any certainty, while 23.8% of the respondents felt that their children would eventually return to Rio Branco to work or go to school. These data indicate a high level of commitment on the part of the participants










to the Pole and an expectation that their future will be based on life in the Pole. Furtherinore, this desire to be permanently settled can be seen in the improvements participants have made on their houses and surrounding areas.

Changes in the quality of life are difficult to measure since they depend on each person's perception or decision about which factors contribute to improving or deteriorating a person's standard of living. Therefore I looked at basic necessities of life such as food intake and health. Respondents' recall from the surveys indicated that since arriving at the Pole 52.3% of the participants had experienced an increase in the number of meals eaten per day, while 29.5% stated that the number of meals per day had remained the same. More significantly, 47.7% of the participants reported eating more food and 45.4% said they had experienced an increase in the variety of meals since arriving at the Pole.

Overall, three-quarters of the families felt that since arriving at the Pole their meals had improved. Many participants said that their meals had improved, although they might have noted a decrease in the number of meals, quantity of food or variety. The reason for this was in the participants belief that by living in the Pole they were assured of something to eat even if they did not have cash to buy goods. I suspect that meals will improve even more for the participants as more time passes and production increases. This will also have a positive effect on variety of food consumed as all of the produce - annuals, perennials and livestock - come into full production. The diversity of species in the agroforestry systems will contribute to this increase in variety of produce collected and also allow for a continuous, year around supply of food for subsistence and










sale by the participants. Several of the perennial species grown have different peak bearing months (Table 3-8).

Table 3-8 Fruit bearing calender for some perennial species of the Agroforestry Pole

Local Name Ja Fe Ma Ap My Ju J1 Au Se Oc No De Ja Bacuri X X

Soursop X X

Jackfruit X X

Jambo X X

Cupuaqu X X X
Agai X X

Carambola X X

Mahogany X X

Cashew X X
Breadfruit X X
Bacaba X X

Jambo X X X X

Mango X X

Caimito X X

Peach palm X X
Sources: Parque Zoobotanico, Universidade Federal do Acre (1995) & Cavalcante (1976).


With regards to participants' health, 77% answered that the health of the family had improved since entering the project. The clearest indicator of improvement in health was a reported decrease in the number of illnesses experienced in the family. The most frequent health complaint among the participants was the common cold. More than 45%








51

of the participants responded that they used natural medicines, such as bush tea, collected mainly from the area surrounding their lot. Another 20.5% had not needed medicines and 22.7% had obtained treatments from a pharmacy.

Over 68% of the participants said that they had not experienced any negative

factors in the Pole that had affected their quality of life. The factors that had negatively affected some of the participants included a shortage of water (13.6%), a lack of unity among neighbors (11.3%), not being able to sell goods other than crops in the Pole (2.3%), the rules established by the Municipal government (2.3%), and, concern about the food supply (2.3%).

Almost 73% of the participants said that the money that entered the house every month met the expenses of the household. Manioc appears to be a very important survival crop for the families because 20.4% responded that they ate manioc when the money that entered the home every month did not meet expenses (Table 3-9). Another 20.5% answered that they ate or sold some type of produce off the land in such times.

Conclusion

The two main reasons that the participants gave for moving to Rio Branco

initially, and then to the Pole were the same; lack of ownership of property and seeking job opportunities. The move to Rio Branco did not provide the participants with the property ownership and employment that they were seeking. The desire to obtain these same needs prompted the participants to move once again, this time to the Pole project. In this chapter it was demonstrated that the Pole was already providing the participants with employment and a home.










Table 3-9: Actions Taken When the Money Does Not Meet Monthly Expenses % of responses (n--44)

Action Percent

Eat manioc 20.4

Eat off of the land 15.9

Economize 15.9

Borrow from family/friends 15.9

Buy on credit 9.1

Work externally 6.8

Always meets expenses 6.8

Pass the time poorly 4.6

Sell some produce 4.6

TOTAL 100.0

There was an overwhelming positive response from the participants about their lives since arriving in the Pole and almost every participant anticipated finiher improvement in the ftiture. The participants' satisfaction with the improvement in their lives and the project so far is apparent from the low rate of 'abandonment'. The cases of 'abandonment' were not caused by dissatisfaction with the Pole, but personal conflict between participants, and health problems. Furthermore, a large majority of the participants had no intention of returning to Rio Branco. Likewise, a majority of the participants felt that their children would continue to live in the Pole in the future. However, the fact that almost 24% of the participants felt that their children would eventually return to Rio Branco points to a future when space in the Pole may be limited and the participants' offspring must return to Rio Branco to make a living. The










difference at that point may be that the city will be better equipped infrastructurally to handle the population increase and the migrants will be better prepared for employment in an urban area due to the availability of education. The creation of other Poles is also an alternative that has strong possibilities. This idea is discussed in more detail in chapter five.

The perception that their situation had improved was tied into the perception that since arriving at the Pole, their meals and the health of the family had improved. I believe that the quantitative data on the number of meals eaten, the quantity and variety of food, as well as the decrease in the number of illnesses show reality coinciding with the participants' perceptions. After only one and a half years, still in the early stages of the project, participants are able to meet expenses. And when household expenses cannot be met there are options for the participants. They can eat off the land. Subsistence needs of the participants were being met.

The fact that the participants were meeting their subsistence needs meant that the market of Rio Branco was relieved of that responsibility. In this way the project was already contributing to the local market economy. Additionally, the surplus that the participants sold in the markets of Rio Branco added to the local produce available and the capacity of the urban provisioning system was increased. The participants' farms are more diverse and complex than originally anticipated by the Municipal government. Twenty-four more types of perennial tree crops were planted in the farming systems than originally planned in the project specifications.










It would seem that the outlook for the Pole in the up coming years, at the time when the fruit trees are being harvested, is promising. The scenario could be that the market of Rio Branco would reduce the imports of produce from other states, while the participants meet subsistence needs and have a steady cash flow. However, the administrative structure of the Pole appears to be top-down. It is also a highly subsidized operation. The implications for the sustainability of the Pole, in the light of such heavy external investment needs to be discussed. This discussion can be found in Chapter V. In chapter four, with the use of linear programming, I explore the potential outcome of these production systems in four years when all of the activities in the production system are fully functional.














CHAPTER IV
PROJECTING PRODUCTION BASED ON LINEAR MODELS Introduction

In this chapter I will simulate the actual farm situation and explore the future production, income and consumption of the lots in the Agroforestry Pole Project using linear programming. From its first application by Hildebrand on Michigan dairy farms in 1959, linear programming has been used to study the effect of resource constraints and management strategies. In 196 1, Clayton used linear programming on peasant farms in Kenya (Clayton, 1961). In this thesis, linear programming is used to determine the ftiture outcome of a relatively young system. The information from using linear programming in this way can be invaluable in helping the administrators of the Pole to make adjustments earlier on in the project. It can also allow administrators to consider various agricultural options with the participants before these options are actually implemented. Heyer (197 1) identified the value of linear programming as a basic research tool and in producing extension recommendations for groups of farms.

The Linear Proaramming Model

Linear programming uses sets of linear equations in an optimization procedure that allocates scarce resources among competing alternatives to maximize specified objectives. The standard form of a linear programming model is composed of three sections: (1) the objective ftinction, (2) resource constraints, (3) activities or competing 55









56

alternatives. The model used in this thesis is a maximization procedure whose objective function maximizes cash income. In matrix notation the objective of the model is to: MAX Z = '1 (PjXj - CjXj), where

Pj is the price received per unit of activity Xj, and Cj is the cash cost or cash income per unit of activity Xj. The number of activities is n. The objective function is subject to constraints (Appendix B) in the following manner:



ajj equals the quantity of resources i used per unit of activity j, and bi equals the set of available resource i for the Xj activities. One further restriction in the model, known as the non-negativity restraint assures a rational solution in that all activities must be positive quantities (Appendix B). It states that: xj> .o

The objective function of the model is a linear expression for profit maximization. Although the assumption is often made that farmers behave as profit maximizers, it has rarely been proven to be true (Dehm, 1984). The diverse and complex attitudes and practices of farmers sometimes defy explanation. However, linear program models can be more realistic and flexible if the farmers' non-pecuniary goals are taken into consideration. These goals can be built into the model, for instance through the use of constraints.

Description of the Linear Programming for a Typical Farm in the Pole

The linear programming model simulating a typical farm in the Pole was based on data collected from interviews with the participants and information about production of








57

certain fruit trees in the state of Acre. It was essential that the model closely resemble the actual situation in the lots, for the first year and a half in order to have confidence in its predicting ability in future years. The model of the typical farm is a dynamic multiple year (4) model that maximizes cash income over the four year period.

Among the major criteria for adequate simulation of a farm from the Agroforestry Pole were the (1) meeting of minimum family food needs; (2) representativeness of the acreage and output of different crops; (3) diversity of activities that reflect actual practices; (4) satisfaction of requirements for labor time for a range of agricultural and nonagricultural activities, such as cooking, child rearing, washing and socializing. Per hectare yields for the fruit trees in the third and fourth years had to be estimated using figures from already established fruit systems in Acre (Table 4-1). Constraints were built into the model to reflect resource restrictions such as the availability of land and labor.

The linear programming model was based on a schematic model for the farm

production systems in the Agroforestry Pole (Figure 4-1). Labor needs were met by the family members themselves, with the two adult parents being the main sources. Available farm labor was derived from the man working roughly six hours per day for six days a week and the woman working for approximately three hours per day for six days a week. This labor time was only for farm activities such as preparing the land, planting, manuring, watering, cleaning, harvesting, processing, transportation and sale of surplus.

Aside from labor, other inputs used by the participants such as seeds, seedlings, a tractor, and tools, were provided by the Municipal government. Thus, no associated input cost was put in the model. Therefore, the results of these findings depend on the








































Figure 4-1 Schematic Model for a Farm Production System in the Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production, Acre (Brazil)






MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT
I


HOUSE & LAD


TRANSPORTATION


MACHINERY & TOOLS


TECHNICAL HELP


GREEN MAUR










Table 4-1 Per hectare yield for annuals, perennials and chickens used in the linear
programming model of a typical farm in the Agroforestry Pole.

Crop Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4

Cassava' [kg] 2,000 2,000
Cassava2 [kg] 800 800
Corn' [kg] 1,400 1,400
Corn 3 [kg] 350 350
Beans [kg] 400 400 -
Pineapple [kg] 360 360 360
Sugarcane [kg] 700 700 700
Passion fruit [fruit] 250 6,000 12,500 6,000
Banana [bundles] 50 160 320 160
Papaya [kg] 0 1,400 3,500 1,400
Citrus [fruit] - 10,000 10,000
Pupunha [kg] - - 1,500
Cupuaqu [fruit] - - 1,000
Soursop [fruit] - - 1,200
Agai [kg] - - 1,365
Acerola Fkg] - - 800 1.200


assumption of continued future subsidies to the producers. The removal of one or more of the subsidies would require a new solution.

The most common systems found on the participants' lots were selected as

production activities for the linear program. These included the following activities or crop combinations: manioc and corn; peach palm, cupuaqu, rice, beans and manioc; banana and citrus; papaya, agai and barbados cherry; peach palm, cupuaqu and sugarcane;




'cassava and corn

2pupunha/cupuagu/rice/beans/cassava 3pupunha/cupuagu/rice/com


. L-- .I








61

peach palm, cupuaqu, rice and com; passion fruit, soursop and pineapple; chickens; and vegetables.

An activity that was limited in the model was the production of chickens. Since chickens fetch a good price on the market, the model would choose to produce chickens to the exclusion of every other activity. This would not accurately reflect the farmers' behavior. The LP limits the number of chickens per lot by the maximum number of chickens able to fit in one typical henhouse. This number was twenty. Every lot with chickens did have a henhouse, and while the chickens were allowed to roam the lot to look for food and contribute manure to the lot, they were also secured at night. Participants mentioned the fact that chickens could become a pest if they attacked the young crops.

Another constraint or requirement in the model was consumption in the second, third and fourth years the participants had estimated minimum levels, and any surplus produced would be sold at the market. These consumption levels were based on participants' expectations for future consumption. Figures for consumption in the first year were taken from actual data collected in the surveys (Table 3-5).

Gender differentiation of control and access over resources and labor can affect the amount of income derived by different members of the family and the manner in which this income is spent. For instance, it is often documented that the female adult of the family is more likely to spend money on health care, schooling and food for the family. In the case of the participant families in the Pole, however, there was a tendency for shared income distribution. The majority of the income went to basic household








62

needs. Both male and female adults of the family shared the decision making processes. This sharing is reflected by the use of a single, family income objective.

The LP model does not allow for the stochastic nature of the environment and production factors. This limitation can be overcome by including a certain measure of uncertainty' in the model by using random weather patterns and discounting over the years. For simplicity, these variables were not included in the model for this research.

Results

According to the linear programming model, in the first year all the available land was put under cultivation. In the third year the land that had been totally under annual crop production, the land under cassava and corn, was converted into vegetable production. After the second year this land, depleted of certain nutrients and minerals, would no longer be able to support a good yield of annual subsistence crops. The fields that were intercropped with fruit trees and annual crops are, in the third year, totally cultivated with fruit trees as annual crops cannot exist due to the shading by the perennial crops.

Results of the linear programming model simulating a typical farm in the

Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production showed that income from the sale of surplus steadily increases from year to year as the agroforestry system matures. In the first year only approximately U.S.$35.89 ($33.30 reis) is made from selling surplus cassava, banana and papaya (Table 4-2). Again in the second year the surpluses of these crops are sold along with surplus passion fruit and chickens. The total income expected from sales in the second year is roughly U.S. $1,352.55.











In the third year of the linear program annual subsistence crops are no longer

grown due to the lack of land to expand upon and the lower production on the established land due to the previous two years of planting. Surplus banana, papaya, acerola, passion fruit, pineapple, chickens and vegetables would bring in an income of about U.S.$4,120.03.

In the fourth year there is surplus produce from many of the fruit trees that finally come into production. Pupunha, cupuaqu, agai, acerola, soursop, banana, papaya, passion fruit, pineapple, chickens and vegetables are potentially sold for cash income of U.S.$13,088.73.

In the third and fourth year, when land that has been under annual crops is

converted to vegetable production, the participants will use the cash income from the sale of surplus to buy food goods. Vegetable production is only for consumption in the first two years of the LP, but when the land that has been under annual crops is converted to vegetable production there is sale of surplus vegetables. The cost of these food goods is subtracted from the gross cash income derived from the sale of surplus to give the total net cash income.

The Municipal government anticipated that within the first year and a half the

participants would be making three to four minimum salaries per month, the equivalent of U.S. $300 - $400. Furthermore, they anticipated that when the integrated system was producing plentifully the farmers would be making an income of approximately U.S. $11,000 - 13,000 per year (ten to twelve thousand reis).










Table 4-2 Results of a simulated model for a typical farm in the Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production

ACTIVITY Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4

Manioc and corn (ha) 0.156071 0.156071
manioc production (kg) 312.1 312.1
manioc buy 0 0 660 660
corn production (kg) 218.5 218.5 -
corn buy 0 0 390 390

Peach palm, cupuau. rice
beans and manioc (ha) 0.465 0.465 0.465 0.465
peach palm production (kg) 0 0 0 697.5
cupuaqu production (fruit) 0 0 0 465
rice production (kg) 139.5 139.5 -
bean production (kg) 186 186 -
manioc production (kg) 372 372 -

Banana and citrus (ha) 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.2
banana production (bundles) 10 32 64 32
citrus production (fruit) 0 0 2,000 2,000

Papaya, aai and barbados
cherry (ha) 0.61 0.61 0.61 0.61
papaya production (kg) 24.2 847.8 2,119.6 847.8
again production (kg) 0 0 0 826.6
barbados cherry production (kg) 0 0 484.5 726.7

Peach palm. cupuagu
and sugarcane (ha) 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5
peach palm production (kg) 0 0 0 750
cupuaqu production (kg) 0 0 0 500
sugarcane production (kg) 350 350 350

Peach palm, cupuacu, rice
and corn (ha) 0.49 0.49 0.49 0.49
peach palm production (kg) 0 0 0 735
cupuaqu production (kg) 0 0 0 490
rice production (kg) 220.5 220.5 -
corn production (kg) 171.5 171.5 -












Table 4-2 Continued.


ACTIVITY Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4

Passion fruit. soursop-and
pineapple (ha) 0.75 0.75 0.75 0.75
passion fruit production (fruit) 187.5 4,500 9,375 4,500
soursop production (fruit) 0 0 0 900
pineapple production (kg) 0 270 270 270

Chickens (chicken house) 0.45 1 1 1
chicken production 9 20 20 20
chicken home consumption 9 9 9 9

Vegetables (ha) 0.33 0.33 0.49 0.49
vegetable production (kg) 200 200 293.6 293.6

Sales
peach palm sell (kg) 0 0 0 1882.5
cupuaqu sell (fruit) 0 0 0 1255
cassava sell (kg) 24.1 24.1 -
corn sell (kg) 0 0 -
rice sell (kg) 0 0 -
beans sell (kg) 0 0 -
banana sell (bundle) 1 5.4 10.8 5.4
citrus sell (fruit) 0 0 0 0
papaya sell (kg) 14.2 567.8 1,419.6 567.8
agai sell (kg) 0 0 0 553.6
barbados cherry sell (kg) 0 0 324.5 486.7
sugarcane sell (kg) 0 0 0
passion fruit sell (fruit) 0 3,300 6,875 3,300
soursop, sell (fruit) 0 0 0 660
pineapple sell (kg) 0 0 198 198
chicken sell 0 11 11 11
vegetable sell (kg) 0 0 93.6 93.6











Gross cash income for first year = $32.30 (U.S .$35.89)' Gross cash income for second year = $1,217.30 (U.S.$1,352.55) Gross cash income for third year = $3,708.03 (U.S.$4,120.03) Gross cash income for fourth year = $1 1379.86 (U.S.$13,088.73) Gross cash income for four years = $16,737.49 (U.S.$18,597.21) Costs for rice, beans, corn, cassava-- - $1,511.40 (U.S.$1,679.33) Total net cash income over four years = $15,226.09 (U.S.$16,917.88)

The results from the LP appear to suggest that the Municipal government could have a realistic goal for the expected amount of income that the participants will be making per year when the agroforestry systems are in full production. In the first year income from sales of surplus is low. The Municipal government's short term expectation for the participants seems to be overly optimistic since in the linear program, the participants were not yet making as much as three to four minimum salaries per month in the first year and a half. Production and sale of the perennial tree crops are not high enough in the first year and a half to allow for this amount of income return.

A comparison between the actual seedlings planted in the participants' lots and the number of trees anticipated by the LP model was completed (Table 4-3). In contrast to the difference between the quantity of perennial fruit crop seedlings that the Municipal government anticipated distributing to the participants and the number of perennial fruit crop seedlings actually planted in the participants' lots (Table 4-3), there is a greater similarity in the quantities. Once again, the differences can be accounted for by the presence of other minor perennial fruit crops on the participants' lots.


'Currency conversion was based on U.S.$ 1.00 being equal to 0.90 Brazilian cents.










