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Rapid assessment of the food and nutrition security impact of the CARE food programming activities in eastern Shewa and western Hararghe.

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Rapid assessment of the food and nutrition security impact of the CARE food programming activities in eastern Shewa and western Hararghe.
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CARE USA; CARE Ethiopia; US Agency for International Development
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Africa ( LCSH )
Farming ( LCSH )
Agriculture ( LCSH )
Farm life ( LCSH )
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Africa

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Electronic resources created as part of a prototype UF Institutional Repository and Faculty Papers project by the University of Florida.

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Full Text
RAPID ASSESSMENT OF THE FOOD AND NUTRITION SECURITY
IMPACT OF THE CARE FOOD PROGRAMMING ACTIVITIES
IN EASTERN SHEWA AND WESTERN HARARGHE
October, 1993
Sponsored by.
CARE USA, CARE Ethiopia, and the US Agency for International Development




ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
There are numerous persons to whom thanks are due, and we sincerely appreciate the help and support they have extended to us in the completion of this document. We would like to take this opportunity to thank Mr. Robin Needhanm, Director, CARE-Ethiopia, and all of his staff for their help and support. Sincere thanks are also due to Mr. Curt Schaeffer, Director of the Food Security Unit, CARE-USA.
Sincere thanks are also extended to the University of Arizona for providing support for this project. We would like to thank in particular Mr. Claude Bart, Ms. Jennifer Manthei, and Ms. Katherine McCaston for the many hours of editing, formatting and typing text. We would also like to personally thank Ms. Mary Stonie for helping with the matrices. To the rest of the staff at the Office of Arid Lands Studies, University of Arizona, we extend our deepest gratitude.




Rapid Assessment of the Food and Nutrition Security Impact of the CARE Food Programming Activities in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................. 1
II. INTRODUCTION ..................................................... 7
III. METHODOLOGY................................................... 8
A. Background and Rationale ............................................ 8
B. O bjectives ......................................................... 9
C Training .......................................................... 9
D. Institutional Assessment ........................................... 9
E. Rapid Food Security Assessment ....................................... 10
1. Composition of the Survey Team ................................. 10
2. Secondary Data Review ........................................ 10
3. Key Informant Interviews ....................................... 11
4. Development of the Topical Outline .............................. 11
5. Survey Procedures ............................................ 11
F. Rapid Nutritional Assessment ......................................... 12
IV. FIND ING S ......................................................... 13
A. Institutional Assessment ............................................. 13
1. Donor and Other Collaborative Organizations' Perspectives ............ 13
2. Government Views and Policies .................................. 14
3. Eastern Shewa ............................................... 15
a. Adequacy of Program Planning/Design ....................... 16
b. Targeting ............................................. 17
c. Implementation and Management ........................... 17
d. Effectiveness ........................................... 18
4. W estern Hararghe ............................................ 19
a. Adequacy of Program Planning/Design ....................... 19
b. Targeting ............................................. 19
c. Implementation and Management ........................... 19
d. Effectiveness ........................................... 21
B. Rapid Food Security Assessment ....................................... 21
1. Eastern Shewa ............................................... 21
a. General Features of Area Surveyed ......................... 21
b. Livelihood Strategies .................................... 26
c. Coping Strategies ....................................... 27
d. Changes in Livelihood Strategies ........................... 29
e. Food Consumption Patterns ............................... 30
f. Child Care ............................................. 31
g. Nutritional Status ....................................... 32




h. Summary of Constraints to Household Food Security and Nutritional Security in Eastern Shewa ................................ 33
i. Beneficiaries' Perception of CARE's Food Aid Activities.........35 j. Recommendations..................................... 35
2. Western Hararghe.......................................... 37
a. General Features of Area Surveyed ........................37
b. Livelihood Strategies ................................... 41
c. Coping Strategies ...................................... 44
d. Changes in Livelihood Strategies.......................... 46
e. Food Consumption Patterns ..............................46
f. Child Care .......................................... 48
g. Nutritional Status..................................... 49
h. Summary of Constraints to Household Food Security and Nutritional Security in Western Hararghe .............................50
i. Beneficiaries' Perception of CARE's Food Aid Activities.........53 j. Recommendations..................................... 53
V. CONCLUSIONS.................................................. 54
A. Issues of Design............................................. 54
B. Targeting .................................................. 54
C. Performance Indicators........................................ 55
D. Sustainable Development (Promoting Livelihoods).....................55
VI. ANNEXES ...................................................... 57
1. Peasant Associations and Map
2. Villages Surveyed
3. Nutritional Data 4. Crop Calendars
5. Team Members and Persons Contacted
6. Workshop Agenda
7. Topical Outline
8. Conceptual Model
9. Matrices




Rapid Assessment of the Food and Nutrition Security Impact of the CARE Food Programming Activities in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe
I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
INTRODUCTION
A rapid food security assessment was carried out in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe (September 25 October 15, 1993) to determine: (1) what CARE food-assisted projects have been undertaken, and how they were designed, implemented, and evaluated; and (2) what impact the project has had on the participants. To determine whether the projects were properly designed, a rapid assessment of the household food security situation in each project area was carried out. Six Peasant Associations (PAs) were assessed in Eastern Shewa (Fachassa (Chekafachassa), Dongori Wonga, Yaya, Kachama Sobaku, Bate Bora, and Hassie Dhera) and six in Western Hararghe (Miesso, Kuni, Kurfasawa, Galessa, Annano, and Hardim). The PAs were selected on the basis of accessibility, economic base (e.g., cereal, agropastoral, pastoral), distance from main roads, and history of food assistance. Two villages in which CARE assistance was not provided were surveyed in order to compare project areas with nonproject areas.
In addition to the rapid food security assessment, an institutional assessment was carried out to determine the procedures used by CARE in program planning/design, targeting, implementation and management, and assessment of project effectiveness. Information sources included a document review, key informant interviews with CARE staff, and interviews conducted with government agencies, donors, and other collaborating institutions such as the United Nations organizations and other NGOs.
To ensure that all team members were familiar with the concepts and procedures to be used in this assessment, a training exercise was also conducted prior to going to the field. This training exercise was intended to build capacity among CARE staff so that they could carry out such assessments in other areas in the future. Twenty-five people participated in the training exercise.
FINDINGS
Food and Nutrition Security in the Project Areas The nutritional security of both project areas is affected not only by the factors influencing household food security, but also access to health facilities, clean water, and adequate mother/child care. In both areas, access to clean water and adequate health care were major problems. The amount of time and resources used by households to obtain water and health care has significant negative impacts on efforts to promote better access to food, through either foodfor-work or emergency free food distribution. In terms of mother/child care, the health of the mother and child is negatively affected by the labor expended in obtaining water and fuelwood. This has implications for the time available for child care and frequency of feeding. In addition, the narrow diet available to families in the project areas means that many families do not have adequate access to proteins (pulses, meats), vitamins (vegetables, fruits), or oil/fat (necessary for synthesizing vitamin A). There is also little supplementary feeding and few proper weaning foods for children. These problems are compounded by the fact that the majority of the population is




illiterate, which influences care, hygiene, and dietary patterns. All of these factors, coupled with the general food insecurity in both areas, have led to extremely high malnutrition rates.
Both areas are suffering chronic as well as transitory household food insecurity. A major underlying factor in both areas is the high rate of population increase (three percent per year). In Eastern Shewa, the chronic food insecurity is due to increasing landlessness (in some locations as high as 50 percent), limited access to inputs (land, labor, oxen, improved seed and other inputs), natural resource degradation (soil fertility, water availability, access to pasture and forests), limited access to government services, limited alternative income-generating activities due to limited access to markets and high rates of illiteracy, and the loss of animals for draft, milk, and as a buffer against food shortages brought on by drought or war. The chronically food insecure are also not always included in the target group for food aid assistance.
The chronic food insecurity situation in Western Hararghe is much more severe than in Eastern Shewa because of the political insecurity that characterizes much of the area. This is evident in the high rates of severe malnutrition found in the area, and the limited variety of foods consumed. Transitory food insecurity caused by locationally specific drought conditions has also made this region extremely vulnerable to food deficits this year.
To address the chronic food insecurity problems in both areas adequately, food assistance programming must take steps to ensure that food insecure households are targeted in project interventions. Otherwise, all natural resource enhancing activities will have little impact because these populations will rely on charcoal and firewood sales to survive.
Transitory food insecurity is prevalent in both areas as well. Yields are decreasing due to changing rainfall conditions, and crop failure is a common phenomenon. A contributing factor is the fact that the cropping mix is not matched to the changing rainfall conditions, and farmers do not have access to varieties of seed that are better adapted to such conditions. The variety of crops grown is limited, and could be expanded significantly if appropriate seed were made available. Yields are also affected by limited access to traction, labor, and improved inputs such as fertilizer and pesticides. Due to the reduced yields, farmers are having to rely more on market-purchased food to make up for production shortfalls. Access to alternative labor activities are limited, as are commodities that can be exchanged for food. As a result, the terms of trade for labor, animals, and other products sold by farmers turn against them with regard to food purchases. To compensate, farmers turn to charcoal and wood sales as loss management strategies that have a long-term negative impact on the environment.
CARE'S FOOD ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS
It is within this context that CARE's food assistance programs are operating. In Eastern Shewa, the program has been concentrating on food-for-work (FFW) activities, in the areas of reforestation, agroforestry, soil and water conservation, pond construction, vegetable gardening and road construction. The benefits derived from these programs, from the beneficiaries' perspectives, include: a positive impact on access to food; increased access to oil (which may not be obtained by any other means); better access to water through the construction of ponds; greater awareness of natural resource conservation (especially the value of enclosures); roads that link communities to outside markets, resources, and services; increased skills in conservation,
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road, and pond construction; and less dependence on credit and wood and charcoal sales. In addition, CARE Ethiopia's Food Information Systems (CEFIS) has made considerable progress in targeting transitory food insecurity in the area. However, CARE does not have baseline data or clearly defined performance indicators to confirm the progress in these activities with regard to impact on household food security (HFS). In fact, the performance indicators that are used are not true measurements of the project objectives.
Despite the positive contributions made by the project, the beneficiaries and the assessment team identified a number of areas in which improvements in food aid programming could be made. (1) Many people felt that there are not enough activities to accommodate all the people seeking work, particularly during the cropping season when the food shortages are the most critical. The team found that introducing food-for-work at this time would have no significant negative effects on food production; it is during the hungry season that many communities are forced to sell charcoal and wood to purchase food in the market. (2) The chronically vulnerable populations in many villages are excluded from the FFW because they are not PA members (e.g., the landless).
(3) The FFW payments do not always come on time. (4) The distribution centers are sometimes far from the village. (5) Communities do not participate enough in the design of the FFW activities, setting priorities, or assisting in targeting. (6) The food basket is incomplete and not tailored to family size. (7) Work norms do not take different levels of vulnerability into account.
(8) Activities are limited, and do not take the range of viable (food security enhancing) options into account. (9) CARE lacks the resources to address adequately the needs of the communities with which they work.
In Western Hararghe, the food assistance program is orientated toward emergency free food distribution. Given the very difficult security problems under which CARE is operating in this area, it is to be commended for having any presence at all. It is obvious from the interviews conducted in the areas surveyed that CARE's assistance is much appreciated by the beneficiaries. The food has actually saved lives in many villages, prevented migration, reduced the magnitude of fuelwood sales, and allowed people to try to pursue agricultural activities as a source of livelihood.
Under such difficult conditions, the food distribution system is bound to operate imperfectly. The major problems cited by the beneficiaries and identified by the assessment team included: (1) the ration amount does not always account for the size of the family; (2) food sometimes comes too late; (3) the harvest last year was not sufficient to warrant the extent of the FFD reduction; (4) the area-based assessments do not capture intragroup vulnerabilities; (5) the distribution centers are too far away for people with no means of transport; (6) not all of the people in need of food are on the distribution list due to recent displacement--the distribution list needs to be updated; and (7) many of the populations serviced by CARE are becoming increasingly dependent on the FFD.
RECOMMENDATIONS
To improve the food assistance programs in the areas surveyed, the following recommendations are proposed by the assessment team. These recommendations are not prioritized, so the order in which they are discussed does not reflect their relative importance. The recommendations are discussed under the following headings: targeting, performance monitoring, food basket, types of
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FFW activities, inputs for work, sustainable development, and promoting food and nutrition activities in conflict areas. Many of these recommendations apply to both regions.
Targeting
The following steps can be taken to improve targeting of beneficiaries to ensure that the chronically vulnerable as well as the households suffering from transitory food insecurity are included in project activities. Committees should be established to include representatives from the various vulnerable groups (e.g., landless, women-headed households, and elders). This will prevent the PA Chairpersons from excluding the most vulnerable from the FFW lists. Such committees could be tested on a pilot basis in several communities. Periodic spot checks could be done to see if the committees are targeting effectively. The CEFIS is an excellent system for monitoring transitory food insecurity in the areas. For those subareas that are prone to recurring food insecurity, contingency plans should be established to improve the timeliness of response in order to protect livelihoods and any gains made by CARE. In addition, CEFIS could monitor baseline conditions in the project areas as a way to get at performance indicators. The indicators that are used in food security monitoring and performance evaluation should consist of chronic/baseline indicators, and transitory indicators that monitor current conditions. Transitory indicators should consist of leading indicators that can be monitored through unobtrusive measures that indicate the early stages of food insecurity problems and concurrent indicators that reflect the effect of the actual food shortage (e.g., changes in consumption patterns). Information on concurrent indicators would only be collected when the leading indicators demonstrate that conditions are worsening. This information could be collected through rapid food security assessments. Once the food security problems are verified, contingency plans involving either FFW or FFD could be initiated. CARE should consider whether FFW activities could be tailored to different types of vulnerable groups. This would involve designing different activities for the landless and the landed, or for the weaker members of the community. In addition, consideration should be given to incorporating more activities that give the communities an opportunity to obtain CSM.
Performance Indicators
Output indicators should be defined and periodically measured to detect the impact of the project on household food security. These could include the changes in the number of meals, the diversity of foods consumed, and food substitutions. Care must be taken to ensure that the indicator is not measuring an artifact of food aid, which may not be related to longer term food security. This is why pre- and post-harvest measures are important. Cultural patterns in food consumption must be taken into account. Nutritional status indicators can also be monitored as a way to assess CARE's impact on overall well being in the communities in which it is working. If CARE intends to have an impact on the nutritional security of the populations it is working with, consideration should be given to incorporating interventions that improve water quality and access to health services. Otherwise, nutritional status as an output indicator may not change significantly. CARE could enlist the help of the Ministry of Health (MOH) to carry out such periodic assessments.
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Food Basket
Presently, the grain being used in both locations for food assistance is wheat. Consideration should be given to providing grains that people are likely to produce themselves or can be readily obtained in the market. Maize and sorghum are good candidates. This could avoid a situation where taste preferences cannot be satisfied locally. The market impact of food assistance needs to be monitored more carefully to avoid creating market distortions. In addition, consideration should be given to adding a pulse to the food basket to improve the diet. The current diets of the target populations lack protein and important vitamins and minerals. Another alternative is to expand access to CSM to vulnerable populations.
Types of Food-for-Work Activities
The communities themselves should play a greater role in determining the types of FFW activities they want to pursue. This means that the FFW activities need to be more locationally specific. For example, many communities expressed a desire to build a school or a clinic because these services were not available. If CARE does not have the resources to follow up on the priorities, it could solicit the help of other NGOs or different ministries. FFW could also be provided to give more technical training to beneficiaries. Food for training could be provided in such areas as crop production/seed multiplication, conservation, nutrition/hygiene, child care, and various other skills. Some community members could be trained to act as trainers for others to increase coverage. Line ministries could second staff to act as trainers in special areas.
Inputs for Work
In addition to food, consideration should be given to providing inputs for work as a way to improve the long-term resilience of the communities targeted. For example, inputs such as fertilizer, pesticides, seeds, tools, and livestock could be provided. Participants could earn credit toward livestock (e.g., oxen, goats, donkeys) or some other input. This approach may help in the targeting issue because many of the landed households may opt for inputs rather than food. The importance of monetizing food aid to allow for these types of inputs is obvious. The advantage of inputs-for-work is that it can be self-targeting. Through such approaches, cottage industry activities for the landless could also be promoted.
Sustainable Development
Every food assistance program should have built into it activities that promote long-term food security. CARE has been trying to do this through its focus on conservation and improved water access. Every FFW and FFD program needs to be interlinked with sustainable development components. The ultimate objective is to make the populations more resilient and self-reliant. Thus every FFW or FFD should be designed with a long-term vision. For example, in an area where FFD is taking place, inputs such as improved seed could be provided simultaneously so that the production systems become more viable. Also important are contingency plans that monitor locationally specific indicators that determine when to implement a mitigation activity in order to prevent a community from sliding back to a more vulnerable state. CARE needs to look at all programming in this manner.
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To incorporate the protection and promotion of livelihoods into ongoing provisioning activities, CARE has to reconsider how large an area it can reasonably cover. It may have to limit the geographical area it covers, delegating the other regions to other NGOs. Indigenous NGOs could have a role to play here. Before launching a broad-based, sustainable program, pilot tests should be initiated to determine the best way to promote livelihoods for a given area.
Food Security Promotion in Conflict Areas
To promote food security in areas prone to political conflict, the following factors should be considered. First, mobile extension teams could be used to train lead farmers to act as community extension agents. These lead farmers could then provide training to other farmers regarding improved seed varieties and vegetable production. Another way to provide extension messages as well as inputs is through food distribution centers. A training facility could be developed at the distribution center to train members from the PAs in more vulnerable areas.
NGO Workshop
An NGO workshop should be held in the near future to discuss: (1) the unequal distribution of activities in the country; (2) opportunities for collaboration; (3) work norms; (4) activities that promote long-term food security; and (5) ways to facilitate better working relationships with line agencies. In addition to representatives from the various NGOs working in Ethiopia, representatives should be invited from the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC), the Ministry of Health, other line ministries, and the various donors.
Increasing the Frequency of Free Food Distribution in Western Hararghe
In light of the apparent overestimate of the 1992 harvest, the failure of the maize and sorghum crops in low land areas, and present household food insecurity in Western Hararghe, CARE should carefully consider increasing FFD from quarterly to monthly in this region.
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II. INTRODUCTION
Over the past 20 years, Ethiopia has suffered from chronic and transitory food insecurity, and has often been referred to as the "land of famine." Since the 1970s, there have been two major famines (1973/74 and 1984/85), and food shortages have been a recurring problem for different regions every year. To address these food deficits, governmental and nongovernmental (NGO) organizations have become involved in the rescue operation of saving the lives of millions of people. CARE Ethiopia is one of the NGOs that started its humanitarian assistance in the midst of the 1984/85 famine. Since 1985, CARE Ethiopia has responded to the food needs of thousands of people in the regions of Eastern Hararghe, Western Hararghe, Eastern Shewa, and Borana. CARE has also assisted the refugee population in the Ogaden by providing water for the camp population in Jijiga, Hartishek, and Kebribyah. CARE has delivered large amounts of commodity food aid to food insecure populations in these areas through emergency free food assistance and food-for-work.
This assessment of food assistance programming focuses on two of the regions in which CARE is operating, Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe. In Eastern Shewa, CARE Ethiopia operated an emergency food transportation and distribution project from February to December, 1988. This program was converted into a FFW development program after the good harvests of 1988. Since 1989, CARE has been working in the Adama Boset district to combat severe land degradation, food and water shortages, and deforestation. In Western Hararghe, CARE has been addressing the drought needs of the population through both emergency food distributions and development interventions since 1986. Insufficient rainfall, a rapidly deteriorating land resource base, and limited access to agricultural inputs are some of the problems contributing to the recurring food deficits that plague the area. Although attempts were made to phase into a foodfor-work strategy in 1987, CARE resumed emergency food distribution in the area in 1990 when the long rains failed, resulting in severe drought conditions. CARE has continued to provide this emergency assistance to the present, despite growing political instability that has made food programming both difficult and dangerous to implement.
A rapid food security assessment' was carried out in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe to determine: (1) what CARE food assisted projects have been undertaken, and how they were designed, implemented, and evaluated; and (2) what impact the project has had on the participants. To determine whether the projects were properly designed, a rapid assessment of
SThe team members that took part in the assessment were: Timothy R. Frankenberger (CARE Consultant and Team Leader), Getachew Diriba (CARE Ethiopia Staff and Co-team Leader), Anne Leonhardt (CARE Consultant and Co-team Leader), Tom Marchione (USAID), Jude Rand (CARE Canada), Phil Sutter (CARE Regional Food Technical Advisor), Tezera Fisseha (CARE Ethiopia Consultant), Aklilu Kidanu (CARE Ethiopia Consultant), Amdie Kidane Wold (CARE Ethiopia Consultant), Moges Tefera (CARE Ethiopia-E. Shewa only), Zewdie H. Meskel (CARE Ethiopia-E. Shewa only), Aben Ngay (CARE Ethiopia-E. Shewa only), Kefelegn Ketybelu (CARE Ethiopia), Yonis Berkeke (CARE Ethiopia-W.Hararghe only), Gelachcha Negassa (CARE Ethiopia), Abera Oljirra (CARE Ethiopia-W. Hararghe only), Kassu Senbetu (CARE Ethiopia), R. Chander (CARE Ethiopia-W. Hararghe only), Ken Litwiller (CARE Ethiopia-E. Shewa only), Syrukh Sutter (CARE Ethiopia Consultant), Mulugeta Debebe (CARE Ethiopia-W. Hararghe), Israel Tadesse (CARE Ethiopia-W. Hararghe only), and Samuel Gizaw CARE Ethiopia-W. Hararghe only).
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the household food security situation in each project area was carried out. Six Peasant Associations (PAs) were assessed in Eastern Shewa (Fachassa (Chekafachassa), Dongori Wonga, Yaya, Kachama Sobaku, Bate Bora, and Hassie Dhera) and six in Western Hararghe (Miesso, Kuni, Kurfasawa, Galessa, Annano, and Hardim). The PAs were selected on the basis of accessibility, economic base (e.g., cereal, agropastoral, pastoral), distance from main roads, and history of food assistance. Two villages in which CARE assistance was not provided were surveyed in order to compare project areas with nonproject areas.
In addition to the rapid food security assessment, an institutional assessment was conducted to determine the procedures used by CARE in program planning/design, targeting, implementation and management, and assessment of project effectiveness. Information sources included a document review, key informant interviews with CARE staff, and interviews conducted with government agencies, donors, and other collaborating institutions such as United Nations organizations and other NGOs.
To ensure that all team members were familiar with the concepts and procedures to be used in this assessment, a training exercise was also conducted prior to going to the field. This training exercise was intended to build capacity among CARE staff so that they could carry out such assessments in other areas in the future. Twenty-five people participated in the training exercise.
The following report presents the results of this assessment. The information is organized in the following manner. First, the methodology is discussed, stating the objectives and activities related to the various components of the assessment methodology. Second, the findings of the study are presented, discussing the results of the institutional assessment followed by a summary of the information obtained through the rapid food security assessment carried out in each area. Third, a summary of the evaluation findings is provided. This is followed by a section dealing with the team's overall conclusions and recommendations. The report ends with a number of annexes that present information regarding the villages surveyed, summary tables of the nutritional data, crop calendars, the list of people contacted, the topical outline used in the rapid food security assessment, the conceptual model that guided the team's inquiries into food and nutritional security issues, and matrices that summarize the rapid assessment information by village.
III. METHODOLOGY
A. BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE
The field assessment methodology used in this study forms part of a wider effort to update and revise CARE's Food Aid Policy and Guidelines. Based on a commitment to improve the programming of Title II and other food resources, CARE has begun a process to review its policy and guidelines published in 1985. As part of this review process, CARE has conducted desk reviews of its food programs in Africa, Asia, and Latin America and developed a draft food security conceptual framework. CARE is also carrying out field assessments of food aid programs in Peru, the Philippines, and Ethiopia. This exercise represents one of these field assessments.
The primary purposes of these field assessments are to determine what Title II and other food assistance programs have been undertaken and why, and what has been the impact on beneficiaries. Although these assessments are not substitutes for full-blown impact evaluations,
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they provide an initial snapshot of the effectiveness of CARE's food programming activities in selected countries. The information derived from these assessments can then be used as a basis for developing processes to carry out regular program assessments and evaluations. Assessments will also serve as an important training exercise for all Food Program Unit (FPU) members. Thus the secondary purpose of these assessments is to enhance the field assessment skills of FPU members.
B. OBJECTIVES
The general objectives of this assessment were: (1) to determine what CARE food assisted projects have been undertaken in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe, how they were designed, implemented, and evaluated; (2) to assess the impact of these projects on the people who participated in the programs; and (3) to train a number of CARE Ethiopia staff to build capacity so that they could carry out similar assessments in other areas in the future. Two additional objectives of this study were to characterize the food and nutrition security of the project areas and to identify various options that could be addressed to improve food aid targeting so that household food security could be enhanced.
C. TRAINING
To ensure that all team members participating in the assessment were familiar with the concepts of household food and nutritional security and the rapid assessment methodology used, a training module was provided in Nazareth, Eastern Shewa. The agenda is found in Annex 5. Twenty-five people attended the workshop, which was conducted over a three-day period. The topics addressed in the workshop included: an introduction to food security (nutritional security, livelihood security, household food security, production-consumption linkages, and food systems analysis); coping strategies; household food security and environmental degradation; indicators of household food security; the emergency-development interface (vulnerability mapping, contingency plans, promoting sustainable livelihoods); introduction to rapid rural appraisals; RRA methods (sampling, unit of analysis, data collection techniques, and interactive data gathering tools); procedures for conducting RRAs in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe; constructing interview guides; and information relevant to intervention design. Every attempt was made to make the training as participatory as possible; thus, group activities were integrated into each major training topic. The participants in the workshop had a major role in revising the topical guide that was to be used to gather the household food security information.
D. INSTITUTIONAL ASSESSMENT
An institutional assessment was carried out to determine the procedures used by CARE in program planning/design, targeting, implementation and management, and assessment of project effectiveness in the Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe regions. Information sources included: project documents such as the project proposals, quarterly reports on progress, and any other relevant secondary information; key informant interviews with CARE staff at headquarters and in the field; interviews conducted with government agencies such as the Ministry of Agriculture (MOA) and Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC); and interviews with donors and other collaborating institutions such as the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), the European Economic
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Community (EEC), the United Kingdom's Overseas Development Agency (ODA), and the World Food Program (WFP).
Inquiries regarding program planning/design focused on the adequacy of initial needs assessments, objectives, inputs, plans for phasing out, sustainability of project activities, targeting, and community participation. With regard to implementation and management, questions addressed inputs and outputs, obstacles to implementation, verification of targeting, monitoring systems for target groups, the role of the beneficiaries in decision-making, institution-building components, and the technical quality of project execution. Project effectiveness inquiries focused on whether the project management was measuring impacts with performance indicators, what the staff perceived the project impact to be, whether the results are sustainable, the opportunity costs/benefits, and the impact on public policy.
E. RAPID FOOD SECURITY ASSESSMENT
To determine whether the projects were properly designed, a rapid food security assessment was carried out in each project area. Six PAs were assessed in Eastern Shewa (Fachassa (Chekafachassa), Dongori Wonga, Yaya, Kachama Sobaku, Bate Bora, and Hassie Dhera) and six in Western Hararghe (Miesso, Kuni, Kurfasawa, Galessa, Annano, and Hardim). The PAs were selected on the basis of accessibility, economic base (e.g., cereal, agropastoral, pastoral), distance from main roads, and history of food assistance. Two villages in which CARE assistance was not provided were surveyed in order to compare project areas with nonproject areas (see Maps, Annex 1).
1. Composition of the Survey Team
The survey team consisted of 20 members; 17 males and three females. All of the 20 people did not participate in all phases of the survey. For example, the team composition changed when the survey began in Western Hararghe. The various disciplines represented by the team included agronomy, anthropology, agricultural economics, nutrition, soil and water engineering, demography, rural sociology, and a medical doctor. In addition, regional government staff from the MOA and the Ministry of Health (MOH) also participated on the team as interviewers and in collecting nutritional status information. Their participation will help foster future interinstitutional collaboration between CARE and the line ministries in addressing food and nutrition security problems.
The large team was divided into three smaller teams, each team having a designated team leader. The various teams visited different villages on each of the days that the survey was conducted. Team members were rotated within and between teams throughout the survey to give each person an opportunity to work and learn from the other team members. An attempt was made to match one technical scientist with one nutritional or social scientist in pairs to carry out interviews.
2. Secondary Data Review
Prior to going to the field, the team examined existing information that had been collected on the area. Several documents provided a good overview of the project areas, such as the midseason crop assessments carried out by CARE Ethiopia's Food Information Systems (CEFIS) and baseline socioeconomic surveys conducted recently by Dr. Getachew Diriba, one of the co10




