Title Page
 Half Title
 Table of Contents
 List of Illustrations
 Half Title
 South America under Spanish...
 Bolivar's early life and the first...
 Bolivar and Miranda - The fall...
 Bolivar's first liberation of Venezuela...
 The second downfall of Venezuela,...
 Bogota and the two sieges of Cartagena...
 Bolivar in Jamaica, Haiti, and...
 The liberation of Guayana and the...
 Bolivar and Paez - The campaign...
 The passage of the Andes and the...
 The armistice and treaty for regularization...
 The battle of Carabobo and the...
 Guayaquil and Quito, 1821-22
 The interview with San Martin at...
 Quito, Pasto, and Peru, 1822-2...
 Bolivar and Sucre in Peru - Battles...
 Bolivar in Peru and Bolivia,...
 The return to Colombia and the...
 Colombia and the convention of...
 Bolivar and Santander - The conspiracy...
 War with Peru - The dissolution...
 An estimate of Bolivar

Title: Simon Bolivar "El libertador"
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00054973/00001
 Material Information
Title: Simon Bolivar "El libertador" a life of the chief leader in the revolt against Spain in Venezuela, New Granada & Peru
Series Title: Simon Bolivar "El libertador"
Physical Description: xiii, 459 p. : port., folded map ; 22 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Petre, F. Loraine ( Francis Loraine ), 1852-1925
Publisher: J. Lane
Place of Publication: London ;
New York
Publication Date: 1910
Subject: History -- South America -- Wars of Independence, 1806-1830   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references (p. viii-x).
Statement of Responsibility: by F. Loraine Petre.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00054973
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 02236914
lccn - 10015141

Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
        Page iii
    Half Title
        Page iv
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
    Table of Contents
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
    List of Illustrations
        Page xv
        Page xvi
    Half Title
        Page 1
        Page 2
    South America under Spanish rule
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
    Bolivar's early life and the first Venezuelan Republic, 1783-1810
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
    Bolivar and Miranda - The fall of Venezuela - Events in Quito and New Granada
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
    Bolivar's first liberation of Venezuela - The "war to the death"
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
    The second downfall of Venezuela, 1813-14
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
    Bogota and the two sieges of Cartagena - Fall of New Granada, 1815-16
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
    Bolivar in Jamaica, Haiti, and Venezuela, 1816
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
    The liberation of Guayana and the execution of Piar, 1816-17
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
    Bolivar and Paez - The campaign against Morillo - The congress of Angostura, 1818-19
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
    The passage of the Andes and the battle of Boyaca, 1819
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
    The armistice and treaty for regularization of the war, 1820
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 244
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
        Page 253
    The battle of Carabobo and the constitution of 1821
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
        Page 257
        Page 258
        Page 259
        Page 260
        Page 261
        Page 262
        Page 263
        Page 264
        Page 265
        Page 266
        Page 267
        Page 268
        Page 269
        Page 270
        Page 271
        Page 272
        Page 273
        Page 274
    Guayaquil and Quito, 1821-22
        Page 275
        Page 276
        Page 277
        Page 278
        Page 279
        Page 280
        Page 281
        Page 282
        Page 283
        Page 284
        Page 285
        Page 286
        Page 287
        Page 288
        Page 289
        Page 290
        Page 291
        Page 292
        Page 293
        Page 294
    The interview with San Martin at Guayaquil, 1822
        Page 295
        Page 296
        Page 297
        Page 298
        Page 299
        Page 300
        Page 301
        Page 302
        Page 303
        Page 304
        Page 305
        Page 306
        Page 307
    Quito, Pasto, and Peru, 1822-23
        Page 308
        Page 308a
        Page 309
        Page 310
        Page 311
        Page 312
        Page 313
        Page 314
        Page 315
        Page 316
        Page 317
        Page 318
    Bolivar and Sucre in Peru - Battles of Junin and Ayacucho, 1823-24
        Page 319
        Page 320
        Page 321
        Page 322
        Page 323
        Page 324
        Page 325
        Page 326
        Page 327
        Page 328
        Page 329
        Page 330
        Page 331
        Page 332
        Page 333
        Page 334
        Page 335
        Page 336
        Page 337
        Page 338
        Page 339
        Page 340
        Page 341
        Page 342
    Bolivar in Peru and Bolivia, 1825-26
        Page 343
        Page 344
        Page 345
        Page 346
        Page 347
        Page 348
        Page 349
        Page 350
        Page 351
        Page 352
        Page 353
        Page 354
        Page 355
        Page 356
        Page 357
        Page 358
        Page 359
        Page 360
    The return to Colombia and the suppression of Paez
        Page 361
        Page 362
        Page 363
        Page 364
        Page 365
        Page 366
        Page 367
        Page 368
        Page 369
        Page 370
        Page 371
        Page 372
        Page 373
        Page 374
    Colombia and the convention of Ocana, 1827-28
        Page 375
        Page 376
        Page 377
        Page 378
        Page 379
        Page 380
        Page 381
        Page 382
        Page 383
        Page 384
        Page 385
    Bolivar and Santander - The conspiracy of 1828
        Page 386
        Page 387
        Page 388
        Page 389
        Page 390
        Page 391
        Page 392
        Page 393
        Page 394
        Page 395
        Page 396
        Page 397
        Page 398
    War with Peru - The dissolution of Colombia - Bolivar's retirement and death
        Page 399
        Page 400
        Page 401
        Page 402
        Page 403
        Page 404
        Page 405
        Page 406
        Page 407
        Page 408
        Page 409
        Page 410
        Page 411
        Page 412
        Page 413
        Page 414
        Page 415
        Page 416
        Page 417
        Page 418
        Page 419
        Page 420
        Page 421
        Page 422
        Page 423
        Page 424
        Page 425
        Page 426
    An estimate of Bolivar
        Page 427
        Page 428
        Page 429
        Page 430
        Page 431
        Page 432
        Page 433
        Page 434
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        Page 461
        Page 462
        Page 463
        Page 464
Full Text



Turnbull 61 Spears, P1tnners, Aainburgh

IB 6m t

POLAND, 1806-1807
A Military History of Napoleon's First War
with Russia, verified from unpublished official
documents. With Maps and Plans, and Illus-
trations. New Edition. Demy 8vo.
With an Introduction by FIELD-MARSHAL
LORD ROBERTS, V.C., K.G., etc. With Maps,
Battle Plans, and 16 Full-page Illustrations.
Demy 8vo.
A History of the Franco-Austrian Campaign
in the Valley of the Danube, in x809. With 8
Illustrations and 5 Sheets of Maps and Plans.
Demy 8vo.
With Map and numerous Illustrations. Demy



attempt to revive interest in a man whose name
was extremely well known in Europe less than
a century ago. He then enjoyed a reputation
above his merits, being described as the Washington or
the Napoleon of South America. Since then, in Europe,
he has fallen into a still more undeserved oblivion, a fact
which is, perhaps, largely due to the constant turmoil of
revolution and civil war which has existed since his death
in those countries, in the liberation of which from the
dominion of Spain he played so great a part.1
The names of most of the Spanish American Republics
have come to be looked upon as connoting revolution,
civil war, and financial repudiation. It is only quite
recently that European interest in them has begun to
revive, with the promise of a more settled era. Mexico,
under the able rule of Porfirio Diaz; Argentina, now
covered with a network of railways and recognized as a
granary of the world; to a lesser extent, Chile, Peru, and
Colombia have all begun to attract European capital and
industries. The immense possibilities of development
and trade in these countries, provided a stable and honest
government can be assured, are forcing themselves on the
attention of Europe and North America. The German
trader, ever in the forefront of enterprise, is to be found
all over them. Unlike his British rival, he is careful to
I For a discussion of the reasons why Bolivar has been almost forgotten in
Europe, see article in the Times of August 8th, 1883, dealing with the cele-
bration in South America of the centenary of his birth.

offer to the still half-civilised lower classes the precise
kind of goods they desire, instead of attempting to force
on them what he happens to have in stock.
As an outlet for the surplus populations of the more
settled countries of the world, South America is rapidly
coming to the fore, especially Argentina; and the com-
pletion of the Panama Canal within the next few years
can hardly fail to bring the states of the West coast into
closer touch with Europe.
It seems, even, not impossible that the southern con-
tinent might become a serious bone of contention between
the north and at least one European state.
For the correct understanding of the heterogeneous
populations of South America, and of the miserable period
of revolution and anarchy which has, for nearly a century,
stunted their progress, there can be no better study than the
revolt against Spain, in which Simon Bolivar played so
great a part, and the character of the man who, starting
life full of hope for his country, died reluctantly convinced
of the terrible vicissitudes it was about to pass through.
To Englishmen there should be some interest, in con-
nexion with the present unrest in India, in studying the
revolt of the Spanish American dominions. There is
certainly no comparison possible between the colonial
misrule of Spain in the beginning of the nineteenth
century and the beneficent administration of India by
England in the beginning of the twentieth. But there
are many points of analogy between the handful of
creoles who drew in their wake the ignorant masses of
the Spanish-American populations and the men in India,
who, like the creoles, idealists and victims of a too literary
education, advocate separation from England, or, at least,
a form of self-government for which their countries are
even less suited than were the South American colonies
of the early nineteenth century. Bolivar himself saw
clearly that a federal republic was impossible. In India

the populations differ from one another still more
markedly, and the proportion of illiteracy is greater.
The Indian peoples have not even the tie of a single
language almost universally understood, as Spanish was,
and is, in South America.
If the dissolution of the Spanish dominion in South
America was followed by civil war and anarchy, what
would ensue on the disappearance of the British from
India? There is at least one great difference-Spanish-
America was left by the rest of the world to stew in its
own juice"; that would certainly not be the case with
Finally, there is an element of interest to Britons
in the fact that Bolivar's two decisive victories of Boyaca
and Carabobo were mainly due to the valour of our
countrymen fighting in the cause of liberty. Even in the
crowning mercy" of Ayacucho, English officers played
a leading part, though of the 6oo0 volunteers who had
joined the Liberator's standard in 1819 the greater part
had perished by the sword or by disease. It is hardly
necessary to allude to Lord Cochrane's immense services
to the Chilian navy.
For the loan of some of the books in the following list
I have to thank H. E. Dr Ignacio Gutierrez Ponce,
Colombian Minister in London. Also my thanks are
due Mr B. Koppel, who, in addition to lending books, has
given me many hints and much information.
F. L. P.


AUSTRIA (GENERAL JosE). Bosquejo de la historic military de
Venezuela en la guerra de independencia (1855).
BARALT (R. M.) and DIAZ. Resumen de la historic de Venezuela
BARALT (R. M.). Defense de la conduct del . Sr. M. M. de
las Casas (1843).
BINGHAM (HIRAM). Article in Geografhical Journal, October
,, ,, Journal of an Expedition through Venezuela
and Colombia, 1906-7 (1909).
BOLIVAR (SIMON). Colleccion de documents relatives a la vida
de S. B. (1826-33).
,, ,, Speech of February 15th, 1819 (1819).
,, ,, Project of the Constitution for the Republic of
Bolivia (1826).
,, ,, Proclamas de Simon Bolivar.
,, ,, Mensaje del Libertador Presidente al Congreso
Constituente (1830).
CHESTERTON (G. L.). Peace, War, and Adventure, etc. (1853).
COCHRANE (CAPT. C. S., R.N.). Journal of a Residence and
Travels in Colombia in 1823-24 (1825).
CODAZZI (AGOSTINO). Atlas fisico y politico de la Republica de
Venezuela (1840).
COLOMBIA-MAPS, ETC. (a) Atlas de los estados unidos de
Colombia (1865).
(6) Atlas geografico y historic de la
Republica de Colombia (1889).
(c) Atlas complete de geografia Colom-
biana (F. Janvier y Velasco, 1906).
(d) Die vulkanberge von Colombia, etc.
(Alphons Stuebel, 1906).
CORREO NACIONAL. (Bogota newspaper.)

FLINTER (G. D.). The History of the Revolution of Caracas, etc.
GARIBALDI (GIUSEPPE). Autobiography (English translation).
GUTIERREZ PONCE (DR IGNACIO). Vida de Don Ignacio Gutierrez
GUTIERREZ POSADA(JOAQUIN). Memorias historico-politicas (1865).
HALL (CAPT. BASIL, R.N.) Voyages (1826).
HAMILTON (COL. J. P.). Travels through Columbia (1827).
HIPPISLEY (G.). A Narrative of the Expedition to the Rivers
Orinoco and Apure, etc. (1819).
LAFOND (GABRIEL DE LURY). Quinze ans de voyages autour du
monde (1840).
LARRAZABAL (FELIPE). Vida de Bolivar' (1865).
MAC GREGOR (SIR GREGOR). Exposicion documentada que
el general G. M. dirijo, etc. (1839).
MARKHAM (SIR CLEMENTS R.). History of Peru (1892).
MILLER (JOHN). Memoirs of General W. Miller (1829).
MIRANDA (FRANCISCO DE, GENERAL). The History of Miranda's
attempt to effect a Revolution, etc., by J. Biggs (1810).
MITRE (BARTOLOMt). Historia de San Martin, etc. (1890).
MOSES (BERNARD). Constitution of the Republic of Colombia,
with Historical Introduction (1893).
,, ,, The Establishment of Spanish Rule in
,, South America on the Eve of Emancipation
MULHALL (MICHAEL). The English in South America (1878).
. por S. B., O'Leary (1879-88).
PAEZ (JOSt ANTONIO, GENERAL). Autobiografia (1867).
PILLING (W.) The Emancipation of South America (an abstract
translation of Mitre's San Martin; see above).
PINEYRO (ENRIQUE). Biografias Americanas (1907).
RESTREPO (J. M.). Historia de la revolution de Colombia, etc.
(1819 and 1858).
RtVtREND (ALEJANDRO PROSPERO. La ultima Enfermedad . .
de S. Bolivar, etc. (1866).
1 Only vols. i. and ii., containing the Life of Bolivar, were published. The
remaining volumes, which were to contain the documents on which the Life is
based, never appeared.

ROJAS (ARISTIDES). Historia Patria; Estudios historicos (1891).
,, ,, Historia Patria; Legendas historical (1891).
para las memories sobre Colombia (1837).
biografico de los campeones de la libertad de Nueva Granada,
Venezuela, Ecuador, y Peru.
SCHRYVER (S. DE). Esquisse de la vie de Bolivar (1899).
SPANISH MAIN. Narrative of a Voyage to the Spanish Main in
the ship "Two Friends," etc. (1819).
SPENCE (J. M.). The Land of Bolivar (1878).
TORRENTE MARIANO. Historia de la revolution Hispano-
Americana" (1829-30).
The Times, August 8th, 1883.
URQUINAONA Y PARDO. Relacion documentada, etc. . de las
provincias de Venezuela (1820).
VENEZUELA. Recollections, etc. ; by an Officer of the Colombian


Despatches addressed to the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs in London, by Colonel Patrick Campbell, British Minister
in Colombia, 1828-30.
These despatches are in the Record Office, Chancery Lane,
London. (F.O. correspondence, Colombia, 1828-30, vols. 54, 64,
65, 73.)







1783-1810 32








GRANADA, 1815-16 150




1816-17 182



1819 222


WAR, 1820 241







QUITO, PASTO, AND PERU, 1822-23 308


AYACUCHO, 1823-24 319














SIMON BOLIVAR. (From an Engraving by M. N. Bate) .f Photograure

SIMON BOLIVAR. (After a Painting by Gil, engraved by
Charles Turner)

facing p. 308

OPERATIONS IN PERU at end of volume





B EFORE entering upon the life of Simon
Bolivar,1 it is necessary to give a brief
account of the country in which the greater
part of it was spent, and of the circum-
stances, the grievances, and the administration which led
up to the Revolution in which he played the most pro-
minent part. To give anything like a detailed account
of the system of administration of her American colonies,
or more accurately dominions, by Spain during the three
centuries between their first conquest and their final
emancipation from the rule of the mother country would
require a considerable volume to itself. All that we can
afford space for here is a mere outline, sufficient to serve
as a guide to the motives and interests which prompted
the insurrection throughout Spanish America, from
Mexico to Chile and Buenos Aires.
Spain owed the acquisition of her New World king-
doms of Mexico and Guatemala, of Venezuela, New
Granada, Peru, Chile, and Buenos Aires to the semi-
private adventures of men like Cort6s, the Pizarros,
Quesada, and Benalcazar, who have been crowned with
a halo of romance which, with the casual reader of
history, has served to withdraw attention from the
I Bolivar, not Bolivar, as it is sometimes mispronounced in England.

hideous crimes which stained the annals of most of the
conquistadoress." One is apt to think of Cort6s or Pizarro
chiefly as the hero of deeds of daring which surpassed
in splendour many of those attributed by romance to its
favourites. It is easy enough to learn from the delightful
works of W. H. Prescott, or a dozen other sources, the
history of the crimes openly perpetrated on the peaceable
and comparatively defenceless peoples of the New World,
to whom the invaders at first appeared as gods from a
better world. But their ruthless cruelty, shameless
treachery, and unbounded lust of riches soon marked the
conquerors out as, what many of them were, the scum of
Europe. For the conquering bands were largely recruited,
not only from Spain, but from Germany, Italy, and
almost every other country of Europe. These men,
pushed to desperate adventures almost solely by the
hope of wealth, encountered anything approaching
civilisation only in Mexico and Peru; for the civilisa-
tion of the Muyscas of the highlands of New Granada
was of the most elementary description.
It was impossible that men of the class of the con-
quistadores should be left permanently to rule the vast
empire, twice the size of Europe, of which they had laid
the foundations, and in 1542 Spain began the issue of
laws for the government of her colonial empire in
America and the West Indies. Had all the laws pre-
scribed in the course of three centuries been carried
out, or been even possible of execution, the lot of the
aboriginal inhabitants might have been very different
from what it was ; for it was not due so much to want
of goodwill on the part of the Spanish sovereigns as to their
ignorance of how to solve the problems which, at a dis-
tance of several thousand miles, they failed to understand.
There was in the government of the mother country a
perpetual profession of solicitude for the welfare, not only
of its Spanish, but also of its Indian subjects.