Table 4-3 Contrast between anticipated number of seedlings by the Municipal
government, anticipated quantity of trees of perennial crops in the LP
and actual seedlings planted in the lots (average size = 3.5 ha)

Perennial Fruit Crop Anticipated No Trees expected in Planted No
Seedlings (MG) LP Seedlings

Peach Palm 14,000 5,826 4,570

Passion fruit 12,000 1,650 1,360

Cupuaqu 6,000 5,332 5,437

Banana 7,000 1,408 3,480

Agai 4,900 1,526 758

Barbados cherry 2,700 1,073 661


The similarity in quantities of perennial fruit trees grown by the participants and anticipated by the LP model indicates the simulation power of the LP model and provides confidence in its future predicting of production, income and consumption.

Summ@U Points

(1) The Linear programming model was a multiple year model that closely simulated the situation on the participant's lots and then predicted future production, income and consumption.

(2) The linear programming model of a typical farm in the Agroforestry Pole indicates that the Municipal government's goal for the participants' income level within the first year and a half is overly optimistic. The Municipal government's long term goals, however, are shown to be feasible according to the LP model.

(3) A comparison between the actual quantity of seedlings planted in the participants' lots and the number of perennial fruit trees anticipated by the LP model showed that these quantities








68

were similar. This comparison indicated that the LP model has simulated the actual farm situation accurately and that I can have confidence in the future predicting power of the model.















CHAPTER V
THE POTENTIAL OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE AS AN ANSWER
TO URBANIZATION IN THE BRAZILIAN AMAZON The Agroforestry Pole as an "Alternative"

The administration for the Agroforestry Pole promoted the Pole as an 'alternative' way of dealing with the problems of lack of housing, unemployment and hunger. They made a comparison between the Pole and COHABs (low-income housing complexes). This system of providing 'mass' housing for lower income families is used by the Associagdo Brasileira de COHABs (ABC) in many states in Brazil. Acre has fourteen low-income housing complexes. The first one was funded by the Federal government and constructed in 1971. Usually the residents of group housing are given electricity, telephones, water, and sewers. In addition, the area is paved and drainage is provided. A plaza for recreation is built into the area and a school is constructed for the residents' children.

The selection criteria for the residents of group housing are based on the number of children in a family, the present habitation of the person, and the family's economic situation. At the time of the research for this thesis all group housing projects in Acre, except for one, required that the residents earn at least between three and four minimum salaries, the equivalent of U.S. $300 - 400 per month. Thirty percent of their salary goes











toward payment for the apartment in the building. This payment is made for 26 years,

after which the resident owns the apartment'.

At present, only one group housing project in Acre can be compared as an

alternative type of housing for the people that participate in the Pole. As stated before,

there is a minimum salary requirement to be placed in a group housing project. Most, if not all, of the participants of the Agroforestry Pole would not have been able to meet this requirement with the limited employment opportunities available to them in Rio Branco.

Oscar Passos is the only group housing project with lower financial requirements for

entry. Residents in this housing project need to make one and a half minimum salaries (U.S. $150). Even this could have been considered high for the participants of the Pole.

Oscar Passos is different from the other group housing projects in several ways.

Initiated in 1987, the project placed families on a piece of land 250 square meters (one quarter of a hectare) with only a structure for a bathroom with a toilet and sink. It was

left up to the residents to build a house. One hundred and ninety-four of these lots were

provided for families. A school was built in the area in 1992. The residents of Oscar

Passos have to pay approximately U.S. $16 - 22 ($15 - 20 reis) per month for twenty-five

years to own the area.

A cost comparison between the Agroforestry Pole and Oscar Passos showed that

the cost of settling a resident in both of the projects was almost equal. In the case of the Pole the cost per family was approximately U.S. $5,132 - 6,842. With an overall cost of


'Interview with Maria Lda Ferreira Germono de Araujo, representative of the Ministry of Urban Housing.











U.S. $1,099,239.00, the cost per family for Oscar Passos was approximately U.S. $5,552.00.

Despite the similarity in the cost per resident for the two projects, there are other non-monetary differences that are worth noting. Oscar Passos, like the Agroforestry Pole, addressed the problems of shortage of housing and services, such as water provision, electricity, and sewage disposal. However, the residents of Oscar Passos, unlike the participants of the Pole, were not provided with employment opportunities or a way to achieve subsistence living. The participants of the Agroforestry Pole were provided with the means to feed themselves and make a steady income using skills with which they were already familiar. The Agroforestry Pole project decreased the population stress on Rio Branco, while at the same time, it created food for the inhabitants of the city. Oscar Passos created urban housing but did not consider the lack of opportunities for migrants with rural skills.

The fact that Oscar Passos was the only minimum income housing in Rio Branco that might have been available to the migrant families from rural areas of the Amazon indicates the very limited options for migrants. These migrants often have no choice but to rely on family members, already in the city, for a temporary or permanent place to live. The other 'option' for migrants is to crowd into small houses in precarious locations in the periphery of the city.

Summer

In this thesis the Agroforestry Pole project was assessed as an alternative measure to address some of the problems being experienced as a result of increased urbanization










in the Brazilian Amazon. The study also set out to describe and document this planned agroforestry system.

The information and results presented in this thesis were based on primary data obtained in 1995. The whole population of the Agroforestry Pole was considered for the study. The absence of participants in two lots every time an attempt was made to complete an interview prevented these two lots from being included in the study. With this exception, the results and information in this thesis reflect the experience of all of the participants in the Pole since the survey was administered to the universal population. Secondary information was also obtained from official publications of the Municipal government and local institutions such as UFAC, IMAC and IBGE. Consistent with the work done in the Rio Branco region by Schmink and Cordeiro (1992), a large percentage of the rural migrants, reflected in the population of the Pole, were from rubber tapping areas. All indications point to an increasing rate of rural to city migration in future decades.

This study used four indicators to assess the improvement in the quality of the participants' lives and their commitment to the project. These four indicators were the participants' perception about changes in quality of life, food consumption, health situation, and rate of abandonment of the project.

The participants' perception of the changes in their quality of life since arriving at the Pole was very positive. Already, only after approximately a year and a half, more than 89% of the participants stated that their family's situation had improved and 98% said that they felt that the Pole is going to improve their lives in the future. The strength











of this response is apparent when the response of Schmink and Cordeiro's sample from Rio Branco to the question in relation to the city's ability to improve their lives is considered. The results from the questionnaire administered by Schmink and Cordeiro in 1994 showed that only 35% of the respondents in Rio Branco said that their situation had improved and 54% said that they felt that the city was going to improve their lives in the future (Schmink & Cordeiro, 1992).

The rate of abandonment of the Agroforestry Pole was very low and the majority of the participants stated that they did not intend to move back to Rio Branco nor did they anticipate that their children would return. The major reasons that caused the participants to migrate to Rio Branco and then to the Pole, the need for employment and ownership of a house, were being addressed.

Other quantitative measures used to determine improvement in the quality of life were data on food consumption and the participants' health situation. More than 75% of the participants indicated that since arriving at the Pole the family's health and meals had improved. For some of the participants meals had improved due to an increase in the number of meals eaten per day, the quantity of food eaten per day and an increase in the variety of foods eaten.

In trying to determine the likely output of the agroforestry systems in

approximately four years when the fruit trees will be producing, a simulation linear program model was developed. The linear optimizer function of the Quattro Pro version

6.0 computer software program was employed for the linear programming solution,










which tried to simulate as closely as possible an actual farming household in the Agroforestry Pole and then predict production over four years.

Conclusions

The farms in the Agroforestry Pole were found to be diverse and complex

agricultural systems based on agroforestry principles. The diversity of the systems in fact exceeded the initial plan of the Municipal government. Another activity, not anticipated by the Municipal government, that was taking place on the participants' lots was the growing of vegetables for consumption and sale.

In measuring the feasibility of the Pole as an alternative measure to address some of the problems being experienced as a result of increased urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon this study looked at quantitative and qualitative data collected from the participants and used linear programming. Linear programming was used to determine whether the initial production goals of the Municipal government were being met and if these systems had the potential to meet their future production goals.

Results from the questionnaires pertaining to these four indicators, outlined

above, suggest that since arriving in the Agroforestry Pole the quality of the participants' lives has improved, both in the participants' perception and in the measurements determined to reflect an improvement in the quality of life. Quantitative data on the participants' sales of surplus show that the participants had been adding to the provisioning system of Rio Branco at amounts greater than the expectations of the Municipal government. Results from the linear programming model showing a typical










farm from the Pole indicate that the Municipal government's long term goals for the participants' income are potentially achievable.

In the linear programming model the objective Function of family cash income was maximized subject to a range of constraints designed to emulate real participants' farms. Data from the participant questionnaire were used to construct a representative household model. The resulting linear programming model was determined to closely resemble the actual situation on the participants' lots to date. Based on this simulation, the linear programming model predicting the outcome after four years of production showed that the Municipal government's long term expectations for the participants were feasible. These results, however, depend on the presence of the subsidies provided by the government.

Finally, the Agroforestry Pole was considered as an alternative way for addressing the problems associated with increasing urbanization in a comparison with a low-income housing complex. Results of a cost comparison between the Pole and the low-income housing complex showed that while the cost per participant in both projects was similar, there were several other benefits derived by the participants of the Pole project. These benefits included an opportunity for self-employment, subsistence, and the ability to earn a steady income. The Agroforestry Pole appears to be a viable and preferable alternative for resource poor rural migrants.

Reflecting on the Municipal government's specific goals for the Agroforestry

Pole, it is possible to see that many of them have been achieved. The project has allowed for the resettlement of urban populations, originating in the countryside, to an area of










agricultural production that was under-utilized and in the process of degradation. Adequate conditions were created for these participants to remain permanently in the countryside. These conditions included the creation of agroforestry systems that gave the participants newjob opportunities and a source of income. The ability to rely on produce from off the land in times of hardship should not be underrated. Furthermore, the use of diverse, multi-specied agroforestry systems provided the participants with a certain amount of security against low product prices and pest attacks.

Other conditions created to encourage the participants to stay with the project included a school and help with the marketing of their surplus produce. The Municipal government also aimed to promote the organization and autonomy of the participants in the project. This was being attempted through the creation of a community cooperative, to be run by the participants.

The Municipal government also had the goal to combat poverty in the peripheral areas of the city and to encourage the production of food as a means to improve the provisioning for Rio Branco. The success of the government in achieving these two goals, at the time of the research, could not be ascertained and was beyond the scope of this thesis. Most certainly the participants were contributing to the provisioning system of Rio Branco, however, I was unable to assess the real impact that they were having, or could have in the future, on the local market. There was a lack of data about importation of produce from other states and total consumption data for Rio Branco. This information would be beneficial in determining future trends in produce importation and the impact that the supply of produce from the Pole has on the local provisioning system.








77

The total population of the Pole, 276 people, is debatably too small for it to have a large impact on combating poverty in the peripheral areas of Rio Branco. On the other hand, it could be taken as an optimistic sign that at least some action was being taken to address the problems associated with peripheral areas. The perceived success of the Pole project has led to plans for the creation of at least two similar projects. Wider adoption of the project could have a considerable impact on combating poverty in the peripheral areas of the city. From a comparison of cost and non-pecuniary benefits I would suggest that the Pole addresses the problems of low-income, peripheral residents - many of whom are migrants from the rural zone - more effectively than low-income housing projects, one of the few options available for some of the migrants.

Having completed the research for this thesis, I feel that linear programming

could play a crucial role in project planning, allowing administrators and participants to determine the potential impact of policies and alternatives before they are put into effect. Linear programming could be most potentially useful at the initial stages of project planning.

The Agroforestry Pole - a Solution for Other Cities in the Brazilian Amazon?

The decline of traditional extractive activities and conflicts over land have

triggered the process of urbanization in many Amazonian cities. The migrants, like those in Rio Branco, come to the cities without much education and lacking the skills for anything besides rural employment. The Agroforestry Pole project could have significance for these Amazonian cities experiencing problems associated with increasing urbanization without a concurrent increase in infrastructure and services. If the










Agroforestry Pole is to be adopted as a strategy to address problems connected to ur banization of Amazon cities there are some issues that should be considered. The ability of the participants to make the income anticipated by the Municipal government and the linear programming model is based on the following conditions: (1) the subsidies provided by the government, and (2) the proximity of the project to the market and the ease and low cost of transportation.

Typically, resource-poor rural inhabitants in the Amazon do not have the option to be involved in a program like the Agroforestry Pole. The Pole is being used to address the specific problems created in the city by increasing urbanization. At present, it is not the goal of the Municipal government to use this project to address the broader problems of poor rural inhabitants. However, it is important that the problems of the rural resource-poor inhabitant are addressed if the flow of migrants from the rural areas to the city is to decrease.

Concerns

While the Agroforestry Pole appears to be meeting with much success there are certain aspects about the project that need to be examined in order to completely assess the project as an alternative to address the problems of urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon. The participants were not given title to the land and the amount of time that they can be on the land could be limited from five to ten years. The continued presence of the participants on the land may depend on the maintenance of the present administration in a position of power. As documented in other situations where there has been lack of title to land, there is the possibility the participants might go for the short










term gains and grow quickly maturing crops, including more annuals, and forego the benefits of the longer term perennial fruit trees. People with no secure tenure to land are less likely to put long term investment into conserving the land. Without assured title to land, the participants might have higher discount rates. They might tend to discount the future to a large extent just to maximize their immediate gain. The land, under continuous production of annuals, would deteriorate even more instead of regenerating as planned under trees crops.

A return of the participants to Rio Branco after a few years would defeat the

purpose of the project and prevent the Municipal government from achieving the goals that they created for the project. During the final days of my field research the Municipal government was talking about the possibility of turning over the land to the community cooperative. In this way the land still could not be sold but the participants would have a greater legal bond to the land. However, the success of this plan relies on the creation and maintenance of a effective cooperative.

The project and the participants rely on the subsidies provided by the Municipal government. In particular there is a reliance on the Municipal government for transportation, machinery, green manure and technical assistance. During the period that the Municipal government is active in the Pole these subsidies are guaranteed; however, once the government decreases its involvement in the area there could be an associated decrease in these subsidies. For instance, there would be a decrease in the amount of trips made by the truck from the Secretary of Agriculture. This truck often transports








80

participants' produce to and from Rio Branco. The Municipal government also maintains the processing equipment presently used by the participants.

It was suggested by the participants and the Municipal government that these problems might be addressed, once again, through the cooperative which would get control of the tractor and the truck. The cooperative could then charge the participants a percentage of their sales to pay for the maintenance of the machinery and vehicles.

Another aspect of the project that needs to be considered is the limited area on which the project was located. The demographic breakdown in the Pole shows that children comprise more than 50% of the population. This suggests that in the future there might be some concern over the limitations in the capacity of the Pole to provide a home for the expanding population. In the case that participants' children return to live in Rio Branco, it is hoped that access to education at school will allow the children to obtain the necessary skills to obtain employment in the city. I am also concerned about the possibility that the population will overflow into reserve areas surrounding the Pole.

The representatives of the Municipal government that were responsible for the Agroforestry Pole had created a 'topdown' administration for the Pole. The community meetings were primarily led by the representatives of the Municipal government and the plans and goals for the Pole were determined by the Municipal government. This approach could isolate the participants and make them feel as if they do not have control over their lots.










Suggestions

The following are some suggestions regarding the administration of the Pole that I made to the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture of Rio Branco on completion of the field research for this thesis. Following more complete analysis of the Pole, as contained in this thesis, these suggestions still hold:

(1) Allow the participants themselves to run the weekly community meetings - the weekly meetings were a very useful time for the community to get together and discuss issues of concern. At the time of the field research the meetings were being led by representatives from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and the town hall. I suggested that it would be beneficial for participants to lead some of the meetings. There were already established 'leaders' in the community who could possibly take on this role. Getting the community involved in the leadership of the meetings and of the community is important considering that eventually the Secretary of Agriculture will be leaving the project to run on its own.

(2) Provide the participants with knowledge and lessons from experience of starting a cooperative - I gathered from the meetings that the participants were still unclear on the implementation and function of a cooperative. I suggested that the Municipal government could arrange for some of the participants to visit groups that had already attempted to create a cooperative, for example RECA and the rubber tapper cooperative in Xapuri. These groups could demonstrate how they went about setting up their cooperative, the kind of financial resources that were needed to initiate a cooperative and the type of benefits that can be realized through a cooperative.














82

(3) Record discussions and decisions of the weekly meeting - during one of the weekly meetings participants complained that the group was repeating the same discussions every week because people would forget what had been covered in the previous meetings. It might therefore be useful for someone from the community to act as secretary at each meeting, recording decisions and discussions on issues. At the following meeting the secretary could read a brief summary of the notes of the previous meeting. In this way there would be less repetition and hopefully, more follow up on issues














APPENDIX A
CROP PLANTS FOUND ON THE FARMS OF THE PROJECT
English name Portuguese name


Perennials: Trees:
Araga-boi Avacado
Bacuri
Breadfruit
Cacao
Caimito Cashew Cupuaqu
Ingdi
Jackfruit
Jambo Lime
Mahogany
Mango Orange Papaya Pitinga Soursop Star fruit Tangerine


Palms:
Agai
Bacaba Coconut
Peach palm

Shrubs, vines and other perennials:
Annatto Banana
Barbados cherry


Araga-boi Abacate Bacuri Fruta - Pao Cacao Abiu Caju Cupuaqu Ingdi Jaca Jambo Limdo Mogno Manga Laranja Mamo Pitinga Graviola Carambola Tangerina


Agai Bacaba C6co Pupunha


Urucu Banana Acerola


AGROFORESTRY POLE


Scientific name


Eugenia stipitata Persea americana Mill. Platonia insignis Mart. Artocarpus altilis Theobroma cacao Pouteria caimito Radik Anacardium occidentale Theobroma grandiflorum Inga spp. Artocarpus heterophyllus Eugenia malaccensis Citrus aurantifolia Swietenia macrophylla Mangifera indica Citrus sinensis Carica papaya Eugenia uniflora Annona muricata Averrhoa carambola Citrus reticulata


Euterpe oleracea Oenocarpus mapora Cocos nucifera Bactris gasipaes


Bixa orellana Musa spp. Malpighia glabra










APPENDIX A CONTINUED.
English name


Portuguese name


Scientific name


Shrubs, vines and other perennials continued:
Black pepper Pimenta do reino
Coffee Cafd
Passion fruit Maracujd
Pineapple Abacaxi

Annuals:
Cabbage Repolho
Cassava Mandioca
Cauliflower Couve flor
Chard Acelga
Chicory Chicoria
Common bean Feijdo
Corn Milho
Cotton Algoddo
Cucumber Pepino
Eggplant Beringela
Lettuce Alface
Mustard Mustarda
Okra Quiabo
Onion Cebola
Parsley Salsa
Pepper Pimentao
Radish Rabonete
Rice Arroz
Spring greens Couve
Sugar cane Cana de acucar
Sweet potato Batata doce
Tomato Tomate
Sources: Cavalcante (1976), Purseglove (1968), Stephens Service.