team leaders of the assessment. In addition, maps were obtained of the survey areas to aid in the selection of PAs.
3. Key Informant Interviews
Good background information was obtained from the CARE staff working in the areas to be surveyed during the training exercise. The group activities during the training exercise focused on the livelihood systems of both Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe. This information provided the team with an understanding of the major trends in the area and the ongoing development activities that could be tapped into when considering interventions.
4. Development of the Topical Outline
A topical list or minimum data set was developed to help guide the interviews before going to the field. This list assisted the team members in addressing the topics and aspects of topics that they might otherwise have omitted. Secondary data sources were consulted to help devise the topical list. The development of the topical list was an important team-building exercise. Each team member contributed to the list, and survey priorities were established prior to going to the field. Consensus was reached on every topic included in the outline to ensure that the team functioned as a single entity from the beginning of the field exercise.
The topical outline was pretested in the first PAs surveyed. Prior to this field test, the team discussed the appropriate procedures of conducting the interviews, avoiding biased questions, handling translation, and handling sensitive topics. Before going to the field, matrices were constructed from the topical list to allow for the transfer of data from field notes to a comparative format (see Annex 8). These matrices allowed for continuous comparisons among households and PAs, which helped focus discussions among team members. They also provided a means for evaluating or checking the completeness of the field notes. At the end of the survey, these matrices were shared with all of the team members to facilitate the write-up of the report.
5. Survey Procedures
Upon arrival in the PA, the team first met with a large group of the members of the PA and explained the purpose of the study. In this meeting, the team explained who they repr resented, what the results would be used for, and why so many questions would be asked. General inquiries were directed to the group regarding village infrastructure, access to resources, land tenure arrangements, major crops grown, sources of credit, government programs in the area, major populations, climatic, resource, and food security trends, social organizations operating in the village, access to development projects, participation in food aid programs, and community problems and needs. At the same time that the group interview dominated by the men was being conducted, one of the female researchers conducted a focus group discussion with a group of women, asking the same set of questions.
After the initial inquiries with the assembled villagers, the team split up into groups of two to conduct interviews with individual households. In general, the teams tried to seek interviews with a range of household types taking into account age, gender, and access to resources. The selection of households to be interviewed was based on the list of families in which nutritional measurements were being collected. This not only allowed for stratified samples to be drawn, but also meant that the team had nutritional measurements for every household interviewed. Focus group interviews were also conducted with female-headed and landless households.
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The specific interviews were conducted with households away from the rest of the villagers in order to avoid biased responses. Attempts were made to interview both male- and female-headed households to take into account different knowledge and opinions. For "ample, female-headed households tend to know more about harvest quantities, processing values, storage losses, and consumption patterns.
After the interviews were completed for a selected PA, the team members gathered to discuss their findings and formulate hypotheses regarding the major food security trends in the area. This procedure helped summarize the important attributes, constraints, and opportunities that characterized the food security situation, and provided a basis for comparison when the survey work was initiated in the other PAs. These reviews helped revise the topical outline for further interviews. In addition, this process was also a crucial team-building exercise.
Once the survey was completed, hypotheses were formulated regarding the major livelihood systems operating in the two project areas, changes occurring in these livelihood systems, major food and nutrition constraints, the most vulnerable populations, and the interventions recommended to help improve household food security in the area. In addition, the effectiveness of the food aid activities in each area was also assessed on the basis of the perception of the participants and the evaluation team. Team consensus was reached on all constraints and recommendations proposed. This review gave the team members an opportunity to combine their various disciplinary expertise in formulating possible solutions.
Following the discussion of the food and nutrition security constraints, the status of the food assistance programs, and recommendations, the team leaders assigned each member a portion of the report to write up.
F. RAPID NUTRITIONAL ASSESSMENT
-To obtain an approximation of the diet and nutritional status as part of the broader food and nutrition security assessment, a quota sample of from 24 to 40 households with children under five years of age was selected from each village. The sample was designed to be roughly representative of four socioeconomic strata in each village, ranging from those without assets (land and/or animals) to those with relatively large land holdings and livestock ownership.
As a means to obtain a more precise indication of nutritional status, the youngest child under five years of age from each family was weighed and measured for height or length (depending on whether the child was measured while standing or supine), and child health and household 24hour dietary recalls were obtained from their mothers. Weighing was done by health staff recruited from the MOH zonal offices in Nazareth and Asebe Tefari under the supervision of nutritional specialists on each subteam using Salter spring scales and standard measuring boards. MOH staff spoke the local languages and were well acquainted with eliciting age, morbidity, mortality, and dietary information.
Using these methods, 367 children from six to 60 months were weighed and measured and their mothers provided health and dietary information. A nested sample of 102 of these households were interviewed in-depth regarding their household food security and participation in the CARE food aid program in the village. The health staff also examined all children under five for common ailments such as malaria, eye infections, diarrhea, and vitamin A deficiency, and
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appropriate medications were dispensed on the spot (e.g., vitamin A, oral rehydration salts, antimalarial drugs, and eye ointments along with instructions).
Anthropometric analysis was done using standard weights for height or length and according to other standard procedures used by relief agencies in Ethiopia. (Time did not permit analysis of weight or height for age that might have been a more appropriate indicator for long-term effects of food insecurity). Group mean percentages of standard were used for analytical association with health information, diet, and other household food security information.
IV. FINDINGS
A. INSTITUTIONAL ASSESSMENT
1. Donor and Other Collaborative Organizations' Perspectives Five donors and collaborating agencies, United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the United Kingdom's Overseas Development Agency (ODA), the European Economic Community (EEC), the World Food Program (WFP), and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), met with the team. Programming priorities, as discussed in the interviews, varied among organizations, as did the extent of recent contact with CARE. The agencies' perceptions of CARE Ethiopia's food programs were positive on the whole. Opinions of CARE ranged from "a reliable partner" and "one of the most serious NGOs in Ethiopia in its use of food aid" to "not very impressed."
Of the four donors, the EEC has had the least recent interaction with CARE. The EEC shifted away from channeling resources through the Government five years ago, and now has yearly NGO food security programs consisting of food, seeds, and support for Early Warning Systems. A major initiative of recent years has been the use of monetization funds to purchase locally produced food, aid. (It appears that some misunderstanding may have occurred surrounding the reasons CARE refused EEC funds to conduct a local purchase). With respect to the concept of an employment-based social safety net, presently under intensive discussion in the country, some reserve was expressed regarding the breadth and effectiveness of coverage it may provide.
ODA has also increasingly funneled funds through NGOs, which are perceived as more accountable than the Government. CARE's programs funded by ODA are seen as worthwhile and generally cost effective. Reporting by CARE is viewed as adequate; however, it was suggested that quarterly monitoring reports would be helpful. A strong interest was expressed in food-for-work programs over free food distribution, because of the former's capacity to provide a stimulus to local economies. Cash-for-work was felt to be inherently corrupt. Interest was also expressed in rural programs, given that only a small percentage of the Ethiopian population resides in urban areas. Moreover, a large proportion of migration to urban areas has been related to push rather than pull factors; that is, related to rural distress rather than work opportunities in cities.
USAID sees CARE's Food-for-Work and Free Food Distribution programs as generally consistent with its food security objectives for Ethiopia. These include (1) increasing staple production, and (2) provision of emergency and humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia's most vulnerable groups. Food-for-work outputs, in the form of improved agricultural infrastructure
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and roads linking rural areas to markets, are important to regional food security. CARE also provides a safety net to help prevent recurrent emergencies in the form of free food, particularly important for the drought-prone area of Hararghe. Likewise, the CEFIS strengthens CARE's ability to identify and respond to impending emergencies.
USAID perceives CARE to be doing a good job in involving the community in targeting the most needy, although reaching certain vulnerable groups is recognized as difficult. Emphasis should be placed, therefore, on close targeting of food assistance to areas of greatest chronic food insecurity. A recommendation was made that commodity/recipient reports, although meeting requirements, could be made more useful.
CIDA is considerably less satisfied with CARE than its donor counterparts. CIDA reported communication problems, lack of cooperation, superficial and top-heavy management, poorly conceived FFW activities, poor community participation, inappropriate oil monetization, lack of sustainability, and dependency creation. CIDA thinks that CARE should be installing hand pumps in its operational areas, instead of digging ponds that do not substantially increase the supply of clean water. CARE should focus on the technical implementation of its FFW programs rather than on just the outputs. CARE should also focus on more community participation. CIDA anticipates a "cool" relationship with CARE in the future, and that this relationship will depend largely on how CARE Canada responds to the recently completed CIDA evaluation of CARE Ethiopia's programming.
WFP will be one of the major collaborators with the RRC's Employment Based Safety Net Program, planning eventually to phase out all relief feeding, apart from refugee programming, to be replaced by community-based food-for-work. Communities would be involved in identifying priority public work projects, which could be implemented during periods of food insecurity. Selftargeting is expected to result from low food wages, which would only attract the most needy of the community. Details of determination of this rate have yet to be worked out; however, a 2.5 kg daily rate appears to be a possible candidate. Fifteen pilot project areas have been identified by the RRC and may begin operation during early to mid-1994. WFP is considering supplementing food-for-work with small vulnerable-group feeding programs focused in the same areas.
The WFP food basket for relief feeding consists of cereals, pulses, and oil. Mainly wheat is received from donors; however, WFP often trades the wheat for maize and sorghum with the Agricultural Marketing Corporation in Addis Ababa, receiving greater tonnage of cereals in exchange, and often saving on internal transportation costs.
Anticipated food requirements for Ethiopia during the coming year are an estimated 10-20 percent higher than last year. However, the official FAO/WFP Assessment Mission will be coming next month to analyze the food needs. At the same time, food programming is being scaled down by donors.
2. Government Views and Policies
CARE works with both the MOA and RRC. The MOA has recently been split into the MOA and the Ministry of Natural Resources. The latter is not yet sufficiently established to have had any contact with NGOs; in the meantime, CARE continues to liaise with the MOA.
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The mandate of the MOA Office for NGO Liaison is to coordinate and assist NGO efforts, to provide them with necessary resources, and to monitor and evaluate their programs. The MOA collaborated with CARE in the design of its Nazareth (Eastern Shewa) Project, and continues to sit on a technical committee with CARE that provides on-going monitoring and problem-solving for the project. It worked on the Habro project design as well, and is satisfied that its design is in line with MOA policies. CARE regularly shares its reports and evaluations with the MOA.
The MOA appreciates CARE's community participation approach, to the extent that it adopted the approach in 1989/90 in some of its programs. However, it feels that CARE sometimes bypasses local institutions. The MOA would like to see CARE diversify its programming into cash-for-work, tools, or other inputs for work. It would also like CARE to play a greater policy role in land reform and marketing support for smallholders (as the parastatals pull out). The MOA is concerned that without proper monitoring, FFW may depress local markets, provide disincentives to production, and interfere with production during peak harvest time.
The RRC is the GOE body responsible for regulating and planning the national relief program, and has been CARE's principal counterpart since 1984. The RRC bases its prediction of Ethiopia's food requirements on crop yield, rainfall, satellite imagery, and rate of erosion. The NGOs and donors collaborate with the RRC in planning their food programming, and are expected to comply with RRC directives.
The RRC has recently established a new set of guidelines on disaster management, in which it asserts that FFW should replace FFD in all but exceptional cases. It is very much committed to eliminating free food, but will be flexible in consideration of vulnerable groups.
The RRC's relationship with NGOs has been shaky at various times in this history, last year being one of the more difficult periods. The RRC did not report this; rather, CARE Addis management commented on the poor relations resulting from confusion within the GOE about the RRC and MOA mandates. The RRC alluded to this, however, when it asserted that CARE sometimes signs contracts directly with the MOA instead of going through the RRC.
The RRC reports having good relations with CARE, due to CARE's consistent consultation with RRC technical officers and adherence to its policies, and to CARE's flexibility in response to RRC's vulnerability assessments. It considers CARE's management to be above average relative to other NGOs. CARE's reporting is reliable but could focus more on the impact on the food security of its beneficiaries. In Eastern Hararghe, the RRC thought there was evidence of creating disincentives by overpaying on FFW projects for pond construction, and violating work norms. The RRC's major criticism of CARE was that it is not doing enough to indigenize its projects and should be paying more attention to capacity building.
RRC's general feeling is that CARE is looked up to by other NGOs, and that if CARE took steps to do more sustainable projects, the other NGOs might follow suit.
3. Eastern Shewa
CARE began operations in Ethiopia during the famine of 1984-85 with free food distributions to hundreds of thousands of people. As the famine abated, CARE moved from relief to rehabilitation with a large food-for-work program in the areas where CARE previously distributed relief food. The FFW program in Eastern Shewa began in 1989.
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The assessment of CARE's programming in Eastern Shewa was based on a review of relevant project documents, interviews with key project staff, male and female group interviews in six PAs, individual interviews with beneficiaries including the full range of landless, female-headed, landowning and oxen-owning households, and visits to project sites. Information from each of these sources has been integrated into the following section.
a. Adequacy of Program Plannina/Desian
The original project was based on a beneficiary list for Free Food Distribution provided by the Relief Committee, which was inadequate in both its targeting and assessment of
community needs. CARE recognized the need for better baseline data but early attempts
to gather it were hampered by insecurity and devillagization. Since 1992, with the more stable political situation and the introduction of the CARE Ethiopia Food Information
System (CEFIS), CARE Shewa has been systematically gathering information on key
indicators of food insecurity in its project areas. This information will serve as baseline
data with which to monitor and plan future programming. The Objectives of the Eastern
Shewa Rehabilitation project are as follows:
1. Nutritional levels of the targeted population in Eastern Shewa region will
be maintained through FFW activities and relief distributions should an
emergency situation arise.
2. Areas planted with tree and fodder resources in targeted agricultural
production areas will be established on a demonstration basis.
3. Increased access to water for human and livestock consumption will be
enhanced by establishing new ponds and maintaining old ones.
4. Local farmers and semnipastoralists will have begun to develop an increased
awareness of their problems, potential solutions, and the capability of
generating such solutions of their own initiative so as to address recurrent
or new problems in the future.
5. CARE's capacity to effectively respond to emergency food relief situations
in the targeted areas will be maintained.
These are laudable objectives, and there is evidence that some of the measurable objectives are being met. However, a major criticism of the project design is that
objectives such as "maintaining nutritional levels" and "increasing awareness of problems
and solutions" cannot be measured in terms of outputs such as "number of farmers'
training sessions" held. Clearly, the construction of 98 kilometers of road is not evidence that nutritional levels have been maintained. A second finding is that communities were
not sufficiently involved in program design; women especially were not well informed
about rations or work norms. Additionally, although communities were very much aware of the food impact, they were less aware of the longer-term benefits to the environment
and production. A third weakness is that nonfood inputs, such as cement, pipes, and tools, were not budgeted for. This is to some extent a result of donors' willingness to
cover food and administrative costs, but unwillingness to consider complementary inputs.
CARE recognizes the limitations this places on technical soundness, and has recently put
together a proposal for an Infrastructure Enhancement Component for all of its FFW
programs. ODA has agreed to fund a portion of this component, while CIDA continues
to restrict its funding to strict "food programming".
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b. Targeting
Under the previous regime, the Peasant Association (PA) wielded considerable power in community decision-making. As such and as a result of limited resources and accessibility, CARE relied heavily on PA discretion and direction in compiling beneficiary lists and in targeting its FFW interventions. In some communities, this has meant that vulnerable groups, particularly the landless and female-headed households, have been disadvantaged and inadequately targeted. In Fachassa, one landless female head of a household had to beg the PA to allow her to work on the program. Because she was landless and therefore not a member of the PA, she was technically ineligible to work. Eventually, the PA relented and allowed her to work, but not without much delay and hardship. In Dongori Wonga, the PA bases eligibility on equal turn taking rather than on degree of need. As a result, landed households with productive assets and alternative income sources have the same access to food aid as those more vulnerable households which rely almost entirely on FFW for subsistence. CARE is making some effort to correct this bias, however. In Wolenchity, where the Committee tried to disqualify all landless, CARE intervened and insisted that it include all needy, regardless of land holding.
Another targeting weakness identified pertains to CARE's lack of attention to the
(in)ability of vulnerable groups to perform labor-intensive activities. Work norms are based on outputs regardless of strength or capacity, which obviously disadvantages the sick and the elderly. To some extent, this may be mediated by the fact that communities form their own groups to enter into contractual obligations with CARE to complete certain activities, and they may be taking ability into account when assigning tasks to the weaker members. It is likely, however, that weaker members have difficulty being selected by the groups and/or are forced to accept lower wages. As they are likely to have the greater needs, this is less than ideal.
Third, the food basket itself is limited (wheat and oil only) and is not addressing the nutritional needs of vulnerable groups who have little access to complementary foods. Nor does it take actual family size into account. These are not CARE-specific problems, but country-wide RRC-dictated policy for FFW. With CEFIS results and a better understanding of the variability in household-level food insecurity, CARE may now contribute to and influence GOE policy making in favor of vulnerable groups.
In summary, vulnerable groups have not been adequately represented in the PA political structure, and as a result, their particular needs have not been taken into consideration in project design and targeting. CARE's move toward establishing FFW Committees through which and with which to plan and implement FFW projects is a step in the right direction, but it has not made enough of an effort to ensure that vulnerable groups are adequately represented on these committees.
c. Implementation and Management
In 1990, CARE discovered instances of food misappropriation, and subsequently. launched an internal investigation of its FFW activities. A team led by Lizette Echols found that CARE Ethiopia's commodity management systems were inadequate, creating opportunities for misappropriation of food. Echols found that the FFW projects in Hararghe were not adequately planned or supervised, and recommended their immediate suspension until better systems could be developed. The Shewa FFW program, on the
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other hand, was found to be better run and was permitted to continue and to serve as a testing ground for improved FFW systems.
Since 1991, CARE Ethiopia has concentrated on developing its commodity management systems. It has instituted a food monitoring unit, new formats to register and track commodities, and a computerized commodity tracking system. In addition, it has held several training sessions in commodity management for all levels of staff. In Eastern Shewa, CARE has concentrated on its FEW design, with particular attention to improving the technical quality of FEW interventions, and in devising mechanisms for communities to play greater roles in project decision making and management. It has switched from an attendance-or-time-based format to a contract-or-output-based format for activity proposals and payment requests. It is in the process of hiring engineers to provide technical input to infrastructure design and integrity. And it has encouraged communities to form FFW Committees with which and through which it designs and implements activities. While these measures are improving community participation, ensuring better technical outputs and controlling for corruption, the need to negotiate contracts and monitor outputs has led to delays in making food payments. CARE Shewa staff think that with experience these delays can be avoided to some extent, but that the steps are all necessary and therefore cannot be streamlined. CARE Shewa manages two projects: the FFW and a Logistics Support Unit. There is insufficient management for the two, and as a result, the needs of one are compromised by the needs of the other. Project staff repeatedly mentioned lack of resources.
d. Effectiveness
Respondents report that the food inputs of the program have had a positive impact on consumption. To some extent, the food aid has prevented them from depending upon credit and more wood and charcoal production. It is in some cases the only access to oil in a diet which is generally deficient in most complementary foods. This is a particularly important impact because of oil's role in enabling the body to synthesize Vitamin A. The consistent criticisms of the food inputs were that they came too infrequently and that they were interrupted during critical food production periods, generally when the food was needed most. Respondents were unanimous that they could have managed both FFW and agricultural production activities at the same time, with no opportunity cost to continuing FFW activities during peak periods in the food production cycle.
Positive impacts of the infrastructure development were increased access to water through ponds, better links by road to outside markets, resources and services (including CARE food aid), enhanced skills in pond construction and resource management, and an increased awareness of natural resources conservation. A shortcoming is the very limited range of activities being undertaken. CARE focuses mainly on roads, ponds, reforestation, agroforestry and bund construction. It has recently started promoting vegetable gardens, but it has not explored the much wider range of food-securityenhancing options which would be viable in this community, such as outgrower schemes for seed multiplication or alternative income generating activities. As well, it has not sought the collaboration or inputs of other organizations which could be doing complementary programming; e.g., there is a dire shortage of clean water in these communities, but CARE has not explored whether another NGO, such as Africare, might collaborate in the sinking of wells.
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4. Western Hararghe
The free food distribution program initially began in Western Hararghe during the 1984/85 famine. As the famine abated, CARE moved from relief to rehabilitation with a large Food for Work program in the areas where CARE previously distributed relief food. In 1990, upon discovering instances of food misappropriation, CARE suspended FFW operations until better systems could be developed. However, CARE continued its free food distributions in Eastern and Western Hararghe, albeit with limited access and frequent suspensions due to civil unrest. Since August, 1992, the political situation has settled down (relatively speaking) to the extent that CARE has been able to resume its FFD program with some measure of regularity. The program aims at assisting marginal and lowland populations whose asset bases and market systems have suffered the combined effects of the previous four years of drought and civil unrest.
a. Adequacy of Program Planning2esign
The program's principal goal is "to maintain the nutritional standards of 80 percent of the
population in the program area, enabling these persons to lead a productive life and to remain in their own communities." Fifteen kilograms of wheat and half a liter of edible
oil per person per month have been programmed, corresponding to the ration specified in
the Ethiopian Government's request for foreign assistance. The number of months of coverage varies from area to area, according to production and marketing conditions,
which are presently monitored by the CEFIS. Small quantities of Vitamin A capsules and
improved variety maize and sorghum seeds have also been distributed occasionally.
Measurement of program impact is restricted by the present absence of baseline data'.
The project documents do not specify indicators to be used in monitoring and evaluation,
but project staff reported that they have been hoping to monitor nutritional status.
Nutritional status, by itself, however, should not be relied on, given that water and
sanitation conditions, which also impact nutrition, are not being dealt with either by CARE or through other programs. Planning for phase out and restructuring is to be
guided by CEFIS data, frequent monitoring, and periodic socio-economic surveys.
b. Targeting
The program targets geographic areas, while identification of vulnerable groups within these areas has not been carried out due to obstacles discussed below. CARE Ethiopia
staff have given a good deal of thought to the question of beneficiary identification
though, particularly because of the disintegration of the peasant associations, the
community-level structure through which CARE has traditionally operated. In one part of
Ethiopia, CARE has begun to experiment with the inclusion of community elders in
committees responsible for identifying the free food beneficiaries.
c. Implementation and Management
In 1990, CARE discovered instances of food misappropriation, and subsequently
launched an internal investigation of its FFW activities. A team led by Lizette Echols
found that CARE Ethiopia's commodity management systems were inadequate, creating
opportunities for misappropriation of food. Echols found that the FFW projects in
2Although a nearly completed socio-economic survey carried out through CEFIS in Habro will help fill this gap.
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Hararghe were not adequately planned or supervised, and recommended their immediate suspension until better systems could be developed. In addition to many commodity management systems-related recommendations, Echols also strongly recommended hiring food programming specialists and recentralized, tighter management of the Hararghe programs. CARE immediately suspended its FFW activities in Hararghe, and has since concentrated on developing its commodity management systems. It has instituted a food monitoring unit, new formats to register and track commodities, and a computerized commodity tracking system. In addition, it has held several training sessions in commodity management for all levels of staff. Between January 1991 and July 1993, a total of 19,500 MT of wheat and 600 MT of edible oil were distributed in Western Hararghe, representing 99 percent and 94 percent respectively of the planned commodities. During each month in 1993, between 45,000 and 60,000 persons are expected to receive rations.
In addition to the problems discussed above, obstacles to the program over the last 2 1/2 years include restricted and interrupted operations resulting from: (1) security problems, involving looting, a number of staff casualties and injuries, and two personnel evacuations; (2) infrastructure/logistics problems, including lack of road access to many of the 120 Peasant Associations served, frequent power outages, and limited means of communications; and (3) limited staff size due to difficulties of hiring qualified and capable staff to work in this region. Improvements in security have resolved many of these constraints, and CARE has taken measures to solve the communications and power problems. Road accessibility and limited staff size, however, remain serious constraints.
In addition, program quality has been affected by: (1) a lack of government counterparts in Western Hararghe. The principal counterpart, the RRC, opened an office just six months ago, but its operations are severely constrained by limited resources; (2) a lack of community level organizations, caused by the political transition and instability; and (3) scattered locations of the intended beneficiaries.
Verification of beneficiary lists, which are provided by PA leaders, has been attempted in a number of PAs. Ten percent of households are selected to crosscheck household size. In three of the PAs, complete registrations were also carried out this year. Collaboration between CARE and the RRC essentially began with the opening of the RRC Office in Asebe Tefari six months ago. A needs assessment committee has been established, comprised of the RRC, the MOA, CARE, and other Government Departments to evaluate the requests for assistance presented by the PAs.
Technical quality of project execution, as represented in the commodity management system and food monitoring, appears to be solid and to meet expected norms. Over the past two years, emphasis has been placed on the establishment of a computerized tracking system, and on reworking commodity control forms. CARE staff have also been trained in commodity storage and monitoring and in data collection for the CEFIS.
CARE Ethiopia will be restarting FFW activities in Eastern and Western Hararghe in October, 1993. CARE has an ongoing rural FFW project in Eastern Shewa and an Urban FFW Infrastructure Project in Addis Ababa. Through lessons learned from these ongoing projects, CARE has made a conscious decision to aim for quality over quantity FFW, and plans to undertake only those activities it can properly plan and implement. To this end,
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CARE has also designed an Infrastructural Enhancement Component, with funding from the ODA, that will cover the technical expertise and nonfood inputs necessary to ensure
technical quality.
d. Effectiveness
This study represents the first attempt to measure the results and impacts of the Western
Hararghe free food distribution program. The CARE Sub-Office in Asebe Tefari had
hoped to use Save the Children's nutritional surveillance data to analyze the program's
impact; however, SCF's survey areas have corresponded very little with CARE's areas of operations, as security and accessibility factors have limited SCF's studies to areas close
to the main roads.
Periodic assessments using rapid appraisal techniques were mentioned by the Sub-Office as a means of supplying monitoring and impact information. Such assessments may also
help to monitor the secondary goals of the program: productivity and opportunity
benefits/costs of the beneficiaries, and absence of outmigration.
In general, the number of months of free food distribution matches the number of
months of a farmer's food deficit, thus reducing the possibility of dependency or
disincentives to production. However, a case was cited in which a large number of
pastoralists attempted to relocate from their land to the town of Miesso with the
intention of surviving on free food.
The program's targeting may be considered effective at the community level. However,
although compilation of beneficiary lists is not within CARE's mandate, the staff agreed
that FFD is not effectively targeted to vulnerable groups. Many of the PA lists are
sufficiently outdated that rations may no longer correspond to present household size,
and several needy households may not be included in the lists.
B. RAPID FOOD SECURITY ASSESSMENT
1. Eastern Shewa
a. General Features of Area Surveyed
Location and Geographic Features: Eastern Shewa is located southeast of Addis Ababa
and consists of the Woredas (districts) of Adama and Boset. According to the latest GOE
region designation, Eastern Shewa is one of the administrative zones of the Oromia Region (Region 4). This area is characterized by subsistence agricultural production,
which is often too little to meet family livelihood requirements due to irregular rainfall,
high pest infestation, and declining access to productive resources. These will be discussed
in more detail below.
Adama-Boset, CARE's main geographical focus in Eastern Shewa, is located in the Rift
Valley that dissects Eastern Africa. The area falls in the lowland (kolla) agroecology, where cropping diversity and successes in production output are severely affected by
climatic irregularity. Average annual rainfall is estimated at 700 to 800 mm in "normal"
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years. Within the peasant production systems, Adama-Boset is classified as a cereal-major and livestock-minor economy. There are, however, important variations in the area: some PAs put heavy emphasis on agropastoral production systems and other PAs rely on cereal production. This type of economy is dependent on household labor with little or no hiring of outside wage labor. Production is aimed at the self-provisioning of the household. There are low capital and technological inputs, high labor inputs, and low investment, and production is highly dependent on the forces of nature. These factors result in low labor and land productivity (Diriba, 1993). Diriba's study also shows that climatic irregularities are a common feature of Adama-Boset and other regions of Ethiopia. There have been major droughts in 1984/85 and in 1988 involving substantial crop losses for subsistence farmers. As the respondents of this survey showed, every year there is a certain proportion of production losses due to moisture stress (premature on-set and/or break during flowering stage), high pest infestation, and low or no agricultural input utilization. Due to increasing climatic hardship, the local varieties of maize and sorghum (often requiring 180 to 270 growing days) are not suited to the changing rainfall conditions.
Awash is the only perennial river passing through Adama-Boset with very little irrigation service to the peasant economy. Few farmers along the river use irrigation for crop production. Adama-Boset consists of two major urban centers and four rural markets; Nazareth is the single most important business center offering considerable demand for teff. As Diriba (1993) showed, 78.7 percent of the households in Adama-Boset have been involved in market exchange of teff for the cheaper grain staple (maize). Wonji town, an important industrial estate for sugar manufacturing that has a high demand for rural produce, is located in the present study area. Some PAs have already benefitted as outgrowers of sugar cane. However, the surrounding PAs have not benefitted from seasonal employment from the factory.
Population and Socioeconomic Characteristics-Trends: National population statistics show a rapid population growth in rural Ethiopia, estimated at three percent per annum (CSA, 1984). The RFSA discovered that households in the area have, on average, six to seven people per household. This finding is comparable with CARE Ethiopia's recent socioeconomic survey of the area, which gives an average of 6.3 persons per household (Diriba, 1993). The age distribution of the population, according to CARE Ethiopia's survey, is as follows:
up to 5 20.0%
6 to 10 20.0%
11 to 20 23.0%
21 to 60 34.7%
61 and over 1.7%
Three types of households were identified: male- and female-headed households and the landless. The composition of households in Adama-Boset is as follows:
husbands & wives 31% children 57%
relatives 10%
employed help 2%
This puts a heavy burden on the land and other resources that determine food security and general welfare of the rural population (Diriba, 1993).
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In cereal-major PAs of Adama-Boset, teff, maize, barley, and haricot beans are major
crops, whereas agropastoralists struggle to keep the balance between livestock and cereal
production. The socioeconomic condition in Adama-Boset can be characterized as
subsistence based, labor intensive, and declining. The agropastoralist group is in
transition, having lost most of its animals and means of livelihood during the past
drought. Our discussion with group households in Fachassa PA of Alemetena zone aptly
describes this situation (see Box 1).
BOX 1
Fachassa is an agropastoral PA with 88 members. At the time of the group meeting there
were 46 households, including 22 landless and 12 female-headed households. They
reported that their traditional way of life has changed over the past decades. Land is no
longer available. Livestock ownership has been dramatically reduced as the result of many droughts and their inability to meet family consumption. They are far from any source of water. The irrigation discharge from the sugar estate is dirty; as a result, many people fall sick and animals die. Very few households own oxen. They have very little access to clinics
or schools; those that exist are more than two hours away.
According to a CARE survey of 16 PAs in Adama-Boset, 11 percent of households were found to be landless. Further enquiry into the economic opportunities available to these
groups showed a combination of economic activities both within and outside the
agricultural sector. They include sharecropping, "family land sharing," commodity trading,
casual employment, and charcoal and fuelwood trading (Diriba, 1993). According to the
study, 32.5 percent of the landless households maintain their sustenance through
sharecropping, and 44.7 percent share land with family (mainly with the father of the
landless household). Economic alternatives included trading (two percent), casual employment (nine percent), and charcoal and fuelwood trading (12 percent). Note that a
significant percentage of the landless households are engaged in selling charcoal and
fuelwood for survival, which has far-reaching implications for the viability of
environmental resources and measures aimed at environmental rehabilitation.
Among the land-owning households, an average land holding in Adama-Boset is seven timads3 per household. However, there is important and binding variability among the sample households in the amount of land owned. Twenty-one percent of households in
this area own a plot of up to six timads, 11 percent own 6-9, 22 percent own 9-12, 18
percent own 12-15, and 28 percent own more than 15 timads of land. It must be noted that 21 percent of the households in the sample own land less than six timads (which is
less than one hectare and includes both farmland and dwelling). Those who own less than three timads are effectively landless from the point of view of production and satisfaction
of household consumption. The remaining 79 percent of the sample includes the middle and the upper categories of land size; although there is variability in the extent to which
The hectare equivalent of a timad varies and there is no accurate conversion parameter. Nonetheless,
4 to 6 timads are estimated to equal a hectare of land, with the average taken to be 5 timads per hectare.
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food security and other needs are satisfied, these households are generally better off than the lower category of land owners.
Both types of households (landless and land owning) are constrained by lack of oxen. There is very little hoe cultivation in this area, which increases the demand for animal traction. Throughout the group discussions and individual interviews, lack of oxen was reported as the single most important problem impacting on agricultural production and food security.
The underutilization and inaccessibility of fertilizer in recent years has also been reported as a community problem. Fertilizer is too expensive for the vast majority--three to four times the price farmers paid a decade ago. The inaccessibility of pesticides increases pteharvest losses due to pest infestation (CEFIS estimates losses at 20 to 30 percent). The postharvest losses (storage losses) are estimated to be even higher-- 25-30 percent.
The respondents of this survey demonstrate that livestock ownership has been declining over the past decade due to land shortage, recurrent drought, and distress sales. Many households do not own any animals and, as discussed above, oxen ownership is rare. According to a recent study in the area, 18 percent do not own oxen and 25 percent own a single ox (Diriba, 1993). Access to pasture and water in this area is also scarce. Some PAs pay large amounts of money for water, both for livestock and for human consumption. The veterinary services are irregular, compounding problems of production. Seasonal terms of trade turn against the poor; for example, many farmers sell grain at 40 Birr at the time of harvest and buy grain at 70 Birr during the months of scarcity. The price of animals such as goats reduces from 60 to 20 Birr during the rainy season.
In summary, Adama-Boset is characterized by a lack of diversity of income opportunity, almost complete reliance on agriculture, very limited employment opportunities within and outside the agricultural sector, and increasing reliance on charcoal and wood production as a major source of food security. The population is growing rapidly, swelling the ranks of the landless and the corresponding food insecurity. Production is also reduced as the result of climatic irregularities. All available evidence suggest that the trend of production in the area (total and per capita) is declining.
Access to Natural Resources and Trends: Natural resources such as forest and bush land are no longer available in the Adama-Boset area of Eastern Shewa. There is no forest land in the whole area. Some shrubs and lowland shrubs can be found in small quantities, thinly distributed over the region. Particularly in the agropastoral areas where the density of crop production is lower, few shrubs can be found. Due to increasing dependence on fuelwood and charcoal production, these remaining trees will doubtlessly be wiped out in very short order. Neither environmental sustainability nor household food security can ever be established or maintained once the remaining shrubs and trees have been exhausted. Despite a potential resource in the Awash river and the Koka dam, there is very little fishing because few people know how to fish or have developed a taste for fish.
Access to Infrastructure: Despite Adama-Boset's strategic location in the Oromia Region, little infrastructure and few services are accessible to the rural population. Lack of access
24