But the laws which were issued, with innumerable
amendments, soon became too confused and intricate
for comprehension even by administrators of the best
intentions, who unfortunately were rare. The men who
went out from Spain to fill the higher offices in the
transatlantic kingdoms felt that they must make hay
while the sun shone, and their main object was to amass
a fortune as some compensation for a period of exile to
uncongenial surroundings, and often to a bad climate.
Moreover, in a territory so vast in area, so sparsely
populated, so unprovided with means of communication,
the practical control exercised by even the most well-
meaning Viceroy or Captain-General must necessarily
be weak. Add to this that many of the laws, especially
those aiming at the protection of the aborigines, were
directly opposed to the selfish interests of the immigrants,
who looked upon the Indians as created only for the purpose
of amassing wealth for their conquerors by their labour.
Finding on the spot a people generally endowed with
muscular limbs, the Spanish mine-owner saw in them
excellent labourers for the extraction of the gold and
silver, to which he looked as the only wealth of the
country. He failed to remember, or, if he remembered,
to pay any heed to the fact that such work was fatal to
the health, even the life of men bred in the free upper
air. What was the loss of life amongst the Indians
employed in the mines none can ever know, but it is
certain that it was enormous. The importation of negro
slaves aimed at stopping this loss, to some extent, by the
substitution of their labour in the mines ; but it only
succeeded at all in the lower and hotter places ; for the
negro was even more useless than the Indian in the high
regions and the cold climates of the Andes.
But we must not fall into the error of imagining that
the South American Indian, however much he may have
suffered in the mines of Mexico and Peru, disappeared from

the face of the earth, or was even reduced to the same ex-
tent as his brother in the United States or Canada. The
early Spaniards were only able to fasten on the coasts and
favourable spots of the great continent, and they never
succeeded in imposing their dominion on great multitudes
of tribes on their frontiers. There there was a constant
struggle, and many a Spanish settlement was wiped out
by the savages. The missions were founded, generally
as a sort of advanced guard on these frontiers, in the
hope that religion might be able to effect what force
could not. Even at the present day one may risk death
by a poisoned blow-pipe dart at some places within
twenty miles of the great waterway between BogotA and
the sea, and the explorer of the forests about the head
waters of the Amazon or the La Plata may still be in
some danger of putting in a post-mortem appearance as
a roast at some savage banquet. The mass of the popu-
lation of several of the South American republics is still
Indian, or at least has a large admixture of Indian blood.
The population of Spanish South America gradually
became more and more heterogeneous as time went on.
The aboriginal populations were, no doubt, far from
homogeneous, and there was in reality as wide a differ-
ence between the Incas of Peru and the savages who still
roam the forests in the centre of the continent as there is
between the cultivated Brahman of the Indian Deccan
and the wildest Bhil of the Nerbadda Valley. But an
invading white race is generally unable to distinguish
between one coloured man and another, and to the
Spaniards all these differences were invisible as a rule.
It is just the same in India with the common English.
The British soldier or railway employee does not realise
the immense gulfs of race, of breeding, and of civilisation
which separate one Indian from another. A very large
proportion of stay-at-home Englishmen, and even of
those whose knowledge of India is confined to what they

pick up in the course of a cold weather tour, are equally
under the delusion that the Indian peoples are one nation,
and not an immense number of widely different races,
whose only common attribute is a dark skin.
With the Spanish conquest there commenced at once
the creation of still wider racial differences, which have
resulted in a population, other than the Indians, deeply
divided amongst themselves.
Necessarily, the conquistadores carried with them
very few women from their own countries, and the immi-
gration of unmarried women was always difficult, and
hampered by many restrictions. But, from the first, no
prejudice was felt against unions, both legitimate and
illegitimate, between Spaniards and Indians, and there
soon began to spring up a mixed race (mestizos), the off-
spring of such unions. Between the extremes of the
Spaniard and the Indian there intervened, as time went
on, every degree of admixture of the two races. When
the negro appeared upon the scene he came as a slave,
a mere chattel or a beast of burden, who was sold
in the public market alongside of the mule and the
horse, and was described, like them, in advertisements,
as "sound and free from vice." Under such circum-
stances, the union of the Spaniard and the negro was
generally illegitimate. Its offspring became the mulatto."
Between the negro and the Indian marriage was dis-
couraged, and generally made illegal by the Spanish laws.
The conquerors had no desire to foster a combination of
the two races which had suffered so grievously at their
hands. Nevertheless, there sprang up a certain number
of zambos," half-breeds between the negro and the
Indian. With three original colours, white, red, and
black, and the three mixed races, mestizo," mulatto,"
and zambo," added to the innumerable shades of colour
introduced by the various combinations of the mixed
blood, South America had probably one of the most

heterogeneous populations in the world of a century ago.
This characteristic has increased since then. But there
arose a distinction, not of race but of class, which far
exceeded in political importance all the variations be-
tween white and black and copper coloured. It was the
distinction between the two classes of pure whites, the
creole and the more temporary immigrant from Spain,
who looked to return to his own country when he had
amassed a fortune. Many people at the present day
associate the term creole with an admixture of dark
blood, but the original meaning implied nothing of the
sort.1 To the Spaniard, coming over from Europe with-
out any idea of changing his domicile, criollo signified
a man of the pure blood of his own race, often of bluer
blood and higher lineage than himself, who had been born
and bred in the colonies, and was domiciled there. In
this sense, the founders of the United States were
" creoles when considered from the point of view of
the Englishman, and the half-breed between the North
American Indian and the Englishman was a mestizo."
The revolt of the British North American colonies
against the dominion of the mother country was thus
essentially a creole revolt, and the case was precisely
similar in Spanish America. In both cases the abori-
ginal population had ceased to be of serious political
importance, and, when it fought, took part on either side
according to local circumstances. In both cases the
" mestizo" was inclined to side with the creole, and the
negro slave followed his master.
In India the creole problem, which faced England and
Spain alike in America, has never cropped up, for the
class practically has never come into existence. The

1 Still the word has always implied some measure of dishonour, and has
never been held to be creditable. This is perhaps to be accounted for by its
alleged derivation, a corruption from the word criadillo," the diminutive of
" criado," a servant.

" mestizo," represented by the Eurasian of India, can
never be a danger there, for he is repudiated by the
native races, and driven perforce into the arms of the
Englishman. Moreover, he is strong neither in numbers
nor in qualities. Between Spaniard and creole in Spanish
America contempt on the one side, hatred on the other,
grew apace. To the Spaniard, brought up in his native
country by servants and instructors of his own race, the
creole seemed a contemptible creature. For the youthful
creole spent the first five or six years of his life in the
charge of a negro slave. After that he was generally
made over to a mulatto teacher, from whom he learned
no good. He acquired from his nurse only the slave's
notion of duty, which recognizes little or no spontaneous
effort for others, but whose rule of action is the command
of the master enforced by the lash. From his teachers he
acquired notions of religion which were full of Paganism,
without the grace and poetry of Pagan worship. Out-
wardly, he adapted himself to the forms of civilised life,
but his mind was full of superstitions acquired from the
barbarous companions of his youth." Vanity and
cruelty he inherited from his forbears, and they were
fostered by the influences to which he was subjected by
his early guardians and instructors.
The policy of Spain kept all the good things of the ad-
ministration of the country, not for the creole, but for the
needy Spaniard, who came to it to acquire a fortune and a
title. The creole was not by law barred from high office,
but in practice he rarely got it. Of 754 Viceroys and Cap-
tains-General, only eighteen were creoles. Consequently,
says Captain Basil Hall,2 they suffered from the moral de-
gradation consequent upon the absence of all motive to

1 Professor B. Moses, South America on the Eve of Emancipation,"
p. o101.
2 Hall's "Travels" (Constable's Miscellany, Edinburgh, 1826), vol. ii.
p. 23.

generous exertion, and the utter hopelessness that any
merit could lead to useful distinction." Yet many of
them, especially those educated partially in Europe, were
well suited for responsible employment in the service of
the State. This fact was openly recognized by some of
the more intelligent and disinterested Spaniards, who
saw at the same time the danger threatened by the
existence in the colonies of a large body of such men,
discontented, not with the dominion of Spain, but with
the tyranny exercised by the avaricious men whom she
sent out. On the other hand, says Professor Moses, the
inherent vanity of the creole and his overbearing manners
led him to avoid labour and to refuse to engage in trade.
The natural result was a life of idleness, often of vice.
In the correction of this the Church was not likely
to do much good; for its ministers set the very worst
example, as was reported by Ulloa in the Noticias
Secretas." Concubinage and luxury were rife amongst
them, and it is stated that they were generally the prime
movers in getting up dances, in which they and their
mistresses joined.
The creole, then, was the real originator of the
movement for separation from Spain, though, at first,
even he was not, as a rule, for throwing off the dominion
of the mother country, and might still have been con-
ciliated by the grant of some measure of autonomy, with
a fair share in the good things of office. The mestizos "
joined eventually with the creoles, but, like other mixed
races, they were wanting in the spirit of initiative and
the energy necessary to incite them to make a start on
their own account. As we shall see presently, the
revolution would have succeeded much more rapidly
than it did had the spirit for it been rife in the country.
But, generally speaking, owing to apathy, it was dormant,
and it was only by the exertions of leaders like Bolivar
that it was galvanised into spasmodic activity. The

country side was only brought over to the republican
cause by success, and when defeat succeeded to victory,
province after province relapsed into the tamest submission
to the temporarily restored supremacy of Spain.
And what was the part played by the Indians before
and during this turmoil of the early nineteenth century ?
They had no reason to love either the Spaniard or the
creole, for both alike maltreated the Indian, whom they
considered as a pariah, as much created to work for
the white man as was the negro. The unfortunate
Indians who came under the sway of Spain never, after
their final conquest, made any serious attempt to throw
off the yoke.' At last, in 1780, Tupac Amaru II.,
goaded to desperation by the tyrannies of a Spanish
" corregidor," raised the standard of rebellion ; but even
he did not aim so much at getting rid of Spanish
dominion as at calling attention to, and obtaining some
redress of, the grievances of his fellow-countrymen. The
insurrection, powerful only in its numbers, badly armed,
and led by men who had no capacity for organisation,
soon collapsed, and was terribly avenged by the
Spaniards and creoles. In the War of Independence,
where the Indians took a hand, we shall find them serving
indifferently on either side. In parts of Venezuela, in
Pasto, and again in the final struggle in Peru, they
displayed bitter hostility to the republican cause. In
other places they equally supported it. Amongst other
instances may be quoted the case of the Colombian
" Rifles battalion which, after the death of nearly all
the English rank and file originally composing it, for a
time consisted almost entirely of Indians under British
There were many grievances, of course, besides the
exclusion of the creoles from high office. Otherwise,
I That is, dating the final conquest from the execution, in 1571, of the first
Tupac Amaru.

that alone would not have sufficed to raise the bulk of
the population against Spain. In her commercial policy
Spain was, after all, not so very much worse than her
neighbours in her treatment of her colonies. She only
did like others in treating her foreign possessions as a
mere milch cow for the supply to the mother country
of streams of gold and silver, and as a convenient
dumping ground for her own produce. No doubt she
went to greater lengths than others in this respect, and
was perhaps even more short-sighted than they. She
would allow no commercial competition by her colonies
with herself, and they were not allowed to supply
themselves with goods which could be grown or
manufactured in Spain, and sent out for sale at an
enormous profit to the Spanish producer and monopolist,
and at a price ruinous to the American consumer. Eng-
land had encouraged agriculture in her colonies, for she
wanted the raw products for her own manufactures.
Even agriculture was often discouraged by Spain. The
growing of wheat was encouraged, since Spain herself
and other colonies of hers in America required it; the
culture of the vine, on the other hand, was generally
prohibited, for Spain grew excellent grapes and wished
to supply her colonies with wine. The manufacture of
cloth was prohibited, for that could be made up in the
mother country. Trade with the outside world was almost
entirely prohibited, with the result of the prevalence of
smuggling. Sometimes utterly ridiculous reasons were
assigned for the prohibition of trades. In Peru, for
instance, the growth of the coca plant was prohibited on
two grounds. In the first place, the plant was sacred
in the worship of the Incas, and played a considerable
part in their religious ceremonies; therefore it was
anathema in a Christian country In the second place,
it grew in unhealthy tracts, where the Indian cultivator
would suffer or die; therefore it must not, on his

account, be cultivated. Yet such considerations did not
prevent his being made to work in the mines, which was
much more fatal to him. Another notable abuse in the
matter of trade was the grant to the Guipuzcoa Company
of the monopoly of trade with Venezuela, and the general
confinement of the trade between the mother country and
the colonies to the single Spanish port of Seville.
The original contract between the Spanish Government
and the conquistadores and other early settlers provided
for a sort of feudal tenure of their fiefs or encomiendas."
But the tyranny of the encomenderos" soon became
so notorious and flagrant that the Spanish sovereigns,
beginning with the Emperor Charles V., found it necessary
gradually to resume these fiefs, in exchange for minor
compensations and patents of nobility.
From that time, the dominions in America became
separate kingdoms under the rule of the Spanish king,
who governed through the Viceroys and the Council of
the Indies.
Whilst the European dominions were officially styled
"These Kingdoms," the term "Those Kingdoms" was
applied to the transmarine possessions of the Spanish
Crown. Thus an enactment applicable to both Spain
and the colonies was headed as being in force in Estos
y esos reinos (these and those kingdoms). Though the
natives of the colonies were solemnly declared to be sub-
jects of the King, on the same footing as the inhabitants
of Aragon and Castille, and were endowed with a regular
code of laws, they were practically dependent on the
officials appointed from Spain to govern them. These
men, almost invariably Spaniards, could with impunity
interpret the laws as they chose, or apply them just so
much or so little as suited their own interests or caprices.
Over an official several thousands of miles away, before
the days of steam and telegraphs, the central authority in
Europe could exercise practically no control.

The instrument through which the Spanish monarch
governed his transatlantic possessions was the Council of
the Indies, sitting in the vicinity of the Court. Its powers
were legislative, judicial as the final court of appeal in the
most important cases, and executive as adviser of the King
in such matters.
The management of economic matters was confided to
another body, the Casa de Contratacion,"1 whose busi-
ness it was to carry out and enforce the exclusive monopoly
of colonial trade which had been determined upon. It sat
at Seville, which became the sole lawful port of trade
between the mother country and her foreign dependencies.
Later on it was transferred to Cadiz, and presently other
ports were opened. Similarly, the trade of South America
with Spain was strictly limited to certain ports in the
At the head of the administration in South America,
at first, was the Viceroy of Peru, residing in royal state
at Lima.2 His unwieldy charge extended from Buenos
Aires and Chile in the south to New Granada and Vene-
zuela in the north.
Presently it was found impossible for one man at Lima
to rule so vast a territory, and two new Viceroys and two
Captains-General were set up.
The Viceroyalty of New Granada finally came into
being in 1739. It comprised the two former Presidencies
of Quito and New Granada, corresponding to the present
republics of Ecuador, Colombia, and Panama. The capital
was at Santa F6 (Bogota). The Captain-Generalcy of
Venezuela (Caracas) was of older date (155o). The
Viceroyalty of Buenos Aires was created in 1776. Its
territory included the present republics of Argentina,

1 Freely translated by Professor Moses The India House." It was older
in origin than the Council, but eventually became subordinate to it.
2 There was another Viceroy of New Spain who concerns us less, for his
jurisdiction did not extend into South America. His capital was Mexico.

Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia. The Captain-Generalcy
of Chile was subordinate to the Viceroy of Peru, who also
directly controlled the Province of Guayaquil and the
southern part of Quito. Quito itself was part of the
Viceroyalty of New Granada. But the President of
Quito enjoyed a certain amount of independence, due,
no doubt, largely to the difficulties of the country inter-
vening between his territory and the rest of New Granada.
Indeed he is sometimes spoken of as the Captain-General.
The Peruvian Viceroy never altogether lost some general
power of supervision and control all over South America,
even in the other Viceroyalties and Captain-Generalcies.
The charges of the Viceroys and Captains-General were
divided into Presidencies, Intendencies, and Provinces, at
the head of which were Presidents, Intendents, Governors,
and Corregidores," according to the importance of the
division. These officials, like the Viceroys and Captains-
General, were appointed from Spain, but were subordinate
to the Viceroys or Captains-General.
The next subdivision was into Departments or Can-
tons, the heads of which were the delegates of the
provincial chiefs.
As a rule, Viceroys and Captains-General were also
commanders-in-chief of the military forces of their charge,
but in some cases there was a separate military com-
The Audiencia real" was an authority exercising
functions on the judicial side similar to those of a
Supreme Court in India or the British colonies. It
was the final court of appeal in South America, and
in some cases exercised original jurisdiction. Appeals
from an Audiencia to the King of Spain only lay in
the most important civil cases. But the powers of the
Audiencias were much more than judicial, at least in
the case of chief Audiencias," such as that of Lima.
The Viceroy was President of the Audiencia," but

could not vote in it. On his death, or the occurrence
otherwise of a vacancy in his office, the Audiencia"
succeeded temporarily to his powers. There was frequent
friction between Viceroys or Captains-General and the
" Audiencias," which thus to a certain extent acted, as
they were intended to do, as a check on the head of the
administration. The right of direct correspondence with
Spain increased the power of the Audiencia as against
the Viceroy or Captain-General. Frequent disputes were
the result of failure clearly to distinguish by law the
functions of the Audiencia from those of the Viceroy
or Captain- General. The chief Audiencias established
in South America were at Lima, Santa F6 (Bogota),
Quito, La Plata, Caracas, Buenos Aires, and Santiago
de Chile.
The Cabildo" or Municipal Council was a very
important institution. It was often endowed with very
considerable powers; sometimes it was empowered to
nominate a governor in case of vacancy. In a special
meeting called cabildo abierto," held in consultation
with the principal civil and ecclesiastical authorities,
matters of considerable local importance were often
discussed and settled. In the more remote districts
the cabildo often was practically the only representative
of authority. We shall presently see the authority of
the cabildo frequently invoked as a starting-point for the
formation of a revolutionary "junta." In them creoles
figured largely as members. There was no legislative
authority in the colonies, in which, according to theory,
the King of Spain was the successor of the native rulers
who had been conquered, just as the British Government
in India is regarded as the successor of the Moghul
emperors. The South American Indians were regarded
as subjects of the Spanish king, entitled to the full
rights of Spanish subjects. Laws were manufactured
for the government of Spanish Americans and Indians

by the Council of the Indies in Spain, but they were
poured out in such vast quantities, and were often so
contradictory, as to be incomprehensible even to the
best intentioned and most intelligent administrators.
These, indeed, were few and far between, and there was
nothing in the nature of a permanent and adequately
paid civil service such as exists in India. Though every
administrator, on leaving office, was bound to have his
conduct during his tenure of it inquired into, there was
probably little fear of this process, and men openly set
themselves to the making of a fortune, by illegitimate
means, out of appointments the legal emoluments of
which were insufficient for the bare subsistence of their
holders. Corruption was rife, and appointments were
freely sold. In the case of Viceroys and Captains-
General, the opportunities of enrichment offered by the
civil, military, and ecclesiastical patronage which they
possessed were enormous.
We have said very little of the oppression of the
Indians, which was the work alike of European Spaniards,
of creoles, of mulattoes, and of" mestizos "-Indian griev-
ances, as we have said, had nothing whatever to do with
the rising against Spain. The revolt of Tupac Amaru
was the last bolt shot by these unfortunate people who,
later, became mere pawns in the struggle, when they took
part in it at all. As for the mestizos and mulattoes,"
they were, as a body, almost as incapable of concerted
action as the Indians. The negroes and zambos"
counted for nothing. The revolution was entirely
initiated by creoles in the sense of Spaniards of pure
blood, born and bred in the country, though the
"mestizos" and the others followed their lead. The
chief grievances of the creoles are thus summarised
by Cochrane 1 :-
Ist. The arbitrary power exercised by the Viceroys
1 i. 266.

and Captains-General, who very frequently evaded the
laws, and even the orders which they received from the
2nd. That the 'audiencias' were composed solely of
Europeans, who interpreted the laws as they pleased.
3rd. That, under the authority of the audiencias,'
clandestine decrees in causes were often made; nocturnal
arrests took place; persons were banished without trial,
and numerous other acts of injustice were committed.
4th. That they (the native Spanish Americans) were
treated with distrust by the Government, notwithstanding
the loyalty and courage which, upon several occasions,
they had manifested in defence of the rights of the
Crown of Spain.
5th. That they were obliged to bear insults from the
meanest of the Spaniards, who, merely on account of
their European birth, considered themselves superior to,
and, as it were, the masters of, the Spanish Americans.
As an instance of this kind of feeling, a report is quoted,
which was made to the King by his fiscal, upon the
petition of the city of Merida de Maracaibo in Venezuela,
to found a university; the opinion of the fiscal was that
' the petition was to be refused, because it was unsuitable
to promote learning in Spanish America, where the
inhabitants appeared destined by nature to work in the
mines.' After a pretended solemn deliberation of the
'Consulada,' or Board of Trade in Mexico, the members
informed the Cortes that 'the Indians were a race of
monkeys, filled with vice and ignorance; automatons
unworthy of representing or being represented.'1
6th. That, notwithstanding the original compact
made between the King and the first settlers in Spanish
America, which stipulated 'that in all cases of govern-
ment, justice, administration of finances, commissions,
1 There seems to be some confusion of ideas in this instance, for the writer
quoted puts forward grievances of Indians rather than of creoles.

etc., the first discoverers, then the Pacificadores, and
lastly the settlers and those born in the said provinces,
were to be preferred in all appointments and public
employments' the creoles were gradually shut out from
all participation in local commands and dignities; that
they were also prohibited from visiting the mother
country without the express permission of the King,
which could not be obtained but with much difficulty.
7th. That the South Americans were prohibited
from making wine or brandy, or extracting oils, and from
planting vines or almond trees, except in Peru or Chile,
or from cultivating more than a specified and limited
number of tobacco plants ; whilst the wine, almonds, etc.,
produced in Peru and Chile were not permitted to be
sent to Mexico, New Granada, or Tierra Firma; and it
was forbidden to cultivate tobacco or the sugar cane
in Chile.
8th. That, in order to check the progress of popula-
tion and to keep distinct the different classes, there were
many laws tending to throw obstacles in the way of
Notwithstanding all these grievances, and the open
contempt with which Spaniards treated every native of
South America, from the creole to the Indian, there still
subsisted amongst the creoles a general feeling of respect
for the royal authority, and of attachment to the mother
country. The cry was never "down with Spain," but
always, "down with the bad government of her dele-
gates." Even in the revolution of the beginning of the
nineteenth century, the first movements were invariably
favourable to the Royal House of Spain, and the new
Government was set up in the name and on behalf of
Ferdinand VII. It was only as it appeared more and
more clearly that all parties in Spain were hostile to
reform in the colonies, that the more extreme leaders of
the revolution were able to gain over public opinion to

their idea of final separation from the mother country.
Why is it that, with all the grievances of the South
American population, serious revolt should have been
deferred till the end of the first decade of the nineteenth
century? The causes must be traced partly in South
America, partly in the comparative strength of Spain
herself previous to the catastrophe resulting from the
unscrupulous proceedings of Napoleon in 1808-9.
The Indians, as we have already said, were by far the
greatest sufferers, but their intellectual inferiority, their
want of proper armament, and their incapacity for con-
certed action on a large scale foredoomed to failure any
attempt they might make to obtain redress by force.
The only really serious Indian rising was that of Tupac
Amaru II. in 178o, and that collapsed before the resist-
ance incurred from Spaniards and creoles alike.
Creole apathy and inertia, combined with the narrow
limits of the education allowed in the colonies, served to
keep back the South American Spaniard. Teaching,
which was mainly confined to religion, canon law, and
literature of a carefully-selected type, tended to drive
its pupils in the direction of legal studies, and to exclude
from their ken scientific subjects and practical matters.'
The strictest supervision was exercised over the class of
books permitted to enter the colonies, and no press
existed. What knowledge of the progress of liberal
ideas reached these countries from the United States or
Europe was smuggled in by those creoles who had gone
abroad to complete their education, and these, under the

1 It is curious to note the somewhat similar result produced by the strongly
literary character of the educational system in India during the latter half of
the nineteenth century. To that we have to attribute mainly the growth of a
large body of unpractical lawyers in Bengal and elsewhere. Industrial
education, it is true, has not been deliberately suppressed as it was in the
Spanish colonies, but it has certainly not been encouraged as we think it
should have been. In the Spanish colonies it would have been useless so
long as the restrictions on trade remained.

Spanish rule, were strictly limited in numbers. It might
have been thought that the revolt of the English North
American colonies would have produced a great and
immediate effect in the adjoining continent, but it was
not so. North American ideas had to cross the Atlantic
first, and it was only when they had been developed in
France into the excesses of the great Revolution that
they began to return to Spanish America as a
powerful influence. The apathy and ignorance of the
South Americans for long resisted the efforts of the men
who came back from Europe imbued with the spirit of
the French Revolution, or from the United States under
the influence of the more moderate ideas of that country.
The dominion of Spain in South America was very far
from being a military one. The Spanish contingents
rarely withstood for long the trials of a bad climate in
the coast ports, and these were the places where they
were usually stationed. Most of the regular troops were
themselves creoles, mestizos," or mulattoes, and the local
militias were generally of small fighting value, and might
well have been looked to as supporters rather than
opponents of a movement for freedom. It was by the
close supervision exercised by Spain, through the courts
of the Inquisition at Lima and Cartagena, and through
the other instruments of control which she possessed, that
she was able to nip in the bud such schemes of revolt as
were formulated before 18o8. Up to then, she generally
had in reserve the power of enforcing her rule by the
despatch of an expeditionary force. The dissolution of
the Spanish Monarchy in that year, and the conflict with
Napoleon, practically put a stop to any considerable
expedition, until the return of Ferdinand VII. to Spain in
1814. It was largely due to Ferdinand's misgovern-
ment after that that the possibility of an eventual recon-
quest of his American dominions finally disappeared with
the mutiny in the great expedition preparing at Cadiz in

182o. The utter apathy of the creole population as a
whole is constantly in evidence in the early years of the
War of Independence. The bulk of the Spanish forces
against which the revolutionaries had to contend was
South American. In several provinces it was impossible
at first to get up a serious opposition to Spanish supre-
macy, and in many others a general relapse to the
royalist side occurred the very moment that there was a
change of the fortune of war adverse to the Republican
cause. Not only was the revolt, in its inception, of
purely creole origin, but it had to be engineered by a
comparatively few leaders, who had generally imbibed
their ideas of liberty in Europe or the United States.
In considering the origin of the revolution, Tupac
Amaru's insurrection in 1780 may be left entirely out of
consideration, as being an Indian movement directed as
much against the creole as against the European Spaniard.
The first real movement against the Spanish Govern-
ment was the insurrection of Leon, a man from the
Canary Islands, not a South American creole. His
insurrection, in the middle of the eighteenth century,
aimed at the destruction of the Guipuzcoa Company, to
which the monopoly of trade with Venezuela had been
made over by Spain. The plot was discovered before it
was ripe, Leon was executed at Caracas, and a monu-
ment erected to perpetuate his shame!
In 178 1 there was a rising at Socorro, in Central New
Granada, to the cry of Long live the King Down
with our bad Government! This was so serious that
the Viceroy was reduced to calling in the ecclesiastical
arm by sending the Archbishop of Santa F6 to negotiate
in full canonicals. The malcontents were induced to
disperse on promises of redress in the matter of the new
taxes of which they complained. As might have been
expected, once the danger was past there was very little
hope of fulfilment of its promises by the Government.

In 1794 a more serious scheme of revolution in
Caracas was set on foot by Antonio Narifio, who after-
wards played a considerable part in the revolt of New
Granada and subsequent events. It seems, however, to
have been very much delayed in execution ; for, in 1797,
it was still not ready when it was discovered by the
Government. Gual and Espafia, the nominal leaders,
fled to Curacao, whence the latter, thinking the matter
had blown over, returned, two years later, to La Guaira,
only to be arrested and hanged. In June 1797 Sir
Thomas Picton, Governor of Trinidad, had, with the
sanction of the British Government, then at war with
Spain, issued a proclamation promising help to insurrec-
tionary movements.
Were the Spanish-American colonies ripe for revolution
and independence in the early nineteenth century, when
their chance of success came in the collapse of the Spanish
Monarchy before the might of Napoleon ? They were
certainly ripe for revolt, for there was general discontent
with a corrupt, tyrannical, and utterly selfish Government.
Of improvement there was no hope so long as Spain
ruled them. The subsequent history of Cuba and the
Philippines has shown that from improvement in Spanish
methods nothing was to be expected for a century to
But when we come to the question of readiness for
independence, especially in the form of a republican
government, the case is different. Look back, first on
the history of the last century in the revolted colonies, and
compare it with that of the United States. In the north
we have a nation ready not only for revolt, but also
qualified to form a true popular Government, under which
internecine struggles, save for the great one in the sixties
of last century, have not served to spread misery or
retard progress. Then turn to the Spanish colonies, torn
by factions in the midst of their revolt against Spain,

devastated by civil war long before independence had
been assured, trampled on by rival tyrants, each appeal-
ing to the great principles of liberty in support of a cause
which was purely personal. For the greater part of
a century every one of the former Spanish colonies has
been the scene of bloodshed and revolution. Their most
prosperous times have in reality corresponded to those
periods when some strong man, proclaiming, with his
tongue in his cheek all the while, the blessings of popular
government, has succeeded in imposing his own practi-
cally absolute rule. As for progress, where has there been
any among the mass of the people ? Primary education
has been neglected, and probably there is not much more
of it now than there was a century ago. There are many
highly educated and cultivated men among the upper
classes, but the lower classes know nothing, and still re-
main but pawns in the hands of every ambitious man
who may aspire to be a general or a dictator. One, at
least, of the leaders of the revolt, San Martin, a republican
to begin with, recognized that popular government was
unsuited to peoples in the backward state of those of
South America early in the nineteenth century. Bolivar,
indeed, professed throughout to be a republican, but this
history of him will perhaps show what his conception of
a suitable republic was. If he ever really believed in the
possibility of the success in South America of a genuine
representative government, his last ideas were very dif-
ferent. His opinion of the future of South America, said to
have been expressed only a month before his death, is a re-
markable prophecy. "These countries," it says, "will
inevitably pass into the hands of an uncurbed multitude,
to pass later into those of petty tyrants of all colours and
all races."
It is only now, very gradually, that the South
American republics are beginning to improve, and that
largely thanks to the influence of European and North

American capital, and, in some cases, of European
Here it will be well to give some general description
of the vast territories over which, during twenty years,
Bolivar operated, whether as a general or as a civil
The total area with which he came more or less into
direct contact may be roughly stated as about 18 times
the size of Great Britain and Ireland, with a population
between one-eighth and one-seventh of theirs at the
present day.
Venezuela, the native country of Bolivar, having been
brought of late years into somewhat undesirable notoriety
by the behaviour of its late President, Don Cipriano
Castro, most people are aware of its general situation,
a remark which is perhaps not always applicable to some
of the other South American republics. It is a country
of vast plains and mountain ranges, of a climate vary-
ing with the altitude above sea-level, from the extreme
of tropical heat on the coasts and the great plains,
through a sub-tropical temperature at 3000 feet and a
temperate climate at from 4000 to 7000 feet, to an
Alpine region at the higher levels up to over 15,000
The western districts, towards Merida and Trujillo,
are generally mountainous, being traversed by a branch
of the Andes thrown out eastwards from the eastern
Cordilleras of the adjoining Republic of Colombia. To-
wards the coast this range falls in altitude and skirts the
northern coast right along to opposite Trinidad. The
range forms, as it were, a great wall, shutting out the
vast plains of the Orinoco valley from the Caribbean
Sea. Even in this coast range there are peaks, such as
the Silla at La Guaira, which rise to over 9000 feet,
I According to Codazzi, nearly two-thirds of the whole area consists of
plains, more than one-fourth of mountains.

though the general average is 3000 or 4000 feet lower.
In the south-east, in the angle formed by the Orinoco
as it changes its course from north to east, lie more
mountains, forest-clad and for the most part but im-
perfectly known to explorers, forming the Hinterland"
of British Guayana. Roughly speaking, the agricultural
portion of Venezuela corresponds with the area covered
by the eastern extension of the Andes and the coast
range. The pastoral portion is the vast plain between
the coast range and the Orinoco, and stretching right
back westward all about the Apure, the Arauca, the
Meta, and the innumerable other tributaries of the
Orinoco, to the foot of the great range of the Eastern
Cordilleras. The forest region is that of the south-eastern
mountains of Guayana. This division must not be taken
as strictly correct, for there are plenty of forests in the
Andean and coast ranges, whilst cultivation is to be
found in Guayana and on the banks of the Orinoco.
However, the division serves to indicate generally the
character of the produce of the country.
The most fertile and least thinly populated tracts were
in the early nineteenth century, and indeed still are, in
the coast range, which is almost everywhere characterized
by broad valleys of abounding fertility, watered by
numerous lakes and innumerable rivers and streams.
The largest of the lakes is that of Valencia or Tacarigua,1
30 miles long from east to west and 12 miles
broad. Its eastern end is some 50 miles west of
Caracas and lies 16oo00 feet above sea level. Into this
eastern end flows the little river Aragua, in the fertile
valley of which lay Bolivar's estate of San Mateo.
From the other side of the watershed on which the
Aragua rises flows eastward the Tuy, with a valley of
equal richness. At the western end of the lake is
1 Excepting, of course, Maracaibo, which is an inlet of the sea rather than
a lake.