Piper nigrum Coffea spp. Passiflora edulis Ananas comosus


Brassica oleracea Manihot esculenta Brassica oleracea botrytis Beta vulgaris Cichorium intybus Phaseolus vulgaris Zea mays Gossypium Cucumis melo Solanum melongena Lactuca sativa Brassica juncea Hibiscus esculentus Allium cepa Petroselinum crispum Capsicum spp. Raphanus sativus Oryza sativa Brassica oleracea Succharium Ipomoea batatas Lycopersicon esculentum (1988), Agricultural Research















APPENDIX B RESOURCES AND CONSTRAINTS, AND ACTIVITIES FOR THE LINEAR PROGRAM MODEL


Resources and constraints: Land
Labor
Rice for consumption Corn for consumption & feed Cassava for consumption Beans for consumption Banana for consumption (year 1) Papaya for consumption Sugarcane for consumption Passion fruit (year 1) Chicken for consumption Vegetables for consumption Pineapple for consumption Papaya for consumption (year 2) Passion fruit consumption (year 2) Banana for consumption (year 2) Chicken house Vegetable land transfer Banana for consumption (year 3) Papaya for consumption (year 3) Passion fruit for cons. (year 3) Citrus for consumption (year 3) Barbados cherry for cons. (year 3) Papaya for consumption (year 4) Peach palm for cons. (year 4) Cupuaqu for consumption (year 4) Agai for consumption (year 4) Barbados cherry (year 4) Soursop for consumption (year 4)


Amount
3.5
220 360 390 660 186
9
10 350 187.5
9
200 72 280
1200 26.6
1
0
53.2 700 2500
2000 160 280 300
200 273
240 240


Unit ha hours / month kg kg kg kg
bundles kg
each each each kg
each kg
each bundles 20 chickens house ha bundles kg
each each kg kg kg kg kg kg kg
















APPENDIX B CONTINUED.

Activities: Cassava & corn Cassava sold Corn sold Peach palm, cupuaqu, banana & cassava Peach palm sold Cupuaqu sold Banana sold Banana & citrus Citrus sold Peach palm, cupuaqu, rice, beans & cassava Rice sold Beans sold Papaya, agai & barbados cherry Papaya sold Agai sold Barbados cherry sold Peach palm, cupuaqu & sugarcane Sugarcane sold Peach palm, cupuaqu, rice & corn Passion fruit, soursop & pineapple Passion fruit sold Soursop sold Pineapple sold Chickens Chickens sold Vegetables Vegetables sold Land transfer Rice buy Corn buy Cassava buy Beans buy














GLOSSARY OF PORTUGUESE TERMS merenda school snack provided by the Secretary of Education

paxiuba a type of tree bark

prefeitura municipal government

reais Brazilian currency

seringal rubber tapper region

tenda tent or local street-side stall for the sale of produce














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Uhl, C. & Subler, S. 1990. Japanese Agroforestry in Amazonia: A Case Study in TomeAcu, Brazil. In Alternatives to Deforestation: Steps Toward Sustainable Use of
the Amazon Rain Forest. (ed.) A. Anderson. Columbia University Press, New
York.

Volbeda, S. 1984. Pionier in Het Oerwoud: Stedelyke ontwikkelingen aan een agraisch
kolonisatiefront in het Braziliaanse Amazonegebied. Presented at the University
of Nijmegen, Netherlands.

Young, A. 1987. The potential of agroforestry for soil conservation and sustainable land
use. ICRAF Reprint No. 39. Reprinted from Seminar on Land and Water
Resources Management. Collected Papers, (ed.) J. Kozub. Economic
Development Institute of the World Bank, Washington, D.C.














BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Vanessa Anne Vere Slinger was bom in Trinidad, West Indies, in 1971. She graduated from St. Josephs Convent, in Port of Spain, Trinidad, in 1990. In 1994 she received her bachelor's degree with highest honors in geography with a minor in anthropology from the University of Florida. In August 1996 Vanessa plans to continue her education by pursuing a doctorate in geography at the University of Florida.




Full Text

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ANALYSIS OF A PLANNEDAGROFORESTRY SYSTEM IN AMAZON URBAN RESETTLEMENT: A CASE STUDY OF THE POLO MUNICIPAL DE PRODU(;AO AGRO FLORESTAL OF ACRE, BRAZIL By VANESSA ANNE VERE SLINGER A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1996

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am very grateful to my advisory committee, Drs. Marianne Schmink, Peter Hildebrand and Nigel Smith, for their critical support throughout the period of my master's coursework and fieldwork. I am especially thankful to Dr. Schmink for her inspiration and suggestion to work in this region of the world. The field research for this thesis was funded by grants from the Charles Wagley Endowed Fellowship Fund and the Tinker Foundation, both through the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida. I wish also to thank the Tropical Conservation and Development Program for generous financial support throughout the past two years. I wish to thank my parents for their unselfish act of sending me to Florida from my country of Trinidad, so that I could achieve this level of education. My siblings have been exceptionally loving and supportive when I have felt frustrated and lonely. I have made many friends in Gainesville who deserve recognition and thanks for their help in the past two years. These include Michelle Zacks, Jon Dain, Karen Kainer, Connie Campbell, Kevin Veach, Ronaldo Weigand, Christina Allen, Katie Lynch and Amanda Stronza. I have been blessed also by the love and support of Patrick Meegan and his family. Through my field research in Brazil I came into contact with many wonderful and helpful people in Rio Branco. I wish to thank my very competent research assistant Paula 11

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Silveira. Several people from the NGO, PESACRE helped me in numerous ways, from linking me up with a research assistant to being an intermediary contact to the Municipal government of Rio Branco. Everyone with whom I came into contact at the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture in Rio Branco was exceptionally helpful and giving. I especially wish to thank John Haydu and his family for their hospitality and strength through a very difficult time. Most of all, I wish to thank the participants of the Municipal Pole of Agro forestry Production who graciously gave of their precious time, knowledge and hospitality. I am full of respect and gratitude for every one of them. lll

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS............................................................................................. 11 LIST OF ACRONYMS................................................................................................ VI ABSTRACT................................................................................................................. VIll CHAPTERS I INTRODUCTION................................................................................... 1 Urbanization of the Brazilian Amazon. .................................................... 1 A Look at Urbanization of the Capital City of Rio Branco, Acre, Brazil... 5 The Agroforestry Pole Project.................................................................. 8 Interest Sparked by the Agro forestry Pole Project.................................... 9 Objective of the Study .............................................................................. 10 Methodology........................................................................................... 12 II THE POLO MUNICIPAL DE PRODU9AO AGROFLORESTAL......... 16 Initiation of the Agro forestry Pole........................................................... 16 Objectives and Goals of the Municipal Government for the Agroforestry Pole........................................................................................................ 17 Selection of the Participants for the Agro forestry Pole............................ 20 Implementation of the Agroforestry Pole ................................................ 21 Marketing of Production from the Agroforestry Project.. ........................ 22 The Provision of Technical Assistance for the Agroforestry Pole ............ 23 The Predicted Potential for Agro forestry in the Pole ................................ 24 Summary............................................................................................... 27 III THE IMPACT OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE ON THE LIVES OF THE PARTICIPANTS........................................................................... 28 Introduction.......................................................................................... 28 The Population of the Agro forestry Pole................................................ 28 IV

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A Day in the Life of a Typical F amity..................................................... 31 Production Systems............................................................................... 34 Marketing Tactics.................................................................................. 38 Community Development in the Agroforestry Pole................................ 40 Physical Development............................................................................ 45 'Hidden' Subsidies................................................................................. 46 Quality of Life and Future Perspectives.................................................. 4 7 Conclusion............................................................................................... 51 IV PROJECTING PRODUCTION BASED ON LINEAR MODELS......... 55 Introduction........................................................................................... 55 The Linear Programming Model............................................................. 55 Description of the Linear Programming for a Typical Farm in the Pole ... 56 Results................................................................................................... 62 Summary Points ...................................................................... 67 V THE POTENTIAL OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE AS AN ANSWER TO URBANIZATION PROBLEMS IN THE BRAZILIAN APPENDIX AMAZON .............................................................................................. 69 The Agroforestry Pole as an "Alternative" .............................................. 69 Summary................................................................................................ 71 Conclusions............................................................................................ 74 The Agroforestry Pole a Solution for Other Cities in the Brazilian Amazon................................................................................................. 77 Concerns .................................................................................. .............. 78 Suggestions............................................................................................ 81 A CROP PLANTS FOUND IN THE AGROFORESTRY POLE ............... 83 B RESOURCES AND CONSTRAINTS, AND ACTIVITIES FOR THE LINEAR PROGRAM MODEL............................................................... 85 GLOSSARY ..................................................................................................................... 87 BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................................................................... 88 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH......................................................................................... 91 V

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ABC COPAF EMBRAPA EMATER FUNTAC IBGE IMAC INCRA INPA NGO PESACRE RECA LIST OF ACRONYMS Associafiio Brasileira de COHABs (conjuntos habitacionais) Brazilian Association of low-income housing complexes Cooperativa Polo Agroflorestal Agroforestry Pole Cooperative Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecuaria Brazilian Enterprise for Agricultural Research Empresa Brasileira de Assistencia Tecnica de Extensiio Rural Brazilian Enterprise for Technical Assistance for Rural Extension Fundafiio de Tecnologia do Estado do Acre Technological Foundation of the State of Acre Jnstituto Brasileiro de Geograjia e Estatistica Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics Instituto de Meio Ambiente do Acre Environmental Institute of Acre lnstituto Nacional de Colonizariio e Reforma Agraria National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform Jnstituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazonia National Institute fot Amazon Research Non-governmental organization Pesquisa e Extensao em Sistemas Agroflorestais do Acre Research and Extension in Agroforestry Systems of Acre Projeto Reflorestamento Economico Consorciado e Adensado Economic Reforestation Partnership Project Vl

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SEMAG SEMTRABES SINPASA SUDAM UFAC Secretaria Municipal de Agricultura Municipal Secretary of Agriculture Secretaria Municipal do Trabalho e Bern Estar Social Municipal Secretary of Work and Social Well Being Sindicato do Pequenes Produtores e Assalariados do Acre Union of Small Producers and workers of Acre Superintendencia Para O Desenvolvimento da Amazonia Superintendent for the Development of the Amazon Universidade Federal do Acre Federal University of Acre vii

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Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts ANALYSIS OF A PLANNED AGROFORESTRY SYSTEM IN AMAZON URBAN RESETTLEMENT: A CASE STUDY OF THE POLO MUNICIPAL DE PRODU<;AO AGROFLORESTAL OF ACRE, BRAZIL By Vanessa Anne Vere Slinger August, 1996 Chairperson: Dr. Marianne Schmink Major Department: Latin American Studies The increasing urbanization of the Amazon frontier poses a real challenge to the capacity of urban areas to provide employment and infrastructure. As the Amazon has become increasingly urbanized, efforts to sustainably manage and conserve the rainforest have also been strengthened in the last 20 years. The two processes of increased urbanization and the search for sustainable development together define a major challenge in the Amazon. That challenge is to accommodate the expansion of the urban population while creating and maintaining sustainable production systems that can both feed the people and sustainably manage the forest. This study analyzes the impact and potential of an agroforestry project implemented by the Municipal government of Rio Branco, which is addressing the challenges of urbanization created by the influx of agriculturalists from the rural areas vm

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and former forest-dwelling extractive producers . Through interviews with government officials and project participants, measurements were made of several variables that indicate changes in the quality of the participants' lives. In addition, information from survey questionnaires was used to construct a linear programming model that predicts the potential output of the small farms once the systems are in full production. This model was used to determine if the expectations that Municipal government has for the participants are feasible. Measurements indicate that the project participants' quality of life, in terms of food consumption, health situation and perception about changes in quality of life, has improved significantly since arriving at the Pole . Also, the participants' commitment to the project was apparent by the low rate of abandonment. Comparison of the results from the linear programming model and the government ' s expectations showed that the Municipal government's expectations for the participants in terms of income earning power are feasible. Comparison of the Pole with a low-income housing project in Rio Branco, possibly one of the only other alternatives for the poor rural migrants, showed that while cost per resident in the two projects was similar, the Pole was a better alternative. The results of this research suggest that the Agroforestry Pole project could be a significant option for other Amazonian cities that are experiencing increasing urbanization and associated problems. However, if adopted as a measure to address urbanization problems, project administrators need to understand and take into consideration the requirements and limitations of the project. IX

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Urbanization of the Brazilian Amazon The colonization of the Brazilian Amazon has been the subject of extensive research and writing over the last 25 years. However, many studies on frontiers of colonization do not consider simultaneous urban developments that take place in the Amazon (Volbeda, 1984). Despite massive governmental investment in rural development, the population in Amazonia is predominately urban (Godfrey, 1990). The region, although referred to as the 'Great frontier', has not acted as a 'sponge', absorbing excess population that would have otherwise migrated to the large urban regions of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in the 1970s. While the region is thought of as an 'agricultural frontier', in reality the population of the Amazon is mainly concentrated in cities (Martine, 1993). Figures from the demographic censuses of 1970 and 1980, along with the research of Sawyer (1990), indicate an increasing degree of urbanization in the Amazon area from 35.6% in 1970 to 58.7% in 1990. Figures for the Western Amazon state of Acre, the focus of this thesis, show an increase from 27.5% in 1970 to 55.0% in 1990. From the 1950s, major spatial movements in the population in the Amazon region toward the urban areas have occurred. Especially during the 1970s, '80s and '90s some urban areas grew rapidly from towns to cities. In all the States in the Amazon the 1

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population grew at an elevated rate (Table 1). The processes of urbanization of the frontier are intimately connected to the situation in rural areas. In the 'agricultural frontier', the expulsion of the population is being promoted by various factors. One of these factors has been the concentration of land in the hands of large property holders. This has caused conflict over the land between these 'latifundiarios' (large landholders) and colonists, rubber tappers, brazilnut collectors, Indians and small holders, leaving as the only alternative for the population without land, migration to the urban nucleus (Ramos de Castro, 1989, Schmink & Wood, 1992). The growth of big and small cities in the Amazon is occurring through different types of migration. New cities are being influenced by the accumulation of migrants from other regions who are looking for land, or who were expelled from land that they occupied for too short a period. Interregional migrants, with previous urban living experience, are also contributing to the increasing size of the cities. Migration in the Amazon can no longer be characterized as only being rural-rural. 2 Another form of migration is occurring in the western Amazon where economic stagnation is occurring in areas of previous extraction and agriculture. This type of migration influences the cities ofManaus, Belem, and Rio Branco (Sawyer, 1989). In Acre, the decline of rubber tapping has been an important factor in rural to urban migration. Schmink and Cordeiro (1992) point out that from 1978 to 1989 the city of Rio Branco experienced an increase from 33.8% to 60.2% of the respondents who had previously lived in a rubber tapping area.

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State/ City PARA Belem Santarem Maraba Castanhal ACRE Rio Branco AMAZONAS Manaus RORAIMA Boa Vista RONDONIA Porto Velho AMAPA Macape MARANHAO Sao Luis GOIAS Goiania TABLE 1 AMAZON REGION: Population of the principal cities 1980 1988 (1000 inhabitants) 1980 Urban pop. 1988 Urban pop. 1670 3148 827 1168 102 180 42 170 52 96 132 169 88 114 858 1131 613 1084 49 72 44 72 233 408 104 237 104 138 93 136 1257 1564 248 321 2403 2962 704 1169 MATO GROSSO 657 955 Cuiaba 198 360 %GROWTH 88.5 41 . 23 76.47 304 . 76 84.62 28.13 29 . 55 31.72 76.84 46.94 63.64 75.11 127.88 32.54 46.24 24.42 29.44 23.26 66.05 45 . 36 81.82 Source: Estatisticas Demograficas do Estado do Para. ID ESP, Anuario Estatistico do Brasil, 1971, 1981 and 1985. IBGE, Censo Demografico do Estado do Para. 1980. IBGE 3

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4 The consequence of high urbanization rates is that the Brazilian Amazon is experiencing many of the same urban problems that affect the three-quarters of the Brazilian population living in cities. Given the high rate of population growth, migrants are excluded from access to government and state resources and services. Spontaneous urban periphery 'invasions' are a reaction to the shortage of housing, and a high level of unemployment or informal sector employment occur in response to the lack of employment opportunities. The periphery areas of Amazon cities often lack access to basic services such as piped water, sewage treatment, electricity and garbage disposal. The increasing urbanization poses a real challenge to the capacity of the Amazon's urban areas to provide adequate education and health services. It is expected that the process of urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon will continue into the future. The number of cities in the Amazon attaining a population of more than 20,000 inhabitants increased from 7 to 20 between 1970 and 1980 (Ramos de Castro, 1989). By the year 2000 it is estimated that 65% of the Brazilian population will be urbanized (Fox, 1975). One implication of this trend in Brazil, as indicated by previous developments in other countries, is that it challenges the validity of the often repeated rationale for continued rapid population growth: that vast extensions of territory still await colonization. Instead, the present and projected trends in both high and low population growth countries suggest that most if not all of their net population increases accrue to the cities. Researchers such as Schmink (1992) and Sawyer (1990) refer to the 'closing down' or 'closing off of certain parts of Brazil's frontier for poor agriculturalists and

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5 extractivists and foresee a further rise of the already strong tendency for pioneers to live in boom towns rather than in the countryside. Certainly, if plans for the paving of BR364 and BR-317 to Acre's Bolivian borders continue there will be even greater access to the Amazonian urban centers of Rio Branco, Senador Guiomard, Placido de Castro, Sena Madureira, Xapuri and Brasileia by rural migrants and greater pressure on these cities to meet the needs of their growing populations. As the Amazon has become increasingly urbanized, efforts in the last 20 years to sustainably manage the rainforest have also been strengthened. Widespread acknowledgment of the potential lack of sustainability and the destructive consequences of current major forms of Amazon land use such as slash-and-bum agriculture, cattle production, and logging (Smith, 1995, Anderson, 1990, Uhl et al., 1990), has resulted in a search for alternative land-use systems that combine economic, social, and ecological sustainability. The two processes of increased urbanization and the search for sustainable development together define a major challenge in the Amazon. This challenge is to accommodate the expansion of the urban population while creating and maintaining sustainable production systems that can both feed the people and sustainably manage the forest. A Look at Urbanization of the Capital city of Rio Branco, Acre, Brazil The process of urbanization discussed above and its associated consequences are very evident in the region in which the fieldwork for this thesis was carried out. The capital city of Rio Branco shelters more than half of the total population of the western most Amazon State of Acre, Brazil. Close to 80% of the inhabitants are migrants from

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6 the rural zone (Schmink & Cordeiro, 1992). In the decades of the 1970s and 1980s in particular, due to large increases in deforestation and the decline of extractivism, these people left the countryside (Secretaria Municipal de Agricultura e Abastecimento, 1993). As Schmink and Cordeiro (1992) suggest, the bulk of migration to Rio Branco that occurred in the 1980s was as a consequence of the decline of rubber and the penetration of cattle ranching in the state of Acre. The migration of agriculturalists from the rural areas to the city, in addition to the migration of rubber tappers due to the decreasing opportunities in the rubber extraction economy, resulted in a process of swelling of the city of Rio Branco. At the beginning of the 1970s the city of Rio Branco had close to 35,000 inhabitants and in the present decade these numbers already exceed 190,000. The number of neighborhoods has increased from 23 to more than 120. This situation has given rise to 'pockets of misery' in the city of Rio Branco. Results of a study performed by Schmink. and Cordeiro show that most (54.8%) of the migrants to Rio Branco, upon their arrival did not have the resources to maintain themselves for one month and 23.3% more of the respondents had enough for only one to two months (Schmink & Cordeiro, 1992). Unemployment and underemployment are on the rise, a situation in which workers cannot guarantee the minimal conditions of survival for their families. In 1979 the number of people employed in legally registered establishments in Rio Branco, was approximately 13,000. In contrast, the potentially active population ( between 15 and 64 years) in the city at that time was about 45,000 people (Pinto De Oliveira, 1982). A comparison of data from two studies in Rio Branco conducted by Schmink and Cordeiro

