Citation
The Life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner

Material Information

Title:
The Life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner
Uniform Title:
Robinson Crusoe
Translated Title:
Life and adventures of Robinson Crusoe ( English )
Household Robinson Crusoe ( English )
Creator:
Defoe, Daniel, 1661?-1731
Adams, W. H. Davenport (William Henry Davenport), 1828-1891
Rogers, Woodes, d 1732
Cowper, William, 1731-1800
Halswelle, Keeley, 1832-1891
Stanton, Clark, 1832-1894
Corner, James Mackenzie
Jackson, John, 1801-1848
Morison
Thomas Nelson & Sons.
Publisher:
T. Nelson and Sons
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
vi, 654 p., 1 leaf of plates : ill., map, port. ; 20 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Selkirk, Alexander,
Serrano, Pedro,
Castaways -- Juvenile fiction
Shipwrecks -- Juvenile fiction
Survival after airplane accidents, shipwrecks, etc. -- Juvenile fiction
Baldwin -- 1875.
Genre:
Imaginary voyages ( local )

Notes

General Note:
Added col. t.p.: Robinson Crusoe; spine title: Robinson Crusoe; half-title: Life and adventures of Robinson Crusoe; caption title, p. 361: Further adventures of Robinson Crusoe.
General Note:
"It has been carefully printed from the first edition," without reproducing the original orthography or punctuation"--Pref. signed W.H.D.A. i.e. William Henry Davenport Adams. Adams also wrote the memoir of Defoe.
General Note:
Probably an earlier issue of Lovett, R.W. Robinson Crusoe, 586.
General Note:
In the appendix, the narrative of Selkirk on the island is Woodes Rogers'; the map is that found in part III, 'Serious reflections,' of Robinson Crusoe, pub. in 1720. Also included are Cowper's verses and an analytical index to the biography and text.
General Note:
Parts I and II of Robinson Crusoe. Part II originally published under title: Farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe.
General Note:
Green blind stamped decorative binding with cover col. vignette inset of Crusoe discovering a footprint in the sand. University of Florida library's copy lacks the front. cited in the NUC description above.
General Note:
At head of title: The household Robinson Crusoe, carefully reprinted from the original edition.
General Note:
Engravers include J.M. Corner, Jackson, and Morison. Headpieces are by Clark Stanton (cf. pref., p. vi)
Funding:
NEH RLG GCMP4

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
This item is presumed to be in the public domain. The University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries respect the intellectual property rights of others and do not claim any copyright interest in this item. Users of this work have responsibility for determining copyright status prior to reusing, publishing or reproducing this item for purposes other than what is allowed by fair use or other copyright exemptions. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions may require permission of the copyright holder. The Smathers Libraries would like to learn more about this item and invite individuals or organizations to contact The Department of Special and Area Studies Collections (special@uflib.ufl.edu) with any additional information they can provide.
Resource Identifier:
001828083 ( ALEPH )
AJQ2150 ( NOTIS )
28307257 ( OCLC )
30304592 ( OCLC )

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T. NELSON AND SONS.

LONDON, EDINBURGH AND NEW YORK



THE

Wife and Adventures

ROBINSON CRUSOE.



“The author of that book which has imparted to most
of us the greatest delight of any, was also the earliest
teacher of political economy, the first propounder of free
trade. He planted that tree which, stationary and stunted
for nearly two centuries, is now spreading its shadow by
degrees over all the earth. He was the most far-sighted
of our statesmen, and the most worthily trusted by the
wisest of our kings.” |

WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.



JHE fiousEHOLD ROBINSON PRUSOE.

CAREFULLY REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL EDITION.

THE LIFE

AND

Strange Surprizing Adbentures

OF

ROBINSON CRUSOE,

OF YORK, MARINER. ,
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.

WITH AN INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR OF DANIEL DE FOE.
A MEMOIR OF ALEXANDER SELKIRK, AN ACCOUNT OF PETER SERRANO,
AND OTHER INTERESTING ADDITIONS,

ILLUSTRATED WITH UPWARDS OF SEVENTY ENGRAVINGS BY KEELEY HALSWELLE,
A PORTRAIT OF DE FOE, A MAP OF ROBINSON CRUSOE’S ISLAND, DE FOE’S
TOMB, FACSIMILES OF ORIGINAL TITLE-PAGES, ETC., ETC.



LONDON:

T. NELSON AND SONS, PATERNOSTER ROW;
EDINBURGH ; AND NEW YORK.



1875,







Foreface.

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of young and old, and which is now ranked, by
common consent, among the classic master-
pieces of English literature. }

All then that remains for the Editor to do, is to justify
the appearance of this new edition by pointing out in
what respects it differs from its predecessors.

Ist,—lt has been carefully printed from the first
edition; though it has not been thought advisable to adopt
the pedantic fashion of reproducing the original ortho-
graphy. We might as well use the old spelling in our
‘Authorized Version of the Bible ;” and we are unable to
see how it can interest any but a very limited class of
students. For the same reason, we have by no means
literally followed the original punctuation, which, perhaps,
was not De Foe’s, but his printers’. In all other respects

the present edition is a faithful transcript of the “ Robinson



vi PREFACE.

Crusoe” which delighted English boys when first pub-
lished. |

2nd,—A Memoir of De Foe, carefully based on the
_ most trustworthy authorities, has been prefixed.

drd,—In the Appendix will be found a Memoir of
Alexander Selkirk, who, whether rightly or wrongly, is
inseparably connected with De Foe’s fiction; a Narrative
of his Residence on the Island of Juan Fernandez ;
Cowper's Poem, suggested by Selkirk’s narrative; and a
Brief Accownt of the Famous Spanish Crusoe, Peter
Serrano. | |

4th,—The Illustrations have been expressly designed
for this edition by Mr. Keeley Halswelle, with the excep-
tion, of course, of the Facsimiles occasionally introduced
of the Title-pages and Engravings in the original work,
The Head-pieces are by Clark Stanton, A.R.A. In a
word, no pains have been spared to render the present
edition complete in every detail ; and worthy, it is hoped, -

of a place in the library of all good English boys.

W. H. D. A.





DANIEL DE FOE:
A Bitographp.





0

CHAPTER I.

HIS EARLY YEARS.








A} Reflections on Morals and Religion”), Daniel De Foe bids the
Ce BS reader trace a parallelism between the fiction and the biography
“GS - se of its author. There is a man alive, he says, and well known



too, the actions of whose life are the first subject of these volumes,
and to whom all or most part of the story most directly alludes ;
this, he adds, may be depended upon for truth. In a word,
there’s not a circumstance in the imaginary story but has its just allusion to
a real story, and chimes part for part, and step for step, with the inimitable
“ Life of Robinson Crusoe.” |

Notwithstanding this assertion, I am inclined to think that much of the
pretended allegory was an after-thought of De Foe’s, and that between his
active career and that of the solitary in the wave-washed island there exists
no more resemblance than between Macedon and Monmouth in Fluellen’s
famous comparison. We may see, perhaps, some degree of likeness in the
loneliness of De Foe in the world which he buffeted so stoutly, and the caged
condition of the castaway may remind us of his creator’s imprisonment ; but
we refuse to carry the allegory any further, or to identify every incident in
the romance with every event in the real life. For the rest, De Foe was a
greater, a braver, and a more self-controlled man than ‘“ Robinson Crusoe,”
as the following brief biographical sketch will, I hope, abundantly prove.

Daniel Defoe, or De Foe, was born in the parish of St. Giles, Cripplegate,
in 1660; the son- of James Foe, citizen and butcher, of London; and the



10 HIS EARLY YEARS AND EDUCATION.

grandson of Daniel Foe, a gentleman of good estate in Northamptonshire,
who kept a pack of hounds. Nothing more than this can be said of Daniel
De Foe’s grandfather ; of his father some particulars are recorded. ‘“ That
he was an excellent father,” says Mr. Lee,* ‘may be concluded from the
affectionate reverence with which his son alludes to him; that he was pros-
perous is evident from his ability to give that son the best education then
open to Dissenters. No doubt can be entertained that he was a good man,
and a sincere Christian. He had, in all probability, been a constant attend-
ant at his parish church during the ministry of the pious and reverend
Samuel Annesley, LL.D.; and when that divine was ejected, under the Act
of Uniformity, James Foe accompanied his beloved pastor, and became a
Nonconformist. He died about 1706-7, full of years, and the last act re-
corded of him (though not by his son) is his giving a testimonial to the
character of a female domestic who had formerly lived two years in his ser-
vice. He says he should not have recommended her to Mr. Cave, ‘ that godly
minister, had not her conversation been becoming the gospel.’ ”

_ Under such auspices passed the earliest years of the life of De Foe, and
his mind seems to have been carefully imbued with religious sentiments. He
was a bold, generous, vivacious boy, who, as he himself tells us, never
struck an enemy when he was down. His perseverance was of no ordinary
description, and when the poor Nonconformists had reason to fear that the
Government would deprive them of their printed copies of the Bible, he set
to work on the difficult task of transcribing the Old Testament, and never
abandoned it until he had completed the whole of the Pentateuch.