Valencia, which was so often the scene of fighting
between the contending parties in the War of
Caracas, the capital, stands in the midst of a valley
just south of the port of La Guaira, at an elevation of
3000 feet above it. From Caracas to La Guaira is,
as the crow flies, but 6 or 7 miles, and in this space,
shutting the capital off from its seaport, stands a gigantic
natural wall, the mountain known as La Silla, rising
steeply 6ooo feet above the city and falling still more
suddenly 9000 feet to La Guaira, which lies crushed into
the narrow space between the foot of the mountain and
the sea.' Nowadays a wonderful railway climbs pain-
fully up 5000 feet to the lowest pass in the Silla, and
then descends 2000 feet to the basin of Caracas; in
Bolivar's time the journey was done on horseback in
nine miles, whereas the railway requires twenty-four
miles of sinuous track to cover the distance between the
two places. On the west of the Captain-Generalcy of
Venezuela lay the Viceroyalty of New Granada, now the
Republic of Colombia. It has been described as the
most mountainous country in the world, though to make
that description accurate it would be necessary to leave
out of consideration the vast plains between the eastern
foot of the Andes and the Venezuelan border on the
Upper Orinoco. In the south, the Andes are united
into a single great knot of mountains, stretching from
the Pacific Ocean to the plains of the Putumayo. A
little farther north the mountains separate into three
great ranges-the Western, Central, and Eastern Cor-
dilleras-stretching like three great claws over the land,
and the two outer ranges throwing out supplementary
claws westward and eastward, the latter to form the
Venezuelan Andes of Merida and Trujillo. The central
1 La Guaira and La Silla are most graphically described in Westward

range alone stops short some distance south of the
Caribbean Sea. There is another great mass of moun-
tains about Santa Marta rising above the level of
perpetual snow, even in that torrid climate. Between
the western and the central ranges is the valley of the
river Cauca, one of the richest in the world ; between
the Central and the Eastern Cordilleras flows the river
Magdalena, with its fertile valley still largely covered by
forest. The Magdalena is 1300 miles in length, a
stream as long and as great as the Ganges. In the plain
between the northern end of the central range and the
sea the Cauca joins the Magdalena and is absorbed in
it. The capital of this country, perhaps the richest in
mineral wealth in South America, is BogotA, or, as the
Spaniards called it, Santa F6 de Bogota, perched high up
in the Western Cordilleras, 700 or 800 miles from the
Caribbean Sea. The characteristic of this part of the
range is the chain of broad, open, high-lying valleys,
evidently the dry beds of ancient lakes. BogotA itself
stands on such a surface 8700 feet above sea-level,
surrounded by hills varying from 200 or 300 to 4000
or 5000 feet above the plain. On the Caribbean Sea
New Granada had the magnificent harbour of Cartagena,
with a fortress considered, in the early nineteenth
century, the strongest in South America.
In the south of New Granada lay the Presidency of
Quito, now the Republic of Ecuador, with its capital,Quito,
standing in the midst of what Mr Whymper has aptly
described as an avenue of volcanoes," in which are in-
cluded Pichincha, Cotopaxi, Chimborazo, and many others.
Here again there are great open plains like that of
Bogoti, only still higher. There is a succession of
these valleys, 300 miles long and 40 broad, stretch-
ing from north of Quito to Cuenca. The length is
divided by transverse ranges, connecting the two chains,
of which the Andes here consist, into the valleys of

Quito, 9500 feet above the sea; Ambato, 8500; and
Cuenca, 7800. The first, though the highest, is far the
most fertile. The one decent port of the country is
Guayaquil in the south-west, whence, at the present day,
a railway climbs round the shoulder of Chimborazo to
the great line of valleys, and reaches Quito by them.
Peru comes next to Ecuador, a very different country
in some ways; for, whilst the Ecuadorian coast at
Guayaquil or Esmeraldas is moist and rich in tropical
vegetation, the greater part of the Peruvian coast is dry,
sandy desert, almost devoid of vegetation, save where
rivers flowing from the great chain of the Andes divide
one desert from the next by transverse strips of fertile
land. The average width of this coast strip is about 20
miles. It generally ends on the Pacific margin in lofty
Rain rarely falls heavily in this tract; for the south-
east trade winds, blowing across the continent from the
Atlantic, have had the last drop of moisture wrung from
them by the cold heights of the Andes, and reach the
coast region as a cool, dry blast hurrying to regain its
moisture from the Pacific.
On the eastern margin of the coast tract stands the
maritime range of the Andes, between which and the
central range lies the elevated and barren tract known as
the Puna.
The central range is the true watershed of this part
of the continent, for it is nowhere cut through by rivers
flowing to the Pacific, whilst the eastern range is
breached by several of the great streams which go to
make up the Amazon. This region between the central
and eastern Cordilleras is called the sierra," and is the
most fertile met with, so far, as one goes eastward from
the coast. In this region is the fertile valley of Jauja,
south of the Cerro de Pasco, which forms a transverse
wall connecting the central and eastern ranges. Beyond

the eastern range are the great forest-clad slopes leading
down to the almost unexplored centre of the continent.
With Chile, the continuation southwards of Peru, we
need not trouble ourselves, for Bolivar's operations never
extended into it. Behind Southern Peru and Northern
Chile lies Bolivia, the Republic formed from the territory
of what the Spaniards called Upper Peru. Its western
portion lies amongst the highest regions of the Andes,
and is remarkable for its mineral wealth. Agriculture
only flourishes in the central portion of more moderate
altitude, and in the east, where the country slopes
down to the pampas towards Brazil, Paraguay, and
What the population of this vast area was in the first
quarter of the nineteenth century it is impossible to say;
indeed, even now, census returns are so unreliable that
statements of population of the various republics cannot be
accepted as better than shrewd guesses. Miller's memoirs
give an estimate of the populations as follows :
Republic of Colombia (Venezuela, New
Granada, and Quito) 2,711,296
Republic of Peru 1,736,923
Republic of Bolivia 1,2oo,ooo

It may be taken for what it is worth, not very much
Restrepo1 gives details for Colombia alone thus-
Venezuela. New Granada. Quito. Total.
Pure whites . 200,000 877,000 157,000 1,234,000
Indians . 207,000 313,000 393,000 913,000
Free "coloured" 433,000 140,000 42,000 615,000
Slaves . . 6o,000 70,000 8,ooo 138,000

900,0002 1,400,000 6oo,ooo 2,900,000
1 Introduction, p. xiv. n., edition of 1858.
2 A note to the 1858 edition reduces this total to 8oo,ooo, and gives the

Miller classifies the population of Peru thus-
Whites 240,819
Indians 998,846
Mestizos" 383,782
Free mulattoes 69,848
Slaves 43,628

The pure whites, according to these figures, thus
constituted between one-third and one-half of the popu-
lation in Colombia, less than one-seventh in Peru.
numbers of pure whites at 12,0oo European Spaniards and 200,000 creoles.
The other figures are-Pure Indians, 120,000; negro slaves, 62,000; mixed
races of all sorts, 4o6,0oo.



T HE family of Bolivar appears to have been
amongst the earlier of the emigrants from
Spain, after the conquest of the American
dominions. In 1589 it had evidently
attained considerable eminence in Venezuela, for in that
year Don Simon Bolivar was sent as envoy to Philip II.
to lay before him the position of affairs in the colony,
and to seek to enlist for it the sovereign's interest and
sympathy. Some of the concessions he obtained, notably
one allowing the free import annually of a "ton" of
African slaves, are of very dubious value. In 1663
Francisco Marin de Narvaez obtained, at the price of
40,000 pesos,1 a concession of the copper mines of
Cocorote and the adjoining territory of Aroa, 50 or
60 miles west of Puerto Cabello, to which was attached
the privilege of appointing and removing the local
magistracy. From Narvaez was descended, on his
mother's side, Don Juan Vicente de Bolivar, who,
towards 1780, was high in the service of the royal
treasury, and later was colonel of the militia of the
Aragua Valley. His wife, Dofia Maria Concepcion
1 The "peso" ought to be about equivalent in value to the American
dollar, roughly four shillings. The Colombian paper "peso" of the present
day is worth only about one halfpenny. Calculations are made in the
nominal gold peso equal to one dollar, or about Ioo (or more) paper

Palacio y Soto, of another noble family,1 bore to him a
son, Juan Vicente, and two daughters, Maria Antonina
and Juana, none of whom are of much interest to us.
Her last child was born on the 24th July 1783, at
the family town house, in the Plaza de San Jacinto in
Caracas, a boy destined to play the chief r61le in the
emancipation from Spanish rule of what are now the
Republics of Venezuela, Panama, Colombia, Ecuador,
Peru, and Bolivia. It is said that the name to be given to
the boy at his baptism, on the 3oth July at the Cathedral
of Caracas, was matter of dispute between his father and
his maternal uncle. The latter, evidently representing
the more conservative side, would have named him
Santiago, after the saint on the eve of whose feast he
was born. The father, preferring to seek his patron
saint in the family, insisted on naming his son after the
Simon Bolivar of I 589. The child's full names were
Simon, Jos6, Antonio, de la Santisima Trinidad, but the
last three need never again be referred to. Before he
was three Simon Bolivar lost his father, whose intention
it had been to send his sons to Europe for education.
Whatever the widow might have done in fulfilment of
this design her father succeeded in stopping. The
education of the boys was confided to the best masters
Caracas could produce. In 1789 Bolivar's mother died,
and he was left to the guardianship of his maternal
uncle, Don Carlos Palacio, an easy-going, indolent per-
sonage, incapable of taking any great personal interest
in his ward's studies, or of insisting on steady application
to them. The boy, credited with a good memory, ready
understanding, and quickness, was described as of open
and affectionate character, but irritable and impatient of
contradiction. His first tutor was Simon Rodriguez,2 an
I The titles of Marquis de Bolivar and Count of Cocorote, conferred on
the family shortly before the revolution, were never assumed by them.
2 Born in Caracas, 1771. Died in Peru, 1856.

eccentric, who, besides trying without great success to
teach the boy the elements of Spanish, Latin, arithmetic,
and history, certainly exercised in other ways a much
greater influence on his mind. Rodriguez, with his
eccentricity and uncouthness, his coarse features and
harsh speech, was not popular, or likely to ingratiate
himself with most boys. Still, he seems to have
appealed early to the young Bolivar by his philanthropic
views, which he expressed freely, whilst judiciously sup-
pressing those anti-Christian ideas which he held, but
which might have frightened his pupil, to say nothing of
getting himself into trouble with the authorities. He
was more or less of a dreamer, and his ideas of
free education were not calculated to meet with the
approval of the government under which he held a post
in the department of Education. He seems to have
been to some extent implicated in the revolutionary plot
discovered in 1797. Fear of discovery, joined perhaps
to his natural tendency to rove, induced him to leave
Venezuela in that year, and to resort to Europe, where,
outside Spain, he could live in safety, and indulge his
love of science and learning. To him succeeded, as
Bolivar's tutor, Andres Bello, then a mere boy a couple
of years older than his pupil.
With such tutors, and an indolent guardian, it is not
surprising that young Bolivar should have given more
time to gymnastics, riding, and other outdoor pursuits
than to regular study. He spent much of his time at
his brother's estate of San Mateo, in the Aragua Valley,
at the eastern end of the lake of Valencia, and, in 1797,
was appointed ensign in his father's old command, the
Aragua militia. His military education in that post was
probably very little, but it is all he got.
In 1799, Carlos Palacio, probably tired of having to
look after a rather unruly and idle boy, relieved him-
self of the burden by sending his ward off to com-

plete his education in Spain. Under charge of the
captain of the Spanish ship San Ildefonso, Bolivar
embarked, in January 1799, at La Guaira. The ship
made a long stay at Vera Cruz, whence Bolivar went to
visit the city of Mexico. There he was hospitably
received by Azanza the Viceroy and others. He ended,
however, by somewhat shocking his Spanish friends with
his freely expressed views on the French Revolution,
views which he had doubtless imbibed from his friend
Simon Rodriguez. On his return to Vera Cruz Bolivar
wrote a short account of his doings to his uncle, Pedro
Palacio, the spelling of which shows that he had not
profited much in that respect by his studies. Altogether,
it is a very ordinary boy's letter. Leaving Vera Cruz,
the San Ildefonso touched at Havana, and finally made
the port of Santona, on the shores of the Bay of Biscay,
in May 1799. From Santona Bolivar went to Madrid,
where he lived with another maternal uncle, Esteban
Palacio, until the latter left the capital. Amongst
Palacio's friends was Manuel Mallo, a native of Popayan
in New Granada, who had lived for a time at Caracas,
and was now sharing with Manuel Godoy the illicit
affections of Charles IV.'s disreputable wife. Bolivar was
taken up as a compatriot by Mallo, and witnessed some
of the Queen's unworthy doings. There is a curious
story told by Bolivar himself of his having been invited
to play tennis with the Prince of Asturias, whom he
beat. The Prince was vexed and would have stopped
playing, but his mother made him go on. This Prince
was afterwards Ferdinand VII., from whose grasp Bolivar
wrested a large portion of his South American dominions.
A more worthy friend than Mallo was the cultivated
Marquis de UstAriz, who, amongst other things, used to
discuss with the young man the idea of a separation of
Spanish America from the mother country. The Marquis,
whilst not disapproving generally of the idea, was so much

impressed by the difficulties of its execution as to dis-
courage the enthusiasm of Bolivar. At the house of
Ustariz, Bolivar met and fell in love with a mere child,
Maria Teresa Rodriguez de Toro, niece of the Marquis
de Toro of Caracas, who reciprocated his affection. Her
father, Don Bernardo de Toro, was willing to agree to
the marriage, but, in view of the youth of the parties
(Bolivar was but eighteen, and the girl fifteen), insisted on
some delay.
Bolivar now got into trouble owing to his friend Mallo.
The young man was arrested and searched, under the
pretext of breach of a sumptuary regulation ; but it is sur-
mised that the real object was to ascertain if he had letters
indicating Mallo's infidelity to the jealous Queen. Bolivar
consequently followed Don Bernardo and his daughter to
Bilbao, and, when they returned to Madrid, betook him-
self to Paris, where he arrived early in 1802. In the
French capital he soon became an admirer of the
Republic, which he imagined to be the only good form
of government. For Bonaparte he expressed the warmest
admiration, which disappeared when, in later years, he
found Bonaparte the Consul transformed into Napoleon
the Emperor.
In the spring of 1802, Bolivar returned to Madrid,
where, at the end of May, he was married to Maria
Teresa de Toro. The young couple spent their honey-
moon on a vessel sailing from Corufia to La Guaira, the
port of Caracas.
On Bolivar's side, at any rate, the marriage was one
purely of affection ; .for his will shows that his wife
brought no dowry, and the husband was extremely
wealthy as wealth went in Caracas.1 The poor girl had
little opportunity of proving her disinterestedness, for, a
few months after she had reached her husband's estates
in the Aragua Valley, she died, after five days of fever,
1 Rodriguez told him that he was worth four millions of francs (1I6o0,oo).

leaving Simon Bolivar, at the age of I9, a childless
He was in despair, vowed he would never marry again,
a vow which he observed,1 and offered to make over his
whole estate to his brother, reserving only sufficient to
live upon. The brother refused, and Simon resolved on
another prolonged visit to Europe. Bolivar himself said
that his wife's death changed the whole course of his life.
Had she lived, he would perhaps not have been satisfied
to remain Alcalde of S. Mateo, but, unless she had died,
he would not have revisited Europe, or gained the
experience which he acquired there.
Landing at Cadiz about the end of 1803, he spent
some time in Madrid with his father-in-law before pro-
ceeding to Paris, which he reached in May 1804.2 There,
according to Ducoudray-Holstein, he led a life of the
wildest dissipation. Though this is not alluded to by
Larrazabal, and is somewhat slurred over by O'Leary, it
is probably not without foundation ; for O'Leary speaks
of Bolivar's giving up gambling, after he had lost and
then regained a large sum, and states that his health
was much broken by ten months of Paris life. Both
M. de Schryver and the writer of the introduction to
his work make no secret of the fact that Bolivar's
devotion to dancing, and to the fair sex, severely tried
his constitution.
Things in Paris had changed much since Bolivar had
been there in I802. Napoleon was declared Emperor
about the time of his arrival, and Bolivar was so dis-
gusted with the line taken by his former idol that he
deposed him from the niche which he had formerly
1 In the Georgian sense, "Je ne me marierai pas; j'aurai des mattresses."
2 As far as his departure from Madrid is concerned, Bolivar's movements
were not voluntary. By an order of 25th March 1804, the King required all
foreigners, as well as colonials, to leave the capital. The ground assigned
for this order was scarcity of food.
3 Esquisse de la vie de Bolivar," by Simon de Schryver.

occupied, and would not even go to see the sights of the
coronation. Bolivar himself has recorded this sudden
change in his feelings towards Napoleon.1
He had long ago repented of his youthful idleness in
study, and, during his first visit to Spain and France, as
well as in the short period of his married life, had become
a diligent student and a voracious reader. He was a
great admirer of Hobbes, but, according to O'Leary,
Spinoza was the writer who most influenced him. For
Rousseau, too, he seems to have had a great admiration,
and amongst his possessions mentioned in his will is a
copy of the Contrat Social," formerly in the library of
Napoleon. He acquired from French translations some
knowledge of Greek and Roman history, and of the
heroes of antiquity. He learned to speak French and
Italian fluently, and could understand English.
His friends in Paris were many. Amongst them were
Eugene de Beauharnais, Delagarde, and Oudinot; whilst
of the savants he knew Humboldt and Bonpland. With
these two he discussed the question of the possible revolt
of South America, a subject on which their views differed.
Humboldt holding, as did Bonpland, that the Spanish
colonies were ripe for separation, doubted if a man was
to be found capable of leading the revolt. Bonpland,
on the other hand, believed that with the occurrence of
revolt the necessary leader would arise.2 Neither had

1 O'Leary, i. 15. The memoirs of General O'Leary, aide-de-camp of
Bolivar, were edited by his son at the instance of Guzman Blanco, President
of Venezuela, about 188o. There are 31 volumes in the British Museum, of
which I to 26 and 29 to 31 contain correspondence of Bolivar and all his
principal generals, ministers, etc. Vols. 27, 28 are O'Leary's history of
his master, based on the documents. The present writer had at his disposal
vols. 27, 28 in a separate edition. The references to these in the notes
are to "O'Leary i. and ii." Those to the other volumes are given as
" O'Leary docts. I, etc." There was a third volume of the history, but it was
suppressed as noted later.
2 With reference to these opinions O'Leary (i. 18) very sensibly writes:
"However flattering this opinion may have been to the colonies, it was

any suspicion that the nervous, weakly-looking youth
they addressed was to be the leader.
A propos of Bolivar's personal appearance at this time,
a story is told of his meeting Eugene Beauharnais at the
house of a lady,1 a mutual friend. She mischievously
asked Eugene to what bird or animal he would liken
Bolivar. The reply nearly resulted in hostilities, for
Bolivar was furious until it was explained that Eugene's
answer had been the French word moineau (sparrow),
and not the Spanish "mono" (monkey) as the Venezuelan
had supposed. His forehead appears to have acquired
premature wrinkles at a very early age, and it was perhaps
this peculiarity which made him think for the moment
that the more objectionable description had been applied.
In Paris, Bolivar again met his old tutor Simon
Rodriguez, who, fortunately, persuaded him to leave the
capital and go for an extended walking tour with his
old friend. The idea of travelling on foot, which was
Rodriguez's, was well calculated to restore Bolivar's
shattered health. The two trudged off in May 1805 to
Italy, were in Milan at the time of Napoleon's coronation
as King of Italy, witnessed his mimic reproduction of
Marengo, and passed on to Venice, with which Bolivar
was disappointed, after having heard so much of it as
the place after which his native country was named.2
fundamentally false ; because, if they had been ready for independence in
1804, many of the disasters which occurred in the course of the revolution
would have been avoided, and once the struggle was over, Liberal Govern-
ments would have been established. Jefferson, a better politician than
Humboldt, was less indulgent towards Spanish America, and said afterwards,
Ignorance and fanaticism are incapable of self-government. I believe it
would have been better for the colonies to attain their liberty gradually.'"
Few, looking to the disastrous series of revolutions and civil wars which have
devastated the former colonies of Spain for the better part of a century, will
hesitate to concur with O'Leary and Jefferson.
1 Madame Dervieu de Villars, O'Leary, i. 17.
2 Venezuela-" Little Venice "-so called by Amerigo Vespucci, who was
reminded of Venice by the sight of the native huts on the edge of Lake
Maracaibo, which, like Venetian buildings, were supported on piles.