to sources of potable water is a major problem in this area. Water is extremely expensive
in communities (e.g., in the Wolenchity area). Expenditure on water drains the few
resources that could otherwise be invested in household livelihood. Box 2 illustrates the
water supply problem in Dongori Wonga PA.
BOX 2
Bekele Dherie lives in the Dongori Wonga Peasant Association area. There are 11 dependents in the family. His residence is 20 km away from the Awash river and his family does not have access to water in the nearby village. CARE helped construct a pond near the village where Ato Bekele resides. The pond retains water during the rainy season but the water dries up during the long period of dry months, when the nearest water supply is at Wolenchity town, about a two-hour walk one way. He told us that he spends seven to eight Birr for a barrel of water, which the family uses for three days' consumption. His livestock also drink the purchased water. He feels that providing access to water greatly reduces the burden of maintaining his family's welfare.
For the most part, schools and health services fall outside the 10 km range and are very
poorly subscribed as a result. With the exception of rural access roads around
Wolenchity, Bofa, Doni, Wonji, and Alemetena, the rural areas do not have access roads
that connect them to markets and other services.
Access to Government Senices: None of the villages of Adama-Boset have access to Government services such as credit facilities or extension. Farmers have to rely on
informal credit (borrowing) at very high interest rates (often 1:2). As discussed earlier,
major social services are concentrated in the major urban centers.
Social Oiganizations: In Ethiopia, social welfare traditions have played a major role in
protecting resource-poor households, especially in rural areas. Such welfare systems
include mehaber (giving of alms) and idir (support to grieving families). To a small extent, these support systems still function in Adama-Boset, but due to a decline in the livelihood
of households, these mechanisms have dwindled to the point where they can no longer
offer assistance to those in need.
Access to CARE Projects: CARE has been operating in Adama-Boset since 1988, doing
FFD for the first year and then shifting over to FFW in mid-1989. Through FFW, CARE has been able to plant trees, terrace, construct ponds and roads, and introduce vegetable
gardens.
Health Status: Many households reported illness among family members, with children
being the worst affected. The lack of potable water and health service facilities along with
inconsistent child care have resulted in a high rate of diarrhea among children. Malaria
and vitamin A deficiency are also very common.
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b. Livelihood Strategies
The major livelihood of the communities in the project area is derived mainly from crop production (e.g., PAs in Bate Bora, Dongori Wonga, Yaya, and Kachama Sobaku) and, in the case of agropastoralists, crop production in combination with livestock rearing (e.g., PAs in Hassie Dhera and Fachassa). Marginal farmers and the landless rely on such nonfarm strategies as wage labor and fuelwood gathering. Constraints to production have been numerous over the last ten years. Shortage of cultivable land is a major problem; 42 percent of the households visited were landless, and the holdings of landed farmers are small, ranging from 1.5-6 kerts (.35-1.5 has) per household. Additional constraints include lack of essential agricultural inputs (improved seeds, fertilizers, and tools); irregular rainfall (both in quantity and seasonality); soil infertility due to overuse; crop diseases and pests (migratory birds, locusts); lack of labor, especially in female-headed households; lack of animal traction; and storage loss (25-30 percent losses were reported).
Cropping Systems/Livestock Systems: A large variety of crops are grown in Adama-Boset. The major cereal crops include maize, teff, sorghum, wheat, and barley; pulses include haricot beans, broad beans, chick peas, and peas. Lentils, kale, and wild cabbage are also produced. Fruits are uncommon in the region. Due to a number of production constraints (discussed below), crop production has declined significantly in recent years. Sorghum, chick peas, pearl millet, and lentils continue to receive emphasis in the more restricted cropping regimes. Intercropping is a common agronomic practice in the area, especially of sorghum with soy beans or maize. Due to the scarcity of cultivable land, fallowing and crop rotation are not practiced. Animal traction is used in most agricultural activities. Farmers lacking draft power rent oxen. Family members are the major source of farm labor; much of the work is done by men, although women and children participate in weeding and harvesting.
Because agriculture is entirely rainfed, most of the crop production activities are carried out during the long rainy season known as kremt or meher. The growing season for most of the crops is from April until November or December (see Annex 4 for crop calendars). The use of improved seeds, organic fertilizers, or pesticides is unknown in the region; most farmers use local seed varieties and rely on manure and chemical fertilizers (DAP, urea) for homestead cultivation. Thus both the yield and gross production of the field crops in the area are estimated to be much lower than the national average. Although a wide variety of crops are grown, the average farmer plants one or two types of crops on a small plot. The entire production system is at a subsistence level; however, some of the produce with higher prices (e.g., teff and pulses) are sold or bartered to purchase less expensive food items such as maize or sorghum.
Livestock raising is an economic activity practiced by both crop producers and agropastoralists in the area. However, cattle, sheep, and goats are kept in significantly larger numbers by agropastoralists. An estimated 30-40 percent of the landed farm households in the region own oxen. Livestock resources serve as a source of both food and cash for their owners. Cattle are the most important animal resource, followed by sheep and goats. Equine or other pack animals are rare, and few households report ownership of chickens. Livestock management practices are constrained by the absence of high-yielding livestock breeds and the poor quality of pasture land in the area, which is mostly communal grazing and bush/shrub land. Aftermath grazing on stubble is also
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practiced. Productivity of the livestock sector is therefore poor, and is used mainly for home consumption. However, during food security crises the sale of livestock is the major source of household income. During individual interviews, many farmers reported selling their productive livestock resources (i.e., oxen and cows) in the last decade in order to purchase grains to meet household food needs. Major limiting factors to livestock production mentioned by farmers include disease, internal and external parasites, scarcity of grazing land, inadequate supply of veterinary services, and absence of credit.
Other Income-Generating Activities: Off-Farm Employment: Income is generated through labor sales, in village centers and state farms for work in cultivation, weeding, harvesting, and quarrying (e.g., Bate Dora PA). Food-for-work programs also provide income opportunities. Payment ranges from Birr 1.5 to 6.0 per day. Some farmers reported earning Birr 20.00 to harvest a one kert field. Fifty percent of the households interviewed add to their household income by selling their own and their children's labor (the latter working as shepherds).
Charcoal/Wood Sales: Charcoal and/or firewood sales are an alternative income source for a majority of the households interviewed. However, the scarcity of forest resources and their distance from villages require that people spend from six to eight hours collecting firewood (exclusive of time spent in marketing the collection). Tree species suitable for charcoaling are becoming scarce in the region from overuse. Government efforts to confiscate charcoal at checkpoints has added to the burden of this strategy. As a result, many households that had formerly relied on charcoal production for extra income are abandoning the practice.
Trading: Trading is not very well developed in the area. Only 10 households (17 percent of those interviewed) reported involvement in trading. Items traded include grains (mainly teffs and pulses), goats, sheep, and to a lesser extent chickens and eggs. The income received from trading is used mainly to cover the cost of other household expenses.
Sale of Wild Foods: Although many families mentioned that wild foods (especially cactus) are important food substitutes in times of food insecurity, only one household reported income from sales of wild foods.
Seasonal Migration: None of the households interviewed reported migration for employment as an income-generating strategy.
c. Coping Strategies
In Eastern Shewa, evidence of the following coping strategies indicates that the community is food insecure and in distress:
Adjustments in Meals and Food Substitutions: Respondents in all six villages reported reducing the number of meals consumed from three to two, or from two to one meal per day during the most critical months before the harvest. Adults generally give up meals before cutting back on the frequency of children's meals. During times of shortage, these populations switch from injera to fried or boiled grain, cut down or eliminate coffee from their diets, do without watt (sauces), or switch from pulses to potatoes and cabbage watt,
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and in the most severe cases, resort to eating bread or injera with salt water. Several respondents reported having sold teff in order to buy greater quantities of maize. There was also evidence that traditional snack foods, such as kollo, nefro, and unripe grain, had become meal replacements.
Sale of Assets: Half of the respondents had sold livestock in distress. One farmer had sold his last goat for medical purposes and another sold his oxen and sheep because his farm land had flooded, destroying his crop. The balance of the respondents reported having nothing to sell. In these communities, there were very few productive assets (tools, traction animals) and virtually no liquid assets (jewelry).
Borrowing Food from Relatives and Friends: No respondents reported lending food or money, and most reported having no one to borrow from. Those who had borrowed informally had borrowed from relatives and neighbors, and had to pay back at a rate of 2:1. A few respondents shared food with family members.
Credit: A few male respondents had borrowed from official credit sources such as the Agricultural Inputs Supply Company (AISCO), and had paid interest of 2.5 birr per 50 kilos of maize borrowed. Two female heads of households in Chekafachassa were nervous of the terms and fearful of not being able to pay back, and so had not borrowed anything.
Wild Foods: Several respondents reported foraging for cactus fruit and chambarla, a wild cabbage known to have no nutritional value but mildly toxic effects on digestion. Only one respondent had eaten wild dove and fowl. None of the respondents had hunted, fished, or sold wild foods.
Alternative Employment and Migration: In the vast majority of households, at least one member sold fuelwood or charcoal. In general, women gathered and sold fuelwood and men were involved in charcoal production. All had to walk great distances both to gather and to sell. One female respondent did weeding on another farmer's land for a wage, and brewed Tella, from which she earned net three to four birr per week. No other alternative sources of income were reported in these communities.
There were few reports of outmigration. One male respondent in Hassie Dhera had tried unsuccessfully to get work on a nearby state farm, and another from the same village was planning to migrate. One woman in Chekafachassa had worked in Arsi as a laborer. In general, the people responded that they did not have marketable skills.
Remittances: No one interviewed had received any remittances.
Redistribution of Children and Livestock: No one reported having redistributed livestock to graze on others' properties. One respondent's children (two) were earning their room and board by tending another's livestock. Many who could not afford to feed their children had redistributed them to relatives' homes. One female head of household could not care for a sick daughter and so had sent her to live with her sister.
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Household Perception of Household Food Security Questions asked regarding household perception of household food security included what they considered adequate food access, what the constraints were to food access, what other livelihood needs competed with food needs, and what the possible solutions were. The answers were wide ranging but largely short sighted. They had to do with filling stomachs and not with longer range livelihood options. Perceptions of security included food variety, three meals a day, the ability to pay taxes or repay food debts, not having to borrow, the ability to meet daily needs, not having to buy food from the market, low prices, and food in storage. Constraints included the amount of time spent gathering wood, selling grain that would ordinarily be reserved for seed, storage losses, insufficient funds to buy agricultural inputs, no land, no oxen, no husband, poor harvest, and drought. Medicine and clothing were often cited as the needs that competed most with food. In general, the response was that the need to feed themselves was all consuming. Solutions ranged from God, Government and food aid, to more tangible solutions such as the redistribution of land, starting a mill, credit for oxen purchase, and subsidized agricultural inputs. No respondents thought in terms of durable solutions such as education or drought-resistant seed varieties, indicating little hope of ever getting beyond hand-to-mouth subsistence.
d. Changes in Livelihood Strategies
When food insecurity persists over long periods of time, coping strategies come to permanently replace customary livelihood strategies, and may even change traditional cultural practices (which generally have their roots in livelihood strategies). Several of these, including distress sales of productive assets and selling of firewood, are temporarily effective in mitigating against hunger but have detrimental effects on long-term livelihood and resilience, not to mention devastating effects on the environment.
The coping strategy with the most far-reaching consequences for the livelihood and resilience of these communities is the sale of firewood. Due to the complete absence of alternative sources of income, women spend the daylight hours walking great distances to gather and sell wood. Thus they have less time for child care, food preparation, assisting in crop production activities, and traditional income-generating activities such as basketweaving and brewing. The firewood trade is also responsible for the rapid destruction of Ethiopia's forests and widescale erosion, which have consequences for livestock, wildlife, and crop production.
Distress sales of productive assets also have serious consequences for a community's ability to recover. Agropastoralists who are forced to sell off goats and cattle prematurely in order to buy grain are left without a buffer stock; depletion of oxen leaves the cereal farmer without traction power; and rental income is lost through the sale of donkeys. Both Fachassa and Hassie Dhera are agropastoral societies in transition; having lost most of their animals, they have to adapt to other livelihood strategies, in competition with the landless and cereal growers for the limited resources in the region.
In Dongori Wonga, women reported not having time to rest or resources to buy the fattening foods they would normally eat after childbirth. Although not a livelihood strategy, fattening lactating mothers with buttered porridge was obviously a strategy designed to improve the rate of mother and infant survival in a society with an extremely high mortality rate. Destitution has led to this practice being abandoned.
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e. Food Consumption Patterns
Composition of the Diet (24-hour recall): Mothers from 194 households were interviewed to elicit a recall of foods consumed on the previous day. Analysis of this data reveals that villagers were following a quite reliable pattern of three meals per day; only 9.1 percent of households had consumed less than three meals on the previous day. In cerealproducing households, 99 percent were consuming injera at least once per day (a baked flat bread used as a utensil for consuming other items) (see Annex 3, Table II). And in agropastoral households, 69 percent were consuming injera. Injera was composed of the locally produced grains, maize, teff, and wheat, singly or in combination, depending on local food production. In cereal areas, full meals also included pulses (69 percent), vegetables and fruits such as kale and wild cabbage (four percent), and oil or fat (80 percent) for use in the preparation of watt (local sauces). In the two agropastoral areas, the consumption of oil (29 percent) and pulses (29 percent) were considerably lower, although animal protein consumption was somewhat higher. In some villages local maize beer (Tella) and coffee were widely used, perhaps due to the recent holiday celebration of Meskal in Christian households (Annex 3, Table II).
Animal protein, although a desirable part of watt dishes, was eaten rarely, on ceremonial occasions. Milk was the most widely consumed source of animal protein for children in the agropastoral area of Hassie Dhera. The most common snack food was kollo (roasted grain) or nefro (a boiled grain). These were often reported as the midday meal. Overall, the female-headed households reported more limited variety of diet than the male-headed households. In-depth household interviews also revealed that the mid-highland community of Dongori Wonga (1600 meters) had the most varied food consumption pattern.
Sources of Food: Foods consumed could largely be predicted by the foods produced in the area. Also, local cereals were the most frequently purchased foods by the landless and, toward the end of the rainy season, by farmers whose production stores were exhausted. Coffee, peppers, onions, oil, and salt were purchased year round by the more wealthy households. All communities reported that prices of basic staples were the highest in the rainy season, "just when we are poorest" as one respondent put it. Prices of maize and teff rise between 50 and 100 percent from the harvest at the end of the year to the end of the rains in September of the following year. Hunting and gathering of wild foods were only reported in three of the communities and involved wild cabbage, cactus fruit, and occasionally birds. Fish was never consumed and if caught was sold. Borrowing and sharing were a common source of food across all the communities except perhaps the wealthiest one, Kachama Sobaku. Female-headed households were more frequently reliant on borrowing from extended family and in some instances "begging" from family. Credit purchases in lean times were common, and in the case of Bate Bora interest repayments reached usurious levels of 100 percent of the amount of the grain obtained.
In five of the communities, food aid was provided by CARE, and in Kachama Sobaku by the MOA. This aid provided an important source of food in the lean season for those families that received it most frequently. But in some instances (Fachassa), CARE food aid was sold to buy medicine. In Kachama, MOA food aid wheat was said to be the second most important source of income by the wealthiest household surveyed. Most of
30