At the age of fourteen this bright, enthusiastic boy—whom his parents
designated for the ministry—was sent to the celebrated Dissenting Academy
at Newington Green, kept by a ripe scholar and able man, the Rev. Charles
Morton. Here he made rapid progress in the various departments of learn-
ing; and here, too, as his mind developed and his intellect matured, his
moral sense of responsibility grew stronger, so that he was induced to ask
himself whether he was suited for a clerical career, and whether it was suited
for him, replying to both questions in the negative. Nevertheless, he went
through a course of theology, which, in truth, was incumbent on all Mr.
Morton’s pupils; he also studied the rudiments of political science; he ac-
quired a Satisfactory knowledge of mathematics, logic, natural philosophy,
history, geography ; something considerable he knew, too, of Latin, Greek,
Hebrew, French, and Italian; and—not least useful accomplishment—he
learned to write his mother tongue with ease, accuracy, and vigour.

That he profited by his studies at school, and that he afterwards improved
to the uttermost the scanty leisure of a busy life, ig abundantly proved by
the variety and erudition of his writings.

Soon after he had completed his education, he was placed in the ware-
house of a wholesale hose-factor, to be instructed, perhaps, in book-keeping

* Lee, “Daniel De Foe, his Life,” é&c., vol. i. p. 5.



A CHARACTERISTIC ANECDOTE, 11

and business management. Such details were little in accordance with his
tastes, and we do not wonder that, with his strong Protestant principles and
enlarged sympathies, he early plunged into the fierce joys of political con-
test. He was no bigot, however—no fanatical exponent of his own views;
and though a sound Protestant, he was little inclined to join in the unreason-
ing persecution of Roman Catholics which characterized the closing years
of Charles the Second’s reign. At a later time he wrote: ‘I never blame
men who, professing principles destructive of the Constitution they live
under, and believing it their just right to supplant it, act in conformity to
the principles they profess. I believe, if I were a Papist, I should do the
same. Believing the merit of it would carry me to heaven, I doubt not I
should go as far as another. But when we ran up that plot to general
massacres, fleets of pilgrims, bits and bridles, knives, handcuffs, and a thou-
sand such things, I confess, though a boy, I could not then, nor can now,
come up tothem. And my reasons were, as they still are, because I see no
cause to believe the Papists to be fools, whatever else we had occasion to
think them. A general massacre, truly! when the Papists are not five to a
hundred, in some countries not one, and within the city hardly one toa
thousand!”

This liberal and tolerant spirit De Foe preserved throughout his career,
and few of his contemporaries, if any, more thoroughly comprehended the
true principles of civil and religious freedom. For bigotry, whether Protest-
ant or Roman Catholic, he had a great contempt. On one occasion he
entered a crowd of listeners who, with mouths and ears open, were devour-
ing the latest scandal against “the Papishes.” An itinerant spouter was
retailing an invention in reference to the newly-erected Monument. ‘“ Last
night,” said he, unblushingly, ‘six Frenchmen came up and stole it away ;
and but for the watch, who stopped them as they went over the bridge, and
made them carry it back again, they might, for aught we know, have carried
it over into France. These Papishes will never have done.’”’ Some of the
bystanders looked incredulous at this very bold assertion, and Mr. Daniel
Foe stepped forward, with grave satirical air, to clench the monstrous
absurdity. He repeated the story, but added a touch of characteristic
realism ; for, said he, if you do but hasten to the spot, you will see the work-
men employed in making all fast again! *

Seven years later, De Foe, or Foe, as he then called himself, started in
business on his own account. He became a liveryman of London, and
established himself as hose-factor in Freeman’s Court, Cornhill. His interest
in politics, however, was of so deep and absorbing a kind that his commer-
cial speculations must greatly have suffered by it. He could not serve twc
masters—he was too earnest a patriot to attain success as a man of business.
Now-a-days, it is quite possible for any one of us to combine both capacities.
Lhe political questions which demand attention may well be considered in

* Forster, ‘ Historical and Biographical Essays,” ii. 8.



12 DE FOE AS A POLITICIAN.

the intervals of our leisure, and they are seldom of that order on which the
safety of an empire depends. But in De Foe’s time it was quite otherwise.
He who plunged into the raging strife was compelled to throw aside every
impediment, and to fight, if he fought at all, with arms and hands unen-
cumbered. The seven years of his apprenticeship had been seven most
eventful years, and De Foe, with his far-seeing sagacity, could not but
rightly estimate the importance of the issue. He was too courageous and
too wise to fear that issue. As Mr. Forster eloquently and truly says, hope
would brighten in his sensible, manly heart, when it most deserted weaker
men’s. When the King, alarmed at last for the safety of the crown he dis-
honoured, flung off his licentious negligence for crueller enjoyments; when
the street ballads and lampoons against his shameless court grew daily
bitterer and more daring; when a Sidney and a Russell were brought to the
block for advocating such a measure of liberty as would now-a-days be con-
sidered moderate by the most slavish partisan of Cesarism; no alarm was
likely to depress De Foe’s clear, calm, and unshaken intellect. And the end
of that Saturnalia of license and shame, of foul cruelty, of fouller luxurious-
ness, of tyranny at home and disgrace abroad, which we call the reign of
Charles II, came at length—Charles II. was dead, and caps were thrown in
the air for James II.

This is not the place for an historical summary, and yet in the history of
his time De Foe played so prominent a part that an occasional glance at its
leading events must be permitted us. The intentions of James II. he fully
understood and appreciated. He saw that he aimed at the establishment of
Popery as his end in religion, and the absolutism of the Crown as the goal
of his policy. He heard bishops preach of the divine right and infallibility
of Kings; he heard it publicly asserted, that if the King commanded his
head, and sent his messengers to fetch it, he was bound to submit, and stand
still while it was cut off. We need not wonder that, under such circum-
stances, De Foe gladly hailed the so-called rebellion of the Duke of Mon-
mouth as affording a prospect of deliverance for his country. Its religion and
its freedom seemed to him to be intimately bound up with the success of the
Duke’s expedition; and mounting his horse, he rode away to enlist under
his standard. He was with the invaders at Bath and Bristol ; but—how or
why I know not—he was absent from the great fight at Sedgemoor, when
the King’s cause was so nearly lost. On learning of Monmouth’s disastrous
defeat, he would seem to have gained the sea-shore and taken ship to the
Continent. With his usual energy he turned his self-banishment to advan-
tage, traversing Spain, and Germany, and France, and gathering a vast fund
of experience and information, which in due time proved to him of the
highest value.

It was probably in the following year that he returned to Freeman’s
Court, Cornhill. Thenceforth he wrote himself De Foe. Whether, says
Mr. Forster, the change was a piece of innocent vanity picked up in his



WHAT'S IN A NAME ? 13

travels, or had any more serious motive, it would now be idle to inquire.
He was known both as Foe and De Foe to the last; but it is the latter name
which he inscribed on the title-page of almost every one of his books, and if
is the name by which he has become immortal.

Mr. Lee, De Foe’s latest biographer, differs from all preceding authorities
in dating the change of name as late as 1703. ‘I am inclined to think,”
he says, “it began accidentally, or was adopted for convenience, to dis-
tinguish him from his father.” But surely such a distinction was unneces-
sary, when the son was called Daniel and the father James! I think the
change far more likely to have been a foreign affectation, adopted during
the exile’s Continental travels, and afterwards persevered in from habit;
but the reader shall have an opportunity of following up the chain of Mr.
Lee’s reasoning, which is ingenious, if unsatisfactory.

“ The father,” he says, “from his age and experience, and the son from
his commanding ability, were both influential members of the Dissenting
interest in the city. They would respectively be spoken of and addressed,
orally, as Mr. Foe, and Mr. D. Foe. The name as spoken would in writing
become Mr, De Foe,* and thus what originated in accident might be used for
convenience, and become more or less settled by time. This simple expla-
nation is favoured by the following proofs of De Foe’s indifference in the
matter. His initials and name appear in various forms in his works, sub-
scribed to dedications, prefaces, &c., and this may be presumed to have been
done by himself. Before 1703 I find only D. F. In that year Mr. De Foe,
and Daniel De Foe. In the following year, D. D. F.; De Foe; and Daniel
De Foe. In 1705, D. F.; and three autograph letters, all addressed to the
Karl of Halifax, are successively signed D. Foe; De Foe; Daniel De Foe. In
1706, D. F.; D. Foe; De Foe; Daniel De Foe. And in 1709, D. F.; De Foe;
and Daniel De Foe.”

The first printed production from De Foe’s pen was a political pamphlet,
the precursor of a legion of similar writings, entitled ‘A Letter, containing
some Reflections on His Majesty’s Declaration for Liberty of Conscience,”
dated the 4th of April 1687.