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7 in 1989 and 1994 1 showed that of the population interviewed there has been a percentage increase in the number of households in which someone was looking for work, from 23.8% in 1989 to 31.6% in 1994. The limits of the formal market are immediately apparent. The estimated active population in the city is roughly three times more than the population effectively occupied in the established work market. Certainly, this relationship between the potential work force and the established work market is not distinct from other urban centers in Brazil, where urbanization does not correspond to the growth of productive activities. This disparity is even more acute in Rio Branco due to its relative geographic and economic isolation. For the most part the inhabitants of the poorer districts of Rio Branco, of which a large proportion consist of ex-rubber tappers and agriculturalists, have low incomes and lack professional qualifications. It is estimated that 38% of the resident workers in these areas receive a minimum salary; another 27% in the informal sector earn even less (Secretaria Municipal de Agricultura e abastecimento, Rio Branco, Acre, 1993). Jorge Ney Viana Macedo Neves, the Mayor of Rio Branco, spoke of 'urban rubber tappers' and the fact that while they were not disqualified for the work market in Rio Branco, their qualifications, based on life in the forest, were mostly unadaptable in the urban environment (Alves, 1995). 1 Data from the 1994 study have not yet been published

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8 Data from the study by Schmink and Cordeiro in 1994 indicated that of the population surveyed approximately 56% obtained their water from sources outside of their houses, including from their neighbors' wells. While 75% of the respondents stated that they placed their garbage in a sack for collection the questionnaire did not specify the reliability of the collection system. Almost 22% of those surveyed disposed of their garbage through either burning, burying, or throwing it in a vacant lot in the street or in the river. The rural-urban exodus also has placed additional burdens on the urban provisioning system. Data from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions indicate that almost 80% of the commercial products in the markets of Rio Branco originate in neighboring states and from the central/south areas of Brazil. The state of Acre, and more especially the city of Rio Branco, is heavily reliant on these imports. In light of this picture the municipal government of Rio Branco developed a strategy to generate jobs, produce food, and combat hunger and other social problems experienced in the urban area. The method that they adopted was the creation of the "Polo Municipal de Prodm;ao Agroflorestal" (Municipal Agroforestry Pole). The Agroforestry Pole Project The Municipal Agroforestry Pole, initiated in November of 1993, was seen as an important alternative way to provide a home, work and income for needy families existing in the periphery of the city. The project entailed the settlement of urban households, of ex-agriculturalists and former forest-dwelling extractive producers, to underutilized, already degraded, land on the outskirts of the municipality of Rio Branco ,

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for habitation , the production of food and raising of animals destined for subsistence and to supply markets in Rio Branco. 9 The design of the project was based on an agroforestry system considered to be sustainable. As planned by the Rio Branco Municipal government the Agroforestry Pole Project is an agrosilvopastoral system combining the following components: annual crops, perennial fruit trees and shrubs, and small animals. The land designated for the project , previously a cattle ranch, was considered degraded. It was felt that the outcome of this project could be an improved quality of life for the participants, and at the same time development of a more harmonious relationship between the small producer and nature. Much has been said about the promise of agroforestry production systems (Current et al. , 1995, Anderson, 1990). Indeed information coming from research on intensive agroforestry systems such as those in Tome-Acu (Uhl et al., 1990), and on extensive systems of forest management by indigenous groups and other forest inhabitants, provides promising new directions in the search for ecologically sustainable land-use alternatives for Amazonia (Anderson, 1990). While agroforestry systems do not maintain the original natural vegetation, they do provide many recognized benefits for the soil, crops and participants within the systems. It was in the hope of attaining these benefits that the Municipal government based their project on this system of production. Interest Sparked by the Agroforestry Pole Project The Agroforestry Pole has attracted much attention on both a local and national scale. From its initiation up to the period of my field research several newspapers had

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written articles pertaining to the project (A Gazeta, 1993 & 1995, 0 Rio Branco, 1993). One of these articles detailed the visit of the First lady of Brazil (A Gazeta, 16 May 1995). Ruth Cardoso, wife of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, had breakfast with a participant family during a visit to Acre. Other interest in the Pole came from a magazine, Nossa Amazona, based in Brasilia. During my field work the magazine sent a writer to do research for an article. Also, a demonstration model of the Pole was displayed at an annual exhibition of products and programs from the Amazon to create interest about the project and to 'advertize' the Municipal governments' attempts to deal with problems in Rio Branco. Interest for the Pole seemed to focus on the Pole as an innovative way to address the problems encountered in the city of Rio Branco. The reviews about the Pole given by every article so far have been very positive. Objective of the Study In this study, I assessed the feasibility of the planned agroforestry project, designed and implemented by the Municipal government of Rio Branco, Acre, Brazil, as an 'alternative' measure to address some of the problems being experienced as a result of increased urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon. The feasibility of the project as an alternative was based on both quantitative and qualitative data collected through interviews with the participants of the project, and assessment of whether the goals set out at the beginning of the project have already been met or will be met in the future. This assessment was made through the use of a linear programming model. Based on the linear programming model and several other

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11 qualitative criteria, I analyze the feasibility of this relatively young and innovative project in terms of its potential to meet the needs of the participants and the goals of the municipal administration. Using questionnaires and semi-structured interviews, I examined the following quantitative and qualitative variables: (1) perception about changes in quality of life, (2) food consumption, (3) health situation, and, (4) rate of abandonment of the project. These variables were used as indicators of the participants' satisfaction with the project , their commitment to the project and the success of the project in meeting the participants' daily needs. They reflect the goals of the Municipal government which are to improve the quality of life of the participants and to create production systems giving the participants subsistence and providing food to the city of Rio Branco. Structured interviews with the representatives of the Agroforestry Pole in the Municipal government provided information on the initiation of the Pole and the expectations of the municipal government for the project. In this first chapter I discuss in more detail the pattern of urbanization as it is trucing place in the Brazilian Amazon and the consequences of these patterns for Rio Branco. In Chapter II , I describe the initiation of the Agroforestry Pole by the Municipal government, including the selection process for the participants. The Municipal government's expectations for the participants and their production systems are detailed. Also in this chapter I explore the basic tenets of the agrosilvopastoral agroforestry system as they apply to the agroforestry systems of the participants of the Pole.

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12 The third chapter reports the results of my fieldwork including data from the interviews with the participants and the representatives from the Municipal government. The production systems of the Agroforestry Pole are described in detail. Also, demographic data on the participants is presented. The development of the Pole, with reference to social, physical and economic aspects is explored. Chapter IV comprises the results of the linear programming model based on the production systems of the Agroforestry Pole. The linear programming model attempts to simulate the development of the farm systems and then predict output of the small farms once the agroforestry systems are in full production. In the final chapter a comparison is done between the Pole and a low-income housing complex in Rio Branco, one of the few alternatives for low-income families in the city. I conclude by summarizing my findings and analyzing the Agroforestry Pole as an alternative for dealing with the problems of urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon region. Methodology The fieldwork for this thesis was carried out from May through August of 1995. During this period I divided my research time between the urban area of Rio Branco and the Agroforestry Pole, located less than half an hour from the center of Rio Branco. In Rio Branco I visited the offices of the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions and the Prefeitura to interview representatives of these institutions responsible for the administration of the Pole. I utilized the resources in the libraries of UF AC (Universidade Federal do Acre), IMAC (Instituto de Meio Ambiente do Acre) and IBGE

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13 (Instituto Brasileiro de Geographia e Estatistica). The list of Acronyms give a description of these institutions. In Rio Branco I also visited the tenda set up by the Municipal government for the sale of the participants' produce, and the local produce market. My contact with a local NGO called PESACRE in Rio Branco was invaluable to my securing a local agronomist, Adaildes Maria de Paula Silveira, as an assistant for my research and, also in becoming familiar and comfortable in the area. The research assistant accompanied me on most of the interviews and visits to the participants' lots and assisted me as necessary when I had difficulties in Portuguese. During the initial weeks of the field research I established contact with the administration responsible for the Agroforestry Pole. I began to observe the dynamics and activities of the municipal government with respect to the Agroforestry Pole. I conducted several short informal interviews with the administration involved with the Agroforestry Pole in the course of my research, as well as two in-depth structured interviews with key administrators. I reviewed and collected documents pertaining to the Agroforestry Pole, including newspaper articles, official proposals and maps of the area. Every Tuesday and Friday the participants of the Agroforestry Pole gathered at a community meeting to discuss concerns and, while I was there, the initiation of a cooperative. My introduction to the community occurred at one such meeting within the first two weeks I was in Rio Branco. It was a great opportunity to introduce myself personally, explain my research and answer questions. Throughout the period of my fieldwork I was able to attend several of these meetings and found them to be

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informative and useful in discovering the problems and concerns experienced in the community, as well as a good way to get to know participants. During the first two weeks I was also able to get an idea of the logistics of the participants' lots. I completed my pre-test questionnaire and administered it to one family. Based on the pre-test survey and the recommendations of members of the administration of PESACRE and the municipal government, I modified my questionnaire. My focus then shifted primarily to the community as I administered the questionnaire to every lot (a total of 44) excluding those that were vacant or still in the very preliminary stages of being settled (no living quarters). The decision to interview every lot was based on the relatively manageable size of the region and the population. The data collected centered on information pertaining to the participants' subsistence, production for the Rio Branco market and the quality of the participants' life, as well as the participants' motivation and level of commitment to the Agroforestry Pole. Most interviews were conducted in the presence of the entire family. 14 Several families were selected to complete an in-depth study in which detailed information on the farm production system was acquired in order to construct the linear programming model. A considerable amount of time was spent with each of these selected families both in the formal interviewing process as well as through participant observation, and open-ended conversations. I was able to participate in their daily household and farm activities. All of the participants were aware of my presence and fully cooperative in the interviews.

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15 Throughout the entire research process I was able to obtain data from the local markets on prices of the products sold by the participants as well as information on another urban housing project comparable to the Agroforestry Pole. I was also able to visit a family in the process of being interviewed to be selected as participants. This was very interesting as I was able to see the procedure in its entirety. Before leaving Rio Branco I was able to compile and present data collected from the participants on food production, collection and sale to the municipal government and to the community. In a follow-up meeting with the municipal government at the end of my field research, I made some verbal suggestions referring to some of the concerns that my research assistant and I had heard expressed by the participants.

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CHAPTER II THE POLO MUNICIPAL DE PRODUC40 AGROFLORESTAL Initiation of the Agroforestry Pole The Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production grew out of the Municipal governments' recognition of the need to address the problems in the city of Rio Branco associated with the increasing immigration of rural people. The Municipal government felt that the poverty in the periphery of the city created a situation in which the population who originated in the rural zone looked for opportunities to return to their origins. In many cases, migrants to the city of Rio Branco moved because a particular situation arose which made their former occupation infeasible or impossible, as was the case of many rubber tappers when the price for natural rubber declined. The decline in the price of natural rubber from Brazil was initially a result of the production of rubber on plantations in Asia, followed by mass production of synthetic rubber. Given the chance and a better situation, many of them would return to the rural area and to their former lives and occupations. Furthermore, as explained by the Mayor of Rio Branco, Jorge Ney Viana Macedo Neves, there existed a perception that agriculture and the rural zone had not been given enough attention. If we do not resolve the problems of the countryside, we will never resolve the problems of the city. The only way that we will efficiently combat hunger is through the production of food. But, more than this, we have to 16

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increase the number of arms in the countryside and decrease the number of mouths in the city. (Diniz, 1995. p.1) 1 17 There had been other projects in the 1970s, known as PAD' s (Projetos de Assentamentos Dirigidos), whose principal objective was to settle people in the countryside to produce food (Schmink &Wood, 1992). With the passing of time the negative results of these projects became evident: concentration ofland, and the accelerated expansion of extensive cattle ranching whose consequences in the region are already well known. The Agroforestry Pole was promoted as a better alternative. While the Municipal Secretary for Agriculture and Provisions is responsible for the coordination of the Agroforestry Pole, the project was jointly funded by SUDAM (Superintendencia Para o Desenvolvimento da Amazonia), PMACI (Programa Prote9ao ao Meio Ambiente para os Communidades Indigenous) and the Prefeitura of Rio Branco. The location of the Agroforestry Pole was identified after preliminary studies, in which the conditions of the area were considered, such as agricultural potential, water resources and the ecosystem of the region. The area selected, about sixteen kilometers from the city of Rio Branco, had previously been a cattle ranch and was considered to be degraded. It was bought by the Municipal government from three prominent families. Objectives and Goals of the Municipal Government for the Agroforestzy Pole The general objectives of the Municipal government in creating the Agroforestry Pole were the following: (1) to encourage the resettlement of urban populations, originating in the countryside, to the areas of agricultural production, (2) to create 1 Translation of this and all other quotations is by the author, unless otherwise noted.

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18 adequate conditions for establishing the participants in the countryside, (3) to combat poverty in the peripheral areas of the city, (4) to encourage the production of food as a means to improve the provisioning of the city of Rio Branco, (5) to promote the occupation and utilization of under-utilized "peri-urban" areas that were in the process of degradation, ( 6) to create a new proposal for agricultural settlement, based not on the ownership of land, but on the value of its use and productivity, (7) to improve the quality of life and income of needy populations, (8) to generate new job opportunities and income sources in the peri-urban zone, (9) efficiently and effectively to establish schooling and marketing of agricultural products, ( 10) to promote the organization and autonomy of participants in the project. With a total cost ofUS$410,524.00, the Agroforestry Pole project aimed to settle between 60 and 80 needy families on land with a minimum of three and maximum of five hectares. The projected cost of each family to be placed in the Pole is approximately US$5,132 6,842. This cost was very favorable in comparison to the cost of other assentamentos implimented in Amazonia by INCRA. It was anticipated that these families, aided by a program of permanent technical assistance and rural extension, would produce in the first few years a total of 64 tons per year of grains such as rice, beans and corn and 400 tons per year of manioc roots for subsistence living and sale. According to the expectations of the Municipal government it was hoped that eventually the raising of small animals in the Pole would yield 45 tons per year of animal products and, that by the beginning of the third year of production the fruit trees would yield 500 tons per year of tropical fruit. Because one of the Municipal governments' goals for the project was to

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supply the local market of Rio Branco with production from the Pole, they anticipated that during the initial years 80% of production would be consumed internally; and the remaining 20% would be sold in the city's markets. Later, as production increased , the Municipal government expected that 80% of the produce would be sold externally. 19 The Agroforestry Pole is considered by the Municipal government of Acre to be daring in all of its dimensions because it intends to solve various problems at the same time. The problem of lack of housing is being addressed by guaranteeing a house for every family. The families are ensured a piece of land where they can work and in this way unemployment is lowered . In addition, by providing employment for these families delinquency is attacked at the root as these families are taken from the urban periphery, where there are no jobs for the children . The Municipal government goes so far as to suggest that the Agroforestry Pole is a form of agrarian reform, even though the participants are not given permanent title to the land . The following statement, found in an official publication, attests to this sentiment. These projects (the Agroforestry Poles) could serve as a model of agrarian reform in Acre because they allow the families, originating from a rural area, an opportunity to return to produce with dignity. They are unheard of projects and dare to combat hunger, unemployment and lack of housing (Prefeitura de Rio Branco, 1993). The project is viewed as a way not only to give these families a better quality of living , but also to attack the problems of poverty and hunger by decreasing the number of

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20 mouths in the city and increasing local provision of food. As an incentive for these families to stay in the area, the Prefeitura provided every family rural electrification and conditions for year-around transportation so that all surplus produce could be brought to the market in Rio Branco. Selection of the Participants for the Agroforestzy Pole The implementation of the Agroforestry Pole project comprised three phases: (!)selection of participants and informing them about the project, (2)implementation of the project, and, (3)marketing of agricultural products from the project. The selection of the participants for the project occurred in two phases. The pre-selection was done by using the censuses already carried out by SEMTRABES (Municipal Secretary of Work and Social Well Being) and by SINPASA (Union of Small Producers and Workers of Acre). These censuses were used to identify periphery areas containing families with the characteristics that were prioritized for selection as a participant in the Agroforestry Pole. These characteristics are discussed in the following paragraphs. For the second part and actual selection of participants, individual interviews were carried out in the periphery neighborhoods with the pre-selected producers. In the selection process 48 families were identified to settle an area of 210 hectares. The selection of the participants was done by SEMTRABES , SINPASA , SEMAG (Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions), and the Municipal Advisory Group for Planning and General Coordinator. During the selection process priority was given to families that met certain criteria. These included that the family possess some tradition in agro-extractive activity

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21 and originate from a rural environment, and that the family live in the peripheral districts of Rio Branco, particularly those locations susceptible to flooding, invasions, or on the banks ofrivers. Families that did not possess property, in the rural or urban area, were given priority. The participants were either unemployed or employed in the informal sector. The families chosen in general had a family income of less than two minimum salaries. The minimum salary in 1993 was roughly US $70.00. Families with available labor in the form of two or more children between the ages of seven and fourteen were also favored. An absolute necessity for selection was that the family be willing to return to the rural zone and furthermore showed their interest by participating in all the meetings called by SEMAG to explain the project and define the obligations of the participants. During these meetings the participants received training in management, production and marketing provided by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture through technical exchanges with the project RECA and other research institutions in the region. RECA, located on the boundary of the states of Acre and Rondonia, has experience in setting up agroforestry systems. Implementation of the Agroforestry Pole The implementation of the Agroforestry Pole project was carried out by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture with the support of the Assessoria Municipal de Planejamento e Coordenadoria Geral and the participation of other research institutions. In this phase a survey of the area for the Pole was completed. At this point, machines and equipment for the Pole were acquired, the land was parceled and zoned according to base

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22 studies of the soil, and a system of lines for electricity was erected. Two buildings were constructed, one for the storage of machinery and equipment, and another for rearing pigs. The participants chosen for placement in the agroforestry Pole were distributed lots on a random basis, and terms of concession for the use of the soil were signed by the participants. The participates of the project were given use of the land for five to ten years, and longer if the present government administration stayed in power. The participants were not given actual title to the land. The land could therefore not be sold by the families. The participants could build only one house on the property because of the limited size of the parcels. However, families would be allowed to add on to and expand their house over time. To maintain their position in the Pole, families had to be working on their lots, developing them and producing food. In the implementation phase, seeds, seedlings and animals were acquired by the Municipal government for use in the project. Furthermore, the participants, manually and/or with the use of a tractor, prepared the soil for cultivation of annual and perennial crops. After the participants had been on the lot for six months living in a temporary house made from material taken from the surrounding forest, the Municipal government provided construction material and helped to build a permanent dwelling. Marketing of Production from the Agroforestty Project The Municipal government planned for an 'efficient and effective' system of marketing of production, to be administered by the producers. The surplus produce was to be marketed through wholesale, retail and street markets in Rio Branco, particularly those under the coordination and administration of the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture

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23 and Provisions. Other sales could also be directed towards the private market. The project budget allowed for the provision of a six-ton truck that would be the initial form of transportation for the participants' produce. Three distinct types of production exist in the Pole. The first type, known as "temporary crops," including rice, maize, beans and manioc, are grown in association with perennial tropical fruits. These crops are mainly for subsistence. However, it is expected that surplus production will be sold. The second type of production is the cultivation of tropical fruits and more permanent cultivation. It is anticipated that once the production of the fruit trees is in full swing the resultant produce will be marketed outside the Pole. The third kind of production is the raising of small animals for consumption and for sale. Manure from these animals would be used to fertilize the perennial crops and the vegetables. With reference to marketing, it was assumed by the Municipal government that any surplus production had a guaranteed market given the structure of public and private demand in the neighboring municipalities of Placido de Castro, Senador Guiomard , Feij6, Xapuri, and Tarauca. The state ofRondonia was also considered to be a potential market due to the size of its population and the presence of conditions for year-around transportation. The Provision of Technical Assistance for the Agroforestzy Pole Technical assistance for the Agroforestry Pole was to be provided by technical people from the department of vegetal and animal production in the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions. Other technical monitoring of the project was to come

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24 from research institutions such as UF AC, FUNT AC (Funda9ao de Tecnologia do Acre), EMBRAPA (Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecuaria), EMATER (Empresa Brasileira de Assistencia Tecnica de Extensao Rural), INPA (Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazonia), and, PESACRE (Research and Extension in Agroforestry Systems of Acre). The Municipal government also considered that the success of the project depended on the organization and effective participation of the beneficiaries. They wanted to encourage a structured, legal administration mechanism for the management of the Pole. This mechanism was to be defined by the participants themselves and could perhaps take the form of an association or a cooperative. This structure would be internal and created by the small producers. The Predicted Potential for Agroforestiy in the Pole The Municipal government considered the proximity of the Agroforestry Pole to the center of Rio Branco and its easy access by road to be important factors in the success of the project. These conditions would allow for easier marketing of any surplus produce. In a similar way the Municipal government expected that since the project was based on an agroforestry system, certain benefits would be derived from this form of agriculture that would help the project flourish. In recent times agroforestry systems have been linked to the concept of sustainable development. Solutions to some environmental and production problems are being sought in agroforestry systems. Agroforestry involves the deliberate growing of woody perennials on the same area of land as annual crops or animals, in a spatial

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25 arrangement or time sequence, with significant interaction between the tree and non-tree components of the system (Young, 1987). The aim of these systems is to optimize positive economic and ecological interactions between components of the systems, and between components and the physical environment in order to obtain higher total, more diversified, and more sustainable production from available resources than is possible with other land use forms (Lundgren and Raintree, 1983). While there are many different forms of agroforestry systems, the Agroforestry Pole is based on an agrosilvopastoral system combining perennial trees and shrubs with animals and annual crops. These components are generally found in a multi-storied configuration and associated with high species diversity. It is this multi-storied, complex, diverse nature that allows the agrosilvopastoral systems to fulfill many important economic, ecological and social functions that contribute to their being considered sustainable systems. Agrosilvopastoral systems, besides providing food production for subsistence living and sale, give several secondary functions. Generally stable yields, varied products and continuous production throughout the year are important facets of agrosilvopastoral systems. These facets are attractive features for small farmers who tend to be risk adverse. By planting a combination of crops with different production cycles and rhythms, not only is an uninterrupted supply of food products maintained, but a certain level of protection is built into the system against a wipe-out by pests, diseases, unfavorable market prices for a product, and other unpredictable events.

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26 The importance of agroforestry systems as a nutrient source for the human diet has been recognized. Many studies have detailed the regular quantities of minerals, vitamins and plant protein derived from these systems (Haryadi, 1975). The various food components of agrosilvopastoral systems provide a significant amount of the energy and nutritive requirement of the local diet. Agrosilvopastoral systems can also contribute to water conservation and management, for example through the use of windbreaks, moisture conservation by tree litter mulch , and the reduction of runoff for erosion control. As well as preventing soil erosion, agrosilvopastoral systems can contribute to environmental protection by improving soil fertility by maintaining high levels of recycling of organic matter and nutrients from household refuse, crop residues and animal manure. With the recycling of organic matter and nutrients, soil fertility is enhanced by the nitrogen fixing capacity of certain species. Waste materials from the system may also be used to feed animals that in turn provide manure to return to the soil. Agroforestry systems do modify the original vegetation and therefore will not sustain primary forest. Perhaps agroforestry systems are most appropriate in exactly such situations as that found in the Agroforestry Pole project of the Municipal government of Rio Branco, where the land is already deforested and degraded. It should be stressed also that while agroforestry systems aim to be sustainable, the wrong choice of species combinations, management practices, and lack of peoples' motivation and understanding may cause agroforestry to fail just like any other form of land use may fail (Nair, 1993) .

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Summary This thesis examines the potential for the Pole project to improve the quality of life for the participants and to contribute to the market economy of Rio Branco. The success of the Pole, in so far as these goals are to be achieved, will be determined strongly by the ability of the participants to bring their crops to harvest and to market surplus. While almost all of the participants have some agricultural tradition, some are not experienced in agroforestry. Along these lines, the financial support and technical assistance given by the Municipal government will be important to provide the participants with the knowledge and materials for the agroforestry systems. 27 The participants' capacity to market surplus relies on the presence of the following conditions:excess produce after subsistence needs are met, available transportation to market areas and demand for their produce. These conditions will also allow for the city market to receive produce that is fresher and, hopefully, cheaper due to lower transportation costs. Any produce sold will add to the participants' cash flow and in turn increase their standard of living by allowing them to pay for better health care and food products outside of those produced on farm. In the following chapter I will explore in detail the results of my findings, in particular as they relate to answering the question of the potential of the Pole to meet the expectations of the Municipal government and provide for the livelihoods of its participants.

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CHAPTER III THE IMPACT OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE ON THE LIVES OF THE PARTICIPANTS Introduction In this chapter I discuss the findings of my research at the Agroforestry Pole, with attention to the demographics of the participants, physical and community development and the progress of the production systems. A brief look at an actual family is used to depict the circumstances under which the participants came to the Pole and the conditions in which they live. This chapter also contains information relevant to the discussion of the ability of the Pole to meet the goals set by the Municipal government and the expectations of the participants. Quantitative and qualitative information, concerning food consumption, health, commitment to the project and finally, perceptions about changes in quality of life, is provided and used in the analysis of the Pole. The Population of the Agroforestr:y Pole The Agro forestry Pole is located on 210 hectares of land outside the city of Rio Branco. The participants' lots range in size from 2.2 to 4.3 hectares with an average of 3.6 hectares. There were 48 families placed in the Agroforestry Pole at the time of my research. My aim was to include every family in my study, and I interviewed 44 of these families. Two of the participant families were absent from their lots on every occasion I went to do the interview (six visits for each of these lots). The other two lots were so 28

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recently settled that no planting had occurred on the land and there were no data to be collected. The entire population accommodated in the Agroforestry Pole is 276 people. 29 Adults, above the age of fifteen, comprise 44.6% of this population, and children the remaining 55.4%. The gender breakdown shows that 54.7% are male and 45.3% female. The average number of people per household is six. This usually includes the most immediate members of the family; father, mother and children, however, extended family members live in the family units, including grandparents, in-laws and cousins. These families came to the city of Rio Branco mainly from rubber tapper areas and agricultural colony areas, 54.5% and 38.6% respectively. One participant had come from an indigenous tribe and two participants had always lived in Rio Branco (Table 3-1 ). Table 3-1: Location of Participants Before Moving to Rio Branco Percentage ofresponses (n=44) Origin Percent Seringal (rubber tapper area) 54.5 Colony (various) 38.6 Indigenous tribe 2.3 Always lived in Rio Branco 4.5 TOTAL 100.0 The majority of the participants (83.3%) had migrated from rural areas between the years of 1980 and 1995. Some had migrated to Rio Branco as far back as the 1950s.

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30 The rate of migration to Rio Branco has increased during the period 1950 to 1995 (Table 3-2). Year 1950 1959 1960 1969 1970 1979 1980 1989 1990 1995 TOTAL Table 3-2: Year in Which Participants Moved to Rio Branco Percentage of the responses (n=42 1 ) Percent 2.4 2.4 11.9 40.5 ' 42.8 100.0 When asked why they chose to leave the rural area that they had previously inhabited, 30.9% of the participants answered that it was due to lack of schools, poor health, and no infrastructure. Worldwide, the process of rural to urban migration is motivated by these factors. More than 24% of the participants said that it was in search of employment or that rubber tapping was no longer feasible as a way of life for them. Personal motives or presence of family in Rio Branco was the response of 16.7% of those being interviewed. Fourteen percent of the participants moved to Rio Branco because they did not own the property where they had lived in the rural region and 7 .1 % moved to improve their lives (Table 3-3). 1 Two of the participants had always lived in Rio Branco.

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Table 3-3: Reason Why Participants Went to Live in Rio Branco % of answers (n=42) Reason Gain employment Lack of ownership of the property where they lived Family in Rio Branco Malaria/health problems Lack of access to school Lack of infrastructure To improve life in general Personal reasons No future in rubber tapping Conflicts with indigenous people House burnt Religion Obtained a house in Rio Branco TOTAL A Day in the Life of a Typical Family 31 Percent 16.6 14.3 11.9 11.9 9.5 9.5 7.1 4.8 4.8 2.4 2.4 2.4 2.4 100.0 It is 9 a.m. and Pedro, 49 years old, and his family are sitting on the small porch of their house. Pedro is dripping with sweat. He woke up at sunrise to water the fruits around the house and the vegetable garden, as well as tend to his animals. His wife, Maria, and their children were also involved in the early morning farm activities. In addition to working on the lot, Maria had prepared breakfast for the family. A light meal of fruit and a fruit juice drink was on the menu for that day.

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32 The noise of the chickens and ducks around the house mixes with the sound of a radio in the background. The family is busy but they are graciously willing to take time out to answer my questions and tell me about their life in the Pole. Like the other 4 7 families that live in the Pole, Pedro and Maria came from the periphery of Rio Branco with their 4 children and 2 grandchildren. As in the case of 54.5% of the families of the Pole, their previous origin is a rubber tapper area. In 1990, Pedro and his family made the move to Rio Branco and then in May 1994 they moved to the Agroforestry Pole. The family has been settled in the Pole for fourteen months. Because of this, and their hard work, their lot is one of the most organized and productive. Some of the trees in the system are more than a meter in height. While the fruit tree species are not yet producing, it is anticipated that in about a year from now production will begin. Meanwhile, the family maintains itself through planting beans, com, manioc and rice, raising chickens, ducks, guinea pigs and pigs, in addition to keeping a vegetable garden. It is uncommon to find people in lowland Amazonia raising guinea pigs. This is the only family in the Pole with guinea pigs. This subsistence cultivation in the first stages of the project is very important to guarantee food for the family and generate some income. Maria gets up from her seat on the porch and begins to move around in the kitchen preparing a lunch ofrice and beans for the family. This is a typical meal for all of the families living in the Pole, as it is for many Brazilian families. Maria still participates in the conversation, adding her responses when she feels it appropriate. The house, like the majority of homes in the Pole, is a simple construction of wooden floors and walls and an

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33 aluminum roof. On their arrival at the lot in the Pole, like the other families, they built a makeshift house out of materials from the surrounding forest. The trunk of Paxiuba, a palm, was split and used to make the walls, thatched palm was woven together for the roof, and the floor was left as bare earth. It was only after being in the Pole for six months, that the Municipal government provided the materials and assistance to build a more permanent dwelling. After I finish talking to the family, normal everyday activities resume. Pedro still has to tend to the fruit tree seedlings placed in small black bags and located in a secluded area on the property to protect them from attacks by roaming chickens. He also goes through the area, placing fallen vegetation litter around the base of the fruit trees and picking off any ripe produce. Anything that he collects goes to the house for immediate consumption or temporary storage until it can be taken to market. After lunch and a rest, Maria collects the dirty kitchen utensils and the family's clothes and takes a short walk to the side of the lake in front of the house. Here she does the washing while the children play and bathe in the lake. Upon completing the washing, Maria might take a quick bath and then hurry up to the house to begin the preparations for dinner. On days that she does not do the washing Maria goes into Rio Branco to sell some of the surplus production from the farm and to complete the necessary grocery shopping for the family. There are some products, such as salt, sugar, milk, soap, pasta, tooth paste and shampoo, that cannot be produced on the land and that must be bought. Around five thirty in the afternoon, as the sun sets, the whole family is at the house. Dinner is served, a tasty plateful of rice and beans with a piece of manioc on the

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34 side. Once again, the sound of the radio comes through the noise of the quieting animals and the voices of the family conversing. In a couple of hours, at about eight o'clock, the family will retire to bed in order to get enough rest to rise early for yet another busy day. Production Systems The Agroforestry Pole was initiated in December, 1993. In the summer of 1995, at the time of the field research for this thesis, the first participants had been settled for 18 months. All of the participants had not arrived simultaneously. Some had arrived as recently as April, 1995. This created a situation where every lot was at a different stage of development. Longest settled lots showed signs of vigorous growth of the perennial fruits, such as peach palm (Bactris gasipaes), cupua9u (Theobroma grandiflorum) and barbados cherry (Malpighia glanbra), as well as the annual crops, while on the most recently settled lots there was more focus on getting production from the annual crops immediately while the fruit trees were being planted (see Appendix A). The initial focus on annual crops is to create a food supply within the first six months for subsistence living for the participant families. The fruit trees will not come into production until the third or fourth year after planting. The production systems of the participants in the project center around perennial tree crops, palms, shrubs, vines and other perennials, along with annual crops such as grains, tubers, fibers, and vegetables. More than 30 perennials and 28 annuals can be found in the systems of the participants (Table 3-4). While the original plan for the Pole had not considered that vegetable gardens would be planted, 72.7% of the participants

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were involved in cultivating vegetables. These vegetable gardens are grown mainly during October through March. 35 Labor for each lot was being supplied by the members of the family. An average of2.9 people worked on the lot that surrounds the family house. Given that the production systems have been in place for less than two years there was very little production from the perennial fruit trees. Many of the annual crops had already produced and been harvested. Likewise, in some of the lots, chickens, ducks and their eggs had already were being consumed. Water from several lakes within the Pole and wells dug within the participants' lots by the participants themselves was used to water the fruit crops. The participants also bathed and washed their clothes at the lake side. For household consumption most of the participants bought natural water or filtered water through a filtration device. The participants generally cooked meals on gas stoves that they brought from Rio Branco in their move. There is quite a difference between the quantity of perennial fruit crop seedlings that the Municipal government anticipated distributing to the participants and the number of perennial fruit crop seedlings actually planted in the participants' lots (Table 3-5). The cause for this difference is not entirely clear. It may be that the Municipal government actually did distribute the anticipated number of seedlings but the participants chose not to plant all. The lots also appear to have a greater variety of fruit tree crops than initially planned by the Municipal government (see Table 3-4). The remaining quantity of perennial fruit crops could have been made up by other

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36 Table 3-4 Crop Plants Found on the Fanns of the Agroforestry Pole Project English name Portuguese name Scientific name Use Perennials: Trees Ara9a-boi Ara9a-boi Eugenia stipitata fruit Avacado Abacate Persea americana Mill. fruit Bacuri Bacuri Platonia insignis Mart . fruit Breadfruit FrutaPao Artocarpus altilis fruit Cacao Cacao Theobroma cacao chocolate Caimito Abiu Pouteria caimito Radik fruit Cashew Caju Anacardium occidentale fruit Cupua9u Cupua9u Theobroma grandiflorum fruit Inga Inga Ingaspp. fruit Jackfruit Jaca Artocarpus heterophyllus fruit Jambo Jambo Eugenia malaccensis fruit Lime Limao Citrus aurantifolia fruit Mahogany Mogno Swietenia macrophylla wood Mango Manga Mangifera indica fruit Orange Laranja Citrus sinensis fruit Papaya Mamao Carica papaya fruit Pitinga Pitinga Eugenia uniflora fruit Soursop Graviola Annona muricata fruit Star fruit Carambola A verrhoa carambola fruit Tangerine Tangerina Citrus reticulata fruit Palms A9ai A9ai Euterpe oleracea fruit Bacaba Bacaba Oenocarpus mapora fruit Coconut Coco Cocos nucifera fruit Peach palm Pupunha Bactris gasipaes fruit , oil Shrubs, vines and other perennials Annatto Urucu Bixa orellana food,dye Banana Banana Musa spp. fruit Barbados cherry Acerola Malpighia glabra fruit Black pepper Pimenta do reino Piper nigrum spice Coffee Cafe Coffea spp. coffee Passion fruit Maracuja Passiflora edulis fruit Pineapple Abacaxi Ananas comosus fruit

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English name Annuals: Cabbage Manioc Cauliflower Chard Chicory Common bean Com Cotton Cucumber Eggplant Lettuce Mustard Okra Onion Parsley Pepper Radish Rice 37 Table 3-4 Continued ... Portuguese name Repolho Mandioca Couve flor Acelga Chicoria Feijao Milho Algodao Pepino Beringela Alface Mustarda Quiabo Cebola Salsa Pimentao Rabonete Arroz Scientific name Brassica oleracea Manihot esculenta Use vegetable tuber Brassica oleracea botrytis vegetable Beta vulgaris vegetable Cichorium intybus vegetable Phaseolus vulgaris vegetable Zea mays gram Gossypium fiber Cucumis melo fruit Solanum melongena vegetable Lactuca sativa vegetable Brassica juncea vegetable Hibiscus esculentus fruit Allium cepa vegetable Petroselinum crispum herb Capsicum spp. vegetable Raphanus sativus herb Oryza sativa gram Spring greens Couve Brassica oleracea vegetable Sugar cane Cana de acucar Succharium Jmce Sweet potato Batata doce lpomoea batatas vegetable Tomato Tomate Lycopersicon esculentum vegetable Sources: Cavalcante (1976), Purseglove (1968), Stephens (1988), Agricultural Research Service.