the landless and female-headed households reported a lack of opportunities to obtain more food for work. In two communities, Bate Bora and Hassie Dhera, FFW oil was said to be the only source of oil for the community.
Problems with Food Availability: Only in Fachassa and in Kachama did interviews indicate sufficient food availability. In the other four communities, food was often in short supply because of local production shortfalls; production problems such as lack of rain, inputs, and flooding were given as causes. Universally, the problems for the poor in the wealthier communities and for the general population in the other communities were food prices and the lack of income to buy food, especially in the leaner season of the year.
Food Conservation/Preservation: Grains were milled in nearby towns; there were no invillage milling facilities and only a minority of the households milled by hand. Trips to mills can be time consuming, up to three hours one way, and the wait long (especially in Nazareth, where security was also seen as a problem on the return trip). Costs of milling ranged from 5 to 10 Birr per hundred kilograms (quintal). Foods were stored by a variety of means: in bags on the floor, in the house in Dogogos (dung urns), or in above-ground vessels lined with dung and covered by thatch roofs (Gotera). Teff was reportedly most easy to store for up to a year with relatively low losses. In general, food was stored for little more than six months, and losses of 25-33 percent from rats and weevils were reported. Only one household reported the use of insecticides.
Traditional Food-Sharing Networks: A number of traditional food sharing networks exist in the communities. In Christian communities, sharing is done around Christmas and Meskal. In Fachassa, Dongori Wonga, and in Hassie Dhera the institution of Marhet results in some food sharing. Food is also shared during funerals. These events did not appear to be of any significance to household food security or indicate food insecurity.
Food Taboos/Specialty Foods: Moslems reported they would not eat wild pig. "Vetch grass" was avoided in two communities due to its reported effect on breast milk. Bate Bora and Yaya respondents said they would not eat chicken for religious reasons (perhaps due to recent proclamations from a local healer). Although not stated, there was a surprising lack of fish consumption in these communities. Considering its availability in local streams and ponds, the attitude toward fish consumption may be further explored.
Changes in Diet: Except for the wealthiest in Kachama, most households reported less use of animal foods in the diet in the last ten years. The decline in milk and butter was especially important in the two agropastoral villages of Fachassa and Hassie Dhera. There has also been a shift away from injera made from teff in favor of wheat and maize.
f. Child Care
Care of Children: In the villages of the Shewa region, if a mother does not take her young child to her work place, the child is cared for by an older child, a member of the extended family, or a neighbor. Fathers participate in child care when the child is an infant. In female-headed households, in contrast to male-headed households, mothers are more likely to carry the child with them when they leave the home.
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Feeding Patterns of Children: Breastfeeding is practiced in all of the villages. Demand (as opposed to scheduled) breastfeeding is practiced and feeding of other foods tends to take place two to three times per day until the child is old enough to participate in the adult meals. Weaning foods are introduced when the infant is 8-14 months old, and most children are completely weaned around 24 months of age. Consequently, exclusive breastfeeding appears to extend far beyond the recommended age of four to six months.
Weaning Foods: Commercial weaning foods are not available in the villages. Local weaning foods include goat milk and porridges from wheat, barley, maize, and beans. Injera with milk and oil or "lean-seed" water are also used. When available, milk or eggs are also added to the porridge mixtures. Sometimes "kitta" (a homemade, thin, leavened, dry bread) is used as a weaning food.
g. Nutritional Status
In the six villages (PA areas) surveyed in Shewa, study teams selected 198 households containing at least one child from six months to five years of age. Pertinent health and dietary information was gathered from each household, and the youngest child in the desired age range was chosen for anthropometric measurement of height and weight. Data were also gathered on the child's incidence of diarrhea in the past month. To ensure that the analysis was comparable to the studies done by the RRC, only the households with children from one to five years of age were included in the analysis (see Table I and Summary Tables in Annex 3). In a subsample of the study population, a clinical assessment was performed to determine the state of vitamin A deficiency, based on the prevalence of Bitot's spots.
The main economic support for two-thirds of the households chosen was cereal production; the rest were supported through agropastoral activities. Nearly 20 percent of the households had no assets (land, draft animals such as oxen, or other livestock). Nineteen percent of households were headed by females, and were much more likely to be assetless (46 percent) than were male-headed households (14 percent) (See Annex 3, Table IV). Sixteen percent of the households reported that a child under the age of five had died in the past year. The mean age of the index children included in the study was 33 months; onethird were 25-36 months old. The male to female ratio was 0.9. The nutritional assessment used the RRC assessment methods and standards: under 90 percent of standard weight for length (WFL percent) for children between 70-110 cm in height or length was considered to be some degree of nutritional deficiency (wasting). For all households in the six villages, the mean WFL percent was 85 percent, with a village range between 80.6-90.8 percent. In three of the six villages (Bate Bora, Kachama, and Yaya), the mean weight for length was under 85 percent of the standard, thus placing them in what RRC considers a serious range of malnutrition. All of these villages have cereal-based economies.
As shown in Annex 3, Table I, 64.5 percent of the study population has some degree of wasting; one in eight children exhibit severe wasting and over one-third of the children are either severely or moderately wasted. Wasting appears to be associated with households that are assetless, and such households tend to be disproportionately femaleheaded households (See Annex 3, Tables III and IV). In general, children in the cereal32