In the following year William of Orange landed at Torbay, and De Foe,
zealous as ever in the noble cause of civil and religious liberty, hastened to
welcome ‘“‘ The Deliverer,” in whose success lay the only hope of the release
of England from the thraldom of bigotry and absolutism. Armed, and on
horseback, he joined the second line of William’s army at Henley-on-Thames.
He probably accompanied the Prince on his entry into London. At the
stirring debates of the Convention he was unquestionably present, and his
heart must have leaped with joy when he heard the famous resolution passed,
on the 18th of February, that no King had reigned in England since the day
of James’s flight. Gallantly mounted and accoutred, he was one of “the

*Surely not! There is a great difference in sound between the English D. and the
French De,



14 DE FOE AND HIS SOVEREIGN,

royal regiment of volunteer horse, made up of the chief citizens,” who at-
tended William and Mary on their first visit to Guildhall. Between William
and the sturdy political Dissenter there was a striking resemblance of char-
acter. Both were self-reserved, self-controlled men, masters of their emo-
tions, able to preserve silence and to “stand alone?’ Both had a sincere
respect for the principles of an enlightened toleration. Both shared the
same opinions on the necessity of counter-checking the preponderant power
of France. Even in religious matters the views and thoughts of the Luth-
eran King must have closely approximated to those of his Nonconformist
subject. Certain it is that the sympathy between the two was considerable.
William honoured De Foe with his confidence, and De Foe looked up to his
King with esteem and admiration. To the close of his life he celebrated as
a festival the memorable 4th of November, the day on which William landed
at Torbay,—‘‘ a day,” he exultingly wrote, “famous on various accounts, and
every one of them dear to Britons who love their country, value the Pro-
testant interest, or have an aversion to tyranny and oppression. On this
day he was born ; on this day he married the daughter of England; and on
this day he rescued the nation from a bondage worse than that of Egypt—
a bondage of soul as well as bodily servitude—a slavery to the ambition and
raging lust of a generation set on fire by pride, avarice, cruelty, and blood.” *

* Review, vol. iv. p. 453.







CHAPTER ILI.

A LIFE OF STRUGGLE.




Wl cP EL FOE celebrated the first anniversary of the Day of Deliverance

Se ¥ resided here for some time, forming the Dissenters of the neigh-
ES

bourhood into a regular congregation, and supplying them
with a devout and learned man for minister. He afterwards
removed to the neighbourhood of Mickleham, “the Happy
Valley,” as it has not unjustly been called, in allusion to the
rich and cultivated loveliness of its landscapes.

In 1689 and 1690 we hear but little of De Foe, exceptthat he still attempted,
and, as we shall see, with but little success, to combine the pursuit of poli-
tics with that of business. In 1691 appeared his first effort in verse, entitled
‘A New Discovery of an Old Intrigue: a Satire level’d at Treachery and
Ambition ; calculated to the Nativity of the Rapparee Plott, and the Modesty
of the Jacobite Clergy.’’ Like all De Foe’s productions in metre, it contains
much solid sense, and many vigorous lines; but it is utterly destitute of
imagination and fancy, and not less destitute of all melody of language and
harmony of rhythm.

In the following year began the series of distressing commercial difficulties
which finally terminated in De Foe’sinsolvency. There can be no reasonable
doubt that they were due to his own want of business habits. A politician
and a wit, he was wholly unsuited for the proper management of commercial
speculations. In his book, ‘‘ The Compleat Tradesman,” he shows that he
perfectly understood the causes of his ill-success. ‘‘ A wit turned trades-
man!” he exclaims, “ what an incongruous part of nature is there brought
together. consisting of direct contraries! No apron strings will hold him;
‘tis in vain to lock him in behind the compter—he’s gone in a moment:
instead of journal and ledger, he runs away to his Virgil and Horace; his
iournal entries are all Pindaricks, and his ledger all Heroicks: he is truly
dramatic from one end to the other, through the whole scene of his trade;
and as the first part is all comedy, so the two last acts are all made up with
tragedy ; a statute of bankrupt is his Exeunt omnes, and he generally speaks
the epilogue in the Fleet Prison or the Mint.”

An angry creditor took out against De Foe a commission of bankruptcy,



16 “AN ESSAY ON PROJECTS.”

which, however, was soon superseded at the request of his other creditors ;
and De Foe’s proposal of composition was accepted on his single bond. It
should be added, to his honour, that this he punctually paid by the most
indefatigable exertion of industry and self-denial. And afterwards, when
misfortune overtook some of these more lenient creditors, De Foe, whom King
William’s favour had meanwhile raised to a position of comparative afflu-
ence, voluntarily paid the whole amount of their claims. —

While his proposal was being debated by his creditors, De Foe, to avoid
imprisonment, had taken refuge in Bristol; and here, it is said, he was
known as the “ Sunday gentleman,” because, from fear of the bailiffs, he
could not appear in public on any other day. But on these public appear-
ances he was gaily dressed, in a fine flowing wig, lace ruffles, and with a
sword by his side. His enforced leisure he occupied in the composition of
his admirably practical “ Essay on Projects;”’ which, however, was not pub-
lished until two years afterwards.

Forster describes it as ‘“‘a most shrewd, wise, and memorable piece of
writing.” It suggested various reforms in the English system of banking,
and a plan for central county banks ; it demonstrated the immense advan-
tages of an efficient improvement of the public roads, as a source of public
benefit and revenue ; it recommended, for the security of trade, a mitigation
of the severities of the law against the honest bankrupt, and a more effect-
ual system of check against practised knavery; it proposed the general
establishment of offices for insurance “in every case of risk;” it enforced
in impressive language the expediency of friendly societies, and of a kind of
savings’ bank, among the poor; and, with a sagacity far in advance of the
age, urged the solemn necessity of a more humane custody of lunatics, which
was aptly described as “a particular rent-charge on the great family of
mankind.”

His banishment at Bristol being terminated by his creditors’ frank accept-
ance of his proposal of composition, De Foe returned to London, where he was
soon afterwards concerned, ‘‘ with some eminent persons at home,” in pro-
posing financial ways and means to the English Government for conducting
the great war with France. This service led to his appointment as account-
ant to the Commissioners of the Glass Duty (1694-1699) ; and this appoint-
ment probably furnished him with resources for the establishment of exten-
sive tile-kiln and brick-kiln works at Tilbury,* on the Thames, where, for
several years, he gave employment to upwards of a hundred poor workmen,
and where, among the rough and daring men who frequented the banks of
the great river, he probably gathered much of that nautical knowledge and
information about strange countries which he afterwards turned to sO
excellent an advantage.t

* He appears, at first, to have been one of a company, but, after a while, became sole

proprietor.
t Mr. Lee describes an interesting visit which he paid to the site of these works, ‘“‘In

(Zoe)



77

“ THE TRUE-BORN ENGLISHMAN. 17

He now began to pay off his debts rapidly, and yearly to increase in
worldly prosperity. He supported with indefatigable pen the principal
measures of William III.; advocated the formation of a small standing
army; defended the great principle of religious toleration; and lent his
powerful influence to the creation in England of an enlightened public opin-
ion on these and other important subjects. His second poetical satire,
“The Pacificator,’’ appeared in 1700, and is superior to the first in cogency
and point. Early in the following year he published the best of his poems,
“The True-born Englishman;” which, more than any of his previous works,
tended to attract the attention of the public. It was designed as a reply to
“a vile abhorred pamphlet, in very ill verse, written by-one Mr. Tutchin, and
called The Foreigners; in which the author fell personally upon the King
himself, and then upon the Dutch nation.’’ The satire is strong and
trenchant, and commanded such general popularity that it passed through
nine genuine editions in a twelvemonth, and through twelve pirated editions
in less than three years. Its object was to show the composite character of
the English race—

“Saxon, and Norman, and Dane are we ;”

and. to prove that its success was owing to its very admixture of blood. The
first four lines have become familiar as household words—

“Wherever God erects a house of prayer,
The Devil always builds a chapel there ;
And ’twill be found, upon examination,
The latter has the largest congregation.”

But the satire itself has now fallen into oblivion, simply because, clever
the year 1860,” he says, “‘when the London, Tilbury, and Southend Railway was com.
pleted, thinking that the excavations might discover some remains of De Foe’s tile-works,
I made a day’s excursion to the locality. Immediately on the west side of the Tilbury
Station a large plot of land was being dug over to form potato-ground for the railway
servants ; and a deep trench had been previously cut through the same to the river to
drain the company’s estate. In this way the whole of De Foe’s brick and pan-tile works
had been laid open, including the clay-pits, drying-floors, foundations of kilns, and other
buildings. Large quantities of bricks and tiles had been excavated, and thrown into
heaps, to clear the land for its intended purpose. The pan-tiles appear to have attracted
very little notice ; but the narrowness of the bricks, and the peculiar forms of certain
tobacco-pipes, found mixed with both, had excited some little wonderment among the
labourers. I asked several how they thought these things came there, and was answered
by an ignorant shake of the head. But when I said, ‘These bricks and tiles were made
a hundred and sixty years since, by the same man that made Robinson Crusoe !’ I touched
a chord that connected these railway ‘navvies’ with the shipwrecked mariner, and that
bounded over the intervening period ina single moment. Every eye brightened, every
tongue was ready to ask or give information, and every fragment became interesting.
Porters, inspector, and station-master soon gathered round me, wondering at what was
deemed an important historical revelation. The pan-tiles made at Tilbury were of
excellent manufacture, and still retain a fine red colour, close texture, and are quite
sonorous. Neither the Dutch nor any other tiles could have driven them out of the
market, and the maker would have been able, from proximity to London and facilities of
conveyance, either to undersell the foreign dealer or to realize a proportionately larger
profit.”—Lee, ‘‘ Daniel De Foe,” i. 32.