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Table 3-5 Contrast between anticipated quantity of seedlings of perennial crops to be distributed and seedlings planted in the lots. Perennial Fruit Crop Anticipated N Seedlings Planted N Seedlings Peach palm 14,000 4,570 Passion fruit 12,000 1,360 Cupuai;:u 6,000 5,437 Banana 7,000 3,480 Mango 500 150 Ai;:ai 4,900 758 Barbados cherry 2,700 661 perennial fruit crops that had not been in the original plan. This could indicate the participants' desire to have a number of different types of fruit crops on their lots. Variety could provide some security for the participants, for instance if a certain crop produces poorly or is attacked by a pest or disease. Reliance on a variety of fruit trees might also protect the farmer from market saturation and low prices. Marketing Tactics 38 As anticipated by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture, the participants, after fulfilling subsistence needs, sold surplus produce outside the Pole. In o~der to accommodate this sale the Municipal government created a tenda in a neighborhood of Rio Branco, specifically for the sale of the participants' produce. This local street-side stall consisted of a water proof plastic cover held up by four metal poles and accommodated four to six producers at a time. The Municipal government promoted the tenda as a place where the consumers of Rio Branco could buy, at low prices, vegetables,

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39 poultry, eggs, and other agricultural products such as pineapples, com and fruits. The participant's produce was expected to sell at lower prices because there was no added cost of a middle person. All in all the tenda was to be of "commercial advantage" to both the consumer, who could shop close to the home, and the producer, who was provided with a market structure specifically for their own benefit. Participants also found a market in local restaurants and the street markets. A small amount of produce was being bought by a third party, or 'middleman' at the lot in the Pole. During the discussions about the creation of a cooperative, participants expressed the desire to market through the cooperative in order to achieve better prices and secure markets. Most of the production was being consumed by the families themselves; however, in most of the cases, the participants have sold to the external market more than the anticipated 20 percent of the annual crops harvested expected in the initial years of the project by the Municipal government (Table 3-6). Rice, beans, eggs, and pineapples are among the few staple products of which less than 20% was sold. Seventy-five percent of the participants have sold some surplus. There are several methods by which the produce sold in Rio Branco was transported. A truck and driver, provided with funds for the project from the Municipal Secretary for Agriculture, had been used by 39.4% of the participants who had sold outside the Pole. More than 27% of the participants who had sold to the external market had used the tractor, available to clear the land, to transport their produce to Rio Branco. Another 21.2% took their produce to the market via bus at a cost of $0.89 U.S. ($0.80 centavos) for a round-trip.

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40 For those who used the truck there was no cost associated with transportation of produce, while the cost of using the tractor varied based on the amount of produce being transported. The cost was approximately 20% of the cash made on the sale of the produce. Only two of the participant families, who sold produce, used a car for transport. The drivers of the cars charged by the kilogram and the price was roughly $11.11 U.S. for ten kilograms. One family had sold their produce at a market on the periphery of Rio Branco. The produce had been carried on the participant's back with no transportation costs involved. Finally, one family had sold some produce to a second party from outside the Pole. The second party organized the transportation of the produce so there was no transport cost for the family. There was no trend indicating that those participants who sold outside the Pole received a higher price. Community Development in the Agroforestry Pole In keeping with the plan to provide the participants with technical assistance, the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture held community meetings. Participation in these meetings, held every Tuesday and Friday, was not obligatory. Attendance varied throughout the period in which I did my field research. However, I noted that men, women and children came to the meetings. These meetings were occasions for the residents to receive technical training on matters of production and express their concerns about any matters relating to the Pole. Such issues as the cleanliness of the school bathroom and the initiation of the merenda (school lunch) were topics of conversation during these meeting.

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41 Table 3-6: Percentage of total production of the Pole being sold Product Harvested Sold Percentage Perennials: Trees: Araya boi (unit) 9 0 0 Lime (unit) 900 0 0 Mango(unit) 300 0 0 Papaya (kg) 2,839 1,235 43.5 Soursop (unit) 50 0 0 Shrubs, vines and other perennials: Armato (kg) 6 0 0 Banana (bunches) 149 47 31.5 Black pepper (bundle) 3 0 0 Passion fruit (unit) 4,556 3,300 72.4 Pineapple (unit) 91 10 10.9 Annuals: Acelga (unit) 30 0 0 Almeirao (unit) 100 50 50 Manioc (kg) 34,950 22,545 64.5 Cauliflower (unit) 2,000 2,000 100 Chicory (unit) 9,525 3,080 32.3 Chili Pepper (kg) 691.5 492 71.1 Coentro (unit) 25,696 12,300 47.9 Common bean (kg) 2,190 170 7.8 Com(kg) 26,232 8,346 31.8 Cucumber (unit) 763 320 41.9 Eggplant (kg) 30 30 100 Jambu (unit) 13,104 11,065 84.4 Jilo (kg) 30 30 100 Onion (unit) 24,766 21,420 86.5 Lettuce (unit) 21,392 16,670 77.9 Maxixe (unit) 2,774 2,150 77.5 Mostreiz (unit) 80 50 62.5 Mustard (unit) 26 0 0 Okra (unit) 270 175 64.8 Pepper (unit) 1,068 0 0 Rabonete (unit) 55 0 0 Rice (kg) 11,160 1,336 11.9

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42 Table 3-6 Continued ... Product Collected Sold Percentage Annuals continued Salsa (unit) 5,095 2,000 39.3 Spring greens (unit) 11,149 10,470 93.9 Sugar cane (unit) 10,125 5,200 51.4 Sweet Potato (kg) 5 0 0 Tomato (unit) 141 0 0 Animals and animal products: Chickens (unit) 282 125 44.3 Ducks (unit) 31 0 0 Eggs (unit) 15,263 96 0.63

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43 The community meetings were held in the school building. Eventually, the teacher complained that the meetings disrupted classes and the meetings were moved to a shaded area behind the house of one of the participants. In later meetings the community and the representatives from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture discussed the setting up of a cooperative or an association by the participants. Over the course of several weeks the idea of a cooperative was examined. The Municipal government, through examining the role and function of a cooperative with the participants, tried to help the community decide if it was something that they wanted, and how to organize and define the purpose of the participant organization. Results were eventually achieved from these meetings, despite complaints on the side of both the community and the representatives of the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture. In June the merenda program was established in which each school day, women from different lots, would come to a room converted into a kitchen in the back of the school, to cook a midday meal for the students. The midday meal consisted mainly of rice, beans and manioc. The need for this system arose because of the distance and time it took some of the children to go home for lunch and return to school. A decision was also made to create a cooperative run by the participants. During the final weeks of my fieldwork official elections took place in which the president of the cooperative was elected by the community. Through a vote the cooperative was named 'Cooperativa Polo Agroflorestal' (COP AF). The focus of the cooperative was determined to be the general issues of production, marketing, transportation and investment. Another concern of the participants that was discussed at the community

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meetings was the fact that they did not have title to the land and that there was the possibility that they could be taken off the land after 5 to 10 years. 44 The main concern over giving the land to individual participants was that the participants would sell their lots and return to the city. Title to the land could not be given to the participants by the Municipal government. Only INCRA, and not the Municipal government, can carry out agrarian reform. The Municipal government hoped that if the community showed strength through organization in a cooperative, eventually INCRA would give the land to the cooperative. This idea was only just being considered during the end of my field research. The community had mobilized in other ways. Several leaders were chosen among the participants to lead by example, to attend community meetings and be aware of all activities in the Pole. I became aware of at least two community fairs that had taken place in the Pole under the organization of the participants. In addition, a woman's group had formed primarily for the function of learning how to prepare and process products from their lots. Representatives from EMATER came to the Pole to give the woman's group technical assistance. On another occasion a group of hairdressers from a teaching school in Rio Branco was transported out to the Pole by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture to go from house to house cutting the participants' hair in a volunteer exercise. As the participants have become established in their permanent houses and production is firmly underway, they appear to focus more on the area around their houses. Several families have undertaken "beautification projects" in which they have improved

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45 their living area by planting flowers, painting their houses and building fences. The participants have a deep sense of pride in their lots. Besides the community fairs, social and leisure activities in the Pole take the form of church on Sundays and soccer during the weekend. Physical Development Besides the participants' lots, the Pole has other lots with a variety of purposes. For example, lot number 15 is an area of 4.38 hectares of legumes. Lot 32, with an area of 4.68 ha, is part of a reserve and lot 33, with 4.09 ha, is available for experiments by other local institutions. An area of 3.75 hectares is being used for leisure activities, such as soccer. At the time of the research, lot 25 was vacant; however, the representatives from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture suggested that eventually a family would be placed on it or the land would be used for another purpose. In the period since the Agroforestry Pole project was initiated, three lots have been 'abandoned', meaning that the participants left or were forced to leave. In the case of two lots, there was an internal conflict between the participants, resulting in the woman from one attacking and paralyzing the man from the other. The family of the paralyzed man decided that they wanted to return to Rio Branco, while the woman was asked to vacate the lot since her actions had not been in keeping with community development. Another family left because a family member had cancer and had to be hospitalized in Rio Branco. Central to the Pole, a wooden school building was constructed to accommodate classes for the children of the Pole. A teacher from Rio Branco was hired by the

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46 Municipal government. Children attend the school four hours a day on week days and the school timetable is split into morning and afternoon classes. Part of the Municipal government's plan is to supply each family with a couple of pigs. The pigs are being kept and bred in a construction near to the center of the Pole. Two of the closest residents are responsible for the upkeep of the pigs, feeding them grain provided by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture. Across from the pig building is a large barn for the storage and protection of certain processing equipment bought by the Municipal government for use by the participants. This equipment includes a gasoline-powered dehusker for rice, an electric sugar cane processor, a processor for cassava and a construction to dry cassava and make flour. 'Hidden' Subsidies During the implementation stage of the Agroforestry Pole electricity lines were installed. Every house, with the exception of one which did not yet have lines installed, received electricity and had the capacity for electric lights, use of an electric stove and other appliances. The electricity was being provided to the families at a subsidized rate of $0.78 U.S. ($0.70 centavos) per month. Some of the subsidies provided by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture were not as readily evident as that for electricity. For instance, every day a truck from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture went out to the pole, often transporting both participants and their produce. On countless mornings I arrived in the offices of the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture to find participants waiting to see representatives

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47 about their concerns, questions or need for seeds. This technical support was in addition to the technical assistance given in the weekly community meetings. Monthly, a truck load of green manure in the form of cuttings from parks in Rio Branco, would arrive in the Pole for use by the participants. These 'hidden' subsidies, were not counted in the costs of the project. As already mentioned, the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture, through project funds, also provided seeds, processing machinery and an enclosure, feed for the pigs, material and assistance to build the participants' houses, and the tractor. Reason Quality of Life and Future Perspectives Table 3-7: Reason for Moving to the Agroforestry Pole % responses ( n=44) Did not have own house No work or conditions to survive in Rio Branco Desire to plant/work on the land Improve life in general Tranquility Better than working for others Able to leave the Pole if the participant does not like it TOTAL Percent 30.7 30.7 23.9 8.0 3.4 2.2 1.1 100.0 The two main reasons stated by the participants when asked why they moved to the Pole were that they did not own their own house (30.7%) and 30.7% did not have work or the condition to survive in Rio Branco (Table 37). In fact, only 59% of the

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48 households had heads with any form of employment, temporary, part time or permanent. This contrasts with the situation in the Pole where all of the household heads stated that they have a job. Likewise, before moving to the Pole only 34% of the participants owned their own house whereas each family in the Pole indicated that they were the owners of the house in which they lived. The participants' overall perception of the change in their quality of life since arriving at the Pole was measured. More than 89% of the participants indicated that the situation of the family had improved and almost 98% said that they felt that the Pole is going to improve their lives in the future. When questioned about their desire to return to Rio Branco to work or live in the future, 90.9% of the participants responded that they had no intention ofreturning to the city. The remaining 9 .1 % of the participants stated that it was possible that they would return to Rio Branco depending on certain conditions. Two of the four participant families gave as their prerequisite to return, the presence of favorable conditions in Rio Branco to make a living and support their families, whereas the other two families said that if conditions in the Pole were not good they would consider returning to Rio Branco. The same question was posed with reference to their children. Out of the 42 families that have children in the Pole, 61.9% stated that under no condition did they anticipate their children would leave the Pole to live or work in Rio Branco. Another 14.3% said that they could not answer the question with any certainty, while 23.8% of the respondents felt that their children would eventually return to Rio Branco to work or go to school. These data indicate a high level of commitment on the part of the participants

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to the Pole and an expectation that their future will be based on life in the Pole. Furthermore, this desire to be permanently settled can be seen in the improvements participants have made on their houses and surrounding areas. 49 Changes in the quality of life are difficult to measure since they depend on each person's perception or decision about which factors contribute to improving or deteriorating a person's standard ofliving. Therefore I looked at basic necessities oflife such as food intake and health. Respondents' recall from the surveys indicated that since arriving at the Pole 52.3% of the participants had experienced an increase in the number of meals eaten per day, while 29.5% stated that the number of meals per day had remained the same. More significantly, 47.7% of the participants reported eating more food and 45.4% said they had experienced an increase in the variety of meals since arriving at the Pole. Overall, three-quarters of the families felt that since arriving at the Pole their meals had improved. Many participants said that their meals had improved, although they might have noted a decrease in the number of meals, quantity of food or variety. The reason for this was in the participants belief that by living in the Pole they were assured of something to eat even if they did not have cash to buy goods. I suspect that meals will improve even more for the participants as more time passes and production increases. This will also have a positive effect on variety of food consumed as all of the produce annuals, perennials and livestock come into full production. The diversity of species in the agroforestry systems will contribute to this increase in variety of produce collected and also allow for a continuous, year around supply of food for subsistence and

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sale by the participants. Several of the perennial species grown have different peak bearing months (Table 3-8). 50 Table 3-8 Fruit bearing calender for some perennial species of the Agroforestry Pole Local Name Ja Fe Ma Ap My Ju Jl Au Se Oc No De Bacuri X X Soursop X X Jackfruit X X Jambo X X Cupuar;u X X X Aryai X X Carambola X X Mahogany X X Cashew X X Breadfruit X X Bacaba X X Jambo X X X X Mango X X Caimito X Peach palm X Sources: Parque Zoobotanico, Universidade Federal do Acre (1995) & Cavalcante (1976). Ja X X With regards to participants' health, 77% answered that the health of the family had improved since entering the project. The clearest indicator of improvement in health was a reported decrease in the number of illnesses experienced in the family. The most frequent health complaint among the participants was the common cold. More than 45%

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51 of the participants responded that they used natural medicines, such as bush tea, collected mainly from the area surrounding their lot. Another 20.5% had not needed medicines and 22. 7% had obtained treatments from a pharmacy. Over 68% of the participants said that they had not experienced any negative factors in the Pole that had affected their quality of life. The factors that had negatively affected some of the participants included a shortage of water (13.6%), a lack of unity among neighbors (11.3%), not being able to sell goods other than crops in the Pole (2.3%), the rules established by the Municipal government (2.3%), and, concern about the food supply (2.3%). Almost 73% of the participants said that the money that entered the house every month met the expenses of the household. Manioc appears to be a very important survival crop for the families because 20.4% responded that they ate manioc when the money that entered the home every month did not meet expenses (Table 3-9). Another 20.5% answered that they ate or sold some type of produce off the land in such times. Conclusion The two main reasons that the participants gave for moving to Rio Branco initially, and then to the Pole were the same; lack of ownership of property and seeking job opportunities. The move to Rio Branco did not provide the participants with the property ownership and employment that they were seeking. The desire to obtain these same needs prompted the participants to move once again, this time to the Pole project. In this chapter it was demonstrated that the Pole was already providing the participants with employment and a home.

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Table 3-9: Actions Taken When the Money Does Not Meet Monthly Expenses % of responses (n=44) Action Percent Eat manioc 20.4 Eat off of the land 15.9 Economize 15 . 9 Borrow from family/friends 15.9 Buy on credit 9.1 Work externally 6.8 Always meets expenses 6.8 Pass the time poorly 4.6 Sell some produce 4.6 TOTAL 100.0 52 There was an overwhelming positive response from the participants about their lives since arriving in the Pole and almost every participant anticipated further improvement in the future. The participants' satisfaction with the improvement in their lives and the project so far is apparent from the low rate of 'abandonment'. The cases of 'abandonment' were not caused by dissatisfaction with the Pole, but personal conflict between participants, and health problems. Furthermore, a large majority of the participants had no intention ofretuming to Rio Branco. Likewise, a majority of the participants felt that their children would continue to live in the Pole in the future. However, the fact that almost 24% of the participants felt that their children would eventually return to Rio Branco points to a future when space in the Pole may be limited and the participants' offspring must return to Rio Branco to make a living . The

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53 difference at that point may be that the city will be better equipped infrastructurally to handle the population increase and the migrants will be better prepared for employment in an urban area due to the availability of education. The creation of other Poles is also an alternative that has strong possibilities. This idea is discussed in more detail in chapter five. The perception that their situation had improved was tied into the perception that since arriving at the Pole, their meals and the health of the family had improved. I believe that the quantitative data on the number of meals eaten, the quantity and variety of food, as well as the decrease in the number of illnesses show reality coinciding with the participants' perceptions. After only one and a half years, still in the early stages of the project, participants are able to meet expenses. And when household expenses cannot be met there are options for the participants. They can eat off the land. Subsistence needs of the participants were being met. The fact that the participants were meeting their subsistence needs meant that the market of Rio Branco was relieved of that responsibility. In this way the project was already contributing to the local market economy. Additionally, the surplus that the participants sold in the markets of Rio Branco added to the local produce available and the capacity of the urban provisioning system was increased. The participants' farms are more diverse and complex than originally anticipated by the Municipal government. Twenty-four more types of perennial tree crops were planted in the farming systems than originally planned in the project specifications.

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54 It would seem that the outlook for the Pole in the up coming years, at the time when the fruit trees are being harvested, is promising. The scenario could be that the market of Rio Branco would reduce the imports of produce from other states, while the participants meet subsistence needs and have a steady cash flow. However, the administrative structure of the Pole appears to be top-down. It is also a highly subsidized operation. The implications for the sustainability of the Pole, in the light of such heavy external investment needs to be discussed. This discussion can be found in Chapter V. In chapter four, with the use of linear programming, I explore the potential outcome of these production systems in four years when all of the activities in the production system are fully functional.