In Rome, Bolivar declined, it is said, to kiss the cross
on Pius VII.'s shoe. The Pontiff tactfully offered his
ring to be kissed. When remonstrated with by the
Spanish ambassador, who had presented him, Bolivar
replied, The Pope can think very little of the emblem
of Christianity since he wears it on his shoes, whilst the
proudest sovereigns carry it on their crowns." The reply
was characteristic. As a matter of fact Bolivar then, and
probably throughout his life, whilst conforming outwardly
to the practices of the Catholic Church, was far from
being religious. His attitude probably did not differ
much from Napoleon's. At Rome, Bolivar, in a moment
of enthusiasm, inspired by the surrounding monuments,
vowed to Rodriguez that he would liberate his country.1
Returning from Naples to Paris, Bolivar left again for
home, vid Holland, Hamburg, and the United States,
regretfully parting from Rodriguez, who would not, or
dared not, return to Caracas. When Bolivar reached
Caracas in the end of 1806, Miranda's abortive attempt
to raise the standard of revolt was already suppressed.2
1 This incident is alluded to by Bolivar in a letter, dated Pativilca (Peru),
19th January 1824, in which he welcomes Rodriguez on his return to
Colombia (O'Leary, ii. 348). In this letter he freely acknowledges his obli-
gations to Rodriguez in the domain of philosophy and politics.
2 Miranda had fitted out a small expedition in New York, consisting of
one armed corvette and two small transports, carrying a small force, and a
good supply of arms and ammunition for the expected Venezuelan recruits.
He arrived off Ocumare (between La Guaira and Puerto Cabello) on the
25th March 18o6, believing the Spaniards to be ignorant of his enterprise.
But they had received information from the Spanish ambassador in the
United States. Attacked by a superior force, Miranda lost both his transports
and sixty prisoners, himself escaping in the corvette to Trinidad. He was
burnt in effigy by the Spaniards, a large reward was offered for his capture,
and of the sixty prisoners, ten were hanged and the rest sent to the prisons
of Cartagena and Puerto Rico. At Trinidad Miranda raised fresh forces,
with which he sailed on the 24th July. Landing near Cor6 in the face of
superior forces, he captured the port and citadel, which he held from the 4th
to the 8th August. Finding no sympathy in the neighbourhood, and receiv-
ing a refusal of help from Sir Eyre Coote, Governor of Jamaica, and from the
British admiral, he broke up the expedition and sailed for Trinidad, and
thence to London.

Once more he retired to his Aragua estates, to his
studies, his reading, and an out-of-doors life.
In 1808 and 1809 came the news of decisive events
in Spain, the action of Napoleon in compelling the abdi-
cation of Charles IV. and his son Ferdinand, the gift
to Joseph Bonaparte of the Spanish throne, which his
Imperial brother had wrested from its rightful occupants,
the rising of the Spanish people against the French
dominion, and the institution of the Central Junta of
Aranjuez. Napoleon, having bestowed on his brother
the crown of Spain, naturally desired to transfer with it
Spain's transatlantic possessions ; but the destruction of
his naval power at Trafalgar had rendered him powerless
to employ force. The French corvette Le Serpent
safely reached La Guaira on the 15th July 1808, closely
followed by the British frigate Acasta-Captain Beaver.
The last-named officer, as well as the captain of the
French ship, landed, and Beaver followed the Frenchman
to Caracas, where he was received almost with insult by
the Captain-General, Juan de Casas, who had already
been gained over by Napoleon's emissary. The populace,
however, informed by Beaver of the true state of affairs,
regarded matters very differently. They would have
nothing to do with the French usurper, demonstrated
vigorously their loyalty to Ferdinand VII., and compelled
his public proclamation. The French, in considerable
danger of being torn to pieces, were got away quietly to
La Guaira, whence the Serpent sailed. She was followed
by the Acasta, and taken at sea.
After this, there were numerous secret meetings in
Caracas, in which Bolivar and his brother, as well as
many others of the Caracas aristocracy, took part. The
idea of a separate Junta, similar to the provincial Juntas
now being set up in Spain, was mooted for Venezuela.
Nothing, however, came of this, despite the dissatisfaction
aroused by the decision of the Central Junta of Spain to

give to America only twelve seats in the Cortes, against
thirty-six allotted to the mother country. Even these
twelve were to be nominees of the Government, not dele-
gates of the people.
Early in 1809 there arrived at Caracas Vicente Em-
pAran, the newly-appointed Captain-General. Larrazabal
affirms that he governed with great tyranny, and that
Bolivar left Caracas in order to avoid banishment, with
which he was threatened by Emparan. O'Leary, whose
version we prefer, says that EmpAran was aware that
plots were brewing for the establishment of a "Junta,"
and that Bolivar actually toasted, at a banquet at which
EmpAran was present, the independence of America."
That he was not immediately imprisoned, but was per-
mitted to retire to his estates, certainly does not point to
a tyrannical government.
On the i 8th April there reached Caracas Count Carlos
Montifar and Antonio Villavicencio,' who had been sent
to announce the installation of the Regency, and then to
pass on to pacify Quito and New Granada. From them
the agitators ascertained the course of events in Spain,
which decided them to take immediate action. Larrazabal
says Bolivar was present, but again we prefer the account
of O'Leary, according to which, looking to his former
friendly relations with EmpAran, Bolivar honourably
decided to hold aloof, and remained at his farm in the
valley of the Tuy.
The 19th April 1809 was Maunday Thursday. The
Municipal Council had assembled, as usual, preparatory
to attending the religious office in the Cathedral opposite
the Town Hall. The Captain-General, invited according
to custom to join them, arrived in the council chamber.

1 Both were natives of Quito, educated in Spain, and great friends. Both
went over to the republican side, and were shot by the Spaniards as rebels,
Montufar at Popayan in September 1816, Villavicencio at Bogota in June of
the same year.

Some of the members spoke to him regarding the state
of Spain, urging the necessity for a local Junta in
Venezuela to protect the interests of Ferdinand VII.
Even the names of the proposed members of the Junta
were mentioned. After listening quietly, EmpAran
replied that he would consider this delicate subject after
service. The astonished agitators followed him across
the square, convinced by his resolute demeanour that he
would order their arrest as soon as he got into the square,
which was full of soldiers. But he merely returned the
salute of the guards, and was passing into the Cathedral
when Salias, the leader of the agitators, took him by the
arm and told him that the public interest demanded his
return to the Municipal Hall. The guard, seeing Salias'
action, were on the point of interference when they were
stopped by their commander, who knew nothing of what
was going on.
Emparan's courage had failed him, and, the demand
for his return being repeated by others, he meekly re-
crossed the square as bidden. The fact that the guard,
probably taken unawares by this unexpected move, did
not repeat their salute, completed his discomfiture. So
completely was he overcome that, when J. G. Roscio and
Felix Sosa proposed the installation of a Junta, he made
no objection, and failed even to observe that neither of
them was a member of the Cabildo. Yet, so great was
the respect still felt for Spain, that the agitators were
about to elect EmpAran President of the Junta when
there arrived on the scene, from the Cathedral, Dr Jos6
Cort6s de la Madariaga, a Chilian-born ecclesiastic,
styling himself the "Deputy of the Clergy." 1 In a
1 He was a native of Santiago de Chile, and was sent to Spain to arrange
a dispute between the ecclesiastical authorities and the "Audiencia" of
Chile. Having succeeded, largely thanks to the influence of Mallo with the
Queen of Spain, he started back for Chile via Caracas. He was so pleased
with Caracas and its people that he decided to stay there, and exchanged his
Chilian prebendary for a canonry of the cathedral of Caracas.

violent speech, which completely cowed the Captain-
General, Madariaga pointed out the condition of Spain,
insisted on the necessity for a truly local government,
and demanded the deposition of Emparan. Then, going
out on to the balcony, he shouted to the crowd below,
asking them if they were content with the present regime.
When he was answered with cries of No! we do not
love it," EmpAran only said, I love it just as little."
Then the Cabildo passed a resolution laying down the
principle of the right of the provinces of America to
rule themselves in the absence of a general government."
Furthermore, they disclaimed the authority of the
Regency, and, in the exercise of their natural and
political rights," proceeded to the establishment of a
government to exercise authority in the name of Ferdi-
nand VII.
The Junta's first acts were to proclaim equal treatment
for Spaniards and Americans, to invite all Venezuelans
to the union and fraternity demanded by their interests,
to abolish the Indian tribute and the duties on necessaries,
to prohibit the importation of slaves, to organise the
branches of the administration, and to order the estab-
lishment of patriotic societies for the improvement of
agriculture and industry. They also sent missions to
try and gain over the other Venezuelan provinces, and
wrote to the Regency informing them of what had
occurred. As for Emparan and his friends, they were
sent out of the country, with salaries paid up to date,
and enough money to take them to the United States.
Bolivar, as we have said, took no part in the events of
the 19th April. As soon, however, as he heard of the
establishment of the new government he proceeded to
Caracas to tender his services. He was appointed lieute-
nant-colonel of the militia, of which he was already
captain, and of which his father had been colonel.
The Spanish Regency, not in the least inclined to

recognize the new state of affairs in Venezuela, promptly
decreed the blockade of her ports. England being now
the ally of Spain against Napoleon, the Junta of Caracas
determined to send a mission to inform the British
Government of recent events, as well as to solicit its
good offices with the Regency in Spain. The suggestion
came from Bolivar, who with some difficulty also induced
the Junta to send himself as head of the mission. He
was only twenty-seven years of age, and without diplo-
matic experience. With him, as a make-weight, was
sent Luis Lopez Mendez, a person whose name was far
from popular in England in the following years, when he
was financial agent of Colombia. The Secretary of the
Mission was Bolivar's former tutor, Andres Bello.'
Reaching London in July 1810, Bolivar at once obtained
an interview with the Marquis Wellesley, then Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs, to whom he delivered the
letter for George III., with which he had been charged
by the Junta. This document, after a lengthy denuncia-
tion of the misdeeds of the Central Junta of Spain, and
an exposition of the impotence of the Regency, distinctly
says that the special object of the provisional govern-
ment in Caracas is, to maintain the integrity of these
dominions for the sovereign (Ferdinand VII.), to whom
we have sworn fidelity." It goes on to implore the
assistance of Great Britain against French pretensions,
and her mediation with the Regency. Nor did Bolivar's
instructions say a word about independence of the lawful
sovereign of Spain, though, on the other hand, they said
nothing of submission to the Regency whilst Ferdinand
was a prisoner.
Bolivar, however, appears to have exceeded his instruc-
tions, and to have revealed to Wellesley his personal views,

1 He remained for nearly twenty years in London, after which he served
the Chilian Government with some distinction. He has a great reputation
as a poet. His writings fill many volumes.

which were for breaking altogether with the mother
country. Naturally, the Foreign Secretary could not
encourage an idea of this sort, seeing that England was
in alliance with Spain. The bases of reconciliation which
he agreed to propose to Spain were:-
(I) Cessation of hostilities between the Regency and
the colonies.
(2) A general amnesty for Americans in respect of
recent events.
(3) A larger representation, and that by popularly
elected deputies, for the colonies in the Cortes.
(4) Freedom of commerce for the colonies, with some
preferential reservations in favour of Spain.
(5) Equality of rights for Americans and Spaniards
in regard to employment in the public service
of the colonies.
The proposals did not satisfy the Venezuelan Govern-
ment, which actually turned to Napoleon for help. That,
owing to his having his hands full in Europe, and to his
impotence against Great Britain at sea, the Emperor was
unable to give. As for the Regency, it resented any
interference, and declared war against the rebel govern-
ments in the colonies.



ONE of Bolivar's principal objects in seeking
employment in the mission was to get into
touch with Miranda, then residing in London,
and to induce him to take up actively the
cause of the independence of the colonies.
The career of Francisco Miranda had been remarkable.
Born at Caracas in 1756, he had served as an officer in
the Spanish army. He next fought against the British
in the struggle with the North American colonies.
Thence he went back to his own country, in the hope of
being able to induce a similar revolt against Spain.
Failing in that, and compelled to flee the country, he
proceeded to England, where he could raise no help for
his schemes. Then he travelled all over Europe, includ-
ing a visit to the court of Russia, whence he was
" moved on at the instance of Spain and France. He
had at first been well received, and is said to have enjoyed
a share of the large-hearted affections of Catherine II.
Returning to England, inspired with hope by the dispute
with Spain over the English settlement at Nootka Sound
in 1791, he was again disappointed by the peaceful settle-
ment. He next tried France, which was too busy with
European affairs to be able to meddle in those of South
America. He now took service in the French Repub-
lican armies, commanded at the siege of Maestricht in
1793, and was in command of the French left at the

disastrous defeat of Neerwinden. He endeavoured to
shake himself clear of Dumouriez's treachery, but was
tried by the Revolutionary tribunal, though he was
fortunate enough to be acquitted. After staying some
time longer in Paris at great risk, he again tried England
and the United States, neither of which, however, was
prepared to back fair words with substantial aid for the
proposed Spanish American revolution. Returning to
Paris, he was deported by Bonaparte in 1802. Again
failing in England, he fitted out at his own expense the
expedition of I 8o6, already described. Miranda, after
his failure, again returned to England, where, as has been
mentioned, Bolivar found him in 1810.
It will be seen from the above sketch that Miranda
had been for most of his life a genuine republican,
keeping his eye steadily on the definite separation from
Spain of her American colonies, just as the United
States had broken away from England. That was an
idea which, so far, had taken little root in the colonies
themselves, where loyalty to the Spanish Crown was still
the prevailing note. Bolivar and others had long held
views similar to Miranda's. In Bolivar's mind they had
been implanted by the early teaching of Rodriguez, by
what he saw in Europe, and by the course of study
which he had pursued. In Miranda he recognized, not
only an enthusiastic supporter, the real originator of the
separation scheme, but also a tried soldier, who had had
considerable experience in high command of troops
whose want of training was almost as great as that of
the men who would have to be raised in South America.
He was not a first-rate commander, but was certainly
better than any one likely to be found in Caracas.
Bolivar himself had no experience of war or command.
Succeeding in enlisting the services of the veteran,
Bolivar sailed with him on H.B.M. corvette Sapphire,
placed at his disposal by the Government. According

to Ducoudray-Holstein, Miranda sailed under an assumed
name, which is not at all improbable, seeing that the
British Government would hardly care to be openly
responsible for landing such a notorious firebrand in a
colony of Spain, now allied to it. Moreover, the Junta
of Caracas was not in the least anxious to see Miranda,
and had warned Bolivar against encouraging his return
to Venezuela. Bolivar's whole conduct in this mission
is characteristic of his masterful nature, his self-reliance,
and his disregard of the desires or orders of his
superiors. He and Miranda landed at La Guaira on
the 5th December 181o.
So different were their views from those of the Junta
that Bolivar retired in disgust to his country seat,
whilst Miranda was received with the utmost coldness.
Nevertheless, he succeeded, finally, in obtaining a com-
mission as lieutenant-general, and election as a deputy
to the Congress which had been summoned, in June
18Io, to meet on the 2nd March 181i. The Congress
was summoned and met in the name of Ferdinand VII.
Almost its first act was to place the executive power
in the hands of a triumvirate (Escalona, Mendez, and
Padron), who were too weak either to carry on the
contest with Spain, or to curb the revolutionary ten-
dencies of their own followers.
Though the deputies to the congress represented
several provinces,1 it must be remembered that Spanish
authority remained unweakened in the provinces of
Cor6 and Maracaibo in the north-west, and in Guayana,
including the great plains of the Orinoco valley. Nor
was it by any means extinct elsewhere. Consequently,
in June 1811, the new Government found itself con-
fronted by a vast reactionary conspiracy. In the terror
and excitement consequent on this discovery lay the
opportunity of Miranda, Bolivar, and the others, whose
1 Caracas, Cumani, Barinas, Margarita, Barcelona, Merida, and Trujillo.

whole object was to cut the painter binding Venezuela
to Spain. On the 5th July 18 1 the Congress crossed
the Rubicon by declaring independence of Spain, whose
throne, it was declared, had been shattered by Napoleon,
and whose government in South America was nothing
but an instrument of tyranny and oppression.
This end had been largely attained by the exertions
of Bolivar and Miranda in the club called the Sociedad
Patriotica," established by them in Caracas for the pur-
pose of fomenting the separatist movement.
Of the Deputies present in the Congress, only one
refused to sign the Declaration of Independence, M. V.
Maya, the clerical representative of La Grita, who held
that he had no mandate to pass such a resolution.
Miranda's name appears in the list of signatories,
Bolivar's does not, for the very good reason that he
was not a member of the Congress.
With the declaration of independence the tricolour
flag had been adopted, and, on the 30th July, a mani-
festo was issued announcing to the world the reasons
which had led to this bold action.
The declaration of independence was by no means
universally accepted in Venezuela. On the I Ith July
there was an insurrection in the capital, designed to
overthrow the Government and return to the allegiance
of Spain.' It was forcibly put down, after a sharp
fight, by Miranda, and sixteen of the leaders were
A more serious revolt occurred at the important town
of Valencia, seventy or eighty miles south-west of Caracas.
There the leaders called in Spanish help from Cor6,
where, as already mentioned, the royalist power was un-
shaken.2 The insurgents were attacked by the Marquis
1 The rebels were principally "Islenos," men from the Canary Islands,
who were the staunchest supporters of Spanish rule.
2 Ducoudray-Holstein says Valencia revolted because the Congress would
not allow it to become a separate province.