\2ody °



18 A PLEA FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.

and incisive, and shrewd though it
is, it lacks the elements of genuine
poetry.*
King William deeply felt the value
of the service which De Foe had ren-
<= dered him. He sent for him to the
AY palace; received him with marked
AN SS kindness; employed him in con-
Dh, fidential commissions; and from
that time accorded him free access
to his cabinet. In these inter-
SS views the great questions of the
\\ > day were frankly discussed, and
\\\ especially that all-important ques-
tion, the union of England and
Scotland. On this point De Foe




. AN NG > S Ssu22T>
INIA Ss pressed the King closely: ‘‘ It shall
- be done,” said William, ‘“ but ‘not
PORTRAIT OF KING WILLIAM IIL 4”?
yet.

Cheered and encouraged by the royal confidence, De Foe resumed his pen
with more energy than ever. In the limits to which we are confined it
would be impossible to record even the titles of the numerous forcible and
well-reasoned pamphlets produced by his indefatigable industry. It is a
significant mark of the fulness of his mind and the versatility of his intellect
that not one of them is below mediocrity, while many rise far above it. The
most interesting and the ablest of those which appeared prior to the death
of William is the celebrated pamphlet entitled “The Original Power of the
Collective Body of the People of England, Examined and Asserted. With
a Double Dedication to the King and to the Parliament.” Mr. Chalmers
rightly says of it, “‘ Every lover of liberty must be pleased with the perusal
of a treatise which vies with Mr. Locke’s famous tract in power of reasoning,
and is superior to it in the graces of style.” Mr. Forster, a still more com-
petent judge, describes it as distinguished for its plain and nervous diction.
The grounds of popular representation, he Says, are so happily condensed
and so clearly stated in it, that it became the text-book of political disput-
ants from the days of the expulsion of Walpole and of Wilkes to those of
the Reform Bill. It may be briefly described, he continues, as a demonstra.

* “Tn this composition the satire was strong, powerful, and manly, upbraiding the
English Tories for their unreasonable prejudice against foreigners ; the rather that there
were so many nations blended in the mass now called Englishmen. The verse was rough
and mistuned, for De Foe never seems to have possessed an ear for the melody of language,
whether in prose or verse. But though wanting ‘the long resounding verse and energy
divine’ of Dryden, he had often masculine expressions and happy turns of thought not
unworthy of the author of Absalom and Achitophel, though, upon the whole, his style

seems rather to have been formed on that of Hall, Oldham, and the elder satirists.?._.
Sir Walter Scott, ‘‘ Biographies: Daniel De Foe” (edit. 1847) p. 897.



DE FOE LOSES A PATRON. 19































tion of the predominance of the ori- gers. |
ginal (the People’s) over the dele- KONG)
gated authority (that of King and Cr"
Parliament) ; and remains still, as it KS = “oe
was when first written, the ablest, a. me Oy}
plainest, and most courageous ex- ees) = =
position in our language of the doc- 7 = Wy SS
trine on which our own and all free iLy Wy Ly al i NQ
political constitutions rest. Uf a Se A

On the 8th of March 1702 Eng- Yf (OS peo
land lost a great ruler, and De Foe iifp ‘ o> HI
a wise patron, by the death of Zon
William III. It was a signal loss Y ey
to the nation and the individual; ISS SS Mey) yy
but nations outlive such losses; to 4 Ln WY 4 ap
De Foe it was irreparable. Had OY WG wo Ay Vi

' WR AN W/

William reigned a few years longer,
we can hardly doubt that his ad-
herent would have risen to some
high office in the State. But then, we should probably have lost ‘‘ Robin-
son Crusoe” and “Colonel Jack.” So true it is that the public generally
profit by private sufferings.

The attitude assumed by the Tory faction at the death of the King was in
every sense unbecoming. ‘That they should rejoice at the accession of Anne,
and the restoration of the Stuart line to the throne, was not wonderful; but
to lampoon the memory of the great sovereign who had saved their country
from a mean and narrow tyranny was unworthy of a powerful party. De
Foe poured out the vial of his wrath on these traducers in a poem, entitled
‘The Mock Mourners: a Satire, by way of Elegy on King William;” which
is remarkable for its earnestness and dignity of tone. It passed through seven
large editions in a twelvemonth. To the last De Foe preserved his affec-
tionate respect for the memory of William, and spoke of him as “the best
King England eversaw.’”’ And once, when suffering from unjust persecution,
he pathetically exclaimed, “I shall never forget his goodness to me. It was
my honour and advantage to call him master as well as sovereign. J never
patiently heard his memory slighted, nor ever can do so. Had he lived, he
would never have suffered me to be treated as I have been in this world.”

With the accession of Queen Anne the political atmosphere changed
mightily. Whig principles went out of fashion ; Whig politicians were but
coldly received at the new sovereign’s cabinet; a Tory Government was
appointed ; all the old doctrines of divine right and passive obedience were
preached from High Church pulpits; and the necessity of conformity to the
doctrines and liturgy of the English Church was urged with uncompromising
violence. De Foe was no blind antagonist of the Church of England, but he

PORTRAIT OF QUEEN ANNE,



20 A SATIRE MISUNDERSTOOD.

was honestly and conscientiously a Dissenter, and he could not refrain from
coming forward at the call of duty to awaken the eyes of his brethren to
their dangerous position. He knew that argument or expostulation or en-
treaty in such a crisis would be of little value, and therefore he determined
to resort to the weapon of irony. He wrote and published—without his name,
of course—his ‘‘Shortest Way with the Dissenters,’ in which he gravely
recommended, as the only effectual method of dealing with them, their
extermination. “’Tis in vain,” he writes, “to trifle in this matter. We
can never enjoy a settled, uninterrupted union in this nation, till the spirit
of Whiggism, faction, and schism, is melted down like the old money. Here
is the opportunity to secure the Church, and destroy her enemies. I do not
prescribe fire and fagot, but Delenda est Carthago. ‘They are to be rooted out
of this nation, if ever we will live in peace or serve God. The light foolish
handling of them by fines is their glory and advantage. If the gallows
instead of the compter, and the galleys instead of the fines, were the reward
of going to a conventicle, there would not be so many sufferers.”

So ably and so seriously was this piece of bitter sarcasm written, that at
first the whole nation was taken in; Dissenters went wild with apprehen-
sion, Jacobites and High Churchmen with delight. Then, all of a sudden,
people awoke to the author’s true intention. It was discovered that that
author was a Dissenter, and that his satire was directed against the advocates
of conformity. A loud cry for vengeance immediately went up to heaven;
and, to the disgrace of the Dissenters, they joined in it. They had been
deceived, and in a fit of cowardly fury they turned upon the man who had
deceived them, though the deception was wholly intended for their advantage.

The House of Commons took up the matter. The tract was declared a
libel, and ordered to be burned by the hands of the common hangman. The
Government was advised to prosecute its author. When he saw what a terrible
storm was rising De Foe fled; but a reward of £50 was offered for his appre-
hension. In the proclamation in the ‘‘ London Gazette,” he was described
as ‘‘a middle-sized, spare man, about forty years old, of a brown complexion,
but wears a wig; a hooked nose, a sharp chin, gray eyes, and a large mole
near his mouth.” At first he escaped detection. The Government then
flung into prison the printer and the bookseller, and De Foe immediately sur-
rendered himself. He would allow no man to suffer the consequences of any
action of his; for this he was too brave, too manly, and too honourable. He
surrendered ; was imprisoned ; was indicted at the Old Bailey in July 1703;
was entangled by a promise of royal mercy into an admission of the libel:
was declared guilty; and sentenced to pay a fine of 500 marks, to stand
three times in the pillory, to be imprisoned during the Queen’s pleasure,
and to find sureties for good behaviour for seven years. Such was the ini-
quitous sentence which power pronounced upon a man for daring to be
wittier than his fellows!

Twenty days were allowed him to prepare for the pillory. He occupied



DE FOE IN THE PILLORY. , 21

them characteristically ; first, by composing a pamphlet, “The Shortest
Way to Peace and Union,” in which the heroic man endeavoured to mediate
between Dissenters on the one hand, and High Churchmen on the other; and,
secondly, by writing his celebrated satire, “‘A Hymn to the Pillory,” in which
a just indignation has almost made him a poet.* Addressing the intended
instrument of his shame, he nobly says :—
“Hail! hieroglyphic State-machine,

Contrived to punish Fancy in ;

Men that are men, in thee can feel no pain,

And all thy insignificants disdain.

Contempt, that false new word for shame,

Is, without crime, an empty name;

A shadow to amuse mankind,

But ne’er to fright the wise or well-fixed mind——

Virtue despises human scorn !”

On the 29th of July 1708, the author of this daring hymn was exposed in
the pillory before the Royal Exchange in Cornhill; on the day following,
near the Conduit in Cheapside; and on the 31st, at Temple Bar.t What,
however, was meant for his shame and humiliation proved to be for his great
honour and renown. The multitude felt that the pilloried hero was a man who
had fought steadfastly and bravely their own battles, and instead of loading
him with insults, they greeted him with shouts of welcome. They wreathed
garlands of flowers about the “ State-machine,” and passed from hand to
hand the rough but manly and vigorous ode in which he had flung defiance
at his oppressors. ‘‘The people were expected to treat me very ill,” he
says, “but it was not so. On the contrary, they were with me, wished
those who had set me there were placed in my room; and expressed their
affections by loud shouts and acclamations when I was taken down.”