major households are twice as likely to be affected with wasting as those in the agropastoral households of the region. The prevalence of vitamin A deficiency (Bitot's spots) was 3.1 percent, a rate that is six times more prevalent than the WHO-defined minimum threshold for public health significance (See Annex 3, Table VII).
h. Summary of Constraints to Household Food and Nutritional Security in Eastern Shewa
Land, Crop Yields, and Income Access: Landlessness has been increasing substantially over the past few years. Nine of eleven landless households at Yaya reported owning some land and cattle ten years ago. Male-headed, landless households lost their land either because their fathers' very small plots of land could only effectively be given to one son, or the PA committee confiscated the land after they had failed to pay taxes on it. Landless, female-headed households lost their land either because they were divorced and had returned to Yaya, or the PA chairman forcibly confiscated the land, which was then resold. Land availability is declining due to population pressures on the land as well as the return of soldiers or displaced people who then claim or reclaim some land. Communities have had to adjust to population pressures on limited resources. Soil is eroding and natural resources are rapidly becoming degraded. Land is often fragmented; farmers reported working plots of land up to two-hours' distance apart.
The unavailability or high price of agricultural inputs has reduced yields substantially and induced farmers to rent out their lands for as little as 40 birr per cropping season. Yaya farmers reported renting out land to Boffa residents who could afford to use tractors to cultivate the land and then hire wage laborers, including the farmers themselves, to work the land for two to three birr a day. Traction animals are beyond the reach of most farmers. Farmers with less than two oxen must sometimes delay their planting until they are able to borrow one or two oxen, thereby affecting yields. Fertilizer is too expensive for many farmers, and some farmers reported that erratic and poor rainfall renders fertilizer useless. Crops are often not matched to the irregular rainfall patterns, and inaccessibility of appropriate seed varieties further affects yields. Pests frequently attack crops, yet pesticides are rarely available for purchase. Farmers store their grain in traditional structures or simply in bags in rooms, and storage losses are commonly 25 to 30 percent.
Livestock : Declining access to pasture and water has affected animal production. In recent years, farmers have been forced into distress sales of productive assets, particularly cattle, oxen, and goats, and livestock products. They often sell their animals when the market prices for animals are low. For example, one community reported that goat prices fall from 60 to as low as 20 birr during the rainy season, when transitory food insecurity plagues agricultural and agropastoral households. As a result, agropastoral groups are in transition, having lost most of their animals.
Services: Government services are generally poor to nonexistent. Agricultural extension services were reported to be good at Kachama Sobaku, where the MOA manages a highprofile project. Extension services have not been effective in the other five communities visited.
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Access to Alternative Employment Opportunities: Although not a traditional livelihood, charcoal and firewood production are the most important income-generating activities, and may be the most important income-earners for most households given the extent of landlessness and the numbers of marginally landed farmers. The reliance on firewood collection and sales reflects the lack of diversity in income-generation options. Wood is sold for 2.50 to 5 birr a bundle, depending on the market and the time of year. There is a real opportunity cost associated with collecting firewood. Residents of Yaya required twelve hours to collect firewood in Arsi, a different region of the country across the Awash river. The people of Yaya reported that the work is dangerous because they clash with Arsi people, and that it almost feels like stealing to cut down trees from that area because the resources belong to another group of people. Considering the importance of charcoal and firewood production to household food security, the purportedly forthcoming government policy restricting charcoal and wood sales could have a profound impact on household coping options. The only other income-generating activity in the region involves occasional wage labor on farms during the cultivation period for two to three birr per day. The excess supply of labor depresses wages.
Access to Markets: The distance to markets varies, but five of the six communities use the market to purchase and sell subsistence items only; other goods are too expensive. Seasonal terms of trade turn against the most vulnerable groups. Grain sells for 40 to 60 birr after the harvest, when the poor need cash to repay loans that they were forced to take earlier at exorbitant rates in order to survive the cultivation season. Grain sells for 70 to 90 birr from approximately July to September, before the harvest, when all vulnerable groups are dependent on the market for their consumption needs. The terms of trade for goat sales against grain prices also worsen drastically as the harvest approaches; the price of a goat can decline by as much as 200 percent. The common credit terms throughout Eastern Shewa require those who borrow money to repay moneylenders 200 birr for every 100 birr borrowed within three months, an interest rate of 100 percent. Those who cannot repay are taken to court, where they will pay an additional 50 birr.
Access to Education: Illiteracy and the lack of education facilities affect alternative employment options. Over time, educated children can obtain alternative types of employment, help to support household members, and occasionally send remittances into the community. In addition, an educated community can respond more effectively to issues surrounding long-term natural resource degradation.
Health and Sanitation: Only one of the six communities visited has access to potable water; women from the other communities must travel hours to collect river or pond water. Diarrhea] diseases are common. Health clinics are sometimes over ten km from the community. People in debt or involved in distress sales, manure sales, or charcoal/wood sales rarely have enough cash on hand to pay for proper medical care, even if they have access to clinics. The quantity and variety of foods deteriorate during the cultivation season. Households substitute nefro and ground grains for injera. and consume excessive amounts of green maize.
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Maternal Child Care: Children are usually fed only when adults eat. If adults are out of the house working all day, children often do not eat. Children may also forgo meals if either or both parents are ill. Supplementary feeding is rarely undertaken.
i. Beneficiaries' Perception of CARE's Food Aid Activities
In Eastern Shewa, the project has been concentrating on FFW activities in the areas of reforestation, agroforestry, soil and water conservation, pond construction, vegetable gardening, and road construction. From the beneficiaries' perspectives, the benefits derived from these programs include: increased access to food; increased access to oil (which may not be obtained by any other means); better access to water through the construction of ponds; a positive impact on awareness of natural resource conservation (especially the value of enclosures); roads that link communities to outside markets, resources, and services; skills in conservation, road, and pond construction; less dependence on credit and wood and charcoal sales; and CEFIS's considerable progress in targeting transitory food insecurity in the area. However, CARE does not have baseline data or clearly defined performance indicators to confirm the progress in these activities with regard to impact on household food security.
Despite these positive contributions, the beneficiaries and the assessment team identified a number of areas where improvements in food aid programming could be made. (1) Many people felt that there are not enough activities to accommodate all the people seeking work. This is especially true during the cropping season when food shortages are the most critical. The team found that introducing food-for-work at this time would have no significant negative effect on food production. It is at this time that many communities are forced to sell charcoal and wood to purchase food in the market; (2) The chronically vulnerable populations in many villages are excluded from the FFW because they are not PA members (e.g., the landless); (3) The FFW payments do not always come on time; (4) The distribution centers are sometimes far from the village; (5) Communities do not participate enough in designing the FFW activities, setting priorities, or in assisting in targeting; (6) The food basket is incomplete and not tailored to family size; (7) Work norms do not take into account different levels of vulnerability; (8) Activities are limited, and do not take into account the range of viable (food security enhancing) options; and
(9) CARE lacks the resources to address adequately the needs of the communities with which they work.
j. Recommendations
Targeting: To improve targeting of beneficiaries to ensure that the chronically vulnerable as well as the households suffering from transitory food insecurity are included in project activities, the following steps can be taken. Committees should be established to include representatives from the various vulnerable groups (e.g., landless, women-headed households and elders). This will prevent the PA Chairpersons from excluding the most vulnerable from the FFW lists. This could be tested on a pilot basis in several communities. Periodic spot checks could assess whether the committees are targeting effectively. The CEFIS is an excellent system for monitoring transitory food insecurity in the areas. For those subareas that are prone to recurring food insecurity, contingency plans should be established to improve the timeliness of response in order to protect
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livelihoods and any gains made by CARE. In addition, CEFIS could monitor baseline conditions in the project areas to assess performance indicators.
The indicators that are used in food security monitoring and performance evaluation should consist of chronic/baseline indicators and transitory indicators that monitor current conditions. Transitory indicators should consist of leading indicators of the early stages of food insecurity that can be monitored through unobtrusive measures, and of concurrent indicators that reflect the effects of the actual food shortage (e.g., changes in the consumption patterns). Information on concurrent indicators would only be collected when the leading indicators demonstrate that conditions are worsening. This information could be collected through rapid food security assessments. Once the food security problems are verified, contingency plans involving either FFW or FFD could be initiated. CARE should consider whether FFW activities could be tailored to different types of vulnerable groups. This would involve designing different activities for the landless and the landed, or different activities for the weaker members of the community. In addition, consideration should be given to incorporating more activities that give the communities an opportunity to obtain CSM.
Performance Indicators: Output indicators should be defined and measured periodically to detect the impact of the project on household food security. These could include the changes in the number of meals, the diversity of foods consumed, and food substitutions. Care must be taken to insure that the indicator is not measuring an artifact of food aid, which may not be related to longer-term food security. This is why pre- and postharvest measures are important. Cultural patterns in food consumption also need to be taken into account. Nutritional status indicators can also be monitored as a way to assess the impact on overall well being in the communities in which CARE is working. In order to have an impact on the nutritional security of the populations with which it works, CARE should consider incorporating interventions that improve water quality and access to health services. Otherwise, nutritional status as an output indicator may not change significantly. CARE could enlist the help of MOH to carry out periodic assessments.
Food Basket: Wheat is presently the grain used for food assistance. Consideration should be given to providing grains that people are likely to produce themselves or can be
readily obtained in the market. Maize and sorghum are good candidates. This could avoid a situation where taste preferences cannot be satisfied locally. The market impact of food assistance needs to be monitored more carefully to avoid creating market distortions. In addition, consideration should be given to adding a pulse to the food basket to improve the diet. Presently, the diets of the target populations lack protein and important vitamins and minerals. Another alternative is to expand access to CSM to vulnerable populations.
Types of Food-for- Work Activities: The communities themselves should play a greater role in determining the types of FFW activities they want to pursue. Thus the FFW activities need to be more locationally specific; for example, many communities expressed a desire to build a school or a clinic because these services were not available. If CARE does not have the resources to follow up on the priorities, it could enlist the help of other NGOs or different ministries. FFW could also be provided to give more technical training to beneficiaries. Food for training could be provided in such areas as crop production/seed
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multiplication, conservation, nutrition/hygiene, child care, and various other skills. Some community members could be trained to act as trainers for others to increase coverage.
Line ministries could second staff to act as trainers in special areas.
Inputs for Work: Consideration should be given to providing inputs for work as a way to
improve the long-term resilience of the communities targeted. For example, fertilizer,
pesticides, seeds, tools, or livestock could be provided. Participants could earn credit
toward livestock (e.g., oxen, goats, donkeys) or other inputs. This approach may help in
the targeting issue in that many of the landed households may opt for inputs rather than
food. The importance of monetizing food aid to allow for these types of inputs is obvious.
The advantage of inputs-for-work is that it can be self-targeting. Cottage industry
activities could also be promoted for the landless through such approaches.
Sustainable Development: Every food assistance program should have built into it
activities that promote long-term food security. CARE has been trying to do this through
its focus on conservation and improved water access. Every FFW and FFD program
needs to be interlinked with sustainable development components. The ultimate objective
is to make the populations more resilient and self-reliant. Thus every FFW or FFD
project should be designed with a long-term vision. For example, in an area where FFD is
taking place, inputs such as improved seed could be provided simultaneously so that
production systems become more viable. It is also important to have contingency plans
that monitor locationally specific indicators that determine when to implement a
mitigation activity to prevent a community from sliding back to a more vulnerable state.
CARE needs to look at all programming this way. To incorporate the protection and
promotion of livelihoods into CARE's ongoing provisioning activities, CARE has to
reconsider how large an area it can reasonably cover. It may have to limit the
geographical area it services, delegating the other areas to other NGOs. Indigenous
NGOs could have a role to play here. Before launching a broad-based sustainable
development program, pilot tests could be initiated to determine the best way to promote
livelihoods for a given area.
2. Western Hararghe
a. General Features of Area Surveyed
Location and Geographic Features: Western Hararghe is a vast geographical area,
stretching from the Awash river in the southwest to the Bale and Arsi borders in the east,
south, and northeast. Under its present administrative setting, it falls within the Zone 4
Oromia Region. There are six to seven woredas (districts) in the area. Western Hararghe
is characterized by a diverse agroecology and various forms of peasant agriculture
(pastoral, agropastoral, cereal- and cash-major) economies. Combinations of these are
also found in different proportions. As discussed in the earlier section on Eastern Shewa,
Western Hararghe is characterized by subsistence agricultural production. Production
often does not meet family livelihood requirements. This is exacerbated by irregular
rainfall, high pest infestation, declining access to productive resources, rapidly growing
population, and ethnic conflict.
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CARE Ethiopia is the only NGO operating in this vast and difficult terrain. Average, annual rainfall varies dramatically between the lowlands and the highlands, ranging from below 300 mm to 1200 mm in "normal" years. This agroecological diversity offers different opportunities and constraints for the peasant production systems. Some areas rely mostly on pastoral or agropastoral production, whereas others rely on cereal production or a combination of these. Production is aimed at self-provisioning of the household. There is limited use of capital and technological inputs, but rather a high labor input with low investment. Production is highly dependent on the forces of nature, which results in low labor and land productivity (Diriba, 1993). Diriba's study shows that climatic irregularities have been a common feature of Western Hararghe throughout the past two decades. There have been major droughts in 1973, 1984/85, 1989, and 1991/92. At the time of the survey (October 1993), another drought was creating an emerging food crisis in this region with substantial crop losses for subsistence farmers. As the respondents of this survey indicated, every year there are production losses due to moisture stress (premature on-set and/or break during flowering stage), high pest infestation, and low and/or no use of inputs (e.g., pesticides, fertilizer, and seed). Due to the increasing climatic hardships, the local varieties of maize and sorghum (often requiring 180 to 270 growing days) are not matched to changing rainfall conditions.
Population and Socioeconomic Characteristics-Trends: As in Adama-Boset, the population in this area is growing rapidly. The assessment team identified households with large family sizes, averaging seven to nine people. This finding is comparable with CARE Ethiopia's recent socioeconomic survey in two districts of Western Hararghe, which gives an average of 6.5 persons per household (Diriba, 1993). According to CARE's survey, age distribution is as follows:
up to 5 17%
6 to 10 20%
11 to 20 24%
21 to 60 37%
61 and over 1%
This age distribution has far-reaching implications for access to resources.
Three types of households were identified in Western Hararghe: male and female-headed households and landless households (headed by males or females). Composition of households in Western Hararghe consists of the family heads (male or female or both), their children, and relatives and others.
husbands & wives 30% children 61%
relatives and others 8%
This puts heavy pressure on land and other resources that have a determining effect on the food security and general welfare of the rural population (Diriba, 1993).
The socioeconomic conditions in Western Hararghe can be characterized as subsistence, labor-intensive, and declining. The team found the lowlands cereal community to be demonstrating more signs of distress than the midlands cash- and cereal-major group. Even without food aid, the highland and midland areas seem to be coping better.
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In the cereal- and cash-major PAs of Western Hararghe, sorghum, maize, chat, and teff are the major crops. Due to the erratic rainfall, sustained drought, and
ethnic conflict, many households in these areas have suffered from crop and
livestock losses in the past years. The continued distress conditions over the years
have added to the inability of households to recover from these effects. In these
areas, access to land, oxen, and inputs such as fertilizer are no longer available to
a significant part of the population. The survey team identified the following major limitations to the economy: (1) limited land for redistribution and an
increasing percentage of landless" households (50 percent in one village); (2) high incidence of plant pests and diseases, such as coffee berry disease (CBD), forcing cash croppers to abandon coffee in favor of sorghum or maize; (3) environmental
degradation due to a heavy reliance on wood production as a major source of
food security; (4) little or no use of fertilizer, pesticides, herbicides, or improved
seed, and a lack of equipment; (5) entrepreneurial activities limited by capital
costs; (6) increasing and forced dependence on market-purchased food, in both cereal- and cash-major economies. This is a departure from agrarian norms and
poses further threats of inconsistent market supply; the market in the area has not
developed to meet this new profile of needs; and (7) a large number of displaced people and an unstable security situation. The conflict in the region has disrupted
the cooperative economic relationships between various tribes, which affects
access to livestock, vegetables, and other sources of income (e.g., camels are not rented as frequently). Furthermore, the fight between the Government and OLF (Oromo Liberation Front) forces in the lowland area has caused widespread loss
of animals and has made accessibility difficult.
According to a survey conducted by CARE in 21 PAs, 13 percent of households in
Western Hararghe were landless. A variety of economic activities both within and outside
the agricultural sector were found, including share cropping, "family land sharing,"
commodity trading, casual employment, and charcoal and fuelwood trading (Diriba,
1993). According to the study, 17 percent of the landless households depend on sharecropping, and 63 percent share land with family (mainly of the father's side). Other economic alternatives include trading (four percent), casual employment (12 percent) and charcoal and fuelwood trading (four percent). Among the land-owning households, an
average land holding in Western Hararghe is 11 timads5 per household. However, land is not the major problem in pastoral and agropastoral areas. In these areas, resources such
as livestock and labor are very important.
In cereal- and cash-major economies, access to land and oxen are important. Both
landless and land-owning households are constrained by the lack of oxen.
Ownership of oxen has declined over the past decades due to land shortages,
recurrent drought, distress sales, lack of access to pasture and water, and irregular
' According to recent socio-economic survey by CARE there are 13 per cent landless population in
Habro and Guba-Koricha woredas of West Hararghe (see Diriba, 1993).
' The hectare equivalent of a timad in West Hararghe is different than East Shewa. It is estimated that 11 timads equal a hectare of land.
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veterinary services. These factors have compounded problems of production and have resulted in the predominance of perennial crops. According to a recent study in the area, 48 percent of households do not own oxen, and 18 percent own a single ox (Diriba, 1993). Thus the lack of oxen was reported throughout the group discussion and individual interviews as the single most important problem impacting on agricultural production. The very low use of fertilizer and its inaccessibility (due to high prices) in recent years was also reported as a community problem. Fertilizer is too expensive, three to four times the price farmers paid in the past decade. Lack of access to pesticides increases preharvest losses due to pest infestation (CEFIS estimates 20-30 percent). The postharvest losses (storage losses) are also very high (an estimated 25-30 percent). Finally, seasonal terms of trade turn against the poor. Many farmers sell grain at low prices at the time of harvest and buy the same grain at double or more the price during the months of scarcity.
Summarily, Western Hararghe is characterized by chronic and transitory food insecurity, lack of diversity of income opportunities (almost complete reliance on agriculture, very limited employment opportunities within and outside the agricultural sector), and increasing reliance on charcoal and wood production as the major sources of cash for maintaining food security. The population is increasing rapidly, expanding the ranks of the landless and corresponding food insecurity. Production is declining as the result of climatic irregularities. Ethnic conflict and the resulting displacement have added to the complexity of problems in the region. All available evidence suggests that production in the area (total and per capita) is declining. The emerging food crisis needs to be dealt with urgently.
Access to Natural Resources: Natural resources such as forest and bush land are no longer available in almost all districts of Western Hararghe. There is no forest land in the whole area. Some shrubs can be found in small quantity, thinly distributed in the area. Particularly in the pastoral and agropastoral areas where the density of crop production is lower, few shrub trees can be found. However, due to increasing dependence on fuelwood and charcoal selling, these remaining trees will be wiped out in a short time. Neither environmental sustainability nor household food security can be established once the existing shrub trees are completely exhausted. Steep slopes are being cultivated, increasing the loss of top soil and the chances of crop failure in such areas.
Access to Infrastructure: Almost all districts of Western Hararghe have limited access to infrastructural facilities such as health, education, and water. Lack of access to potable sources of water is the major problem, resulting in a high prevalence of diarrheal diseases. There is limited access to schools and health services in the rural areas; only a few communities along the main roads within Western Hararghe have access to such facilities in the radius of 10 km distance.
Access to Government Services: As in Adama-Boset, there are no Government services such as credit facilities or extension in the districts of Western Hararghe. Farmers have to rely on informal credit (borrowing) at very high interest rates (often 1:2). Social Organizations: In the past, numerous rural social welfare organizations have played major roles in protecting resource-poor households, including afosha, zaka, and sadaka.
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Afosha and zaka used to provide welfare assistance for the sick, orphans, and burial services for bereaved families. Today these organizations are no longer available to the same extent, due to the secular decline in the livelihood of households. The role of these organizations has dwindled to the point where they can longer offer assistance for those in need.
Access to CARE Projects: CARE started free food distribution in this region in 1985/86 and shifted to FFW in 1989, which ended in mid-1991. The focus was on the construction of roads and ponds and hillside terracing on degraded slopes. Since mid-1991, only FFD has been provided. At the time of assessment, CARE was considering restarting FFW programs in a limited number of PAs.
Health Status: Many households reported illness among their family members. Children are the most affected. Because of the lack of potable water and health service facilities and poor child care, many children suffer from diarrhea. Malaria and vitamin A deficiencies are very common.
b. Livelihood Strategies
Western Hararghe consists of distinct agroecological zones, which can be broken down roughly into lowland (kolla) areas, the midlands (wena-dega), and the highlands (de g). Livelihood strategies vary across communities of the different zones in relation to the predominance of pastoralism, agropastoralism, or agricultural activities. In addition, some agropastoral groups are in transition toward critical dependence on agricultural production for their livelihood needs. Years of conflict in their areas as well as hardship sales have produced devastating livestock losses, and many if not most agropastoral households now own no livestock.
Cropping/Livestock Systems: The RRA team visited one pastoral community (Mullo) in Western Hararghe, where camels have long been the lifeblood of the economic system. Smaller livestock, especially goats and cattle, have also been essential components. The small ruminants provided the community with liquid assets as well as an occasional source of meat. Unfortunately, the most recent drought destroyed this livelihood option. Two years ago the loss of grasslands gradually eroded the goats' resiliency to drought conditions, and diseases decimated the entire goat population. One household reported losing over one hundred goats. Deteriorating economic conditions, exacerbated by an influx of migrants from other communities who were displaced by conflict, have prevented the community from attempting to rebuild goat stocks. As a result, small ruminants are no longer found at Mullo.
Cattle provide the population with an important source of milk as well as income. Approximately 40 percent of the households hold on average three to five cows, although female-headed households rarely have three cows. Milk that is not consumed in the household is sold at Mullo or Miesso markets and can bring from one and a half to three birr a day when cows are giving milk. However, cattle distress sales, which usually occur when the terms of trade for cows against grain decline, have apparently increased in recent years. A few households also hold oxen, which were previously rented out to Oromo farmers at the rate of two to four quintals of sorghum per planting season. Tribal
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conflict between the Oromo and Somali populations has put an end to this mutually advantageous activity.
Camels are the mainstay of this pastoral economy. Ninety percent of the male-headed households own camels, and average five to ten camels per household. However, femaleheaded households own significantly fewer camels; their sons or other male relatives graze the camels for them on the communal grazing lands. Camel milk is consumed and sold in the markets during the gestation period of approximately 10 months. Camels are an important means of redistributing productive assets among the community. Families of daughters who marry receive two or more camels as bridewealth; newly married men also receive camels. In addition, before ethnic and political conflicts destroyed this livelihood strategy, male camels provided a major source of income to their owners. Camels were rented out for 20-60 birr per trip to Oromo farmers who used them to transport grain from their fields. Camels were also used to transport clothing and various types of contraband, which usually originated in Djibouti. For example, Mullo camel owners used to rent their camels out to Issas and "Gurages" to transport goods from Bike to Bordode; the five-day trip netted them 200 birr. A longer ten-day trip from Djibouti provided the owner with up to 500 birr per camel. Conflicts within Ethiopia and between the Issas and the Djibouti government have halted this lucrative source of income. In fact, the community lost over a hundred head of camels within the last year as a result of the IssaDjibouti government dispute. Camels now appear to be used fairly exclusively to carry firewood. Male camels can carry more firewood than can donkeys. Households without male camels must borrow them. Despite the critical importance of camels to their economic livelihoods, approximately half of the households interviewed reported that they had sold at least one camel during the past year. One household was forced to sell four camels during the drought.
Agropastoral communities in Western Hararghe cultivate sorghum, maize, and some chat, haricot beans, and chick peas. However, declining rainfall over the past few years has forced farmers to stop growing teff, potatoes, and sweet potatoes, as well as to reduce significantly the production of sesame, haricot beans, and chick peas. More cropland has been shifted over to sorghum production, which is now the most important crop. Land preparation for sorghum and maize cultivation begins in February or March; the planting season ranges from April and May for sorghum to June for Maize; weeding and intercultural activities continue from May through August; and maize is harvested in September or October, sorghum between October and November. Women participate in weeding and harvesting, and men are involved in every phase of the cultivation cycle. Access to land is not a major constraint in the agropastoral zone; farmers have access to up to five hectares of land, although ownership of approximately half a hectare is the norm. However, access to inputs, especially labor and oxen, severely limits production potential.
Food needs require farmers to search for off-farm seasonal migration employment opportunities or to collect and sell firewood in order to purchase grains, thereby neglecting their own farms. Few households own their own oxen; access to oxen is usually only possible at Annano through labor and collaboration with other households. The lack of access to other inputs to production, including tools, fertilizer, appropriate seeds, and
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pesticides, further contributes to very poor yields. As a result, sorghum and maize yields range from zero to six quintals in bad to good years.
Agropastoral communities of Western Hararghe appear to be in transition toward primary dependence on agricultural pursuits as livestock populations dwindle. This is particularly the case at Galessa, where 150 of the 216 households own no livestock at all and the most prosperous households own five cows and three goats. Many of their animals were stolen (and crops and even houses were destroyed) when the community was caught in the middle of the clashes between the OLF and Government forces last year. One-third of the Annano households are without livestock where the lack of adequate pasture land contributed to some distress sales. Some households manage to sell milk in the market for up to two birr a day over a four-month period.
Western Hararghe farmers grow sorghum, maize, haricot beans, lentils, sweet potatoes, barley, chick peas, coffee, chat, and teff for consumption and as cash crops. The diversity of crops grown has declined, as have yields. Communities reported that poor rainfall patterns have reduced the amount of land available for cultivation, adding substantially to already increasing pressure on the land. For example, the combination of rapid population growth and escalating land degradation in Kuni, a cash major region, has prompted farmers to turn from chat and coffee production as cash crops to sorghum production. The cropping cycle depends on the crop grown: Sorghum is planted in March or April and harvested sometime between October and December; maize is sown in May or June and usually harvested in October; haricot beans and chick peas are sown between May and July and generally harvested in October; and coffee is planted in July or August and harvested in October. Intercropping of sorghum and maize is fairly common. The unavailability of inputs, including fertilizer, insecticides, appropriate seeds, and oxen hampers yields. One livelihood strategy is to share land, oxen, and sometimes labor. At Miesso, where many male-headed households own one ox, a second ox is borrowed for three quintals of sorghum. Female-headed households, usually with no oxen and often landless, have fewer options. A few households own one to three cattle, goats, sheep, or donkeys. However, distress sales of livestock, including oxen, were reported in all of the agricultural communities visited.
Other Income-Generating Activities: Off-Farm Employment: Farmers. from the agropastoral and agricultural zones frequently search for work off their farms in order to provide their households with food during the cropping cycle. Pastoralists do not employ this livelihood strategy. Labor opportunities are usually limited to farms in the highlands, although farmers from Annano, in Khora, occasionally find work at the Metehara sugar plantation for two birr per day. Some Torbeyo farmers employ wage laborers between July and October to weed and harvest crops for one and a half birr per day. Wage labor in the highlands ranges from two birr to four birr a day, usually between July and October when weeding and harvesting are required. From Galessa, farmers seek wage labor in the highlands of Chercher and Boke, where a surplus of labor has driven wages down to the daily rate of two birr plus a meal. They frequently spend one week at a stretch working at wage labor to save enough to purchase food for their families before returning home to devote crucial care to their own farms. One household reported making ten such trips during the last weeding/harvesting season. Some women of Galessa and Torbeyo also mill
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grain for other households in exchange for a portion of the grain or in a nearby town for two birr.
Charcoal/Wood Sales: Collecting and selling firewood has become the major livelihood strategy for residents of all of the agroecological zones in Western Hararghe. This activity is undertaken in all of the communities visited except Hardim in Habro, where all of the forests have already been cut down. The process of walking to the nearest forest, cutting down the trees and bushes, collecting the firewood, and hauling it back to the house, usually on a woman's back but sometimes by donkey or camel, takes anywhere from two and a half hours to two days. The wood must then be hauled to market, which is another two to seven hour journey one way by foot. Wood sellers from Mullo can sell firewood at the Miesso market for 7-10 birr per camel-load, four to seven birr per donkey-load, or two to three birr if a woman carries a bundle. Men and women spend two days collecting the firewood and women spend another day marketing it. Women from Kuni, Torbeyo, and Galessa receive only two birr for a backload of wood; a donkey-load fetches three to five birr. At least one member of the household devotes anywhere from three to seven days a week to this income-generating activity.
Trading: Trading is not a common nor apparently effective income-generating activity for any of the communities. A few men from Hardim market salt and some women market injera. Some Annano women occasionally weave baskets to take to market as well.