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CHAPTERIV PROJECTING PRODUCTION BASED ON LINEAR MODELS Introduction In this chapter I will simulate the actual farm situation and explore the future production, income and consumption of the lots in the Agroforestry Pole Project using linear programming. From its first application by Hildebrand on Michigan dairy farms in 1959, linear programming has been used to study the effect of resource constraints and management strategies. In 1961, Clayton used linear programming on peasant farms in Kenya (Clayton, 1961). In this thesis, linear programming is used to determine the future outcome of a relatively young system. The information from using linear programming in this way can be invaluable in helping the administrators of the Pole to make adjustments earlier on in the project. It can also allow administrators to consider various agricultural options with the participants before these options are actually implemented. Heyer (1971) identified the value oflinear programming as a basic research tool and in producing extension recommendations for groups of farms. The Linear Programming Model Linear programming uses sets of linear equations in an optimization procedure that allocates scarce resources among competing alternatives to maximize specified objectives. The standard form of a linear programming model is composed of three sections: (1) the objective function, (2) resource constraints, (3) activities or competing 55

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56 alternatives. The model used in this thesis is a maximization procedure whose objective function maximizes cash income. In matrix notation the objective of the model is to: MAX Z = E{=i (PjXj CjXj), where Pj is the price received per unit of activity Xj, and Cj is the cash cost or cash income per unit of activity Xj. The number of activities is n. The objective function is subject to constraints (Appendix B) in the following manner: E{=i ~j Xj bi C =l, 2, 3 ... m), where ~j equals the quantity of resources i used per unit of activity j, and bi equals the set of available resource i for the Xj activities. One further restriction in the model, known as the non-negativity restraint assures a rational solution in that all activities must be positive quantities (Appendix B). It states that: xj o. The objective function of the model is a linear expression for profit maximization. Although the assumption is often made that farmers behave as profit maximizers, it has rarely been proven to be true (Dehm, 1984). The diverse and complex attitudes and , practices of farmers sometimes defy explanation. However, linear program models can be more realistic and flexible if the farmers' non-pecuniary goals are taken into consideration. These goals can be built into the model, for instance through the use of constraints. Description of the Linear Programming for a Typical Farm in the Pole The linear programming model simulating a typical farm in the Pole was based on data collected from interviews with the participants and information about production of

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57 certain fruit trees in the state of Acre. It was essential that the model closely resemble the actual situation in the lots, for the first year and a half in order to have confidence in its predicting ability in future years. The model of the typical farm is a dynamic multiple year ( 4) model that maximizes cash income over the four year period. Among the major criteria for adequate simulation of a farm from the Agroforestry Pole were the (1) meeting of minimum family food needs; (2) representativeness of the acreage and output of different crops; (3) diversity of activities that reflect actual practices; ( 4) satisfaction of requirements for labor time for a range of agricultural and nonagricultural activities, such as cooking, child rearing, washing and socializing. Per hectare yields for the fruit trees in the third and fourth years had to be estimated using figures from already established fruit systems in Acre (Table 4-1 ). Constraints were built into the model to reflect resource restrictions such as the availability of land and labor. The linear programming model was based on a schematic model for the farm production systems in the Agroforestry Pole (Figure 4-1 ). Labor needs were met by the family members themselves, with the two adult parents being the main sources. Available farm labor was derived from the man working roughly six hours per day for six days a week and the woman working for approximately three hours per day for six days a week. This labor time was only for farm activities such as preparing the land, planting, manuring, watering, cleaning, harvesting, processing, transportation and sale of surplus. Aside from labor, other inputs used by the participants such as seeds, seedlings, a tractor, and tools, were provided by the Municipal government. Thus, no associated input cost was put in the model. Therefore, the results of these findings depend on the

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Figure 4-1 Schematic Model for a Farm Production System in the Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production, Acre (Brazil)

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MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT HOUSE&LAND TRANSPORTATION MACHINERY & TOOLS l l l l HOUSEHOLD FATHER 1 FOOD & GOODS 1 . -MOTHER -CHILDREN JORI l l l VEG ET ABLE GARDEN PERENNIAL CROPS LElTUCE, ONION, COENTRO , PUPUNHA, PASSION FRUIT , CUPUACU , BANANA, ACAi , COUVE, ALMEIRAO, MAXIXE, BARBADOS CHERRY, PAPAYA , LIME , ORANGE, TANGERINE, PEPPER, TOMATO , JAMBO , SALSA, JAMBU, SOURSOP , MANGO , A VACADO, ABIU, BURICI-Il , COFFEE, MOSTREIZ, ACELGA, MUSTARD , CACAO , INGA, CAJU , COCONUT, ARACA BO!, BIRIBA, REBONETE, MELENGEN. CAJARANA, CARAMBOLA, MOGNO, CUMONE, URUCUM, COTTON, JACA, PITANGA, BREADFRUIT, ATA l l l l 1coNSUMPTION I !MARKET I I . TECHNICAL HELP l l ANNUAL CROPS -RICE -CORN -CASSAVA BEANS -SUGARCANE PINEAPPLES r 1 SALE IN POLE I GREEN MANURE l FOREST -WOOD -MEDICINE --+!FEED I ~ANIMALS -CI-IlCKENS ~MANURE : -GOATS -PIGS -DUCKS GUINEA PIGS . l ITHIRD PARTY I Vl I.O

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60 Table 4-1 Per hectare yield for annuals, perennials and chickens used in the linear programming model of a typical farm in the Agroforestry Pole. Crop Year 1 Year2 Year3 Year4 Cassava 1 [kg] 2,000 2,000 Cassava 2 [kg] 800 800 Com 1 [kg] 1,400 1,400 Com 3 [kg] 350 350 Beans [kg] 400 400 Pineapple [kg] 360 360 360 Sugarcane [kg] 700 700 700 Passion fruit [fruit] 250 6,000 12,500 6,000 Banana [bundles] 50 160 320 160 Papaya [kg] 0 1,400 3,500 1,400 Citrus [fruit] 10,000 10,000 Pupunha [kg] 1,500 Cupua9u [fruit] 1,000 Soursop [fruit] 1,200 A9af [kg] 1,365 Acerola [kg] 800 1,200 assumption of continued future subsidies to the producers. The removal of one or more of the subsidies would require a new solution. The most common systems found on the participants' lots were selected as production activities for the linear program. These included the following activities or crop combinations: manioc and com; peach palm, cupua9u, rice, beans and manioc; banana and citrus; papaya, a9af and barbados cherry; peach palm, cupua9u and sugarcane; 1 cassava and com 2 pupunha/cupua9u/rice/beans/cassava 3 pupunha/cupua9u/rice/com

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peach palm, cupua9u, rice and corn; passion fruit, soursop and pineapple; chickens; and vegetables. 61 An activity that was limited in the model was the production of chickens. Since chickens fetch a good price on the market, the model would choose to produce chickens to the exclusion of every other activity. This would not accurately reflect the farmers' behavior. The LP limits the number of chickens per lot by the maximum number of chickens able to fit in one typical henhouse. This number was twenty. Every lot with chickens did have a henhouse, and while the chickens were allowed to roam the lot to look for food and contribute manure to the lot, they were also secured at night. Participants mentioned the fact that chickens could become a pest if they attacked the young crops. Another constraint or requirement in the model was consumption in the second, third and fourth years the participants had estimated minimum levels, and any surplus produced would be sold at the market. These consumption levels were based on participants' expectations for future consumption. Figures for consumption in the first year were taken from actual data collected in the surveys (Table 3-5). Gender differentiation of control and access over resources and labor can affect the amount of income derived by different members of the family and the manner in which this income is spent. For instance, it is often documented that the female adult of the family is more likely to spend money on health care, schooling and food for the family. In the case of the participant families in the Pole, however, there was a tendency for shared income distribution. The majority of the income went to basic household

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62 needs. Both male and female adults of the family shared the decision making processes. This sharing is reflected by the use of a single, family income objective. The LP model does not allow for the stochastic nature of the environment and production factors. This limitation can be overcome by including a certain measure of 'uncertainty' in the model by using random weather patterns and discounting over the years. For simplicity, these variables were not included in the model for this research. Results According to the linear programming model, in the first year all the available land was put under cultivation. In the third year the land that had been totally under annual crop production, the land under cassava and com, was converted into vegetable production. After the second year this land, depleted of certain nutrients and minerals, would no longer be able to support a good yield of annual subsistence crops. The fields that were intercropped with fruit trees and annual crops are, in the third year, totally cultivated with fruit trees as annual crops cannot exist due to the shading by the perennial crops. Results of the linear programming model simulating a typical farm in the Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production showed that income from the sale of surplus steadily increases from year to year as the agroforestry system matures. In the first year only approximately U.S.$35.89 ($33.30 reis) is made from selling surplus cassava, banana and papaya (Table 4-2). Again in the second year the surpluses of these crops are sold along with surplus passion fruit and chickens. The total income expected from sales in the second year is roughly U.S. $1,352.55.

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63 In the third year of the linear program annual subsistence crops are no longer grown due to the lack of land to expand upon and the lower production on the established land due to the previous two years of planting. Surplus banana, papaya, acerola, passion fruit, pineapple, chickens and vegetables would bring in an income of about U.S.$4,120.03. In the fourth year there is surplus produce from many of the fruit trees that finally come into production. Pupunha, cupua9u, a9ai, acerola, soursop, banana, papaya, passion fruit, pineapple, chickens and vegetables are potentially sold for cash income of U.S.$13,088.73. In the third and fourth year, when land that has been under annual crops is converted to vegetable production, the participants will use the cash income from the sale of surplus to buy food goods. Vegetable production is only for consumption in the first two years of the LP, but when the land that has been under annual crops is converted to vegetable production there is sale of surplus vegetables. The cost of these food goods is subtracted from the gross cash income derived from the sale of surplus to give the total net cash income. The Municipal government anticipated that within the first year and a half the participants would be making three to four minimum salaries per month, the equivalent of U.S. $300 $400. Furthermore, they anticipated that when the integrated system was producing plentifully the farmers would be making an income of approximately U.S. $11,000 13,000 per year (ten to twelve thousand reis).

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64 Table 4-2 Results of a simulated model for a typical farm in the Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production ACTIVITY Year 1 Year2 Year3 Year4 Manioc and com (ha) 0.156071 0.156071 manioc production (kg) 312.l 312.1 manioc buy 0 0 660 660 com production (kg) 218.5 218.5 com buy 0 0 390 390 Peach palm, cupuaU, rice beans and manioc (ha) 0.465 0.465 0.465 0.465 peach palm production (kg) 0 0 0 697.5 cupua9u production (fruit) 0 0 0 465 rice production (kg) 139.5 139.5 bean production (kg) 186 186 manioc production (kg) 372 372 Banana and citrus (ha) 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.2 banana production (bundles) 10 32 64 32 citrus production (fruit) 0 0 2,000 2,000 Papa)'.a, aai and barbados cherry (ha) 0.61 0.61 0.61 0.61 papaya production (kg) 24.2 847.8 2,119.6 847.8 a9ai production (kg) 0 0 0 826.6 barbados cherry production (kg) 0 0 484.5 726.7 Peach palm, cupuaU and sugarcane (ha) 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5 peach palm production (kg) 0 0 0 750 cupua9u production (kg) 0 0 0 500 sugarcane production (kg) 350 350 350 Peach palm, cupuau, rice and com (ha) 0.49 0.49 0.49 0.49 peach palm production (kg) 0 0 0 735 cupuac;:u production (kg) 0 0 0 490 rice production (kg) 220.5 220.5 com production (kg) 171.5 171.5

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65 Table 4-2 Continued ... ACTIVITY Year 1 Year2 Year3 Year4 Passion fruit, soursop and pineapple (ha) 0.75 0.75 0.75 0.75 passion fruit production (fruit) 187.5 4,500 9,375 4,500 soursop production (fruit) 0 0 0 900 pineapple production (kg) 0 270 270 270 Chickens ( chicken house) 0.45 1 1 1 chicken production 9 20 20 20 chicken home consumption 9 9 9 9 Vegetables (ha) 0.33 0.33 0.49 0.49 vegetable production (kg) 200 200 293.6 293.6 Sales peach palm sell (kg) 0 0 0 1882.5 cupua9u sell (fruit) 0 0 0 1255 cassava sell (kg) 24.1 24.1 com sell (kg) 0 0 rice sell (kg) 0 0 beans sell (kg) 0 0 banana sell (bundle) 1 5.4 10.8 5.4 citrus sell (fruit) 0 0 0 0 papaya sell (kg) 14.2 567.8 1,419.6 567.8 a9ai sell (kg) 0 0 0 553.6 barbados cherry sell (kg) 0 0 324.5 486.7 sugarcane sell (kg) 0 0 0 passion fruit sell (fruit) 0 3,300 6,875 3,300 soursop sell (fruit) 0 0 0 660 pineapple sell (kg) 0 0 198 198 chicken sell 0 11 11 11 vegetable sell (kg) 0 0 93.6 93.6

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Gross cash income for first year= $32.30 (U.S.$35.89) 4 Gross cash income for second year= $1,217.30 (U.S.$1,352.55) Gross cash income for third year= $3,708.03 (U.S.$4,120.03) Gross cash income for fourth year= $11,779.86 (U.S.$13,088.73) Gross cash income for four years= $16,737.49 (U.S.$18,597.21) Costs for rice, beans, com, cassava= $1,511.40 (U.S.$1,679.33) Total net cash income over four years= $15,226.09 (U.S.$16,917.88) The results from the LP appear to suggest that the Municipal government could have a realistic goal for the expected amount of income that the participants will be making per year when the agroforestry systems are in full production. In the first year 66 income from sales of surplus is low. The Municipal government's short term expectation for the participants seems to be overly optimistic since in the linear program, the participants were not yet making as much as three to four minimum salaries per month in the first year and a half. Production and sale of the perennial tree crops are not high enough in the first year and a half to allow for this amount of income return. A comparison between the actual seedlings planted in the participants' lots and the number of trees anticipated by the LP model was completed (Table 4-3). In contrast to the difference between the quantity of perennial fruit crop seedlings that the Municipal government anticipated distributing to the participants and the number of perennial fruit crop seedlings actually planted in the participants' lots (Table 4-3), there is a greater similarity in the quantities. Once again, the differences can be accounted for by the presence of other minor perennial fruit crops on the participants' lots. 4 Currency conversion was based on U.S.$1.00 being equal to 0.90 Brazilian cents.

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Table 4-3 Contrast between anticipated number of seedlings by the Municipal government, anticipated quantity of trees of perennial crops in the LP and actual seedlings planted in the lots (average size= 3.5 ha) Perennial Fruit Crop Anticipated N Trees expected in Planted N Seedlings (MG) LP Seedlings Peach Palm 14,000 5,826 4,570 Passion fruit 12,000 1,650 1,360 Cupuai;:u 6,000 5,332 5,437 Banana 7,000 1,408 3,480 Ai;:ai 4,900 1,526 758 Barbados cherry 2,700 1,073 661 The similarity in quantities of perennial fruit trees grown by the participants and anticipated by the LP model indicates the simulation power of the LP model and provides confidence in its future predicting of production, income and consumption. Summary Points 67 (1) The Linear programming model was a multiple year model that closely simulated the situation on the participant's lots and then predicted future production, income and consumption. (2) The linear programming model of a typical farm in the Agroforestry Pole indicates that the Municipal government's goal for the participants' income level within the first year and a half is overly optimistic. The Municipal government's long term goals, however, are shown to be feasible according to the LP model. (3) A comparison between the actual quantity of seedlings planted in the participants' lots and the number of perennial fruit trees anticipated by the LP model showed that these quantities

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were similar. This comparison indicated that the LP model has simulated the actual farm situation accurately and that I can have confidence in the future predicting power of the model. 68

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CHAPTERV THE POTENTIAL OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE AS AN ANSWER TO URBANIZATION IN THE BRAZILIAN AMAZON The Agroforestry Pole as an "Alternative" The administration for the Agroforestry Pole promoted the Pole as an 'alternative' way of dealing with the problems of lack of housing, unemployment and hunger. They made a comparison between the Pole and COHABs (low-income housing complexes). This system of providing 'mass' housing for lower income families is used by the Associa9ao Brasileira de COHABs (ABC) in many states in Brazil. Acre has fourteen low-income housing complexes. The first one was funded by the Federal government and constructed in 1971. Usually the residents of group housing are given electricity, telephones, water, and sewers. In addition, the area is paved and drainage is provided. A plaza for recreation is built into the area and a school is constructed for the residents' children. The selection criteria for the residents of group housing are based on the number of children in a family, the present habitation of the person, and the family's economic situation. At the time of the research for this thesis all group housing projects in Acre, except for one, required that the residents earn at least between three and four minimum salaries, the equivalent of U.S. $300 400 per month. Thirty percent of their salary goes 69

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toward payment for the apartment in the building. This payment is made for 26 years, after which the resident owns the apartment 1 70 At present, only one group housing project in Acre can be compared as an alternative type of housing for the people that participate in the Pole. As stated before, there is a minimum salary requirement to be placed in a group housing project. Most, if not all, of the participants of the Agroforestry Pole would not have been able to meet this requirement with the limited employment opportunities available to them in Rio Branco. Oscar Passos is the only group housing project with lower financial requirements for entry. Residents in this housing project need to make one and a half minimum salaries (U.S. $150). Even this could have been considered high for the participants of the Pole. Oscar Passos is different from the other group housing projects in several ways. Initiated in 1987, the project placed families on a piece ofland 250 square meters (one quarter of a hectare) with only a structure for a bathroom with a toilet and sink. It was left up to the residents to build a house. One hundred and ninety-four of these lots were provided for families. A school was built in the area in 1992. The residents of Oscar Passos have to pay approximately U.S. $16 22 ($15 20 reis) per month for twenty-five years to own the area. A cost comparison between the Agroforestry Pole and Oscar Passos showed that the cost of settling a resident in both of the projects was almost equal. In the case of the Pole the cost per family was approximately U.S. $5,132 6,842. With an overall cost of 1 Interview with Maria Lea Ferreira Germono de Araujo, representative of the Ministry of Urban Housing.

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U.S. $1,099,239.00, the cost per family for Oscar Passos was approximately U.S. $5,552.00. 71 Despite the similarity in the cost per resident for the two projects, there are other non-monetary differences that are worth noting. Oscar Passos, like the Agroforestry Pole, addressed the problems of shortage of housing and services, such as water provision, electricity, and sewage disposal. However, the residents of Oscar Passos, unlike the participants of the Pole, were not provided with employment opportunities or a way to achieve subsistence living. The participants of the Agroforestry Pole were provided with the means to feed themselves and make a steady income using skills with which they were already familiar. The Agroforestry Pole project decreased the population stress on Rio Branco, while at the same time, it created food for the inhabitants of the city. Oscar Passos created urban housing but did not consider the lack of opportunities for migrants with rural skills. The fact that Oscar Passos was the only minimum income housing in Rio Branco that might have been available to the migrant families from rural areas of the Amazon indicates the very limited options for migrants. These migrants often have no choice but to rely on family members, already in the city, for a temporary or permanent place to live. The other 'option' for migrants is to crowd into small houses in precarious locations in the periphery of the city. Summary In this thesis the Agroforestry Pole project was assessed as an alternative measure to address some of the problems being experienced as a result of increased urbanization

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in the Brazilian Amazon. The study also set out to describe and document this planned agroforestry system. 72 The information and results presented in this thesis were based on primary data obtained in 1995. The whole population of the Agroforestry Pole was considered for the study. The absence of participants in two lots every time an attempt was made to complete an interview prevented these two lots from being included in the study. With this exception, the results and information in this thesis reflect the experience of all of the participants in the Pole since the survey was administered to the universal population. Secondary information was also obtained from official publications of the Municipal government and local institutions such as UF AC, IMAC and IBGE. Consistent with the work done in the Rio Branco region by Schmink and Cordeiro (1992), a large percentage of the rural migrants, reflected in the population of the Pole, were from rubber tapping areas. All indications point to an increasing rate of rural to city migration in future decades. This study used four indicators to assess the improvement in the quality of the participants' lives and their commitment to the project. These four indicators were the participants' perception about changes in quality of life, food consumption, health situation, and rate of abandonment of the project. The participants' perception of the changes in their quality of life since arriving at the Pole was very positive. Already, only after approximately a year and a half, more than 89% of the participants stated that their family's situation had improved and 98% said that they felt that the Pole is going to improve their lives in the future. The strength

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73 of this response is apparent when the response of Schmink and Cordeiro's sample from Rio Branco to the question in relation to the city's ability to improve their lives is considered. The results from the questionnaire administered by Schmink and Cordeiro in 1994 showed that only 35% of the respondents in Rio Branco said that their situation had improved and 54% said that they felt that the city was going to improve their lives in the future (Schmink & Cordeiro, 1992). The rate of abandonment of the Agro forestry Pole was very low and the majority of the participants stated that they did not intend to move back to Rio Branco nor did they anticipate that their children would return. The major reasons that caused the participants to migrate to Rio Branco and then to the Pole, the need for employment and ownership of a house, were being addressed. Other quantitative measures used to determine improvement in the quality of life were data on food consumption and the participants' health situation. More than 75% of the participants indicated that since arriving at the Pole the family's health and meals had improved. For some of the participants meals had improved due to an increase in the number of meals eaten per day, the quantity of food eaten per day and an increase in the variety of foods eaten. In trying to determine the likely output of the agroforestry systems in approximately four years when the fruit trees will be producing, a simulation linear program model was developed. The linear optimizer function of the Quattro Pro version 6.0 computer software program was employed for the linear programming solution,