His persecutors, nevertheless, though foiled in this particular measure of
persecution, were more successful in others. De Foe retired from the pillory
to Newgate, and his long imprisonment was necessarily the ruin of his busi-
ness. He was obliged, at a loss of upwards of £3500, to abandon his large and
prosperous works at Tilbury, and for the support of a wife and six children,
to fall back upon his pen. With a courage which could not be shaken, and
a perseverance that could not be abated, he plied that pen indefatigably.
He issued a collection of his works, prefixing his portrait to the first volume:
it represents him with a resolute countenance, a massive chin, firm and
well-set mouth, and eyes full of intellect and energy. Meanwhile, a very
Ishmael in politics, he defended himself against the attacks of a cloud of
enemies. Like Harry of the Wynd, in Scott’s romance, he fought for his own
hand, and he fought gallantly. Under his heavy and incessant blows, the
stoutest assailant reeled. But he did not confine himself to political pam-

* “Indignatio facit versus.”—Horace.

t Every one remembers Pope’s paltry allusion to this incident :-—

‘*Earless on high stood unabashed De Foe,
And Tutchin flagrant from the scourge below.”



29 THE FIRST ENGLISH ‘‘ REVIEW,”

phlets. With a remarkable versatility, he discussed the deepest theological
questions; he wrote against a proposed censorship of the press ; he advocated
the claims of authors to a protection of their copyright; he compiled a
wonderfully graphic account of the “ Great Storm” of 1704; and finally, in
the February of that year he began his famous “ Review. :

This was a complete novelty in English literature, and may be regarded
as the true precursor of some celebrated periodicals of the present day. It
was at first a quarto sheet, published weekly, at the price of apenny. After
the fourth number it was reduced to half a sheet, but printed in closer type
and in double columns, and sold for twopence. After the eighth number it was
published twice a week, on Tuesdays and Saturdays. In due time monthly
supplements were issued, and finally it appeared on Tuesdays, Thursdays,
and Saturdays. So it continued, written solely by De Foe, for nine years
(February 19, 1704, to June 11, 1718).

Such was its form. Its contents were of the most miscellaneous description.
It dealt largely with politics, but scarcely less largely with morals. It com-
bined both public and personal questions ; it corrected the vices, it ridiculed
the follies of the age. Asa general indication of its character, we may
summarize the contents of the first volume, omitting those of a political
cast.* |

It condemns the prevalent practice of excessive drinking ; it ridicules the
not less prevalent practice of excessive swearing; it censures the laxity
which had crept into the relations of married life; it denounces in no measured
terms the licentiousness of the stage ; it discusses the various questions
affecting trade and pauperism; it inveighs against the mania for gambling
speculations; and it holdly reprobates the barbarous custom of duelling.

All these widely different topics are treated by De Foe unaided, and
the sagacity and vigour evident in every article fill the reader with
wonder at the man’s genius, industry, and multifarious information. The
machinery he adopted for the discussion of non-political matters was a so-
called “‘ Scandal Club,” organized to receive complaints and to decide upon
them. It acted in the following manner:—“ A gentleman appears before the
club, and complains of his wife. She is a bad wife; he cannot exactly tell
why. There is a long examination, proving nothing; when suddenly a
member of the club begs pardon for the question, and asks if his worship
was a good husband. His worship, greatly surprised at such a question, is
again at a loss to answer. Whereupon the club pass these resolutions :—
1. That most women that are bad wives are made so by bad husbands.
2. That this society will hear no complaints against a virtuous bad wife,
from a vicious good husband. 38, That he that has a bad wife, and can’t
find the reason of it in her, ’tis ten to one that he finds it in himself. And
the decision finally is, that the gentleman is to go home, and be a good
husband for at least three months ; after which, if his wife is still uncured,

* John Forster, ‘‘ Biographical Essays,” ii. 55, 56.



AN INDUSTRIOUS MAN OF LETTERS. 23

they will proceed against her as they shall find cause. In this way pleas
and defences are heard on the various points that present themselves in the
subjects named, and not seldom with a lively dramatic interest.”

In August 1704, De Foe, at the instance of the statesman Harley, who
was now in power, received his release from Newgate. Harley, always
anxious to secure the assistance of able and moderate writers, had sent a
message ‘‘ by word of mouth”’ to the author of “The True-born Englishman:”’
‘Pray, ask Mr. De Foe what I can do for him.” De Foe took a piece of
paper and wrote in reply: ‘ Lord, dost thou see that I am blind, and yet
ask me what thou shalt do forme! My answer is plain in my misery—
‘Lord, that I may receive my sight!’”’ *

With his health much injured by his long imprisonment, De Foe retired
to a small house at Bury in Suffolk. He did not desist, however, from his
literary labours. Marlborough had commenced his wonderful career with
the great victory of Blenheim, and De Foe celebrated it in a ‘‘ Hymn to
Victory.” Then followed replies to High Church and Tory pamphlets; a
wise and earnest invective against indiscriminate alms-giving (‘ Giving Alms
in Charity ’’); ‘‘ The Double Welcome,” a poem to the Duke of Marlborough
(1705), as prosaic as most of his poems; and an admirable prose satire on
the follies of the times, entitled “'The Consolidator; or, Memoirs of Sundry
Transactions from the World in the Moon. Translated from the Lunar
Language.”

De Foe by this time had returned to London, and, as an avowed supporter
of the Harley or Whig Government, had again plunged into the thick of the
political fray. For his own happiness he had better have kept out of it, and
only a strong sense of duty could have supported him under the afflictions
he endured. His enemies employed every artifice of annoyance, and the
whole machinery of persecution. He was harassed with false warrants of
arrest ; with sham actions; with claims for pretended debts. His life was
threatened in anonymous letters; the foullest slanders assailed his morals;
he was subjected to the grossest misrepresentation of his principles. Yet,
bating not one jot of heart or hope,.he pursued the even tenor of his way,
advocating whatever he thought would advance the cause of truth and
liberty, fiercely denouncing the intolerance of bigots and the dishonesty of
faction. In his ‘“‘ Hymn to Peace” (1706), he forcibly describes his con-
dition :— |

“* Storms of men,
Voracious and unsatisfied as Death,

Spoil in their hands, and poison in their breath,
With rage of devils hunt me down.”

But De Foe was not the man to be hunted down, and he turned on his
hunters with a daring and a resolution that effectually brought them to bay.
The first example of that marvellous realism which is the special charac-

* De Foe, “‘ Appeal to Honour and Justice ” p. 12.



24 DE FOE’S POWER AS A REALIST.

teristic of his works of fiction, he gave in his celebrated “True Relation of
the Apparition of one Mrs. Veal, the next day after her death, to one Mrs.
Bargrave, at Canterbury ” (published in July 1706). Being prefixed to the
fourth edition of a somewhat dreary work, Drelincourt on “ Death,” it
raised the latter on the flood-tide of popularity, while its own merits as a
masterly piece of narrative were acknowledged by the best judges. The
incidents it relates are utterly improbable; yet are they told with such
exquisite simplicity, and with so subtle an accumulation of details, that he
who reads is almost forced to believe, in spite of his own judgment.* The
power which afterwards secured the fame of ‘“ Robinson Crusoe” is visible
on every page.

Of all the fictions, says an able writer,t which De Foe has succeeded in
palming off as truths, none is more instructive than that admirable ghost, Mrs.
Veal. It is, as it were, a hand-specimen, in which we may study his modus
operandt on a convenient scale. Like the sonnets of some great poets, it
contains in a few lines all the essential peculiarities of his art. The first
device which strikes us is his ingenious plan for manufacturing corrobora-
tive evidence. The ghost appears to Mrs. Bargrave. The story of the
apparition is told by a “ very sober and understanding gentlewoman, who
lives within a few doors of Mrs. Bargrave;” and the character of this
sober gentlewoman is supported by the testimony of a justice of peace at
Maidstone, “a very intelligent person.” This elaborate chain of evidence
is intended to divert our attention from the obvious circumstance that the
whole story rests upon the authority of the anonymous person who tells us
of the sober gentlewoman, who supports Mrs. Bargrave, and is informed by
the intelligent justice.

Another stratagem, carried out with equal success, is the apparent im-
partiality of the narrator.

The author, says the writer already quoted, affects to take us into his
confidence, to make us privy in regard to the pros and cons in regard to his
own characters, till we are quite disarmed. The sober gentlewoman
vouches for Mrs. Bargrave; but Mrs. Bargrave is by no means allowed to
have it all her own way. Mr. Veal is brought in, apparently to throw dis-
credit on her character; but his appearance is so well managed, that its
effect is to render us readier than before to accept Mrs. Bargrave’s story.
‘‘The argument is finally clenched by a decisive coincidence. The ghost
wears a silk dress. In the course of a long conversation, she incidentally
mentioned to Mrs. Bargrave that this was a scoured silk, newly made up.
When Mrs. Bargrave reported this remarkable circumstance to a certain
Mrs. Wilson, ‘You have certainly seen her,’ exclaimed that lady, ‘ for

* It is by no means impossible that De Foe himself accredited the possibility of such
a visitation, and that he advocated many of the theories now put forward as new by the
so-called Spiritualists.

t “Cornhill Magazine,” vol. xvii. pp. 295, 296.