Sale of Wild Food: Torbeyo and Annano farmers collect and sell wild grass or weeds as fodder for one to two birr per bundle. Otherwise, wild foods are not generally marketed.
Seasonal Migration: Some form of seasonal or semipermanent migration occurs in every community visited except Kuni. Peasants with and without land from four of the five agriculturally-based communities seasonally work on coffee and chat cash farms in the highlands for two to four birr per day. Approximately 30 entire households without access to livestock, particularly oxen to till their land, migrate from Galessa to the highlands annually. Men work on the farms and women work as servants. In addition, people from Annano have migrated to Metahara or Awash in search of work. Household members from at least two communities have semipermanently migrated to as far away as Djibouti; from Mullo at least 250 household members have migrated to Djibouti, and many households hope for remittances.
c. Coping Strategies
Adjustments in Meals and Food Substitution: A common coping strategy in times of food scarcity in Western Hararghe is to reduce the number of meals eaten per day. This practice was observed in all PAs surveyed and was consistently mentioned during both group and individual household interviews. The number of meals eaten per day during food scarcity varied; however, most families indicated that both adults and children cut the number of meals from three to two. Reports of having to reduce from two to one meal per day were more prevalent in female-headed households. Generally, adults sacrificed first, sparing children the reduction until absolutely necessary.
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Another coping strategy widely observed in this area was the reduction in the quantity of food consumed. This practice was observed in both male- and female-headed households in most of the PAs surveyed. Both male- and female-headed households in Annano, Hardim and Torbeyo indicated that they had reduced both the number of meals and the quantity of food consumed. Food substitution was also mentioned as a coping strategy in all of the PAs surveyed. The most common food substitution was from injera (made of either sorghum, maize, or teff) to roasted or boiled grain (mostly maize). Other food substitutes mentioned were wild foods such as cactus (in Kurfasawa), "merere" (in Galessa), cactus pear and "kukura" seeds (in Torbeyo), and wild animals such as the greater kudu (in Galessa).
Sales of Assets: The sale of assets is a widespread coping strategy among the households of the PAs surveyed. However, there seems to be some variation between male- and female-headed households in the type of assets sold. Male-headed households reported more sales of productive assets, such as cattle (in Hardim and Galessa), cattle and camels (in Kurfasawa), and goats (in Annano). Most female-headed households reported having no assets to sell, with the exception of some jewelry (in Kurfasawa) and some cattle (in Hardim).
Bor'owing Food from Relatives/Friends: Borrowing food items as a coping strategy does not seem to be widespread in these areas. In the words of one householder in Galessa, "nobody has anything to lend; we are all poor." However, some borrowing from relatives was reported in Galessa, Kuni, and Torbeyo, with no interest charged. This differs from the exorbitant rates of interest (2:1) charged even among relatives in Eastern Shewa.
Credit: Officially borrowing money during food scarcity does not appear to be a widespread activity among the people in the Western Hararghe PAs. This is partially due to the fact that there are no formal institutions that provide credit services. Whatever credit is availed takes place among relatives, mainly by male-headed households (in Galessa, Annano, and Kuni) but also by some female-headed households (in Annano and Torbeyo). Again, there were no reports of interest being charged.
Wild Foods: People in all PAs indicated that they resort to foraging for wild foods during severe food shortages. The most common wild food mentioned was the cactus fruit, eaten mostly by children. Some consumption of "merere" was also reported (in Galessa, Kuni, and Torbeyo). Galessa was the only PA that reported hunting and consumption of wild game, the greater kudu.
Alternative Employment and Migration: Seasonal migration was observed in most of the PAs surveyed, the exceptions being Kuni and Hardim. Whereas migration was more prevalent among male-headed households, both male- and female-headed households (in Kurfasawa) indicated that some members of their families migrated to Djibouti in search of jobs during food scarcity. In male-headed households, one of the spouses and/or older siblings migrated to the highlands looking for wage labor. Female-headed households reported that child care was a constraint that precluded them from seeking work elsewhere.
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Remittances: Remittance is not a common practice among these PAs where so few family members leave the fold. There was only one case of remittance, in which a daughter migrated to Djibouti and sent 50 Birr to her parents who had been displaced to Kurfasawa.
Household Perceptions of Household Food Security: In all the PAs studied, the perception was that there was uniform inadequacy of household food security. All households indicated chronic shortages of staple foods as well as dairy products. Some people (in Galessa) said that they were heading toward dependency on food aid. Lack of rain and the ensuing drought were among the common constraints to food security mentioned in Western Hararghe. Other constraints included displacement (in Kurfasawa), security problems (in Galessa), pests (in Galessa and Annano), and lack of access to land and farm inputs (in Hardim). In addition, the absence of communal land, limited land for distribution, low per capita livestock ownership, the absence of inputs such as fertilizers, and the lack of government extension services have all contributed to household food insecurity. The most common solution mentioned was the continuation and intensification of food aid. There were also some indications of willingness to try food-for-work (in Annano) if seeds and oxen were provided. One pastoral community (Kurfasawa) that had lost much of its livestock was anxious to try cultivation if some assistance in terms of inputs and training were provided. Other suggested solutions included the provision of health and educational services.
d. Changes in Livelihood Strategies
Under normal circumstances in the agricultural communities, livelihood strategies include cropping of sorghum, maize, beans, and peas. Some cropping of chat (in Galessa) and coffee (Kuni) were also mentioned. In most cases oxen are shared. Women contribute particularly during weeding and harvesting times. In the pastoralist community (Kurfasawa), livelihood strategies mostly depended on livestock products and the sale of firewood. The lack of water and the ensuing drought, not to mention ethnic conflicts, have brought about changes in livelihood strategies among the communities in this area. Two of the most frequently adopted alternative livelihood strategies were selling firewood and low wage labor. This was particularly true in agricultural communities. In agropastoral (Galessa) and pastoral (Kurfasawa) communities, members expressed an interest in learning to cultivate if the necessary inputs such as training and tools were provided.
e. Food Consumption Patterns
Composition of the Diet (24-hour recall): In Western Hararghe 169 households were interviewed to determine household dietary patterns, and 48 were interviewed in-depth regarding their household food security. Western Hararghe households are clearly much less food secure than households in Eastern Shewa. Only 42 percent of households had the resources to consume injera daily; the remainder were consuming their cereal sources in the form of boiled or roasted grains, principally kollo, nefro, and genfro (Annex 3, Table II). These are often reported as snack foods and are eaten without watt. Such consumption was very frequently reported as meals, therefore putting into question the report that 59 percent of households consumed three meals a day.
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Injera was composed of the locally grown grains, mainly sorghum and maize, except in the case of the pastoral village of Kurfasawa, where no crops were grown, and injera or boiled cereal from food aid wheat was being consumed by 15 of the 30 households interviewed. Also, in the agropastoral community of Galessa, wheat is not grown but boiled food aid wheat was the only food being consumed in 25 of the 29 households. Consequently, the dietary diversity of the region was low; 42 percent of the households reported only one item in their diets, compared to 6 percent in Eastern Shewa. Consumption of vegetables, fruits, and protein from plant and animal sources was very low in comparison with Eastern Shewa, with the exception of one pastoral village where milk was frequently consumed. Sixty-three percent of the pastoral households had animal protein in the diet, compared to only 11 percent in cereal areas and 18 percent in agropastoral areas. The consumption of oil was very low throughout the region; oil was only reported in 4 percent of the cereal-based communities (Annex 3, Table II). Commonly consumed beverages were oja (prepared from coffee husk), cactus fruit, and camel milk in Kurfasawa.
Sources of Food: In four of the areas, food was obtained mostly from the households' own production, except for the landless households. However, in Galessa nearly all food consumed on the previous day was from food aid. In one pastoral village, cereals were largely purchased or received as food aid. Items bought in all areas throughout the year are salt and coffee husks. For nonproducers and when food stores are depleted, grains are purchased. Prices for sorghum and maize can increase from 50 percent to 100 percent during the rainy season, precisely when the need is greatest. The poorest (such as one landless, female-headed household in Kuni, no. 23), were forced to buy in small quantities at elevated prices during the rainy season. Farmers anticipating a shortfall could buy in bulk at much lower cost late in the harvest season.
Five of the six communities, being in dryer lowland kolla areas, reported consuming cactus fruit. Three areas reported hunting some wild deer and kudu, but were concerned that this was to be prohibited by the government beginning next year. No fishing for consumption was reported.
Food sharing was not widely reported; however, in two communities begging was reported. The one pastoral area contained a large displaced population due to ethnic conflict in surrounding areas. They are given food by the other households, according to the group interview with the community leadership. The female-headed households reported receiving zacha (a Muslim institution in which the wealthy households share 10 percent of their yield with the poor), and in some instances they admitted begging for food.
Food aid had been discontinued or cut back in frequency of distribution (from monthly to quarterly) because of the report of the good 1992 harvest by the RRC monitoring system; however, two communities (Kurfasawa and Galessa) relied on food aid as their primary source of food on the day of the survey. In Galessa, food aid was said to be the most important source of food in the in-depth interviews.
Problems with Food Availability: All areas, with the possible exception of Hardim, reported that production shortfalls due to drought and pests affected their crops. For the
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cereal and agropastoral areas, market availability was not cited as a problem but rather prices made the foods inaccessible to the families. The respondents in Kurfasawa clearly understood how drought affected grazing of their animals, reducing milk output while restricting agricultural production, thus driving up the price of grain in the market (e.g., decreasing the terms of trade of animals for grain). The conflicts in the areas of Galessa, Kurfasawa, and Annano were also cited as a cause for food insecurity and the restriction of dietary intake and variety. In Kuni (no. 23) the coffee bean disease was given as a reason for the limitation of cash income needed for food.
Food Conservation/Preservation: Grain is generally ground by hand in the home. Storage was in holes in the ground, in-house dogogos, or plastic sacks. Loss rates were not given; the impression is that there is little or no surplus in storage in these communities. As one farmer put it, "we store in our bellies."
Traditional Food-Sharing Networks: The scarcity of food is placing stress on the usual institutions by which food is shared. Traditionally weddings--an occasion for much sharing--are being replaced by rituals that circumvent the material exchanges between families. In such weddings, the male's family siege the female's family residence and refuse to leave until the marriage is arranged and the couple is married. This is referred to as "chopsa" or norm breaking. Sharing continues to some extent at funerals ("afusha"), on Moslem holy days (Ramadan), and through sharing with the poor or "zacha."
Food Taboos/Specialty Foods: The Islamic prohibition of pig consumption was widely reported, and two villages reported that they would not eat food prepared by Christians.
Changes in Diet: Sharp declines in consumption variety were reported in all the areas surveyed, especially in Galessa, an agropastoral area where many animals have died because of the drought and conflict. Animal, commercial (e.g., pasta), and vegetable foods are all reportedly on the decline in the diet in these areas.
f. Child Care
Care of Children: The pattern of child care in Western Hararghe differs little from Eastern Shewa. Care tends to be shared by the nuclear and the extended family, with fathers playing somewhat less of a role.
Feeding Patterns of Children: Infants are breastfed on demand within the limits of what is convenient for the mothers. Supplementary foods are introduced to young children two to three times per day. However, in contrast to Eastern Shewa villages, household members reported that children were given priority to whatever food was available in the household, especially in the pastoral village, Kurfasawa. Reported weaning age ranged from five months to three years, with most infants consuming other food in addition to breast milk by age one. By the age of two or three years, all children have been completely weaned.
Weaning Foods: No special foods for weaning were identified. The weaning foods reported were milk (both cow and camel) and boiled porridges such as "Laffisso," made
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from ground grains, injera, and "kitta." The milk is sometimes mixed with fenugreek oilseed.
g. Nutritional Status
In the six PAs sampled, 169 households with children from six months to five years were selected. Only 142 children (the youngest in each household in the range of one to five years) were used for the analysis. Households with cereal as the major economic support made up 44 percent of the sample (75 households in Hardim, Torbeyo, and Kuni), agropastoral households were 38 percent (64 households in Annano and Galessa), and pastoral households made up 18 percent (30 households in Kurfasawa).
Roughly one in eight of all the households was assetless, without land, oxen, or other livestock, and roughly one-fifth of the households reported the death of a child under the age of five in the past year. The mean age for the study population was 29.4 months; the male-female ratio was exactly one.
The anthropometric assessment of nutritional status revealed a mean WFL of 82.4 percent, ranging from 76.3-88.6 percent in the six villages surveyed. In all of the villages except Torbeyo (a cereal area), the nutritional situation of the children fell in the seriously malnourished range, or a mean percent of standard WFL under 85 percent (Summary Table in Annex 3). Wasting (under 90 percent of standard WFL) was observed in 74 percent of the children (105 children) with 24 (17 percent) showing severe wasting. Forty-four percent of the children were moderately or severely wasted, 10 percent more than in Eastern Shewa (Annex 3, Table I).
Nearly 60 percent of the children from households without land or livestock were moderately or severely wasted, compared to 40 percent of the children from asset-holding households; the mean for the poorer group was 78 percent of standard, significantly less than the wealthier households (Annex 3, Table III). These assetless households are three times as likely to be female headed than male headed (Annex 3, Table IV). In the eight female-headed, assetless households, five children exhibited moderate to severe malnutrition.
In Western Hararghe, the incidence of diarrheal attacks was found in over 60 percent of the children examined, a rate much higher than in Eastern Shewa. Furthermore, there was a strong association between wasting and diarrhea incidence (Annex 3, Table V). Children experiencing diarrhea were 50 percent more likely to be moderately or severely wasted. The children without diarrhea were on average out of the serious malnutrition category, above 85 percent of WFL, whereas the others were on average 80.8 percent of standard, well into the danger zone.
The SCF-UK nutrition surveillance reports for Western Hararghe from December of 1992 and February and April of 1993 indicate a satisfactory level and trend for nutritional status for children one to five years of age at all sites. The most recent report in April of 1993 gives a mean WFL of 92.4 percent as the lowest level recorded for the six sites surveyed. The trend data show no period when WFL percent has fallen below 90 percent of WFL. Our findings, however, paint a much more critical picture of malnutrition. We do not know the precise reason for this; it may be the sampling differences and the
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seasonal variation in the survey periods. Our survey was done in fairly remote villages and during the depths of the "hungry season."
The prevalence of vitamin A deficiency is very high, and continues to be a very serious problem in this region. In the 576 children assessed for clinical signs of deficiency, the prevalence rate was 5.2 percent (Annex 3, Table VII). This finding agrees with the 1988 study conducted by Mekaye Darelebu Wareda in Western Hararghe, which revealed the highest level of vitamin A deficiency ever recorded in the world (See the European Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 1993, Volume 47).
h. Summary of Constraints to Household Food and Nutritional Security in Western Hararghe
Community, household, and individual nutritional security consists of many interrelated components, which together determine nutritional status. Adequate nutritional security requires health and sanitation--including access to proper health care, water, diet, mother and child care, and household food security. Household food security, in turn, includes access to sufficient factors and means of production (land, livestock, inputs, water, extension services), livelihood options, productive assets, markets, and peaceful coexistence or (better) cooperation with neighbors. By all appearances, the lowland cereal community is demonstrating more signs of stress than the highland cash-crop group. Even without food aid, the highland area appears to be coping better. The agropastoral group is in transition, having lost most of its animals.
Land, Crop Yields and Income Access: Among the agriculturally-based communities, access to land remains the most important determinant of household food security. Landlessness is increasing in all agricultural communities; 50 percent of the households are landless in at least one of these villages. The pressure on land has gradually eliminated communal land, limiting land redistribution potential, and has reduced grazing land of vital importance to agropastoral communities. Faltering rainfall patterns have forced farmers formerly involved in the cash-crop production of coffee, teff, chick peas, and haricot beans to devote more of their lands to sorghum production. Soil erosion, resulting in declining yields, has accompanied the environmental degradation caused by years of chopping down trees in order to buy food to compensate for, paradoxically, poor yields, as well as declining access to land and inputs. The inaccessibility of inputs, including fertilizer, pesticides, herbicides, improved or appropriate seed varieties, farm equipment, oxen, and labor, has prevented farmers from realizing reasonable yields. Farmers in the agropastoral communities in particular have been forced, due to food needs, to migrate to the highlands in search of farm work during crucial stages of the cultivation season, when their labor is required on their farms. Few households possess more than one ox, and increasingly common distress sales of oxen prevent households from timely tilling of their land.
Harvested crops are stored in dogogos or underground; storage losses from weevils, rodents, or moisture range from 20-40 percent. Poor yields and limited access to land and inputs have seriously undermined household food security in agricultural and agropastoral communities. Declining crop production has also negatively affected pastoral communities by worsening the terms of trade for animals, milk, and firewood relative to grain on the market.
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Livestock: Per capita livestock ownership is extremely low in all of the agricultural and agropastoral communities. Some agropastoralist groups are now in transition away from pastoral options after suffering significant livestock losses caused by OLF-Government conflict and years of distress sales. Distress sales of cattle, goats, oxen, and even camels (among the pastoralists) in all types of communities have reduced household resilience. The lack of oxen in all communities has prevented farmers from sufficiently utilizing essential traction power. The lack of water sources affects grazing potential. Veterinary services are nonexistent, and animals are very susceptible to diseases. The pastoralist community of Mullo lost its entire goat population two years ago during the drought from diseases associated with the goats' weakened conditions. The community has been unable to recover from those tremendous losses, and today not a single goat can be found in the area. The ownership of goats had provided households with required liquid assets. The same community lost over a hundred camels caused by a conflict in Djibouti. In short, all communities have seen a long-term decline in productive livestock assets.
Access to Water. Crop production has declined and crops have failed completely with increasing frequency in large part because of irregular rainfall over the past few years. There is also no form of water harvesting or irrigation to fill the gap. The lack of rainfall affects livestock production as well, and was ultimately responsible for the decimation of the goat population at Mullo. Access to potable water from wells or other sources is virtually nonexistent. Instead, women spend up to six hours a day during the dry season fetching unclean water.
Access to Government Services: Government extension services, credit facilities, or veterinary services were not found serving any of the visited communities, negatively affecting agricultural and livestock production over time.
Access to Alternative Employment: The livelihood strategy of all but the highland cash-crop producers is highly dependent on selling firewood. Apart from destroying valuable resources, this strategy has a real opportunity cost. Households spend long hours collecting and marketing wood for three to seven days a week for very marginal rewards; firewood can be sold for only two to ten birr a bundle, depending on the type of bundle. Alternative employment opportunities are limited. Many households send at least one of their family members to the highlands to work as wage laborers on coffee and chat farms. The oversupply of labor has kept wages extremely low; two birr and a meal a day appears to be the norm. Potential entrepreneurial activities are severely limited by capital costs.
Access to Markets: Most communities are situated in isolation from markets. This is another type of opportunity cost for households. The poorest households pay higher prices due to their inability to buy in bulk or to buy when prices are favorable. The percent of income devoted to short-term consumption precludes cash market access to other goods or foods. Pastoralists, who have lost virtually all liquid assets to sell, have seen the terms of trade worsen for animals, milk, and firewood (their sources of income) in relation to grain. All groups have increasingly been forced to depend on market purchased food for their consumption as their own agricultural livestock production has declined.
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Access to Education: One of the most important long-term constraints faced by all communities of Western Hararghe is the widespread lack of education. Households cannot afford to send their daughters and sons to school, which is usually several miles away and therefore inaccessible to them anyway. Children are valuable labor contributors from a fairly young age. However, because households cannot send their children to receive education, they are forgoing future potential income sources, including remittances.
Deforestation and Soil Erosion: Firewood marketing is one of the most important livelihood strategies throughout Western Hararghe. However, the costs in terms of soil erosion, forest depletion, environmental degradation, and water supply over the long term may be devastating for households as well as communities.
Political Conflict: Half of all Western Hararghe PAs may remain inaccessible due to conflict between the OLF and the Government. Communities that have been caught in the middle of this conflict have lost valuable productive assets. Many cattle, as well as houses or crops, were lost or destroyed at Galessa, in Kuni. The conflict also does not allow the community to pursue long-range productive strategies. Ethnic conflict is another destructive pattern. Oromo and Somali communities used to cooperate for mutual benefit; the pastoralist Somalis rented oxen to the agriculturally-based Oromo during the planting season. Crop production increased for the Oromo, and Somalis gained an income source as well as access to vegetables. Before the conflict, Somalis rented out their camels to transport crops and other goods as well, from as far away as Djibouti for up to 500 birr per trip. That very substantial income source has completely dried up for communities such as Mullo. In addition, Mullo has had to try to support a very large population of displaced people forced to flee areas of conflict between the Oromos and Somalis. These recent arrivals now make up half of the population of Mullo and have severely strained the resources of the community.
Health and Sanitation: Access to adequate health service is a major constraint to nutritional security facing all of the communities visited in Western Hararghe. Child mortality rates are high, yet child vaccination programs are rarely undertaken due to security concerns. Health facilities, government services, and public health education do not exist in the communities; facilities are to five to eight hours away by foot one way. Even if the clinics were accessible, rising costs for treatment and injections are often too high for poor households. Households are therefore forced to consider the trade-off between proper health care to treat a malady and food consumption needs. Medicines drain productive assets. Seeking treatment also carries high opportunity costs. However, household labor needs are so great that losing a day's work due to sickness can result in no food consumption that day for all members of the household. A mother's illness is a real drain on labor. At the time of assessment, households identified a wide variety of health problems and illnesses including malaria, dysentery, diarrhea, and edema caused by eating wild foods.
Access to potable water is virtually nonexistent. Few wells have been installed in rural Western Hararghe. Therefore, river and pond water, which can take up to six hours to fetch, is the only source of water.
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Diets lack protein, Vitamin A, fats, often dairy products, and oil (except when distributed by CARE), and are extremely limited in variety and quantity. Several communities are undergoing a long-term shift away from preferred staples toward snack foods as meals. For example, Galessa residents regularly eat boiled or roasted grain, little if any injera, no vegetables, and wild foods with no nutritional value. Pastoralists often drink milk; however bovine tuberculosis occasionally accompanies raw milk consumption.
Mother/Child Care: Maternal and postnatal care is nonexistent. Labor demands that force mothers to gather water and wood negatively affect child care. These demands, combined with a limited diet, may impact the quality of both breast and child feeding. Supplementary feeding is generally not undertaken. The frequency and quantity of food consumed is often not sufficient for both mother and child, and weaning foods are often not appropriate. For example, boiled or roasted grain is difficult for children to digest. Finally, illiteracy impacts on the quality of child care.
i. Beneficiaries' Perception of CARE's Food Aid Activities
In Western Hararghe, the food assistance program is oriented toward emergency free food distribution. Given the very difficult security problems under which CARE is operating in this area, it is to be commended for having any presence at all. It is obvious from the interviews conducted in the areas surveyed that CARE's assistance is much appreciated by the beneficiaries. The food has actually saved lives in many villages, prevented migration, reduced the magnitude of fuelwood sales, and allowed people to attempt agricultural activities as a source of livelihood.
Under such difficult conditions, the food distribution system is bound to operate imperfectly. The major problems cited by the beneficiaries and identified by the assessment team included: (1) the ration amount does not always take into account the size of the family; (2) food sometimes comes too late; (3) last year's harvest was not sufficient to warrant the extent of the FFD reduction; (4) the area-based assessments do not capture the intragroup vulnerabilities; (5) the distribution centers are too far away for people with no means of transport; (6) not all of the people in need of food are on the distribution list due to recent displacement--calling for an updating of the distribution list; and (7) many of the populations being serviced by CARE are becoming increasingly' dependent on the FFD.
i. Recommendations
The recommendations outlined for Eastern Shewa also apply to Western Hararghe and will not be repeated here. However, several additional recommendations are proposed for this region.
Food Secuity Promotion in Conflict Areas: To promote food security in areas prone to political conflict, the following factors may be considered. First, mobile extension teams could be used to train lead farmers to act as community extension agents. These lead farmers could then provide training to other farmers regarding improved seed varieties and vegetable production. Another way to provide extension messages as well as inputs is through the food distribution centers. A training facility could be developed at the distribution center to train members from the PAs that are in more vulnerable areas.
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NGO Workshop: An NGO workshop should be held in the near future to discuss: (1) the
unequal distribution of activities in the country; (2) opportunities for collaboration; (3)
work norms; (4) activities that will promote long-term food security; and (5) ways to
facilitate better working relationships with line agencies. In addition to the NGOs,
representatives of the line ministries and the donors should be invited to the workshop.
Increasing the Frequency of Free Food Distribution in Western Haraighe: In light of the
apparent overestimate of the 1992 harvest, the failure of the maize and sorghum crops in lowland areas, and present household food insecurity in Western Hararghe, CARE should
carefully consider increasing FFD from quarterly to monthly in this region.
V. CONCLUSIONS
A. Issues of Design
CARE's food-for-work and free food distribution programs are generally consistent with efforts to promote food security objectives in Ethiopia. Food-for-work outputs, such as improved agricultural infrastructure and roads linking rural areas to markets, are important to regional food security. CARE also provides a safety net to help prevent recurrent emergencies in the form of free food, particularly important for the drought prone area of Hararghe. Likewise, the CEFIS strengthens CARE's ability to identify and respond to impending emergencies. In addition, CARE has made a good attempt to involve Government agencies such as the RRC and the MOA in project design activities.
Despite these laudable activities, much could be done to improve project design in order to have a greater food security impact. First, project objectives must have measurable performance indicators. Presently, the performance indicators that are used are not true measurements of the project objectives. Second, communities must participate more in the design, timing and duration of FFW activities. More activities are needed to accommodate all of the people seeking work, particularly during the cropping season when food shortages are the most critical, and a wider array of food security enhancing options could be identified. Third, the food basket provided should be adjusted to take dietary adequacy and the detrimental consequences of grain substitution into account. Consideration should be given to providing grains that people are likely to produce themselves or can be readily obtained in the market. The food basket should also be tailored to family size. Fourth, in addition to food, consideration should be given to providing inputs for work as a way of improving the long-term resilience of the communities targeted.
B. Targeting
As a result of limited resources and accessibility, CARE has relied heavily on the Peasant Associations for compiling beneficiary lists and targeting its FFW interventions. In some communities, this has meant that many of the chronically vulnerable populations such as the landless and female-headed households have been excluded from program participation because they are not PA members. In addition, work norms of project activities have not always taken different levels of vulnerability into account. Work norms tend to be based on outputs regardless of strength or capacity, which obviously disadvantages the sick and the elderly.
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To improve targeting, steps must be taken to insure that the chronically vulnerable as well as the households suffering from transitory food insecurity are included in project activities. First, committees should be established to include representatives from the various vulnerable groups (e.g.,landless, women-headed households, and elders). Second, the CEFIS is an excellent system for monitoring transitory food insecurity in the program areas. For those areas that are prone to recurring food insecurity, contingency plans should be established to improve the timeliness of response in order to protect livelihoods and any gains made by CARE. Third, the indicators that are used in food security monitoring and performance evaluation should consist of chronic\baseline indicators and transitory indicators that monitor current conditions. Fourth, CARE should consider whether FFW activities could be tailored to different types of vulnerable groups. This would involve designing different types of activities for the landless and the landed, or the weaker members of the community.
C. Performance Indicators
To insure that the CARE projects are having a positive impact on the beneficiaries, output indicators should be defined and periodically measured. These indicators could include changes in the number of meals, the diversity of foods consumed, and food substitutions. Care must be taken to insure that the indicator is not measuring an artifact of food aid, which may not be related to longer term food security. This is why pre- and post-harvest measures are important. Nutritional status indicators can also be monitored as a way to assess CARE's impact on overall well being in the communities in which it is working. However, if CARE intends to have an impact on the nutritional security of the populations it is working with, consideration should be given to incorporating interventions that improve water quality, child/mother care and access to health services.
D. Sustainable Development (Promoting Livelihoods)
CARE has been trying to promote sustainable development initiatives through its focus on soil conservation, vegetable gardening and improved water access. Many more options could be explored as a way to enhance the longer term food security situation of local populations. Every food assistance program should have built into it activities that promote sustainable livelihoods. The ultimate objective is to make the populations more resilient and self-reliant. For example, where free food distribution is taking place, inputs such as improved seed could be provided simultaneously so that the production systems become more viable. Livelihood protection is also important to the long term food security of communities. When transitory food insecurity conditions worsen, timely interventions can prevent households from selling off productive assets and becoming more vulnerable to future food shortages. Contingency plans that monitor location-specific indicators will help determine when a mitigation activity should be implemented to prevent communities from sliding back to a more vulnerable state.
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VI. ANNEXES
ANNEX 1
PEASANT ASSOCIATIONS
Eastern Shewa: Western Hararghe:
Bate Bora Anneno
Hassie Dhera Hardim
Fachassa (Chekafachassa) Torbeyo Dongori-Wonga Kuni
Yaya Kurfasawa.
Kachama, Sobaku Galessa.
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SURVEY PEASANT ASSOCIATIONS: EASTERN SHEWA
KEY
-*-Regional Boundry I
Awraka Boundry
4----Railway
- .Dry Weather Road %
River
.*Lake
Town ol
Hassie Dhera ETHIOPIA
SHENKORA
MINJAR / 1i
/ *-Wolenchity/
AWRAJ /
/ ADAMAI
/ BOSSET I
AWPAJ Boffa;
TO / Yaya/
Addis /Kachama Sobaku/
Abab / /
-Bate
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SURVEY PEASANT ASSOCIATIONS: WESTERN HARARGHE
KEY
-.-Adinistration Boundry
Awraja Boundry/ **
-Asphalt Road ~ADR
All Weather Road ADR
~-----Rail Road AFA
O Regional Town I/WOREDA
oAwraja Town AFA REGION
*Other Towns RTGON
*Peasant Associations MES
(Studied during RFSA) I/ WRD Aide B )
WOREDA T
BOKEa
Niss W OR D a
%%Abofla
Aw Arb Bod59