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which tried to simulate as closely as possible an actual fanning household in the Agroforestry Pole and then predict production over four years. Conclusions 74 The farms in the Agroforestry Pole were found to be diverse and complex agricultural systems based on agroforestry principles. The diversity of the systems in fact exceeded the initial plan of the Municipal government. Another activity, not anticipated by the Municipal government, that was taldng place on the participants' lots was the growing of vegetables for consumption and sale. In measuring the feasibility of the Pole as an alternative measure to address some of the problems being experienced as a result of increased urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon this study looked at quantitative and qualitative data collected from the participants and used linear programming. Linear programming was used to determine whether the initial production goals of the Municipal government were being met and if these systems had the potential to meet their future production goals. Results from the questionnaires pertaining to these four indicators, outlined above, suggest that since arriving in the Agroforestry Pole the quality of the participants' lives has improved, both in the participants' perception and in the measurements determined to reflect an improvement in the quality of life. Quantitative data on the participants' sales of surplus show that the participants had been adding to the provisioning system of Rio Branco at amounts greater than the expectations of the Municipal government. Results from the linear programming model showing a typical

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farm from the Pole indicate that the Municipal government's long term goals for the participants' income are potentially achievable. 75 In the linear programming model the objective function of family cash income was maximized subject to a range of constraints designed to emulate real participants' farms. Data from the participant questionnaire were used to construct a representative household model. The resulting linear programming model was determined to closely resemble the actual situation on the participants' lots to date. Based on this simulation, the linear programming model predicting the outcome after four years of production showed that the Municipal government's long term expectations for the participants were feasible. These results, however, depend on the presence of the subsidies provided by the government. Finally, the Agroforestry Pole was considered as an alternative way for addressing the problems associated with increasing urbanization in a comparison with a low-income housing complex. Results of a cost comparison between the Pole and the low-income housing complex showed that while the cost per participant in both projects was similar, there were several other benefits derived by the participants of the Pole project. These benefits included an opportunity for self-employment, subsistence, and the ability to earn a steady income. The Agroforestry Pole appears to be a viable and preferable alternative for resource poor rural migrants. Reflecting on the Municipal government's specific goals for the Agroforestry Pole, it is possible to see that many of them have been achieved. The project has allowed for the resettlement of urban populations, originating in the countryside, to an area of

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76 agricultural production that was under-utilized and in the process of degradation. Adequate conditions were created for these participants to remain permanently in the countryside. These conditions included the creation of agroforestry systems that gave the participants new job opportunities and a source of income. The ability to rely on produce from off the land in times of hardship should not be underrated. Furthermore, the use of diverse, multi-specied agroforestry systems provided the participants with a certain amount of security against low product prices and pest attacks. Other conditions created to encourage the participants to stay with the project included a school and help with the marketing of their surplus produce. The Municipal government also aimed to promote the organization and autonomy of the participants in the project. This was being attempted through the creation of a community cooperative, to be run by the participants. The Municipal government also had the goal to combat poverty in the peripheral areas of the city and to encourage the production of food as a means to improve the provisioning for Rio Branco. The success of the government in achieving these two goals, at the time of the research, could not be ascertained and was beyond the scope of this thesis. Most certainly the participants were contributing to the provisioning system of Rio Branco, however, I was unable to assess the real impact that they were having, or could have in the future, on the local market. There was a lack of data about importation of produce from other states and total consumption data for Rio Branco. This information would be beneficial in determining future trends in produce importation and the impact that the supply of produce from the Pole has on the local provisioning system.

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77 The total population of the Pole, 276 people, is debatably too small for it to have a large impact on combating poverty in the peripheral areas of Rio Branco. On the other hand, it could be taken as an optimistic sign that at least some action was being taken to address the problems associated with peripheral areas. The perceived success of the Pole project has led to plans for the creation of at least two similar projects. Wider adoption of the project could have a considerable impact on combating poverty in the peripheral areas of the city. From a comparison of cost and non-pecuniary benefits I would suggest that the Pole addresses the problems of low-income, peripheral residents many of whom are migrants from the rural zone more effectively than low-income housing projects, one of the few options available for some of the migrants. Having completed the research for this thesis, I feel that linear programming could play a crucial role in project planning, allowing administrators and participants to determine the potential impact of policies and alternatives before they are put into effect. Linear programming could be most potentially useful at the initial stages of project planning. The Agroforestry Pole a Solution for Other Cities in the Brazilian Amazon? The decline of traditional extractive activities and conflicts over land have triggered the process of urbanization in many Amazonian cities. The migrants, like those in Rio Branco, come to the cities without much education and lacking the skills for anything besides rural employment. The Agroforestry Pole project could have significance for these Amazonian cities experiencing problems associated with increasing urbanization without a concurrent increase in infrastructure and services. If the

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78 Agroforestry Pole is to be adopted as a strategy to address problems connected to urp.banization of Amazon cities there are some issues that should be considered. The ability of the participants to make the income anticipated by the Municipal government and the linear programming model is based on the following conditions: (1) the subsidies provided by the government, and (2) the proximity of the project to the market and the ease and low cost of transportation. Typically, resource-poor rural inhabitants in the Amazon do not have the option to be involved in a program like the Agroforestry Pole. The Pole is being used to address the specific problems created in the city by increasing urbanization. At present, it is not the goal of the Municipal government to use this project to address the broader problems of poor rural inhabitants. However, it is important that the problems of the rural resource-poor inhabitant are addressed if the flow of migrants from the rural areas to the city is to decrease. Concerns While the Agroforestry Pole appears to be meeting with much success there are certain aspects about the project that need to be examined in order to completely assess the project as an alternative to address the problems of urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon. The participants were not given title to the land and the amount of time that they can be on the land could be limited from five to ten years. The continued presence of the participants on the land may depend on the maintenance of the present administration in a position of power. As documented in other situations where there has been lack of title to land, there is the possibility the participants might go for the short

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79 term gains and grow quickly maturing crops, including more annuals, and forego the benefits of the longer term perennial fruit trees. People with no secure tenure to land are less likely to put long term investment into conserving the land. Without assured title to land, the participants might have higher discount rates. They might tend to discount the future to a large extent just to maximize their immediate gain. The land, under continuous production of annuals, would deteriorate even more instead of regenerating as planned under trees crops. A return of the participants to Rio Branco after a few years would defeat the purpose of the project and prevent the Municipal government from achieving the goals that they created for the project. During the final days of my field research the Municipal government was talking about the possibility of turning over the land to the community cooperative. In this way the land still could not be sold but the participants would have a greater legal bond to the land. However, the success of this plan relies on the creation and maintenance of a effective cooperative. The project and the participants rely on the subsidies provided by the Municipal government. In particular there is a reliance on the Municipal government for transportation, machinery, green manure and technical assistance. During the period that the Municipal government is active in the Pole these subsidies are guaranteed; however, once the government decreases its involvement in the area there could be an associated decrease in these subsidies. For instance, there would be a decrease in the amount of trips made by the truck from the Secretary of Agriculture. This truck often transports

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80 participants' produce to and from Rio Branco. The Municipal government also maintains the processing equipment presently used by the participants. It was suggested by the participants and the Municipal government that these problems might be addressed, once again, through the cooperative which would get control of the tractor and the truck. The cooperative could then charge the participants a percentage of their sales to pay for the maintenance of the machinery and vehicles. Another aspect of the project that needs to be considered is the limited area on which the project was located. The demographic breakdown in the Pole shows that children comprise more than 50% of the population. This suggests that in the future there might be some concern over the limitations in the capacity of the Pole to provide a home for the expanding population. In the case that participants' children return to live in Rio Branco, it is hoped that access to education at school will allow the children to obtain the necessary skills to obtain employment in the city. I am also concerned about the possibility that the population will overflow into reserve areas surrounding the Pole. The representatives of the Municipal government that were responsible for the Agroforestry Pole had created a 'topdown' administration for the Pole. The community meetings were primarily led by the representatives of the Municipal government and the plans and goals for the Pole were determined by the Municipal government. This approach could isolate the participants and make them feel as if they do not have control over their lots.

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81 Suggestions The following are some suggestions regarding the administration of the Pole that I made to the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture of Rio Branco on completion of the field research for this thesis. Following more complete analysis of the Pole, as contained in this thesis, these suggestions still hold: (1) Allow the participants themselves to run the weekly community meetings the weekly meetings were a very useful time for the community to get together and discuss issues of concern. At the time of the field research the meetings were being led by representatives from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and the town hall . I suggested that it would be beneficial for participants to lead some of the meetings. There were already established 'leaders' in the community who could possibly take on this role. Getting the community involved in the leadership of the meetings and of the community is important considering that eventually the Secretary of Agriculture will be leaving the project to run on its own. (2) Provide the participants with knowledge and lessons from experience of starting a cooperative I gathered from the meetings that the participants were still unclear on the implementation and function of a cooperative . I suggested that the Municipal government could arrange for some of the participants to visit groups that had already attempted to create a cooperative, for example RECA and the rubber tapper cooperative in Xapuri. These groups could demonstrate how they went about setting up their cooperative, the kind of financial resources that were needed to initiate a cooperative and the type of benefits that can be realized through a cooperative.

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82 (3) Record discussions and decisions of the weekly meeting during one of the weekly meetings participants complained that the group was repeating the same discussions every week because people would forget what had been covered in the previous meetings. It might therefore be useful for someone from the community to act as secretary at each meeting, recording decisions and discussions on issues. At the following meeting the secretary could read a brief summary of the notes of the previous meeting. In this way there would be less repetition and hopefully, more follow up on issues

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APPENDIX A CROP PLANTS FOUND ON THE FARMS OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE English name Perennials: Trees: Ara9a-boi Avacado Bacuri Breadfruit Cacao Caimito Cashew Cupua9u Inga Jackfruit Jambo Lime Mahogany Mango Orange Papaya Pitinga Soursop Star fruit Tangerine Palms: A9ai Bacaba Coconut Peach palm Shrubs, vines and other perennials: Annatto Banana Barbados cherry PROJECT Portuguese name Ara9a-boi Abacate Bacuri FrutaPao Cacao Abiu Caju Cupua9u Inga Jaca Jambo Limao Mogno Manga Laranja Mamao Pitinga Graviola Carambola Tangerina A9ai Bacaba Coco Pupunha Urucu Banana Acerola 83 Scientific name Eugenia stipitata Persea americana Mill. Platonia insignis Mart. Artocarpus altilis Theobroma cacao Pouteria caimito Radik Anacardium occidentale Theobroma grandiflorum Inga spp. Artocarpus heterophyllus Eugenia malaccensis Citrus aurantifolia Swietenia macrophylla Mangifera indica Citrus sinensis Carica papaya Eugenia uniflora Annona muricata A verrhoa carambola Citrus reticulata Euterpe oleracea Oenocarpus mapora Cocos nucifera Bactris gasipaes Bixa orellana Musaspp. Malpighia glabra

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APPENDIX A CONTINUED ... English name Portuguese name Shrubs, vines and other perennials continued: Black pepper Pimenta do reino Coffee Cafe Passion fruit Pineapple Annuals: Maracuja Abacaxi Scientific name Piper nigrum Coffea spp. Passiflora edulis Ananas comosus Cabbage Repolho Brassica oleracea Cassava Mandioca Manihot esculenta Cauliflower Couve flor Brassica oleracea botrytis Chard Acelga Beta vulgaris Chicory Chicoria Cichorium intybus Common bean Feijao Phaseolus vulgaris Com Milho Zea mays Cotton Algodao Gossypium Cucumber Pepino Cucumis melo Eggplant Beringela Solanum melongena Lettuce Alface Lactuca sativa Mustard Mustarda Brassica juncea Okra Quiabo Hibiscus esculentus Onion Cebola Allium cepa Parsley Salsa Petroselinum crispum Pepper Pimentao Capsicum spp. Radish Rabonete Raphanus sativus Rice Arroz Oryza sativa Spring greens Couve Brassica oleracea Sugar cane Cana de acucar Succharium Sweet potato Batata doce lpomoea batatas Tomato Tomate Lycopersicon esculentum 84 Sources: Cavalcante (1976), Purseglove (1968), Stephens (1988), Agricultural Research Service.

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APPENDIXB RESOURCES AND CONSTRAINTS, AND ACYIVITIES FOR THE LINEAR PROGRAM MODEL Resources and constraints: Amount Unit Land <= 3.5 ha Labor <= 220 hours / month Rice for consumption >= 360 kg Com for consumption & feed >= 390 kg Cassava for consumption >= 660 kg Beans for consumption >= 186 kg Banana for consumption (year 1) >= 9 bundles Papaya for consumption >= 10 kg Sugarcane for consumption >= 350 each Passion fruit (year 1) >= 187.5 each Chicken for consumption >= 9 each Vegetables. for consumption >= 200 kg Pineapple for consumption >= 72 each Papaya for consumption (year 2) >= 280 kg Passion fruit consumption (year 2) >= 1200 each Banana for consumption (year 2) >= 26.6 bundles Chicken house <= 1 20 chickens / house Vegetable land transfer <= 0 ha Banana for consumption (year 3) >= 53.2 bundles Papaya for consumption (year 3) >= 700 kg Passion fruit for cons. (year 3) >= 2500 each Citrus for consumptiom (year 3) >= 2000 each Barbados cherry for cons. (year 3) >= 160 kg Papaya for consumption (year 4) >= 280 kg Peach palm for cons. (year 4) >= 300 kg Cupua9u for consumption (year 4) >= 200 kg A9ai for consumption (year 4) >= 273 kg Barbados cherry (year 4) >= 240 kg Soursop for consumption (year 4) >= 240 kg 85

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Activities: Cassava & com Cassava sold Com sold APPENDIX B CONTINUED ... Peach palm, cupua<;u, banana & cassava Peach palm sold Cupua<;u sold Banana sold Banana & citrus Citrus sold Peach palm, cupua<;u, rice, beans & cassava Rice sold Beans sold Papaya, a<;ai & barbados cherry Papaya sold A<;ai sold Barbados cherry sold Peach palm, cupua<;u & sugarcane Sugarcane sold Peach palm, cupua<;u, rice & com Passion fruit, soursop & pineapple Passion fruit sold Soursop sold Pineapple sold Chickens Chickens sold Vegetables Vegetables sold Land transfer Rice buy Com buy Cassava buy Beans buy 86

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merenda paxiuba prefeitura reais seringal tenda GLOSSARY OF PORTUGUESE TERMS school snack provided by the Secretary of Education a type of tree bark municipal government Brazilian currency rubber tapper region tent or local street-side stall for the sale of produce 87

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Agricultural Research Service, United States Department of Agriculture. 1967. Vegetable Gardening in the Caribbean Area. Agricultural Handbook No. 323. Alves, A. 1995. Plantar solm;oes. Secretaria Municipal de Cultura de Rio Branco. Rio Branco, Acre. Brazil. Anderson, A. 1990. Alternatives to Deforestation: Steps Toward Sustainable Use of the Amazon Rain Forest. Columbia University Press, New York Cavalcante, P.B. 1976. Frutas Comestiveis da Amazonia. 3.edi9ao.rev.aum. Belem, INPA. Clayton, E.S. 1961. Technical and economic optima in peasant agriculture. Journal of Agricultural Economics. 14:337 377. Current, D., Lutz, E., Scherr, S. (editors) 1995. Costs, Benefits, and Farmer Adoption of Agroforestry Project Experience in Central America and the Caribbean. A CATIE IFPRI World Bank Project. Dehm, B.A. 1984. Constraints to technology adoption on small farms in North Florida. Master's thesis, University of Florida. Diniz, A. 1995. Polo Agroflorestal: Solu9ao simples e eficiente no combate ao desemprego e a fome. Assessor de imprensa e comunica9ao. Rio Branco, Acre. Brazil. Flaviano Melo Tomou Cafe Com Ruth Cardoso. (1995, May 16). A Gazeta, Rio Branco, Acre. p. 2 Fox, R.W. 1975. Urban Population Growth Trends in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank. Washington, D.C. Godfrey, B.J. 1990. Boom towns of the Amazon. Geographical Review 80(2): 103-117. 88

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89 Haryadi, M.M.S.S. 1975. Potential contribution ofhomegardening to nutrition intervention program in Indonesia. Seminar on Food and Nutrition, Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Heyer, J, 1971. A linear programming analysis of constraints on peasant farms in Kenya. Food Research Institute Studies, vol.x, no.I. p.55. Stanford University, California. Lundgren, B.O. & Raintree, J.B. 1983. Sustained agroforestry. ICRAF reprint No.3. Reprinted from Agricultural research for development: Potentials and challenges in Asia. The Hague, ISNAR. Martine, G. 1993. Popula9ao meio ambiente e desenvolvimento: Verdades a contradi9oes. Editora da Universidade Estadual de Campinas Unicamp, Brasil. Nair, P.K.R. 1993. An Introduction to Agroforestry. Kluwer Academic Publishers. The Netherlands. Pequenos productores ganharam com visita. (1995, May 16). 0 Rio Branco, Rio Branco, Acre. p.3 Pinto de Oliveira, L.A. 1982. 0 Sertanejo, 0 Brabo e O Posseiro: A Periferia de Rio Branco e os cem anos de andanca da popula9ao Acreana. Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais. Belo Horizonte. P6lo de Produ9ao Agroflorestal. (1993, May 9). A Gazeta, Rio Branco, Acre. p.5 Polo Municipal recebe familias para ocupa9ao. (1993, November 11). A Gazeta, Rio Branco, Acre. p.1 & 2 P6lo sava vidas e garante comida: uma ilha de verde e fartura. (1995, July 2). A Gazeta, Rio Branco, Acre. p. l & 5 Prefeitura de Rio Branco, 1993. Prefeitura de Rio Branco, Vida nova na cidade: Relatorio das a9oes de Govemo. Rio Branco, Acre. Brazil. Purseglove, J.W. 1968. Tropical Crops Dicotyledons 1 and 2. John Wiley and Sons. New York. Ramos de Castro, E.M. 1989. A questao urbana na Amazonia. In Estudos e problemas Amazonicos: Historia social e economica e temas especiais. Govemo do Estado do Para, Secretaria de Estado de Educa9ao ( ed). Instituto do desenvolvimento economico-social do Para. Belem.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Vanessa Anne Vere Slinger was born in Trinidad, West Indies, in 1971. She graduated from St. Josephs Convent, in Port of Spain, Trinidad, in 1990. In 1994 she received her bachelor's degree with highest honors in geography with a minor in anthropology from the University of Florida. In August 1996 Vanessa plans to continue her education by pursuing a doctorate in geography at the University of Florida. 91

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. Marianne Schmi~hair Professor of Latin American Studies I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fu equate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. Professor of Food and Resource Economics I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. Nigel Sm th Professor of Geography This thesis was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Center for Latin American Studies, to the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, and to the Graduate School and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. August, 1996 1.:: ,-1 Tut', Director, Center for Latin American Studies Dean, Graduate School