THE UNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 25

none knew but Mrs. Veal and myself that the gown had been scoured.’
To this crushing piece of evidence, it seems that neither Mr. Veal (nor any
other assailant of Mrs. Bargrave) could invent any sufficient reply. One
can almost fancy De Foe chuckling as he concocted the refinements of this
most marvellous narrative.

We pass from the “ Apparition of Mrs. Veal” to the poem of ‘ Jure
Divino,” published on the 20th of July 1706. The reasoning in it, as
Forster says, is better than the poetry; but much of the verse is vigorous,
and its forcible advocacy of constitutional principles made it popular with
large masses of the people. In this, as in other works, De Foe lays claim
to be considered as the real founder of the Moderate Whigs—of the political
party represented at a later period by Fox, Huskisson, Russell, and Grey.

The year 1706 was rendered remarkable in English history by the legis-
lative movement in favour of a union between England and Scotland. AsI
have already stated, this was a favourite idea of De Foe’s, which he had
pressed upon King William; and it was his good fortune now to be con-
cerned in its realization. By the advice of the ministers Harley and
Godolphin he was despatched on a mission to Scotland; and he rendered
effectual service in bringing to a successful issue the greatest measure of
statesmanship which for years had been submitted to an English Parliament.
He seems to have gained the esteem and good-will of all the Scotch officials
and illustrious Scotchmen with whom his duties brought him into contact;
and he certainly learned to admire the Scotch character, becoming thence-
forth a warm and vigorous advocate of the Scottish people. The Act of
Union was ratified by the Scotch Parliament on the 16th of January 170%;
by the English, on the 6th of March. Probably no measure ever concluded
between two allied nations has proved more fruitful in the happiest results
for both. Well might De Foe regard with honest pride his share in a
work so noble; and well may both England and Scotland love and honour
the memory, not only of the great novelist, but of the generous and sagacious
politician. |

There are few better, and certainly no more interesting, narratives of the
circumstances attending this memorable event than that which is embodied
in De Foe’s own “ History of the Union,” published some years afterwards,
and written with unusual care. |

In 1708 Harley was dismissed from the Cabinet; but as Godolphin con-
tinued in it, De Foe did not cease to give it his active support, though he
deeply felt the unmerited disgrace in which his liberal patron was involved.
He was at this time specially favoured by the Queen, and was again sent to
Scotland on a particular service, whose details do not seem certainly known
to any of his biographers. Soon afterwards the Godolphin Ministry fell, and
Harley formed an Administration, of which he became the acknowledged
head. De Foe supported him, so far as he approved of his measures, with
characteristic energy ; but with equally characteristic honesty, he did not



26 THE RECOMPENSE OF A VETERAN.

hesitate to oppose him, when his actions were contrary to true liberal prin-
ciples. As I have before said, I cannot enumerate all the pamphlets which
issued from his prolific pen. They are marked by his peculiar qualities of
mind and intellect, but to a great extent deal with temporary topics, and,
consequently, have no value except for the historical student. His warm
advocacy of a Protestant Succession to the throne procured him the honour
of a second imprisonment in Newgate; but Harley interfered, and procured
his release. Then came, in 1714, the end of the political crisis which had
marked the last years of Queen Anne. The Tories and Jacobites were defeated
with unexpected ease, and instead of a Stuart, who had learned nothing
by exile, George I. reigned on the throne of Great Britain, representing in his
person, however inadequately, the triumph of the principles of constitutional
government. For the present, therefore, De Foe’s work as a politician was
done. He had fought the battle, almost unaided, for two and thirty years,
and retired from it with nothing to show but honourable scars. Less
earnest men, such as Addison, and Steele, and Rowe, and Tickell, came in for
places and pensions; but the foremost soldier, the truest and most enthusi-
astic patriot, reaped nothing but the consciousness of having done his duty.
In surveying the long struggle of his matured manhood, he was able to
say :—

“I was, from my first entering into the knowledge of public matters; and
have ever been to this day, a sincere lover to the constitution of my country—
zealous for liberty and the Protestant interest: but a constant follower of
moderate principles, and a vigorous opposer of hot measures in all. I never
once changed my opinion, my principles, or my party; and, Jet what will
be said of changing sides, this I maintain, that I never once deviated from
the Revolution principles, nor from the doctrine of liberty and property on
which it was founded.”

Pausing here, at the close of the first period of De Foe’s career, I venture
to adopt some remarks by Mr. Forster as fairly descriptive of the character
of the man :—*

After all the objections that may justly be made to his opinions, on the
grounds of short-coming or excess, we believe that in the main features of
his history will be recognized a noble English example of the qualities
most prized by Englishmen. De Foe is our only famous politician and man
of letters, who represented, in its inflexible constancy, sturdy dogged resolu-
tion, unwearied perseverance, and obstinate contempt of danger and of
tyranny, the great middle-class English character. We believe it to be no
mere national pride to say, that, whether in its defects or its surpassing
merits, the world has had none other to compare with it. He lived in the
thickest stir of the conflict of the four most violent party reigns of English
history; and if we have at last entered into peaceful possession of most

* John Forster “ Biographical Essays,” ii. 90, 91.



THE CHARACTER OF AN HONEST MAN, pay

part of the rights at issue in those party struggles, it the more becomes us
to remember such a man with gratitude, and with wise consideration for
what errors. we may find in him. He was too much in the constant heat ot
the battle to see all that we see now. He was not a philosopher himself,
but he helped philosophy to some wise conclusions. He did not stand at
the highest point of toleration,* or of moral wisdom ; but with his masculine,
active arm, he helped to lift his successors over obstructions which had
stayed his own advance. He stood, in his opinions and his actions, alone
and apart from his fellow-men; but it was to show his fellow-men of later
times the value of a juster and larger fellowship, and of more generous modes
of action. And when he now retreated from the world Without to the
world Within,f in the solitariness of his unrewarded service and integrity,
he had assuredly earned the right to challenge the higher recognition of
posterity. He was walking towards History with steady feet; and might
look up into her awful face with a brow unabashed and undismayed.

* Yet I am inclined to think he better understood and more ardently advocated the

great doctrine of toleration than any man of his time, or any man since the Protector
Cromwell and his Latin secretary, John Milton.

+ Mr. Forster here shares the belief common to all De Foe’s biographers before Mr.
Lee’s researches revealed the truth, that De Foe retired from political warfare after the
accession of George I. We shall see that such was not the case.





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CHAPTER III.

DE FOE AS A WRITER OF FICTION.



[7 GESERVING for our next chapter a brief summary of De Foe’s later
C political writings, I propose in the present to examine his career



valuable services to the cause of freedom and constitutional
government, he is best known and most admired by posterity.
Karly in 1715 De Foe was visited with an attack of apoplexy;
the result, perhaps, of his severe and incessant labours, added to the storm
of undeserved obloquy which constantly assailed him. After his recovery,
which was slow and gradual, he produced a work entitled “The Family
Instructor, in Three Parts”
-—a work of nearly 450
pages, probably written be-
fore his illness, and revised
and published on his restora-
tion to health. It is a book
of admirable wisdom, con-
taining much devout and
zealous counsel to fathers
and children, to masters and
servants, to husbands and
wives; and to me it illus-
trates, in a very forcible and
striking manner, the genuine
nature of the man, his
simple earnestness and un-
affected piety. Passing over,
as I have intimated my in-
tention to do, his minor
pamphlets and flving sheets,
I must notice, as published in 1717, his “ History of the Wars of Charles
XIL, King of Sweden;” and his second series (1718) of “The Family
Instructor, in Two Parts: Part I., Relating to Family Breaches, and their
Obstructing Religious Duties; II., To the Great Mistake of Mixing the



DANTEL DE FOE.



THE FIRST PART OF ‘‘ ROBINSON CRUSOE.”

Passions in the Managing and Correcting of Children.”
brought to 1719, in which year, on the 25th of April, first appeared “THE

LIFE AND STRANGE SURPRIZING ADVENTURES OF ROBINSON CRUSOE.”

There can be no doubt
that the foundation of
this fascinating romance,
which for a century and
a half has been the
favourite companion not
only of English boys but
of English men, was
afforded by the narrative
of Alexander Selkirk’s
experiences, as recorded
by Captain Woodes Rogers
in his account of ‘A
Cruising Voyage Round
the World: first to the
South Seas, thence to the
East Indies, and home-
ward by the Cape of Good
Hope; begun in 1708, and
finished in 1711.” Alex-
ander Selkirk was a native
of Largo, in the county
of Fife, where he was
born in 1676. In Dam-
pier’s expedition to the
South Seas he served as
a sailor on board Captain
Stradling’s ship; but quar-
relling with his officer,
deserted from the vessel

THE

AND
STRANGE SURPRIZING

ADVENTURES

OF

ROBINSON CRUSOE,
OF TORK, MaRIneER:

Who lived Eight and Twenty Years,
all alone In an “in- -inhabited Ifland on the
Coaft of AMERICA, near the Mocth of
the Great River of Ono ONOQUE;

Having been call on Shore" by Shipwreck, where-
in all the Men perifhed but himfelf

WITH

An Account how he was at laft as ftrangely deli-
ver'd by PYRATES.,

Written by Himfelf.