ANNEX 2
VILLAGES SURVEYED
VILLAGES SURVEYED =EAST SHEWA ADMINISTRATIVE ZONE
Name of Village Location (sub-zone) Population
Bate Bora (cereal major) Wonji, Adama Boset 500/2000
Hassie Dhera (agro-pastoral) Doni, Boset 400/2275
Fachassa (Checkafachassa) (agro- Alem-Tena, Adama 88/
pastoral)
Dongori-Wonga (cereal major) Wolenchity, Boset 374/
Yaya (cereal major) Bifa 630/
Kachama Sobaku (cereal major) Adama 365/
VILLAGES SURVEYED =WESTERN HARARGHE ADMINISTRATIVE AREA
Name of Village Location (sub-zone) Population
Anneno (agro-pastoral) Khora 370/1800
Hardim (cereal & cash crops) Habro 700/3000
Torbeyo (cereal major) Mieso 73/200
Kuni (cereal & cash crops) Kuni 49/
Kurfasawa (pastoral) Mullu 1000/8000
Galessa (agro-pastoral) Kuni 216/1300
60




ANNEX 3
NUTRITIONAL DATA
TABLE I
NUTRITIONAL STATUS BY AREA (WFL OF CHILDREN 1-5 YRS, 70-110 CM)
Status Eastern Shewa Western Hararghe
(N = 161) (N = 142)
Well nourished 35.4 26.1
(>90% Standard WFL) Unsatisfactory 64.5 74.0
(<90% Standard WFL) Mild (80-89% Standard WFL) 30.4 29.6
Moderate (70-79% Standard WFL) 21.1 27.5
Severe (<70% Standard WFL) 13.0 16.9
Mean % WFL 85.0% 82.4%
61




TABLE II
PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS (BY ECONOMIC TYPE) CONSUMING THE FOOD ITEMS (24-HOUR RECALL)
A. EASTERN SHEWA (N = 198)
Household Injera Oils/Fats Animal Beans and Vegetables
Economy II Protein Peas and Fruits*
Cereal 98.5 80.0 3.8 68.5 44.6
Agropastoral 69.2 29.2 18.5 29.2 41.5
B. WESTERN HARARGHE (N = 169)
Household Injera Oils/Fats Animal Beans and Vegetables
Economy I I Protein Peas and Fruits*
Cereal 54.7 4.0 10.7 26.7 24.0
Agropastoral 6.3 0.0 18.8 0.0 0.0
Pastoral 90.0 0.0 1 63.3 1 18.7 0.0
* Fruits are mainly wild cactus.
62




TABLE III
NUTRITIONAL STATUS BY HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STATUS
A. EASTERN SHEWA
Nutritional Status of Index Child (% WFL) Economic Status of Households % 8% mean
No assets (land or livestock) 43% 81.8
No land but some livestock 81.3
Land but no livestock 42% 85.6
Livestock and land 87.6
B. WESTERN HARARGHE
Nutritional Status of Index Child (% WFL) Economic Status of Households
%5 _80% mean
No assets (land or livestock) 58% 78.2
No land but some livestock 84.3
Land but no livestock 42% 80.0
Livestock and land 84.3
63




FIGURE 1
NUTRITIONAL STATUS BY HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STATUS
CHILDREN 6-60 MONTHS; EASTERN SHEWA AND WESTERN HARARGHE
%< 80% Weight-for-Length
60 50
40 30
20 10
0
E. Shewa W. Hararghe
CARE: quota samples, N=161 E.Shewa,142 W. Hararghe Youngest child in household; Assets=land and/or livestock




TABLE IV
ECONOMIC STATUS BY GENDER OF HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD
A. EASTERN SHEWA
Gender of Household Head Economic Status of Household
Male (%) Female (%)
N = 124 N = 30
No assets (land or livestock) 14 46
Some assets 86 54
Total 100
B. WESTERN HARARGHE Gender of Household Head Economic Status of Household
Male (%) Female (%)
N = 115 N = 26
No assets (land or livestock) 10 31
Some assets 90 69
Total 100 100
65




TABLE V
NUTRITIONAL STATUS OF INDEX CHILD BY INCIDENCE OF REPORTED DIARRHEA
A. EASTERN SHEWA
Nutritional Status of Index Child Reported Diarrhea (% WFL)
% < 80% mean WFL
Yes, in past one month (N = 53) 40 83.8
No, none in past one month (N = 104) 32 85.3
B. WESTERN HARARGHE Nutritional Status of Index Child Reported Diarrhea (% WFL)
% < 80% mean WFL
Yes, in past one month (N = 87) 57 80.8
No, none in past one month (N = 50) 38 85.3
66




TABLE VI
HOUSEHOLD DIETARY DIVERSITY BY AREA
Percentage of Households Number of Items in the Household Diet Eastern Shewa Western Hararghe
(N=198) (N=169)
One 6 46
Two 17 36
Three or more 77 18
67




FIGURE 2
DIETARY DIVERSITY
EASTERN SHEWA AND WESTERN HARARGHE
% of households
.00.... ...... ...... .........
8 0...............
............m
6 0 .............. ...............
E.Shewa W. Hararghe
CARE: Quota sample; N= 198 EShewa; N=169 W, Hararghe
.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..




TABLE VII STATE OF VITAMIN A DEFICIENCY BY AREA
Area No. Cases Prevalence (%)
(Bitot's Spot)
Eastern Shewa 196 6 3.1
(Fachassa and Dongori-Wonga)
Western Hararghe 576 30 5.2
(all areas) Both 772 36 4.7
69




SUMMARY TABLE 1
SAMPLED HOUSEHOLDS PROFILE WESTERN HARARGHE
HARDIM KURFA KUNI GALESSA TORBEYO ANNANO SAMPLE
SAWA TOTAL
No. of Sample HH* 28 23 15 21 23 32 142
Food Program Input None FFD: 5 FFD FFD: 2 FFD: 9
Period (yrs)
Major Livelihood Cereal Pastoral Cash Agro- Cereal AgroProduction Pastoral Production Pastoral
Firewood Selling Low Medium Low High Medium High MedHigh
Access to Water Medium Poor Medium Medium Poor Poor PoorMed
Meal Frequency
(Avg) 2.17 2.26 2.77 2.77 2.76 2.37 2.5
Assetless HH (%) 21 17 7 0 30 3 13
Female-Headed HH 14 17 0 14 30 25 18
(%)
HH <5 Yr Mortality
(%) in Past Year 32 9 73 29 17 25 22
Nutr Status 1-5 yrs
(mean WFL %) 81.0 84.4 84.0 81.2 88.7 76.3 82.4
Diarrhea Incidence
in Study Population 68 30 33 76 83 65 61
(%)
* These are households with children from 1-5 years of age. A somewhat larger sample, including children 6 months to one year of age, was interviewed regarding diet and health concerns.
70




SUMMARY TABLE 2
SAMPLED HOUSEHOLDS PROFILE EASTERN SHEWA
HASSIE- BATE KACHAMA DONGORI YAYA FACHASSA SAMPLE
DHERA BORA SOBAKU WONGA TOTAL
No. of Sample HH* 36 10 31 19 37 19
Food Program Input FFW: 2 FFW: 4 MOA FFW: 4 FFW: 4 FPO: 6
Period (yrs) FFW: 4
Major Livelihood Agro- Cereal Cereal Cereal Cereal AgroPastoral Prod. Production Production Production Pastoral
Firewood Selling Medium High Medium High High Medium MediumHigh
Access to Water Poor Poor Good Poor Medium Medium GoodPoor
Meal Frequency
(Avg) 2.9 2.8 3.0 3.0 2.8 2.9 2.9
Assetless HH (%) 3 21 23 21 22 32 19
Female-Headed HH 19 10 19 21 8 42 14
(%)
HH <5 Yr Mortality
(%) in Past Year 19 0 19 10 22 21 16
Nutr Status 1-5 yrs
(mean WFL %) 89.0 81.6 83.4 90.3 80.6 85.0 85.0
Diarrhea Incidence
in Study Population 50 42 29 36 16 26 33
(%)
* These are households with children from 1-5 years of age. A somewhat larger sample, including children 6 months to one year of age, was interviewed regarding diet and health concerns.
71




CARE FOOD SECURITY ASSESSMENT -- NUTRITIONAL ASSESSMENT
ECONOMIC TYPE ID NO.
PA NAME NAME OF HK HEAD
AGE OF CHILD (MOS) SEX
WEIGHT (KG) HT(CM) ._ DIARRHEA ( <5 CHILD DEATH (<1 YR) y / n HOUSEHOLD DIETARY RECALL (24 HOURS) NUMBER OF MEALS
FOOD BEVERAGE
BREAKFAST
LUNCH
SUPPER
INTERVIEWER DATE
*CODE
CEREAL 1. NO LAND NO OX
2. <3 TIMAD (KIRL) NO OX
3. <3 TIMAD ONE OX
4. >3 TIMAD >ONE OX
PASTORAL 1. NO LAND NO LIVESTOCK
2. LAND BUT NO LIVESTOCK 3. LIVESTOCK BUT NO LAND
4. LAND + LIVESTOCK
72




CROPPING AC'I'IVI'I')'CAII,"NI)Alt=l,'.AS'I'Sill,.IVA AREA
MIUIVITV ENTER flit IS E JAN FEII MAR Al'It MAY JUN Jill. AllG SEP OCT NOV DEC
Land I'l-clialalioll Maize x x x
x x
sorghum x x
I laricol hcall x x
Barely x x
Wheal x x
Chick peas x x
Broad bealls x x
0
Maize x x x
I ell x x
Sorghtim x x
cn
I blicol bcall x x
Barley x x
Wheal x x
Chick peas x
Broad hemis x x
wevdilig Main x x
el I x x
sorghtlin x x
I laricot heall x x
13,11 ley x
Wheat x




CROPPING ACTIVITY CAII,',NI)Alt=l-',AS'I'Sill-',IVA AREA
1%CIl%,lIX ENTER I'll IS E JAN 1-1111 NIAlt Al'It NIAV .11IN '1111, AllC SEP OCT NOV DEC
Chick- peas x
Broad ficalls x
I falves(ing Maize x x
ef x x
Soughtlill x
I faricof bealls x x
Barlcy x
Wheat x x
Chick peas x x
Broad beans x
x




CROPPING ACTINTIT CAI.I,"Nl)/klt=IVI,'.S'I'IIAlt/kItClIE AREIA
ACTIVII Y ENTER Pit I S E IAN 11-11 MAR %I'll MAY JUN '1111, AUG SIA, OCT NOV DEC
Laild I'leval-atioll Maize x x x x
sol"hilill x x
I lariem licall x x
Barcly x x
Chick peas x x
Milict x x
scullic x x
soylicalls x x
Maize x x x x
Sor-hum x x x
I larit-ol beall x x
13.11 Icy x x
Chick licas x
Milicl x x
st-sallic x x
soyhcans x x
wectling Main x x x
Sorghtim x x
I faricot beall x x
Barley x
Chick peas x
Millel x x




CROPPING AREA
ACUIVITY ENTER I'll IS E, JAN FEll MAR APR MAY JUN '1111. AUG SIT ()(,**I' NOV 1) EC'
sesame I x
Stqbcnns x x
llamcsOng Pdaize x x x
S()Iglltllll x x x
I I'llicol bealls x x
I la I ley x
(lock Iwas x
Millet x x
sesaille x x
Soybeans x x




ANNEX 5
TEAM MEMBERS
Timothy R. Frankenberger CARE Consultant and Team Leader Getachew Diriba CARE Ethiopia Staff and Co-Team Leader
Anne Leonhardt CARE Consultant and Co-Team Leader
Tom Marchione USAID
Jude Rand CARE Canada
Phil Sutter CARE Regional Food Technical Advisor
Tezera Fisseha CARE Ethiopia Consultant
Aklilu Kidanu CARE Ethiopia Consultant
Amdie Kidane Wold CARE Ethiopia Consultant
Moges Tefera CARE Ethiopia-Eastern Shewa
Zewdie H/Meskel CARE Ethiopia-Eastern Shewa
Aben Ngay CARE Ethiopia-Eastern Shewa
Kefelegn Ketybelu CARE Ethiopia
Yonis Berkele CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
Hailu Bekele CARE Ethiopia
Gelalcha Negassa CARE Ethiopia
Abera Oljirra CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
Kassu Senbetu CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
R. Chander CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
Ken Litwiller CARE Ethiopia-Eastern Shewa
Syrukh Sutter CARE Ethiopia Consultant
Mulugeta Debebe CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
Israel Tadesse CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
Samuel Gizaw CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
OTHERS CONTACTED
Jeremy Astill-Brown British Embassy, Addis Ababa Gromo Alex EPPG
Teferi Bekele RRC
B.S. Chaudhary CARE
Paul Barker CARE
Mamo W. Berhan USAID
Kay Sharp FEWS/USAID
Richard L'Heureux CIDA Food Aid Evaluation Mission
Jonathan Rothschild Canadian Embassy/CIDA Ed Cayer CIDA Food Aid Evaluation Team
Abnezer Ngowi WFP
77