de Toro' at La Cabrera, between Valencia and Maracay.
At this point, which was afterwards the scene of several
combats, a spur of the mountains descends to the north
bank of the lake. The road from Valencia to Caracas,
passing through the southern end of the spur, forms a
dangerous defile. The position was a difficult one to
attack whether from the east or from the west, and the
Marquis was unable to take it. The repulse created the
greatest alarm in Caracas, and all eyes were turned to-
wards Miranda, the only man who could lay any claim
to be a trained soldier. It is not surprising that, when
invited to take command of the rabble which constituted
the forces of the Republic,2 he should have said : Where
are the armies which a general of my position can com-
mand without compromising his dignity and reputation ? "
Still, the remark was indiscreet, and not likely to add to
Miranda's small popularity. The fact was that he had
been so long absent from South America as to have lost
touch with his compatriots, as well as recollection of their
sensitive and vainglorious character. He treated them
very brusquely, and made no secret of his preference for
French or English officers over Venezuelans. Eventu-
ally, he accepted the command, but made a condition that
Bolivar should not have a part in it. The two men had
already fallen out over the question of treatment of Euro-
pean Spaniards residing in Venezuela. Miranda was
for letting them remain in peace, provided they were
not hostile to the new government; Bolivar would drive
them ruthlessly from the country, till such time as the
Spanish dominion should be finally overthrown and the
independence of the colonies recognized by the mother
country. Miranda would not allow Bolivar the command
even of his own regiment of Aragua militia which was
1 Appointed Commander-in-chief by the Junta in 18io.
2 The government distrusted much of the regular army on account of the
Spanish element in it.

to form part of the force. He would have had to go out
as a simple soldier had not the Marquis de Toro appointed
him his aide-de-camp.
The campaign was short, and, on the 12th August 181 1,
Valencia was taken, after a fight in which Miranda lost
eight hundred men. Bolivar had distinguished himself
in this his first campaign, and Miranda selected him to
carry the despatch announcing to the government at
Caracas the suppression of the revolt.
The Congress was now able to settle down to the
discussion of the form of government to be adopted by
the new republic.
A project of a constitution submitted by the deputy
Francisco Javier Ustiriz, formed the basis of discussion.
The general feeling in the Congress was in favour of
a Federal Republic in imitation of the "magnificent
example of the first and most powerful of the Republics
of the world," the United States of North America.
The constitution which was eventually passed, after
being discussed spasmodically in the Congress from the
2nd September to the 2 1st December 18 11, consisted of
228 articles. We can only afford space for a brief analysis
of them. Many of them dealt with elementary rights,
with personal freedom, the abolition of slavery and of
torture, and the like. One article abolished titles of
honour and another set up a Colombian era in imita-
tion of that of the French Republic.1 What is most
important to us is to realise what was meant by a federal"
republic as illustrated by this constitution.
The legislative power of the confederation (the pro-
vinces of Caracas, Cumand, Barinas, Margarita, Barcelona,
Merida, and Trujillo) was to be exercised by a Chamber

1 Bolivar's letters, proclamations, etc., are constantly dated with the year
of independence," as well as that of the Christian era. After the 15th
June 1813 until the armistice of 1820, the year of the war to the death"
was also very frequently added.

of Representatives and a Senate. The representatives
were to be chosen by the electors of the capital district
of each province. Nominations were submitted to them
by the parochial suffrage holders, on the basis of one
representative for every twenty thousand souls. The
senators, elected by the provincial legislatures, each re-
presented seventy thousand people, with the proviso that
every province should elect at least one senator, even if
its total population was under seventy thousand. Senators
held office for six, representatives for four years, one
third of the former and half the latter retiring by rotation
every two years. There was to be an annual session
commencing on the I 5th January, lasting ordinarily for
one month, but capable of prolongation indefinitely.
The executive was entrusted to a triumvirate elected
for four years by the electors of capital districts.
The judicial power consisted of a Supreme Court and
such subordinate tribunals as the Congress might estab-
lish for the time being.
Each of the provinces was constituted a state, sove-
reign and independent," and in each there was to be a tripar-
tite division of the legislative, executive, and judicial
powers analogous to the division in the Federal govern-
ment, for the disposal of all business not specially
delegated to that government.
The constitution required sanction and ratification by
the people of each province before coming into force.
In the matter of religion the constitution was anything
but liberal, for it decreed that the Roman Catholic religion
was that of the State, and that no other form of worship
should ever be permitted either in public or in private.
This extraordinarily complicated instrument of govern-
ment was evolved, after nearly four months' deliberation,
by an assembly consisting largely of lawyers, almost
wholly of men who had no practical experience in the
art of government and whose knowledge was entirely

theoretical. They were utterly incapable of proportioning
their end to their means. They failed to take account of
the fact that the vast majority of the population was
plunged in the blindest ignorance, that very few indeed
outside the walls of the assembly knew anything what-
ever about constitutions in general or federation in par-
ticular. The voters who would have to elect the members
of the legislature neither knew nor cared anything about
the form of constitution. All they craved for was peace
and a decent government, which would give them personal
liberty, security of property, and the possibility of buying
the necessaries of life at a reasonable price. Such a con-
stitution as this was suited to no people whose education
and political knowledge was not of the highest class. The
only end it could attain would be to throw all power into
the hands of the educated few.
Moreover, it was eminently calculated to produce dis-
ruption at a very early period. In a federation so loosely
knit together, in which what political knowledge there was
existed only in a few towns, it was almost certain that
the capital of each province would be for secession on the
most insignificant pretext. Every capital cabildo, puffed
up with an undue sense of its own importance, would have
been for setting up an independent republic in the sov-
ereign and independent state to which it belonged. The
very strength of municipal institutions like the cabildos
would make for separation. That is why federation in
South America is generally held to imply separation
rather than union.1
It is easy to imagine a congress of Bengali lawyers
framing just such a constitution for the federation of the
districts of Bengal, without any thought of the results
which must ensue amongst a population of ignorant
peasants. The result would almost inevitably be the
setting up of an independent republic in Calcutta,
I Cf. "Cambridge Modern History," vol. x., p. 298.

another in Patna, another in Dacca, and so on ad in-
finitum, each ruled by an oligarchy of intellectuals.
Two men at least, Miranda and Bolivar, saw the utter
futility of such a constitution in the existing circumstances
of the country, and, whilst regarding federation as theo-
retically the most perfect form of republic, would have
none of it as matters stood. To the end of his life Bolivar
fought for a centralised as against a federal government.
The Congress, however, was quite satisfied with its
bantling, and widely published and belauded it. Then
they suspended their sittings to await the assembly, on
the ist March 1812, of the deputies now to be elected.
They had made other mistakes besides passing this con-
stitution. They pardoned the leaders of the late revolt
at Valencia, ten of whom Miranda had condemned to
death. Bolivar was especially irritated by this act of
clemency. Another mistake was made in the issue of
paper money supported by no metal reserve. The issue,
of course, at once began to depreciate rapidly, and was
the foundation of the financial disasters of Venezuela.
Yet another mistake was made in deciding on Valencia
as the capital and seat of government of the republic.
This necessarily gave offence to Caracas, which hitherto
had always been the capital of Venezuela. Looking to
recent events at Valencia, it might have been supposed
that the choice would have been the last to be made.
As for the constitution, it was not destined to have
any great opportunity for testing its merits or demerits,
for before it could come into force the infant republic was
in the throes of dissolution.
The year 1812 opened ominously for the new republic.
All attempts by the British Government to bring about
a conciliatory attitude on the part of the Spanish Cortes,
which had now succeeded the Regency, towards the
colonies had failed dismally. Amidst all the dissensions
then prevailing in Spain, there was one point on which

all parties were agreed-the necessity for subduing the
rebellious colonies. The prevailing spirit is illustrated by
some remarks of members of the Cortes. One said : If
the Americans complain of having been tyrannised over
for 300 years, they shall now experience a similar treat-
ment for 3o000o." Another, after the battle of Albuera,
" rejoiced at the advantage we have gained, because we
can now send troops to reduce the insurgents." Yet
another said : I do not know to what class of beasts
the South Americans belong." Even in the revolted pro-
vinces the royalists were hopeful. In Cor6 and Maracaibo
they stood in possession on the defensive; from the banks
of the Orinoco they harassed the republican provinces
of Cumand and Barcelona. The revolution had made no
progress amongst the half-civilised inhabitants of the vast
plains about the Orinoco, south of the belt of hilly country
of the northern coast. The royalists everywhere, especi-
ally in Cor6 and Maracaibo, anxiously awaited reinforce-
ments from Spain. The republican government was
preparing expeditions for the subjugation of the west
and of Guayana, when their enemies were suddenly aided
by an ally far more awful and devastating than any force
from Spain.
Maunday Thursday, the 26th March 1812, was the
anniversary, in the ecclesiastical calendar, of the first
establishment of the Junta in Caracas.1 All Caracas
was engaged in the preparations for the solemnities of
Good Friday. The afternoon was calm and cloudless ;
there was nothing to give warning of the awful visitation
which was about to fall upon republican Venezuela.
Suddenly, in the distant mountains of Merida, on the
frontier of New Grenada, there was heard, about 4 P.M.,
a subterranean roaring and rumbling moving rapidly from
south-west to north-east.
The awful sound, louder than any thunder, was
1 Maunday Thursday, the 19th April 1809.

accompanied by tremendous upheavals of the earth.
There appear to have been two systems of earth-waves,
one from south to north, the other crossing it at right
angles, the meeting of the two causing the ground to
heave almost like a boiling liquid. Nothing could resist
this terrible upheaval, which was repeated several times.
In the space of a few minutes the towns of Merida,
Barquisemeto, Caracas, La Guaira, and San Felipe were
nothing but a heap of ruins. Great churches, crowded
with people waiting for the starting of the procession,
sank in an instant into a pile of debris a few feet in
height. The barracks in the north of Caracas almost
disappeared, burying in their ruins the greater part of
the garrison. Everywhere in the track of the earthquake
was ruin and death. Caracas was covered by a pall of
dust rising from the falling buildings, but by nightfall it
had settled to the earth, and nature, after her tremendous
effort, seemed to sink into a tranquil sleep. There were
no more shocks after the appalling few minutes between
4 and 5 P.M., and a brilliant moon shone serenely on the
devastated and panic-stricken city. The scenes in the
streets were heartrending. The survivors who had
escaped injury wandered through the ruins, seeking
relatives and friends whose fate they knew not. Poor
wretches, crippled by falling masonry, dragged them-
selves painfully from the ruins, or struggled in vain to
emerge from the mass which imprisoned them. And
there was another class of scene where the sinner of
yesterday saw in the dreadful visitation a warning
directed by the Almighty to himself specially. Couples
who had been oblivious of the marriage ceremony
hastened in search of a priest to tie the nuptial knot.
Children, hitherto recognized by a mother only, suddenly
found themselves acknowledged by a terrified father.
Men and women, in an agony of alarm at the judgment
which they believed to be falling on them from heaven,

confessed openly in the streets crimes or sins of which
no one suspected them, or vowed restitution of ill-gotten
property. The deaths in Caracas alone have been esti-
mated at 9000 or 10o,ooo, exclusive of those who died
later from injuries or exposure. There were 4000 or
5000 dead in La Guaira, the seaport close by, and every
town and village on the track of the earth-wave had its
tale of death and mutilation. The total loss of life has
been estimated at as high a figure as 120,00oo. In Bar-
quisemeto 100ooo republican troops, on the march for
Cor6, were almost entirely destroyed, artillery, arms, and
ammunition being buried deep amongst the ruins. What
with these losses, and the havoc wrought amongst the
garrison of Caracas, the slender fighting forces of the
republic were seriously crippled.
In the midst of all the panic and confusion in Caracas,
a few kept their heads, and some improved the occasion.
The clergy, mostly adherents of the royalist party, made
capital out of the earthquake, by pointing to it as the
judgment of God on the rebels. They were able, as
news came in, to point to the fact that it was the re-
bellious provinces alone which had been devastated,
whilst the loyal districts in the east and south were un-
harmed. The revolution had begun on Maunday
Thursday 1809, the punishment had fallen on the same
festival of I8 12. There was no need to mention the
fact that similar disasters had previously befallen Lisbon,
Messina, Quito, and Lima. In one church everything
had fallen except, as it happened, one pillar bearing the
Spanish escutcheon. Here was a fine opportunity for
the preachers to point out to an ignorant population
how the hand of God was in favour of the Spanish
government against which they had rebelled.
Bolivar, amongst others, exerted himself in relieving
the unhappy people, in making arrangements for burning
the festering corpses which polluted the air, and which

there was neither time nor labour available to bury, and
in suppressing the preachers who so seriously injured
the cause of liberty.
But there were other dangers to be met besides those
from earthquake, famine, and pestilence. Ceballos, the
royalist governor of the province of Cor6, had been
spurred on by Andres Torellas, the parish priest of
Siquisique, who succeeded in suborning Reyes Vargas,
an Indian captain of the separatist force which was at
Barquisemeto threatening Cor6. Torellas even borrowed
money and made it over to Ceballos for the costs of an
At that time there happened to have arrived from
Puerto Rico a Spanish naval officer, a Canarian, named
Domingo Monteverde, a man of little experience or
ability, but with an excellent opinion of himself. He
commanded a company of marines forming part of the
forces being assembled by Don J. M. Cajigal at Cor6 for
the suppression of the revolted provinces. Monteverde
offered his services to Ceballos. That officer recom-
mended him to Miyares, the Captain-General, who
sanctioned his appointment to the command of an
expedition. On the Ioth March 1812, Monteverde,
accompanied by Torellas, with only 230 men, of whom
ioo were sailors, marched on Siquisique, which he
entered on the 17th. He was joined there by the
traitor, Reyes Vargas, and the two together seized
Carora, after a fight with 700 patriots on the 23rd.
Three days later came the earthquake which destroyed
the republican troops at Barquisemeto, and afforded
Monteverde an opportunity to seize that point on the
2nd April. Realising the disastrous effects of the
earthquake on the republicans, Monteverde demanded a
reinforcement of oo1000 men, proposing to march on
Valencia. He had but 1 ooo men all told, but he suc-
ceeded in digging out of the ruins of Barquisemeto

seven guns and a great quantity of ammunition. Disre-
garding the timid orders of headquarters, which directed
him to stop at Barquisemeto, Monteverde pushed on.
On the 7th April he defeated a republican detachment.
On the I 8th Araure was taken by one of his subordi-
nates. On the 25th he took and sacked San Carlos.
Everywhere his advance was marked by massacres and
summary executions of the enemy. The fear which he
inspired, coupled with the recent terror of the earthquake,
induced the country to declare generally for the king.
The panic had been augmented by a recurrence of
earthquake shocks on the 4th April, though they were
not comparable in severity to the great tremor of the
26th March. Meanwhile, the government at Caracas,
in its despair, had seen no hope save in the appointment
of Miranda as commander-in-chief with dictatorial
powers. He managed to get together some 7000 men,
but they were largely recruits, and the morale of the
whole had been rudely shaken by recent events. As for
Bolivar, his relations with Miranda were still bad, and
the dictator, in order to get rid of him, sent him off to
command the fortress of Puerto Cabello, which at the
time was full of Spanish prisoners, many of them
amongst those who had recently revolted at Valencia.
Bolivar left Caracas for Puerto Cabello on the 29th
April. When, after a few days' rest, Monteverde again
set out towards Valencia, Miranda evacuated that place,
which was occupied without resistance by the Spanish
commander, on the 3rd May.
The situation of Miranda became more and more des-
perate. The government had no money, the people were
discontented, and Miranda's overbearing manner and
actions made him intensely unpopular, alike with soldiers
and civilians. The plains of Calabozo were ravaged by
guerilla bands in the royalist interest, who behaved with
a savagery which spread terror everywhere, On the

Orinoco a patriot flotilla, threatening Angostura, had
been destroyed. To the east of Caracas a rising of the
slaves had been fomented by the Spaniards, and the
revolted negroes threatened the capital. When Monte-
verde had captured Valencia, he found himself opposed
by Miranda, whose headquarters were ten miles on the
road to Caracas, and whose forces were numerically very
superior to the Spaniards. But Miranda seemed to have
lost all his energy, and, instead of advancing boldly to
the attack, was content with harassing the enemy in
small affairs of outposts.
Monteverde, finding himself too weak to continue his
advance, besought reinforcements from Cor6, where,
fortunately for Ceballos, a small force had arrived from
Cadiz and Puerto Rico. The governor promptly
marched with these to join Monteverde, who, not
wishing to be superseded in the command, persuaded
Ceballos to return to Cor6, leaving the fresh troops
under himself. Even with these reinforcements, the
Spaniards had a force inferior in numbers, though
superior in other respects, to that of Miranda. The
latter, after being twice beaten off in attacks on
Valencia, and being still more disheartened by numerous
desertions amongst his troops, fell back on La Cabrera.
This strong position on the Caracas road has already
been described. It was now still further strengthened
by the flanking defence of gunboats on the lake.
Monteverde, after thrice failing with considerable loss
in frontal attacks on the position, began to feel his
position to be precarious, notwithstanding the facts that
the province of Barinas in his rear had declared again
for the royal cause, and that the Spanish general
Antofianzas, whom he had detached for the purpose,
had captured Calabozo and massacred its garrison.
At this juncture, a deserter from Miranda's army
revealed to Monteverde a path leading round the

enemy's right. It was so difficult that little care had been
taken for its defence. Monteverde succeeded in passing
it and rendering untenable the position of Miranda, who at
once retired and again fortified himself at La Victoria.
Again Monteverde's attack was beaten off, this time so
disastrously that he was forced to retire to Maracay,
in order to collect his forces and await more ammuni-
tion and supplies from Cor6. Had Miranda, his troops
flushed with victory, boldly pursued, it is possible he
might have completed the enemy's destruction. But
nothing would induce the veteran to move.
At this point, Monteverde had yet another piece of
good fortune. Bolivar, it will be remembered, had been
sent to command at Puerto Cabello, a great magazine
of supplies of all sorts, and the prison-house of many
Spaniards. He was disgusted at being shelved in this
way, and it is perhaps not unwarrantable to assume that
he was somewhat slack in what appeared to be a simple
matter, the guarding of a number of unarmed men, con-
fined in the citadel, which was separate from the town.
The prisoners found means to corrupt Francisco Vinoni,
the officer in charge of them, and to induce him to take
an early opportunity of setting them free.' On the
30th June, the commandant of the citadel, Ramon
Aymerich, had gone to take orders at Bolivar's head-
quarters in the town. The moment was seized by
Vinoni to release the prisoners, who overpowered the
small garrison, proclaimed the king, raised the draw-
bridge, and, after threatening an officer whom Bolivar
sent to see what was happening, opened fire on the city
with the guns of the citadel. Artillery fire between
the citadel and Bolivar's artillery continued off and on
up to the 5th July, when the city, which Bolivar had
left for the fortified heights above, surrendered to the
1 Vinoni's treachery was duly punished seven years later, as will be related
in due course.