LONDON
Printed for W Taytok atthe Ship in Parer-No
Row. MDCCXIX.

Thus I am



at the island of Juan
Fernandez in September
1704, and there lived alone
until released by Captain Woodes Rogers in February 1709.

Selkirk returned to England in 1711. In the following year his extra-
ordinary story was published by Captain Woodes Rogers, from whose
‘Cruising Voyage” it was reprinted, in a quarto tract of twelve pages,
shortly afterwards. Another account appeared in Captain Edward Cooke’s
“ Voyage” (1712); and on the 8rd December 1718, in the 26th number of
“The Englishman,” it was again related by Sir Richard Steele, who had
seen and conversed with its hero in London.

REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE PAGE TO VOL. IL. OF THE
FIRST EDITION OF ‘‘ ROBINSON CRUSOE.”



30 INVENTION VERSUS IMAGINATION.

In whatever form De Foe met with this curious instance of ‘‘ truth stranger
than fiction,” it certainly suggested to him the groundwork of ‘“ Robinson
Crusoe ;”"—that is, he borrowed from it the idea of the island solitude (and
much of the charm
of the work is owing
to the circumstance
that its scenes tran-
spire in a lonely, sea-
girdled, remote, and
almost inaccessible
isle*); the construc-
tion of the two huts;
the abundance of
goats; and the-cloth-
ing made out of their
skins. All the rest
he owed to his own
fertile and inventive
genius.

For it is invention
that is the character-
istic of the book
rather than imagina-
tion. There is more
imagination shown in
the island-episode of
Mr. Charles Reade’s
‘oul Play’ than in
all ‘* Robinson Cru-
soe,’ from the be-
ginning to the end;
but in reading the
modern novel the
REDUCED FAC-SIMILE SPECIMEN OF ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE reader cannot Onee

FIRST EDITION OF “‘ ROBINSON CRUSOF.” believe it is true; in

reading De Foe’s. the

thought never crosses his mind that it is untrue. Its very prosaism renders
the impression it produces greater: were it more poetical in form and spirit,
it would necessarily be less real. Yet it is difficult to understand how De
Foe could so absolutely ignore the poetical in his treatment of so poetical a



*It is worth notice that all the imitations of ‘“‘ Robinson Crusoe” have placed their
heroes in lonely islands, from “ Philip Quarll” down to “‘Masterman Ready” and ‘‘Foul
Play.” Tennyson wrecks his ‘Enoch Arden” on an island, though for all practical pur-
poses the coast of the mainland would have answered quite as well, But the very idea of
an island seems to be surrounded with a halo of romance. |



te

DE FOE’S REAL STRENGTH. 31

conception ; how he was never tempted to indulge in any glowing delinea-
tion of tropical landscapes; how, from first to last, Fancy, with its many-
coloured gleams, should be so wholly absent from the picture. Almost the
only dramatic stroke in the romance—and its effect is so great that we
wonder its inventor refrained from further employment of a power which
he evidently possessed—is Crusoe’s discovery of the unknown footprint on
the sandy shore. Otherwise, the narrative flows on with an evenness, a
method, and a prosaic regularity which are absolutely wonderful, and which
so impose upon the reader that he accepts the most startling adventures as
if they were the ordinary events of life.

It seems to us that all De Foe’s strength lay in this inventiveness. His was
not the power of analyzing character. He was incapable of any psychological
development of passion or emotion. Not one of his heroes or heroines lives
in our recollection—except, indeed, Crusoe and Friday; and these, not
because they are boldly drawn, but from their association with certain
romantic circumstances. If we speak of Fielding, we immediately recall, with
all the sharpness and freshness of well-known portraits, Joseph Andrews,
and Parson Adams, and Lady Bellasis; Richardson reminds us of Lovelace,
and Grandison, and Clarissa; Scott, of Dandie Dinmont, Lucy Ashton,
Nicol Jarvie, Counsellor Pleydel, Dirck Hatteraick, Amy Robsart, and a
hundred other characters, who have become the familiar friends of genera-
tions of readers. But when we think of De Foe, it is to remember the
striking incidents which make up his stories, and to admire the vraisem-
blance with which his minute genius has invested them. Thus, then, he
stands wholly apart from the other illustrious names of English fiction,
occupying a field which—but for the labours of a recent follower, William
Gilbert—he would occupy alone. .

An immense mass of criticism has been accumulated in reference to
‘‘ Robinson Crusoe ;”’ and as it is always interesting to observe how a fine
work of art is regarded by competent judges, I shail select from it a few
specimens. First, 1 propose to condense Sir Walter Scott’s admirable
remarks. |

FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT.

The style of probability with which De Foe invested his narratives was
perhaps ill bestowed, or rather wasted, upon some of the works which he
thought proper to produce, and cannot recommend to us their subject; but,
on the other hand, the same talent throws an air of truth about the delightful
history of ‘Robinson Crusoe,” which we never could have believed it pos-
sible to have united with so extraordinary a situation as is assigned to the
hero. All the usual scaffolding and machinery employed in composing
fictitious history are carefully discarded. The early incidents of the tale,
which in ordinary works of invention are usually thrown out as pegs to hang
the conclusion upon, are.in this work only touched upon. and suffered to drop



39 SIR WALTER SCOTT'S CRITICISM

out of sight. Robinson, for example, never hears anything more of his elder
brother, who enters Lockhart’s Dragoons in the beginning of the work, and
who, in any common romance, would certainly have appeared before the
conclusion. We lose sight at once and for ever of the interesting Xury ;
and the whole earlier adventures of our voyager vanish, not to be recalled
to our recollection by the subsequent course of the story. His father—the
good old merchant of Hull—all the other persons who have been originally
active in the drama—vanish from the scene, and appear not again.

Our friend Robinson, thereafter, in the course of his roving and restless
life, is at length thrown upon his desert island—a situation in which, exist-
ing as a solitary being, he became an example of what the unassisted
energies of an individual of the human race can perform; and the author
has, with wonderful exactness, described him as acting and thinking pre-
cisely as such a man must have thought and acted in such an extra-
ordinary situation.

Pathos is not De Foe’s general characteristic; he had too little delicacy
of mind: when it comes, it comes uncalled, and is created by the circum-
stances, not sought for by the author. The excess, for instance, of the
natural longing for human society which Crusoe manifests while on board
of the stranded Spanish vessel, by falling into a sort of agony, as he repeated
the words, ‘Oh, that but one man had been saved !—oh, that there had
been but one!” is in the highest degree pathetic. The agonizing reflections
of the solitary, when he is in danger of being driven to sea in his rash
attempt to circumnavigate his island, are also affecting.

In like manner we may remark, that De Foe’s genius did not approach
the grand or terrific. The battles, which he is fond of describing, are told
with the indifference of an old bucanier, and probably in the very way in
which he may have heard them recited by the actors. His goblins, too, are
generally a commonplace sort of spirits, that bring with them very little of
supernatural terror; and yet the fine incident of the print of the naked foot
on the sand, with Robinson Crusoe’s terrors in consequence, never fails to
leave a powerful impression upon the reader.

The supposed situation of his hero was peculiarly favourable to the cir-
cumstantial style of De Foe. Robinson Crusoe was placed in a condition
where it was natural that the slightest event should make an impression on
him ; and De Foe was not an author who would leave the slightest event
untold. When he mentions that two shoes were driven ashore, and adds
that they were not neighbours, we feel it to be an incident of importance to
the solitary......

The continuation of Robinson Crusoe’s history, after he obtains the society
of his man Friday, is less philosophical than that which turns our thoughts
upon the efforts which a solitary individual may make for extending his
own comforts in the melancholy situation in which he is placed, and upon
the natural reflections suggested by the progress of his own mind. The



ON ‘‘ ROBINSON CRUSOE.” 33

character of Friday is, nevertheless, extremely pleasing; and the whole sub-
sequent history of the shipwrecked Spaniards and the pirate vessel is highly
interesting. Here certainly the ‘‘ Memoirs of Robinson Crusoe” ought to
have stopped. The Second Part, though containing many passages which dis-
play the author’s genius, does not rise high in character above the ‘‘ Memoirs
of Captain Singleton,” or the other imaginary voyages of the author.