ANNEX 6
Rapid Food Security Assessment Training Module Sponsored by CARE-Ethiopia Trainers: Tim Frankenberger and Getachew Diriba September 30-October 2, 1993 Nazareth, Eastern Shewa Workshop Agenda
Day 1: Thursday, September 30, 1993
01.30-01.45 Opening Remarks and Participant Introductions
Getachew Diriba
01.45-02.00 Introductory Remarks- Tom Marchione, USAID
02.00-03.00 An Introduction to Food Security
a) Conceptual Issues-Nutritional
Security, Livelihood Security
and Household Food Security
b) Production-Consumption Linkages
c) Food Systems Analysis
03.00-03.15 Break
03.15-04.00 Group Activity: Describe the food system of a
area from which one of the
participants originates
04.00-04.30 Plenary Discussion: Presentation of Working
Groups' Findings, Discussion and
Conclusions
04.30-05.00 Coping Strategies
a) Risk-Minimizing Strategies b) Loss-Management Strategies c) Changing Strategies-Trends
05.00-05.30 Household Food Security and Environmental
Degradation
05.30-06.00 Indicators of Household Food Security
78




Rapid Food Security Assessment Training Module
Sponsored by CARE-Ethiopia (cont.)
Day 2: Friday, October 1, 1993
08.00-08.30 Indicators of Household Food Security (cont.)
08.30-09.30 Group Activity: Choose one of the participants
to act as a key informant and identify local
food security indicators
09.30-10.00 Plenary Discussion: Presentation of Working
Groups Findings
10.00-10.15 Break
10.15-12.00 The Emergency- Development Interface
Promoting Sustainable Livelihoods in Areas
Prone to Droughts, Vulnerability Mapping
Contingency Plans
12.00-01.00 Lunch
01.00-01.30 Introduction to Rapid Rural Appraisals-General
Characteristics
01.30-03.00 RRA Methodology
a) Sampling
b) Unit of Analysis
c) Relationship Between RRA and PRA
d) Tool Kit/Collection Techniques 1) Group Interviews 2) Focus Group Interviews 3) Key Informant Interviews 4) Household Interviews 5) Interactive Data Gathering Tools
-Maps and Models
-Transect
-Calendars
-Flow Diagrams
-Matrix Scoring
03.00-03.15 Lunch
103.15-04.30 Group Activity: Choose one member to act as the
key informant and use the RRA
tools to characterize their
village
79




Rapid Food Security Assessment Training Module
Sponsored by CARE-Ethiopia (cont.)
04.30-05.30 Plenary Discussion: Presentations of Working
Groups Findings
Day 3: Saturday, October 2, 1993
08.00-09.00 Procedure For Conducting Rapid Food Security
Assessments
a) Objectives
b) Composition of Survey Team
c) Use of Secondary Data
d) Interviewing Guidelines
e) Target Area Selection, Survey Area Selection
f) Interviewing Procedures
g) Writing up the Results
09.00-09.30 Constructing Topical Lists for Guiding
Interviews
09.30-10.30 Group Activity: Develop an interview guide to
elicit information from a designated key informant
10.30-10.45 Coffee/Tea Break
11.00-11.30 Plenary Discussion: Presentation of Working
Groups Findings
11.30-12.00 Promoting Participation Through PRAs
12.00-01.00 Lunch
01.00-01.30 Alternative Uses of RRAs
a) Exploratory RRAs
b) RRAs Used for Monitoring and Evaluation
01.30-02.30 Information Relevant to Intervention Design
a) Types of Interventions
1) Development Type Interventions 2) Mitigation Type Interventions 3) Relief Type Responses b) Institutional Assessments
80




Rapid Food Security Assessment Training Module
Sponsored by CARE-Ethiopia (cont.)
02.30-03.30 Group Activity: What Are the Various Types of
Interventions that Could be
Feasible to Implement Through
Farmer and Community
Participation?
03.30-3.45 Coffee/Tea Break
03.45-5.30 Group Activity: Planning an RRA Exercise in
E. Shewa and W. Hararghe
a) RRA Procedure-Scheduling
b) Developing Topical Guidelines
05.30-6.30 Plenary Discussion: Presentation of Working
Groups Findings
06.30-07.00 Closing and Reception
81




ANNEX 7
TOPICAL OUTLINE
RAPID FOOD SECURITY ASSESSMENT TOPICAL OUTLINE
Group Interview for Survey Area
Name of Peasant Association(s)
Location
Population:
number
ethnic groups
household types (male/female-headed households)
Major Crops Grown,
Trends (in crops grown, fertilizer. etc.),
Calendar
Access to Infrastructure
health facilities, local healers
schools
markets (prices)--how far, how often, connection
roads--all weather or dry weather
storage--losses
water sources--good potable water
Access to Natural Resources
forests reserves/wetlands
mining resources (quarry)
fish resources
livestock--rental arrangement, veterinary service
wild game
wild foods--local names, whether still available, toxicity
trends--any changes over the past 10 years
access to land
Access to Government Services
agriculture
forestry
veterinary
health
outreach services
82




other
Community Participation in Food Aid--do they feel they participate in design/decisions? What do
they think of the impact?
Population Trends (outmigration--are they returning? Displacement?) Climatic Trends--past 10 years Social Organization (PAs political leadership, food sharing networks, self-help organizations) Other Income-Generating Activities General Responses to Food Scarcity Access to Development Projects-Design Participation
a) government
b) NGO and donor programs
Land Tenure Arrangements--inheritance, renting, sharecroppping; the landless; communal land Access to Credit-- formal and informal, terms of credit Community Problems and Needs--what they think about FFW, what are their priorities
83




RAPID FOOD SECURITY ASSESSMENT TOPICAL OUTLINE Specific Household Interview Name of Peasant Association Name of Head of Household 1. Demographic Information Gender of Household Head Marital Status (widow; polygamous) Age
Family Composition (adults living in household, children, other dependents) Health status--any present illnesses; aids Educational Background of Household Members Ethnic Group/Tribe Religion
Occupations of Household Members II. Access to Resources Access to Land; tenure (timad, kert); land renting Access to Common Property
forests
pastures
water resources
Access to Means of Production
farm equipment (plows, tools)
traction animals (oxen, hoe)
84




Access to Livestock
types and number
selling patterns (within one-year time frame)
III. Livelihood Strategies
Crops Grown--focus on major staples grown (teff, maize, sorghum, wheat, barley, peas, broad
beans, haricot beans, lentils, chatt, sweet potatoes, onion, other vegetables)
For each crop ask about:
cultivation practices (use of oxen, hoe or combination)
division of labor
timing of different stages of cultivation (crop calendars)
inputs used (seeds, fertilizers, manures, insecticides)
where obtained
use of crop (quantity produced, marketed, consumed)
constraints to production
solutions to problems
effect of lack of oxen on time of planting (how late)
Other Income-Generating Activities
off-farm employment (wage labor)
seasonal migration
hunting
firewood or charcoal sales (price per bag)
trading
brewing (Tella. Arakie, Teji)
sale of wild foods, products (honey)
other (milk, butter, eggs)
IV. Coping Strategies
Adjustment to Meals (number, amount, diversity); compare good and bad days
Food Substitution (main staple, and whether they substitute)
Sale of Assets (liquid; productive)
Borrowing from Relatives/Fri ends
Credit (who, interest rate, terms)
85




Migration (permanent, seasonal)
Wild Foods\Unusual Foods (seasonality)
Alternative Employment
Redistribution of livestock
Redistribution of Children
Remittances (quantity, frequency)
Food Aid (consumed; sold--what they buy with it)
Other (wood selling)
V. Food Consumption Patterns
Composition of Diet (seasonal access)
types of staples
main pulses and protein food (vegetables, meat, fish)
snack foods (supplementary energy foods)
Sources of Food
own production
market purchases
types of food purchased
seasonality
prices
hunting/gathering
fishing
sharing/borrowing/begging
credit
food aid
Problems of Food Availability (market access, price, income, production shortfall)
Food Conservation/Preservation
food processing (what, how, who)
access to mills
access to oil press (where they go)
86




food storage
types of structures
types of food stored duration of storage
other preservation techniques (drying? what preserved? problems?)
problems (losses do to pests, moisture damage, theft)
Traditional Food Sharing Practices (including ceremonies and festivals) Food Preferences (qualities)
staples
pulses and energy foods
snacks
Food Taboos/Specialty Foods Changes in the Diet (trends in last 10 years) VI. Child Care Care of Children When Mother Is Working Number of Feeding Times Weaning Foods (types, weaning age--partial and full) VII. Household's Own Perception of Household Food Security Perceived Adequacy of Access to Food (and if not adequate, why?) Constraints
Competition Between Food Needs and Other Livelihood Needs Proposed Solutions V111. Participation in Food Aid Programs Participation in Food for Work Programs
history of program participation (how they became involved, who in the family
participates, was it a priority?)
87




wage earnings (type of foods, whether food is obtained locally or imported), impact of
earnings on livelihood, and whether it was significant
impact on family eating patterns (taste preferences, types of food eaten, meal frequency,
contribution of program to total food consumption (dependency?)
impact on health and nutritional status (do they feel better when FFW is received?) seasonality of employment (slack season? at the right time? what is their preferred
calendar of FEW?)
types of projects and participants; perception of impact (household or community based).
land-use changes resulting from FEW program
availability of complementary resources (tools, supplies)
level of training (was there training?)
maintenance and sustainability of project
change in time of allocation/opportunity cost (what would you be doing if there were not
FFW? What were you doing before FEW?)
Participation in Emergency Feeding Program
nature of disaster or chronic food security problem (production failure, civil conflict,
drought, etc)
history of program participation (how they became involved, who in the family
participates)
impact on family eating patterns (taste preferences, types of food eaten, meal frequency,
contribution of program to total food consumption (dependency))
impact on health and nutritional status
ration size and commodity mix (imported or local, adequacy, frequency of distribution)
timeliness and effectiveness of response (degree of asset depletion, perception of
monitoring and participation); over a one-year period? how much of FED did you
sell, when and why?
involvement in complementary programs (FEW/CEW, supplemental feeding, etc.);
distance travelled to FED points
Participants' Perception of Strengths and Weaknesses of Food Aid Program
Recommendations for Improvements
88




ANNEX 8
CONCEPTUAL MODEL
s aSymptoms and Signs
Inadequate Immediate
Dietary Intake Disease Causes
Inadequate Underlying Food Insecurity and Control Causes
"Care" o Disuase
of Resources Human. Eaonorruc & Organizauonal
Political and Ideological Superstructure Basic
Causes
Economic structure
Origin: UNICEF
89




Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix
GROUP INTERVIEW FOR SURVEY AREA
Livelihood Cereal Major Agro-Pastoral
Location West of Wonji town (Adama Bosset Woreda) About 12 kms northeast of Doni
Population:
number 2000 2275
ethnic groups Oromo Oromo
household types Female-headed Hit 30; Male-headed Il, 470 Female-headed 11lt 50; Male-headed HH 350
Major Crops Grown, and Maize, teff, wheat, barley, haricot beans, haricot beans peas, sorghum, lentils, Maize, teff, haricot beans, barley, sorghum, wheat, chickpeas. Used to grow peas,
Trends chickpeas. Don't grow chickpeas due to lack of seed, sorghum due to bird chickpeas, cotton and more sorghum. Reduced sorghum due to birds, locusts and
problem. Migratory birds came due to sugar plantation nearby. No improved seed shortage, cotton due to worm and seed shortage, chickpeas due to pest. seed access, no oil seeds, not aware either.
Access to Infrastructure
cO health facilities No access to clinic nearest is Wonji and it is a factory clinic. Can't afford No health facilities. They have to go to Doni or Nazareth (3 hrs from Doni). No
0
medicine. No traditional healers. traditional healers. .1X
schools No access to schools. Church school was destroyed. The nearest is Wonji. Only No school; the nearest is 10 kms away. Only five families send their kids. 90%
10% can read and write. are illiterate.
markets (prices) The nearby market is Wonji. No buyers come to the area. No market except Doni (once a week on Sunday).
roads Accessible road is CARE FFW-built road (dry season road). CARE has built road, but they have a transport problem no public transport.
storage Each house has storage (gotera), sometimes bags. Rats and insects destroy 1/3 of They use traditional "gotera."
the stored grain.
water sources Nearby water source is Awash River and Koka Lake, 3-4 hrs round trip. There is They use Awash River, 6-8 hrs round trip. They have ponds which last 3-4
1 potential for wells. months. Access to 5 ponds, three have water; distance is 30 miin 2 hrs.
Access to Natural Resources
forest reserves/wetlands 15-16 years back, the hills were covered with trees. Now the hills are cleared They have access to forest because they cannot use it for cultivation; it is too down. The community is replanting trees through CARE. But the problem is stony. that the livestock are grazing the seedlings.
mining resources None None




Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix
access to land Range: 2-10 kerts; average 4 kert (4 kert = I ha). 300 IIH have no access to 200 families are landless. They gain access by cultivating lands of their
land. families.
fish resources No one knows how to fish. They lack fishing tools. They don't have the technique of fishing, although they will eat it.
livestock 50-60 1111 have cattle (from 1-10) Half of the III have livestock. They have cattle (5-17), goats, sheep, donkeys,
camels. No horses, mules.
wild game They trap and catch fox and guinea fowl, hyena, hippo and monkeys. Guinea fowl, they eat and sell it.
wild foods Wild mustard (Chemerda), ziziphus and other wild greens. Cactus, ziziphus. They eat cactus for four months.
trends Wild foods have been disappearing for the last 16 years. here used to be more game, but all were killed off.
- There used to be more trees.
- Cactus is increasing due to drought.
- Increasing environmental degradation.
Access to Government Services
agriculture No access to MOA people No agricultural extension service.
forestry No access to forestry people. They had an orientation on deforestation a year No forestry.
ago.
veterinary Veterinary services are in Wonji, and a year ago the vet. service visited their Vet. service came one year ago to vaccinate for rinderpest. They came on
village, request.
health No health service or education. No health vaccination since 5 years ago.
other
Community Participation (see Community Problems) In 1984 only 40 H received FFD two times. They started FFW 4 years ago.
in Food Aid 200 Hitl participated. Priority was given to people who have less food.
Registration was done by the PA, and only able-bodied people were allowed to participate. For 17 days work they received 50 kg of wheat and I litre of oil provided only 2 times a yr. They collect the food at Doni.
Population trends (out- There is outmigration to other PAs. They have inmigration (return of ex-soldiers). People seasonally migrate for pasture and water. Outmigration due to drought. migration) Some inmigration




Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix
Access to Common Property forests Limited access to forests and grazing No access to forest. Everybody has access to forest Same
lands. People harvest trees from shrubs around the lake. pastures Govt. pasture land. Govt. pasture land Everybody has access to pasture on Same
communal land
water resources Awash river, ponds. Same
Access to Means of Production farm equipment (plows, None having equipment (3 don't Only one has equipment, one has No equipment 2. Having equipment- No equipment.
tools) have) none. 6 (One got 3 sets)
traction animals 0-4 oxen. Rent oxen with grain or with None own oxen. Gain access through Two II!I have no oxen. Four IHH have One Hit has no oxen and 1 11 has I
labour (3 days on owner's land. I day sharing production (equal share). Begs I ox. One IIII has 4 oxen. ox.
his own) and by providing land (3 for oxen for 2 kerts. kerts).
Access to Livestock
types and number Five i11l have no animals. None 2 chickens.
- Well-to-do HII have 4 oxen, 2 cows,
7 sheep, 15 chickens.
- Other (poor) I ox.
* Other has 3 goats and 2 chicks
- One has chickens.
- One has a donkey. selling pattern (within Sale of chickens when in need. Sold ox to treat sick baby. Cows: 3 1iil none; 4 HH 1; 1 Hi Cows: 1 HH none; I HIll 3. Goats:
one year time frame) *0 Seasonal changes in prices: Sold ox to bury husband. 2; 1 t1l 6. Bulls: 1 HiH 3. Calves: 0-5. Sheep: 0-4. No donkeys or
Bull: 1000 birr Nov/Dec, 500-600 birr 0-3. leifers: 0-3. chickens. Only products are sold.
May-Sep. Goats: 0-7. Sheep: 0-1. Donkeys: 0-3.
Goat: 60 birr Nov/Dec, 20-30 birr May- Chickens: 0-2.
Sep. One farmer sold 8 cattle and 5 goats
for health expenses and food expenses. Another sold 3 cattle for health expenses.




Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix
Climatic Trends Frequency of rainfall changed. Falls hard and then stops. When it falls hard it The drought is increasing and they are more dependent on charcoal. However
floods the farm; people with no oxen have difficulty replanting, and replace the the government is confiscating charcoal at checkpoints. field with other short crops (maize and sorghum with haricot beans, chick peas and leff).
Social organization Food is not sufficient to share. They have PA and traditional burial ceremony ("iddir").
(peasant associations.
political leadership, food
sharing networks)
Other Income Generating Charcoal production, sale of grass, fuel, daily labour in Wonji, shepherding. Charcoal is a source of income. Firewood sales. Seasonal state farm
Activities employment. Selling grain from FFW.
General Responses to They use what they stored. They sell animals, do FFW, sell charcoal and grass, They eat wild food, increase charcoal sales and participate in FFW.
Food Scarcity take loans, send children to Wonji for daily labour. Seek government assistance (also NGOs).
Access to Development Projects Design Participation
'. government None No access to government
NGO and donor CARE works in the area: roads, soil conservation, ponds, area closure, nursery. CARE has been operating in the area for 4 yrs with FFW programs, constructing
programs ponds and roads, gelling access to trees.
Land Tenure (See natural resources). Half of the population does not have access to land. When land was distributed,
Arrangements Women become landholders when they inherit front their husbands. each husband and wife got 6 kert and each child I kert in 1976.
Access to Credit Credit is obtained from Wonji, women need sponsors to get credit. Credit interest Grain loan and cash through PAs with interest of 100% to be paid within 3-4
is 1000-125%. Credits are in cash and in kind. months.




Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix
Community Problems and Problems: Problems with FFW program:
Needs FFW does not start when the community needs it (in slack periods) More people would like to participate in more activities
- Not enough activities to participate in Payment is not timely. Work done in April-May is still not paid for.
- FFW grain is not coming in time. Food is not enough for one !1I1. The food distribution site is far from the village and the Doni town people are
- Problems with selection of participants jealous.
- Landless have difficulty in participating Many people sell their grain due to transport problems.
- Women are not informed about the work norm Uneven distribution of projects within the PA.
- Planning takes too long before the work starts Many people would like to be registered to participate in the work.
- Community does not participate in designing (the whole) Recommendations for FFW:
- Exposed to malaria, mumps, marasmus, diarrhoea, meningitis, pregnancy More road construction problems, xerophthalmia. More ponds
Needs: Nursery for seedling production
- Construct more bunds School building
- Construction of schools FFW to avoid future flooding, area closures
- Clinic, more ponds, nurseries, check dams, terraces, church, area closures. Iealth clinic
- Other needs: grinding mills, cooperative shops, improved seeds, fishing Residence for an EA in the village. equipment and skills. Other recommendations:
Production Constraints: Access to improved seed varieties (chick peas).
- Inadequate pattern of rainfall, lack of oxen
- Scarcity of pasture
- Access to land.




Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix 4 J
SPECIFIC IOUSEIOLD INTERVIEWS
I. DEMoGRAPitic INFORMATION
Gender of I-lH head Male Female Male Female
Marital status Married (9) Widow (2) Nine married (3 of these are Widows (2)
polygamous).
Age 25-52 25-30 25-57 27-35
Family Composition 1III size: 2-10. 2-5 adults (including 2- 1111 size: 4-6. 2 adults, 3-4 children, 1- 1111 size: 4-16. 2-6 adults, 1-12 1II size 2-5. 1 Adult, 1-4 children, no
(adults living in IIH, 3 adult dependents), 1-6 children. 2 other children. children, 0-I dependents other than dependents.
children, other children.
to dependents)
Ilealth Status Malaria, ear problems, old age sight Malaria, diarrhoea, eye problems with Malaria (2 cases), stomach problems, Malaria, spleen and swollen legs.
problems. children smallpox (or measles?)
Educational Background Majority illiterate. Some are 3-6 grade Illiterate grade 3. No children going One Koranic school. One adult Both illiterate.
of HH Members in literacy programs. No children to school literacy program, one second grade, 6
going to school, illiterates.
Ethnic Group/Tribe Oromos. Clan Gulale. Oromos Oromos Oromos
Religion Christian Christian Both Muslim and Christian Same as at left
Occupations of HH Agriculture, daily labourers. Agriculture Agriculture, charcoal & fuelwood Agriculture and agro-pastoral work.
Members production
II. ACCESS TO RESOURCES
Access to Land; Tenure Range 3-8 kerts. 2-7 kerts 3-16 kerts 5-8 kerts
(timads) [ Three HH landless. I I




Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix CT
Access to Common Property
forests Limited access to forests and grazing No access to forest. Everybody has access to forest Same
lands. People harvest trees from shrubs around the lake. pastures Govt. pasture land. Govt. pasture land Everybody has access to pasture on Same
communal land
water resources Awash river, ponds. Same
Access to Means of Production farm equipment (plows, None having equipment (3 don't Only one has equipment, one has No equipment 2. Having equipment- No equipment.
tools) have) none. 6 (One got 3 sets)
traction animals 0-4 oxen. Rent oxen with grain or with None own oxen. Gain access through Two lil have no oxen. Four HH have One HII has no oxen and I Illl has I
labour (3 days on owner's land, I day sharing production (equal share). Begs I ox. One lII1 has 4 oxen. ox.
his own) and by providing land (3 for oxen for 2 kerts. kerts).
Access to Livestock
types and number Five Itll have no animals. None 2 chickens.
- Well-to-do HI have 4 oxen, 2 cows,
7 sheep, 15 chickens.
- Other (poor) I ox.
- Other has 3 goats and 2 chicks
- One has chickens.
- One has a donkey.
selling pattern (within Sale of chickens when in need. Sold ox to treat sick baby. Cows: 3 t!! none; 4 tH 1; 1 HH Cows: 1 IIH none; 1 HH 3. Goats:
one year time frame) 0* Seasonal changes in prices: Sold ox to bury husband. 2; 1 1111 6. Bulls: I HH 3. Calves: 0-5. Sheep: 0-4. No donkeys or
Bull: 1000 birr Nov/Dec, 500-600 birr 0-3. leifers: 0-3. chickens. Only products are sold.
May-Sep. Goats: 0-7. Sheep: 0-1. Donkeys: 0-3.
Goat: 60 birr Nov/Dec, 20-30 birr May- Chickens: 0-2.
Sep. One farmer sold 8 cattle and 5 goats
for health expenses and food expenses. Another sold 3 cattle for health expenses.