rebels. Meanwhile, many of Bolivar's men had deserted;
detachments sent out by him to meet a force despatched
by Monteverde were driven in or destroyed, and he
found himself threatened with destruction by pressure
between Monteverde's people and the garrison of the
citadel. On the 6th July, abandoning all hope, he sailed,
with only seven officers, in a ship, the Celoso, which he
had succeeded in preserving out of range of the citadel.
About forty men joined him just before he sailed.
According to his own report, he had lost Puerto Cabello,
but was himself blameless, and had preserved his honour
intact.1 It was perhaps fortunate for Bolivar that the
end was at hand. Otherwise, looking to the summary
methods of the time, he might have been shot, after a
drumhead court-martial, under the orders of Miranda,
whether he was to blame or not. In such warfare as this
the line between failure and treachery is often dis-
regarded when it comes to dealing with a defeated
The fall of Puerto Cabello practically decided the
fate of the Venezuelan Republic for the time being.
Miranda himself, when he heard of it, said, Venezuela
is stricken in the heart." He still had, according to
O'Leary and Mitre, 5000 men, and Monteverde, with
less than 3000, was considerably demoralised by his
repulse from the lines of Victoria. Miranda made an
attack on Monteverde's lines, but obtained only some
partial successes. Then, thinking the contest hopeless,
he, on the 12th July, proposed an armistice, and, finally,
against the advice of some of his officers, offered to
capitulate on condition of a guarantee of the lives and
property of the insurgents, and the introduction of the
Spanish constitution of 1812. Monteverde granted the
terms, on condition of the complete submission of the
patriots, and Miranda retired to Caracas, whilst his
1 See his official report in O'Leary Documents, 13, p. 44.

troops either went over to the royalists or dispersed to
their homes. From Caracas, Miranda, with some of his
officers, went off to La Guaira, intending to embark on
an English vessel, the captain of which had offered them
a passage to a place of safety. O'Leary acquits Miranda
of treachery, holding that he acted in good faith, that he
had come to believe the revolution had been premature,
and that, under the Spanish constitution, the colonies
could attain as much liberty as was suitable for countries
in their situation, and of the habits and character of
their inhabitants. Restrepo's opinion is much the same
as to Miranda's honesty of purpose. He absolutely
disbelieves the story of his corruption by a money
payment.1 Larrazabal, a thorough-going advocate of
Bolivar, and a Venezuelan himself, holds that the
surrender was unnecessary and universally condemned.
He even asserts that Miranda went so far "as to arrange
terms, through the Marquis de Casa Leon, who acted as
go-between with Monteverde, under which Miranda,
retiring to Europe, was to be provided with funds to
enable him to live in comfort there.
Miranda's republicanism is beyond suspicion: he was
the real father of the revolt of Venezuela against Spain,
at which he had worked steadfastly for many years. He
had, however, during years of absence, lost touch of his
country, and it is quite possible that, filled with disgust
at the apathy of the Venezuelan people, he may have
been converted to the belief that, with the introduction
of the Spanish constitution of 1812, which he had stipu-
lated for in the capitulation, a people in the backward
condition of the Venezuelans would have got as much
liberty as they were yet fit to enjoy. He certainly
could have made a much better fight than he did
against Monteverde, but, on the whole, it seem extremely
improbable that he deliberately betrayed his countrymen.
1 II. 85, 86.

Even if he had made a better fight of it, it seems more
than probable that he could only have temporarily
postponed the adverse decision of the campaign. The
strongest point against him is that he proposed to leave
Venezuela, instead of staying on to see that Monteverde
himself carried out the terms of the capitulation.
On the 26th July Monteverde occupied Victoria; on
the 3oth he was in Caracas.
Bolivar, meanwhile, had landed at La Guaira on the
7th July, and was proceeding to Miranda's head-
quarters when he heard of that general's surrender.
Strongly disapproving the capitulation, he returned to
La Guaira.
Miranda reached La Guaira on the evening of the 30th
July, to find Bolivar already there, with other leaders of
the revolution who had very little confidence in the
probability of Monteverde's observance of the terms
of surrender. H.B.M. corvette Sapphire lay in the
harbour ready to take Miranda off. Other fugitive leaders
continued to arrive in the town. Captain Haynes of
the Sapphire came ashore as soon as Miranda arrived,
being anxious to take him on board at once. But
Miranda, worn out with fatigue, sat down to dinner with
Casas, the commandant of the place, Pefia, the civil
governor, and others, including Bolivar. At dinner it
was proposed that Miranda should spend the night on
shore and embark next morning, as it was too late to
do so now. Haynes protested that there was no difficulty
about the embarkation, and that Miranda would be
much safer and more comfortable on the corvette, where
all preparations had been made for his reception. The
others, however, carried the day, and Miranda retired
to bed.
As soon as he was out of the way, a secret meeting
was held by the republican leaders present in La
Guaira to discuss his case and what was to be done.

At this meeting the most active part was played by
Bolivar. He argued that Miranda's proposed departure
showed his disbelief in Monteverde's observance of the
treaty, that Miranda, having signed the capitulation, was
in honour bound to see it through, if he believed it to
be worth the paper it was written on, and that he
should be compelled to stay to the bitter end. The
secret assembly soon determined upon the arrest and
detention of Miranda, who was peacefully sleeping in
a room, the door of which could not even be locked.
Elaborate arrangements for the execution of the plot
were made, and the actual arrest of the old warrior was
entrusted to Bolivar, Chatillon, and Tomas Montilla.
When arrested, he was to be sent to the castle, there to
be guarded by Mires. At 3 A.M. the three conspirators
entered Miranda's room, and, after removing his sword
and pistols, awakened him. The weary old man
muttered that it was not yet time to get up, and
then awoke to a consciousness of what was really
occurring. Resistance he saw was useless, so, after
dressing, he quietly followed his captors to the castle,
where, for several months, he was immured. Bolivar
and others had apparently intended to shoot Miranda
as a traitor, but Casas, the military commandant, saw
a better way of saving himself from the vengeance of
the Spaniards by betraying the dictator to them. To
have shot Miranda would have been to kill the goose
that laid the golden eggs.
Bolivar maintained to the end of his life that the
object of Miranda's arrest was the punishment by death
of his treason. O'Leary 1 quotes a letter from Colonel
Belford Wilson in which he says of Bolivar: "To the
last hour of his life he rejoiced in that event, which he
always asserted was solely his own act, to punish the
I. p. 75. Belford Wilson was son of Sir Robert Wilson, who gained
some fame in the Napoleonic wars,

treachery and treason of Miranda in capitulating to an
inferior force and then intending to embark, himself
knowing the capitulation would not be observed. . .
General Bolivar always gloried to me in having risked
his own safety, which he might have secured by ermbark-
ing on board a vessel, in order to secure the punishm'Lt
of Miranda for his alleged treason. His plea was not
altogether ill founded, for he argued that, if Miranda
believed the Spaniards would observe the treaty, he
should have remained to keep them to their word;
if he did not, he was a traitor to have sacrificed his
army to it. General Bolivar invariably added that he
wished to shoot Miranda as a traitor, but was withheld
by others." That is the case for Bolivar. On the
other hand, it must be remembered that his relations
with Miranda at the time laid him open to suspicion,
and it will be seen presently that Monteverde was
clearly under the impression that Bolivar had meant
to surrender Miranda to him. Looking dispassionately
at the whole affair, and especially at the immediate
circumstances of Miranda's arrest, it seems difficult to
exonerate Bolivar.
On the morning of the 31st July an order was
received by Casas from Monteverde, requiring him to
prevent all embarkations from La Guaira.1 Casas at
once complied, and, though the Sapphire and another
ship succeeded in getting off, and a few of the patriots
were thus enabled to escape, the majority had perforce

1 In 1843 the children and relations of Casas published a pamphlet of some
seventy pages (" Defensa de la conduct del. . Senor M. M. de las Casas,"
etc.), defending his conduct against Restrepo and others who had dubbed
him a traitor on the strength of what Bolivar had said of him in 1821. We
must confess to not having read the whole of this pamphlet, but the gist of
the defence appears to be that Casas stopped the emigration on the ground
that he thought it would be a violation by the Venezuelans of the terms of
the capitulation, which would afford an excuse to Monteverde for disregarding
it. The pamphlet is in the British Museum.

to remain in La Guaira, where, on the arrival of
Spanish forces, they found themselves in the power
of Mont verde.
As fr the unfortunate Miranda, he was presently
rem ved to Puerto Cabello, then to Puerto Rico, and
fiWally to Cadiz, where he was confined in the arsenal
in chains till, worn out by suffering and misery, he died
on the 14th July 1816.
' -= It was soon evident that the capitulation, in so far as
Monteverde's observance of it went, was not worth the
paper it was written on. It is not necessary to assume
that he deliberately accepted it with the intention of
violating it. O'Leary, who cannot be described in any
way as a witness favourable to the Spanish commander,
holds that he was not naturally cruel or false, but that.
he was weak and liable to be led astray by the evil
councillors by whom he was surrounded, especially by
the Islenos (the Canary Islanders), who were detested
above all others by the republicans, and who were
anxious to revenge themselves on irreconcilable enemies.
Monteverde had succeeded in retaining the supreme
command, notwithstanding the arrival at headquarters
of Miyares the Captain-General. He finally got rid
of his superior by pleading a clause in the capitulation
which stipulated for Monteverde's retention of the com-
mand till the terms should be carried out.
On his first arrival in Caracas the Spaniard issued
reassuring proclamations, asserting his intention of
loyally observing the terms of capitulation. So clear
were these terms that confidence was largely restored,
and all, except the extremists, began to see that the
best thing, under the circumstances, was the union of
all moderate men of both sides, with the object of
preventing the spread of anarchy, and combating the
danger which was still threatened by the insurgent
slaves to the east of Caracas.

But the suggestions put forward by the Islenos, that
fresh plots were on foot amongst the republicans, soon
began to work on Monteverde, and'to gain predominance
over the better advice of many of his followers who
saw the falsity of these witnesses. From the i4th
August there commenced a reign of terror for the
leaders of the late revolution. In Caracas, and many
other towns, the streets were patrolled by troops, whilst
numerous arrests of the most prominent leaders were
effected, often with great brutality and violence. Numbers
of the prisoners were hurried off to the dungeons of
La Guaira and Puerto Cabello. Their fate was thus
described by Miranda, himself a prisoner, in a letter
to the Audiencia.': Now I witnessed with consterna-
tion a repetition of those same scenes of which I was
an eye-witness in France; I saw arriving at La Guaira
droves of the most illustrious and distinguished men,
treated like criminals; I saw them buried with myself
in those horrible subterranean dungeons ; I saw venerable
age, tender youth, the rich, the poor, the artizan, and
even the priest subjected to fetters and chains, con-
demned to breathe a foul air in which artificial light
was extinguished, and which vitiated the blood and
prepared certain death."
German Roscio, a scholar and a man distinguished
by his humanity, was, as well as others of the same
class, exposed to the jeers and insults of the mob in
the public stocks. He and seven others (amongst them
Canon Cortds Madariaga) were shipped off to the
dungeons of Ceuta, with a letter from Monteverde to
the Regency describing them as these eight monsters,
the origin and prime cause of all the evils and novelties
of America which have horrified the whole world."
Some of the leading revolutionists escaped. A few,
as already mentioned, had succeeded in getting away
1 O'Leary, Documents, 13, p. 63.

from La Guaira by sea. Casas, by his servility in
stopping the embarkations and in delivering up his
comrades and Miranda, had made his peace. Bolivar
had left La Guaira early on the evening of the 31st
July, and passed unrecognised through the Spanish
posts to Caracas, where he remained in hiding with the
assistance of the worthy Francisco Iturbe, a mutual
friend of his and Monteverde's, and a royalist by convic-
tion. This gentleman addressed himself to Monteverde
with a view to getting a passport for Bolivar to leave
the country. With some difficulty he succeeded in
obtaining the promise, and Bolivar appeared before
Monteverde for the purpose of getting his passport. The
Spaniard at first charged him with having put himself
beyond the terms of the capitulation by having shot two
Spaniards at Puerto Cabello. To that Bolivar replied
that they were spies, liable to their fate under the rules
of war. Monteverde then said, You have done a
praiseworthy deed in arresting Miranda, and that entitles
you to the king's favour." To this Bolivar replied,
" Since that was not my intention in arresting Miranda,
I disclaim the right and the merit which you attribute to
me; my conduct had a very different motive; I saw in
Miranda a traitor to my country." Monteverde, at once,
on hearing these words, withdrew his promise of a pass-
port, but it was eventually obtained by the personal
intercession of Iturbe, who was present at the scene.'
Both O'Leary and Larrazabal deny the truth of Monte-
verde's view of Bolivar's motives. It has also been said,
though this Larrazabal again indignantly repudiates, that
Bolivar owed his escape to his comparative insignificance
1 In 182o Bolivar showed that he had not forgotten the debt of gratitude
he owed to Iturbe, who was then resident in Curagao and had never aban-
doned the royalist cause, though not taking any active part in the war. The
Congress was about to confiscate his property when Bolivar obtained the
stoppage of the order on the ground of the great service rendered to himself
by Iturbe in 1812.

at this time. Yet it seems by no means improbable that
this consideration influenced Monteverde; for, except at
Puerto Cabello, Bolivar had held no important command,
and his relegation to that place prevented his appearance
on the main scene. His subsequent acceptance of a
small command under Labatut, a French soldier of
fortune of no eminence, shows that his position was
still not the highest.
Nevertheless, when he sailed from La Guaira on the
27th August 1812, he was about to pass very shortly
from a secondary position in the revolt of the northern
colonies of South America to the very foremost, which
he continued to occupy for the remaining eighteen years
of his life. This, therefore, seems a convenient place in
which to endeavour to place before ourselves a general
picture of the man as he then was. We shall not, at
present, deal in detail with his character or his political
and military conduct, for these will be more appropri-
ately considered when we have before us the whole
history of his career. Bolivar was just twenty-nine years
old in August 1812. In stature he was small; O'Leary
gives him 5 feet 6 inches, though some accounts repre-
sent him as still smaller.1 He had a narrow chest and
a spare body, with slender limbs, and hands and feet so
small as to be the envy of many women. His com-
plexion was sallow, the skin somewhat rough. His high
forehead was curiously seamed, even in his youth, by
wrinkles. His hair was very black, with thick eyebrows,
surmounting very black and piercing eyes, which, accord-
ing to Miller,2 rarely looked straight in the face of the
person he was speaking to. The nose was long but well
shaped, the cheek-bones prominent, the cheeks hollow,
the ears large. Above a mouth, which O'Leary describes
as "ugly," was a very long upper lip. The teeth were
1 Sir C. Markham (" History of Peru," p. 269) says 5 feet 4 inches.
II. 331.

white, well formed, and scrupulously cared for. The
chin was somewhat pointed, and the face and head very
long.1 His portraits often represent him as almost clean
shaven, though several authorities say he had a heavy
moustache and whiskers. They probably refer to cam-
paigning days, when shaving was difficult.
The expression of his face was ordinarily calm though
careworn, but his temper was impetuous and capricious,
and, once it was aroused, his expression became fierce
and threatening, and his language was far from measured.
But these outbursts of temper, if not resented and aggra-
vated, soon subsided and were followed by an attitude of
conciliation. O'Leary, who must constantly have seen it,
describes the change from Bolivar in a good humour to
Bolivar in a rage as terrible." Without vanity he would
not have been a true creole, and he had perhaps rather
more than the ordinary share allotted to others of his
compatriots. Another creole quality, indolence of body,
was not altogether absent in him, for he loved to loll
about in a hammock, even when he was dictating. Some-
times he would stand to hear the reports of his secretary,
with his arms folded, and the left hand tugging at the
collar of his coat, whilst he rapidly dictated the order on
each paper. But when he was in his hammock it was
only a survival of the natural tendency of his race to
indolence and apathy; for he was endowed with an
appetite for hard work, and a readiness to undertake the
greatest physical exertion when necessary, which was
worthy of Napoleon. He was an excellent horseman,
and his powers of endurance were truly remarkable in
one of his apparently frail physique. That quality he
doubtless owed to his early devotion to field sports and
an out-of-door life.
1 This characteristic is very marked in most portraits of Bolivar, especially
in the Bogota miniature figured at p. 123, vol. i., of Mr M. Spence's "Land
of Bolivar."

He wrote well and impressively, but, to the English
reader, his letters and proclamations are rendered un-
palatable by the turgidity of their style, and the pre-
valence in them of vain self-glorification. Endowed with
a powerful though somewhat harsh voice, he was an
excellent and fluent speaker, fiery and eloquent, but
sometimes too excitable.
His excessive admiration for the fair sex and his
devotion to dancing have already been referred to. He
was hospitable and fond of entertaining, though himself
very simple in his food, so much so that he would often
dine alone and only join a banquet towards the end,
when, as a proposer of toasts, he was unsurpassed. He
drank with the greatest moderation, and did not smoke
at all, which was particularly remarkable in a country
where almost everybody else lived with a cigar between
his lips. In his Paris days he indulged in gambling,
but, after having had to borrow of a lady to enable
him to win back a large sum which he had lost, he
eschewed cards entirely. O'Leary records that only once
in his later life did he touch a card, and then only to
humour his companions in camp during a long march.'
He was a great reader, when he had leisure, chiefly of
French, through the medium of translations into which
language he acquired the knowledge of ancient history
which he so frequently paraded in his letters, proclama-
tions, and speeches.
He always professed the greatest admiration for British
institutions, and some of his best friends were English
or Irish. Amongst them were Moore, his doctor ;
O'Leary, his chief aide-de-camp for many years; Fer-
gusson, who was killed defending him against assassins
in Bogota; and Belford Wilson, son of Sir Robert Wilson
of Peninsular fame.
1 One of them was Santander, whom Colonel Campbell describes as an
habitual gamester."

The above sketch is sufficient for the present to give
some idea of Bolivar's personality. It is based mainly
on the picture drawn of him by O'Leary, tempered by
the naturally more unprejudiced account given by Miller,
who, unlike O'Leary, was not in his personal service,
though he had excellent opportunities of gauging him in
Peru in 1824. Neither Larrazabal, who can see nothing
but good in Bolivar, nor Ducoudray-Holstein, furiously
prejudiced against him, is a safe guide, and the same
may be said of many South American writers on one
side or the other.
As the scene is about to change for the moment from
Venezuela to New Granada, it is necessary here to
recount very briefly the course of events in that Vice-
royalty during the years 1809-1812, which had witnessed
the temporary rise of the Venezuelan Republic, and its
destruction by Monteverde.
To begin with the Presidency of Quito, the first
outbreak of revolt occurred in August i 809 in Quito
itself. The President, Ruiz de Castillo, was deposed, a
Junta was set up, and troops were raised. The news of
this revolt reached Santa F6 (Bogota) early in September,
and Amar, the Viceroy of New Granada, at once
summoned a meeting of the principal authorities and
inhabitants to consult as to the attitude to be taken up
towards the revolutionary Junta in Quito. His real ob-
ject appears to have been to discover the state of feeling
in Bogot; itself. He found that there was a distinct
cleavage of opinion, the creoles advocating recognition
of the Quito Junta, and even the establishment of a
similar assembly in their own city. The European
Spaniards, on the other hand, were for prompt suppression
of the movement in Quito. With them Amar concurred,
and at once sent 300 men southwards to suppress the
Quitefios. A larger force was sent northwards from
Peru against Quito. To meet the force from Bogotd, the

Junta of Quito despatched a small force, which never got
beyond Pasto. The fierce inhabitants of that ultra-
royalist province fell upon and destroyed the Quitefios
long before they could meet Amar's troops. A panic in
Quito was the result of this mishap. Ruiz de Castillo,
promising an amnesty, was reinstated. When the troops
from Peru and New Granada reached Quito, the amnesty
was thrown to the winds, the leaders of the late revolu-
tion being arrested and sentenced to death or imprison-
ment. This severity produced a futile popular 6meute,
which was put down by the troops with terrible severity.
Castillo, who seems not to have been privy to these
severities, hastened to proclaim a general pardon, and to
get rid of the Peruvian and other troops.
The news of events in Quito precipitated revolt in New
Granada, where the city of Cartagena broke out and set
up a Junta, of which the governor was made president.
He was soon found to be bitterly hostile, and was sent
off to Cuba (I Ith June 18 o).
A small insurrection in Casanare, on the borders of
Venezuela, was easily suppressed from BogotA, and the
leaders were executed. At Socorro and Pamplona, in the
Eastern Cordilleras north of Bogota, Juntas were success-
fully set up in July 18io.
There remained Bogota, where everything was ripe for
revolt. It was precipitated by an insulting speech aimed
at the Americans by a European Spaniard. The people,
assembling in the great square, demanded a Junta. The
Viceroy was at first for resistance, as he had a consider-
able force at his disposal. Then he thought better of it,
and allowed the cabildo to meet openly. It at once
(21st July) named a Junta, of which the Viceroy himself
was to be president. The leader in this movement was
Dr Camilo Torres. The revolution was at first of the
mildest order, for the Junta, in drafting a constitution, re-
cognised, not only the sovereignty of Ferdinand VII., but

even the temporary authority of the Spanish Regency
during Ferdinand's imprisonment in France. The con-
stitution provided for a federal union of the various
provinces of New Granada. All this was far from satis-
fying Torres and the other leaders, who presently deposed
the Viceroy and made use of the weak Junta as a tool.
Ferdinand VII.'s sovereignty was still acknowledged, but
the Junta was ordered to refuse recognition of the
Regency or any similar body in Spain. Then there
arrived from Spain the envoys Montifar and Villa-
vicencio, whom we have already seen in Caracas on
the 18th April IS8o.1 Being powerless in the face of
recent events, Mont6far proceeded to Quito to see what
could be done there.
Most of the other provinces of New Granada, follow-
ing the example of Cartagena and Bogota, had set up
their own Juntas, and it only remained to work out their
federal union. But there was no union ; for Bogota and
Cartagena each wanted to hold the Congress in its own
territory and to unite the provinces around itself.
Neither would recognize the authority of the other.
Some of the other provinces, moreover, wished to set up
independent republics.
Then the Bogotanos set up a monarchical republic"
with Dr Lozano as President. He was unable to succeed
bringing about the desired federal union, and he was
soon deposed, at the instance of Antonio Narifio, who
favoured a centralised republic. Cartagena, with which
Antioquia concurred, was for the federal system. A
Congress of sorts had assembled in Lozano's time, but,
when it attempted to inaugurate a federal republic,
was driven out and forced to retire to Ibague in the Mag-
dalena valley. On the I Ith November 1811 Cartagena
declared itself an independent state, whilst the eastern
provinces sought incorporation with Venezuela. The
1 Supra, p. 42.

royalists still held Quito and the territory as far north as
the province of Pasto in the south of New Granada,
though they had been driven from the valley of the
Cauca, including Popayan. They also held what is now
the Republic of Panami, and they occupied the two pro-
vinces of Santa Marta and Rio Hacha, east of the lower
Magdalena, the stream of which they also commanded
with their gunboats and posts on both banks. Thus
Cartagena was sandwiched in between PanamA and Santa
Marta, which latter, with Rio Hacha, effectually cut it off
from the central and eastern provinces. These again lay
between the Santa Marta-Rio Hacha wedge and Quito.
The latter had meanwhile made another attempt to throw
off Spanish dominion. In it the principal part was
played by Montuifar, the envoy of the Spanish Regency,
who had gone over to the revolutionists. He was at the
bottom of the setting up of a Junta, in September 1810,
with Ruiz de Castillo at its head. Presently Castillo
was deposed and murdered, and Quito proclaimed its
independence. We need not follow in detail the course
of this revolution, which was finally put down after the
storming of Quito in the latter part of 18 12. Quito after
that remained quiescent for eight years. At the same
time, civil war was in progress in New Granada between
Narifio,1 representing the supporters of a centralised re-
public, and the Congress at Ibague, with Camilo Torres2
1 Antonio Nariflo, born in Bogoti, 1765, where he served as a youth in
the royal treasury. He was imprisoned in Spain for publishing an account
of the French Constituent Assembly. Escaping from Cadiz he fled to Paris
and England. Returning to Bogoti, he was again arrested and imprisoned
at Cartagena till released by the revolution there. His later adventures will
be narrated in the text up to the date of his defeat in the contest for the vice-
presidency with Santander in 1821. After that he appears to have taken no
active part in politics. He died at Leiva in September 1823.
2 Camilo Torres, born at Popayan in 1766. Became an advocate and public
employ at Bogota. He joined the revolution from its commencement and
will be mentioned later in the text. From 1812 to 1814 he was President of
the Republic in New Granada. He fled southwards before Morillo in 1816,

at its head, representing the federal party. It is un-
necessary to follow the changing fortunes of this miserable
contest, which ended in union of the forces of Nariflo and
the Congress, with the object of beating back the Spanish
advance from Quito under SAmano, who had reconquered
Popayan by the end of 1812. Narifio, in command of
the republicans, was at first successful in driving the
royalists back into the province of Pasto, the Vend6e of
the Revolution of New Granada," as Mitre appropriately
calls it. There he was defeated in an advance-guard
skirmish by the mountaineers. His army, seized with
panic, fled to Popayan, and Narifio, after wandering alone
for some time in the mountains, finally surrendered him-
self and was shipped off in chains to Spain.
The general situation in New Granada and Quito was
as follows at the time when Bolivar was approaching
Cartagena. Quito was in the power of the royalists, who
were advancing against the now united forces of Narifio
and the Congress towards Popayan. The province of
Antioquial had declared itself an independent republic.
Cartagena was likewise an independent state, cut off from
the central states by the wedge of Spanish territory in
Santa Marta and Rio Hacha, extending across the lower
Magdalena. It was threatened by the forces in this
wedge, and also to some extent from Panama,2 where the
Spanish titular Viceroy of New Granada had established

but was captured and executed in Bogota in October 1816. He was shot in
the back, his body was then hung on the gallows, and afterwards quartered,
and his head exposed to public view.
1 This province is situated in the northern part of the Central Cordilleras
and the Cauca valley south of the province of Cartagena.
2 The danger of invasion by land from Panami was slight. The country
between Panama and Cartagena is so marshy and fever stricken as to be
practically impassable for troops. That the Colombians found to their cost
in 1904 when, the sea route being forbidden by the United States after the
Panama revolution, they attempted to send a force by land. Three-fourths
of the men perished, and the rest returned in a state of starvation.
The real danger to Cartagena in 1812 was from the sea.

himself. In view of the danger from Santa Marta, Carta-
gena had accepted the dictatorship of Dr Torices, a young
man of twenty-four years. This move was the imme-
diate consequence of the destruction by the Spaniards, in
March 1812, of a flotilla sent from Cartagena against
Santa Marta. A force was now being sent against that
place under Labatut, a French adventurer who had
escaped from La Guaira after Miranda's fall, before the
emigration had been stopped by Casas under Spanish



M ONTEVERDE soon had good reason to
regret having let Bolivar escape. The
future Liberator landed at Curacao, then
in the possession of the British, on the
28th August 1812. He was almost penniless, for,
owing to informalities in the papers of the ship by which
he arrived, all his property on board was seized by
the customs, and Monteverde had sequestrated his
Venezuelan possessions. He is said to have talked of
going to England to seek employment in the Peninsula
under Lord Wellington. Whatever his real intentions,
his financial difficulties prevented any such scheme. At
Curacao he found some of his companions who had
escaped from La Guaira, and others had accompanied
It was not long before, having succeeded in borrowing
some money in Curacao, Bolivar was again off to offer
his services to the republican government at Cartagena.
He arrived there in the middle of November 1812, and
at once set to work at his new enterprise of inspiring
energy amongst the separatists of the republic, and of
acquiring a position amongst them which might hereafter
enable him to come to the aid of Venezuela. For the
moment, the fire of revolution in his own country had
been stamped down, though it was still smouldering.
In Cartagena he hoped to fan the flame into a blaze

involving all the neighboring provinces. On the i 5th
December, two days after Labatut had successfully driven
the Spaniards from the mouth of the Magdalena, Bolivar,
with the approval of the Dictator Torices, by whom he
had been well received, issued a manifesto to the inhabi-
tants of New Granada. It is too long for quotation in
full ; for, like most of Bolivar's proclamations, it is prolix
and wearisome to English ears, and much too full of
highflown sentiments, self-glorification, and flattery of his
audience. However, he knew his people, and that this
style of writing was acceptable to them, and gratifying
to their vanity. The manifesto, which occupies nearly
eleven pages of O'Leary,1 may be summarised in a
few words for our purpose. After explaining his own
position and his desire to help New Granada, Bolivar
states what to him appear to have been the main causes
of the Venezuelan failure. To begin upon, there had
been a deal too much leniency on the republican side;
he was thinking of his own differences with Miranda on
this subject. Then there had been too much theory,
and too little practical work ; we had," he writes,
" philosophers for leaders, philanthropy in place of legis-
lation, dialectics instead of tactics, and sophists for
soldiers." Instead of well-trained soldiers, the re-
publican leaders had endeavoured to compel the service
of yokels, thus raising useless bands of militia and
ruining the agriculture of the country. Curiously
enough, Bolivar strongly opposes, for his own country,
the idea of the nation in arms," though he admitted its
success against mercenary troops in France and North
America. Perhaps he was right, looking to the peculiar
circumstances of his country, and recognizing in his
heart of hearts that the revolution, as yet, had
I The manifesto is given in full in O'Leary, i. 86-96. The letter to the
Congress of New Granada in the same terms is in O'Leary, Documents, 13,
P. 57.

little root amongst the general population, and would
never have been started but for the influence of ideas
imported from Europe and North America by men like
Miranda and himself. Then he denounces the federal
Congress, which he blames as an instrument of dissolu-
tion and civil war rather than of union, which, in his
opinion, was only to be attained by a centralised re-
public. A federal government, with its factions and dis-
sensions, was far too weak to succeed. He had no faith
in popular elections made by ignorant rustics and the
intriguers of cities. Our own divisions," he wrote, not
the arms of Spain, have brought us back to slavery."
Whilst admitting fully the effects of the earthquake,
combined with ecclesiastical influence, he always harks
back to his argument that, if Caracas had imposed itself
on the country as the governing authority, all would
have been well. Then he boldly advocates the re-
conquest of Caracas by New Granada. Its difficulties
he admits, but urges that Venezuela, in the hands of the
Spaniards, now occupies the same position in regard
to South America generally as Cor6 had formerly occu-
pied towards Caracas. Venezuela should be attacked
in Maracaibo through Santa Marta, and in Barinas
through the mountains of Cicuta. The whole manifesto
is Bolivar's first real profession of political and military
faith. He appealed in similar terms to the General
Congress of New Granada assembled at Tunja, and his
arguments gained him many adherents, of whom the
most important was Camilo Torres, the original leader
of the outbreak in Bogota in July 1810.
In the meanwhile, Bolivar was given a command
under Labatut in the expedition which was to attempt
the conquest of Santa Marta. The appointment was
by no means acceptable to the Frenchman. By way of
getting rid of his subordinate, Labatut posted him at
Barranca, a small place on the western (left) bank of

the Magdalena, some fifty or sixty miles from its mouth.
Bolivar had strict orders to remain there, guarding
Labutut's rear in the advance on Santa Marta. Those
orders he disobeyed as soon as Labatut's back was
turned. He set out with 200 men for Tenerife, some
thirty miles farther up the river on the opposite bank.
The Spanish garrison, surprised by Bolivar's sudden
arrival, evacuated the place and fell back towards Valle
de Upar, south of Santa Marta. After compelling the
submission of Tenerife to the republican government,
Bolivar continued his march up the river, through a
country of grass and marshes, to Mompox,1 some 150
miles from the mouth of the river. On the way he
cleared out all the small Spanish posts on the left bank
of the great river. Mompox in those days was an im-
portant place, and in it Bolivar was received with en-
thusiasm, on 27th December 1812. Here he gathered
in many recruits, and was able to leave for Banco,
travelling by boats on the river, with 500oo men. Banco,2
though fortified, was evacuated by its Spanish garrison,
who retired up the river Cesar towards Valle de Upar.
Still pushing on, Bolivar, after defeating a royalist
detachment at Chiriguana, reached Tamaleque, Puerto
Real,3 and finally Ocafia, an important place well above
the valley of the Magdalena in the foothills of the
Eastern Cordilleras. He had gained a very considerable
and important success, opening as he had nearly 300
miles of the lower Magdalena, clearing out the Spanish
garrisons, and capturing their boats, as well as much
1 Mompox was in Bolivar's time on the main stream. This has now
shifted twenty miles to the west, and the branch which passes Mompox has
become a minor one, only navigable for steamers when the river is in flood.
2 Banco stands on a slight eminence on the right bank of the Magdalena,
at the point where, now, the branch passing Mompox separates from the
main stream.
3 Puerto Ocafia on the map. Now called Puerto Nacional. Up to about
this point steamers can travel day and night. Above it, it is generally only
safe to proceed by day.

ammunition, many muskets, and some artillery. More-
over, he had freed for the use of Cartagena all the plain
to the west of the Magdalena, whence supplies of cattle
and grain could be drawn.
It was now time for Bolivar to call a halt and
endeavour to regularise his very irregular position.
Labatut was furious at his disobedience of orders, all
the more so because it had redounded to the glory of
a man of whom he was jealous. He issued orders for
Bolivar's immediate return to Barranca, orders to which
the successful lieutenant replied by detailing his victories,
without any promise of obedience. Labatut appealed
to Torices at Cartagena, demanding Bolivar's trial by
court martial. But Torices, appreciating the advan-
tages gained at the cost of insubordination, refused the
request, even when Labatut hastened to Cartagena to
back it in person.
Bolivar, therefore, had matters all his own way, and
rose immensely in the estimation of the Cartagenians.1
He now considered himself on the high road to carrying
out his greater scheme of invading Venezuela from the
At this time the Spanish military commander of
Maracaibo, Ramon Correa, was firmly established about
Cicuta. He had marched thither from Maracaibo
whilst Monteverde was subduing the central part of
Forcing back such republican troops as he encountered
in the provinces of Trujillo and Merida, he was now in a
position to threaten the Granadian towns of Pamplona
and Ocafia. Had he been bold enough to press on, he
1 According to Briceho Mendez, Bolivar had got permission from Torices
for his expedition even before the capture of Tenerife. This seems more
than doubtful on the whole. In any case, Bolivar's appeal to the govern-
ment, behind the back of his immediate superior, would not much improve
his position in the matter of insubordination. Labatut was soon afterwards
arrested by order of Torices, and expelled from Cartagena territory.

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