There scarce exists a work so popular as “ Robinson Crusoe.” It is read
eagerly by young people; and there is hardly an elf so devoid of imagination
as not to have supposed for himself a solitary island in which he could act
‘Robinson Crusoe,” were if but in the corner of the nursery. To many it
has given the decided turn of their lives, by sending them to sea. For the
young mind is much less struck with the hardships of the anchorite’s situa-
tion than with the animating exertions which he makes to overcome them:
and ‘‘ Robinson Crusoe”’ produces the same impression upon an adventurous
spirit which the “ Book of Martyrs” would do on a young devotee, or the
“ Newgate Calendar ” upon an acolyte of Bridewell—both of which students
are less terrified by the horrible manner in which the tale terminates, than
animated by sympathy with the saints or depredators who are the heroes of
their volume. Neither does a reperusal of ‘“‘ Robinson Crusoe,” at a more
advanced age, diminish our early impressions. The situation is such as
every man may make his own; and, being possible in itself, is, by the
exquisite art of the narrator, rendered as probable as it is interesting. It
has the merit, too, of that species of accurate painting which can be looked
at again and again with new pleasure. |

Neither has the admiration of the work been confined to England, though
Robinson Crusoe himself—with his rough good sense, his prejudices, and
his obstinate determination not to sink under evils which can be surpassed
by exertion—forms no bad specimen of the “‘ True-born Englishman.” The
rage for imitating a work so popular seems to have risen to a degree of
frenzy ; and, by a mistake not peculiar to this particular class of the servum
pecus, the imitators did not attempt to apply De Foe’s manner of managing
the narrative to some situation of a different kind, but seized upon and cari-
catured the principal incidents of the shipwrecked mariner and the solitary
island. It is computed that within forty years from the appearance of the
original work, no less than forty-one different ‘“ Robinsons” appeared,
besides fifteen other imitations, in which other titles were used. Finally—
though, perhaps, it is no great recommendation—the anti-social philosopher
Rousseau will allow no other book than “ Robinson Crusoe” in the hands
of Emilius. Upon the whole, the work is as unlikely to lose its celebrity
as if is to be equalled in its peculiar character by any other of similar
excellence.

The reader will not be displeased, perhaps, to see what Rousseau’s opinion
really was.
(284) 3



34 CRITICISMS ON “ ROBINSON CRUSOE.”

FROM ROUSSEAU.

Since we must have books, this is one which, in my opinion, is a most
excellent treatise on natural education. This is the first my Emilius shall
read; his whole library shall long consist of this work only, which shall
preserve an eminent rank to the very last. It shall be the text to which all
our conversations on natural science are to serve only as a comment. It
shall be a guide during our progress to maturity of judgment; and so long
as our taste is not adulterated, the perusal of this book will afford us
pleasure. And what surprising book is this? Is it Aristotle? is it Pliny ?
is it Buffon? No; it is “ Robinson*Crusoe.’’ The value and importance of the
various arts are ordinarily estimated, not according to their real utility, but
by the gratification which they administer to the fantastic desires of man-
kind. But Emilius shall be taught to view them in a different light:
‘‘ Robinson Crusoe ”’ shall teach him to value the stock of an ironmonger above
that of the most magnificent toy shop in Europe.

My third quotation is less extravagant in its eulogy, and therefore more
discriminating.* I believe it, moreover, to approach much nearer to a true
estimate of De Foe’s real merits. It is taken from a very able article on “ De
F’oe’s Novels,” in the seventeenth volume of the “ Cornhill Magazine :”” —

FROM THE ‘“‘ CORNHILL MAGAZINE.”’

The horrors of abandonment on a desert island can be appreciated by the
simplest sailor or schoolboy. The main thing is to bring out the situation
plainly and forcibly, to tell us of the difficulties of making pots and pans, of
catching goats, and sowing corn, and of avoiding audacious cannibals. This
task De Foe performs with unequalled spirit and vivacity. In his first dis-
covery of a new art he shows the freshness so often conspicuous in first
novels, ‘The scenery was just that which had peculiar charms for his fancy;
it was one of those half-true legends of which he had heard strange stories
from seafaring men, and possibly from the acquaintances of his hero himself.
He brings out the shrewd, vigorous character of the Kinglishman thrown
upon his own resources, with evident enjoyment of his task. Indeed, De
Foe tells us himself that in Robinson Crusoe he saw a kind of allegory of his
own fate. He had suffered from solitude of soul. Confinement in his
prison is represented in the book by confinement in an island; and even
particular incidents, such as the fright he receives one night from something
in his bed, “ was word for word a history of what happened.”” In other
words. this novel too, like many of the best ever written, has in it something
of the autobiographical element, which makes a man speak from greater
depths of feeling than in a purely imaginary story.

It would indeed be easy to show that the story, though in one sense
* We have considerably abridged the original.



BY A RECENT WRITER, 30

marvellously like truth, is singularly wanting as a psychological study.
Friday is no real savage, but a good English servant without plush. He
says “ muchee”’ and “ speakee,”’ but he becomes at once a civilized being,
and in his first conversation puzzles Crusoe terribly by that awkward
theological question, Why God did not kill the Devil ; for, characteristically
enough, Crusoe’s first lesson includes a little instruction upon the enemy of
mankind. Selkirk’s state of mind may be inferred from two or three facts. He
had almost forgotten how to talk; he had learned to catch goats by running
on foot; and he had acquired the exceedingly difficult art of making fire by
rubbing two sticks. In other words, his whole mind was absorbed in pro-
viding a few physical necessities, and he was rapidly becoming a savage ;
for a man who can’t speak, and can make fire, is very near the Australian.
We may infer, what is probable from other cases, that a man living fifteen
years by himself, like Crusoe, would either go mad or sink into that semi-
savage state. De Foe really describes a man in prison, not in solitary con-
finement. We should not be so pedantic as to call for accuracy in such
matters; but the difference between the fiction and what we believe would
have been the reality is significant. De Foe, even in “ Robinson Crusoe,”
gives a very inadequate picture of the mental torments to which his hero is
exposed. He is frightened by a parrot calling him by his name, and by the
strangely picturesque incident of the footmark on the sand; but, on the
whole, he takes his imprisonment with preternatural stolidity. His stay on
the island produces the same state of mind as might be due to a dull Sunday
in Scotland. For this reason—the want of power in describing emotion as
compared with the amazing power of describing facts—‘‘ Robinson Crusoe ”
is a book for boys rather than for men; and, as Lamb says, rather for the
kitchen than for higher circles. It falls short of any high intellectual
interest. When we leave the striking situation, and get to the Second Part,
with the Spaniards and Will Atkins talking natural theology to his wife, it
sinks to the level of the secondary stories. But for people who are not too
proud to take a rather low order of amusement, “ Robinson Crusoe ” will
always be one of the most charming of books. We have the romantic and
adventurous incidents upon which the most unflinching realism can be set
to work without danger of vulgarity. Here is precisely the story suited to
De Foe’s strength and weakness. He is forced to be artistic in spite of
himself. He cannot lose the thread of the narrative and break it into dis-
jointed fragments, for the limits of the island confine him as well as his
hero. He cannot tire us with details, for all the details of such a story
are interesting. It is made up of petty incidents as much as the life of a
prisoner reduced to taming flies, or making saws out of penknives. The
island does as well as the Bastille for making trifles valuable to the sufferer
and tous. The facts tell the story of themselves, without any demand for
romantic power to press them home to us; and the efforts to give an air of
authenticity to the story, which sometimes make us smile, and sometimes



36 BY W. CALDWELL ROSCOE.

rather bore ‘us in other novels, are all to the purpose; for there is a real
point in putting such a story in the mouth of the sufferer, and in giving us
for the time an illusory belief in his reality. When we add that the whole
book shows the freshness of a writer employed on his first novel—though at
the mature age of fifty-eight—seeing in it an allegory of his own experiences
embodied in the scenes which most interested his imagination, we see some
reasons why “Robinson Crusoe” should hold a distinct rank by itself
amongst his works.

To have pleased all the boys in Europe for nearly a hundred and fifty years
is, after all, a remarkable feat.

This, indeed, is the best panegyric that can be pronounced upon De Foe’s
most celebrated fiction. It has been unapproached for a century and a half
as a boy’s book, and still holds its own in the face of a thousand competitors.
Of all its imitators, ‘The Swiss Family Robinson’’ alone has drawn near to
it in popularity, though the two, so far as their literary character is con-
cerned, remain separated longo intervallo.

The following able estimate, by William Caldwell Roscoe,* will probably
be new to most of my readers :—

FROM W. CALDWELL ROSCOE.

It would be to impugn the verdict of all mankind to say that “ Robinson
Crusoe” was not a great work of genius. It is a work of genius—a most
remarkable one—but of a low order of genius. The universal admiration it
has obtained may be the admiration of men; but it is founded on the liking
of boys. Few educated men or women would care to read it for the first
time after the age of five-and-twenty. Even Lamb could say it only “‘ holds
its place by tough prescription.”” The boy revels in it. It furnishes him
with food for his imagination in the very direction in which, of all others, it
loves to occupy itself. It is not that he cares for Robinson Crusoe —that
dull, ingenious, seafaring creature, with his strange mixture of cowardice
and boldness, his unleavened, coarsely sagacious, mechanic nature, his keen
trade-instincts, and his rude religious experiences. The boy becomes his
own Robinson Crusoe. It is little Tom Smith himself, curled up in a
remote corner of the playground, who makes those troublesome voyages on
the raft, and rejoices over the goods he saves from the wreck ; who contrives
his palisades and twisted cables to protect his cave; clothes himself so
quaintly in goat skins; is terrified at the savages; and rejoices in his
jurisdiction over the docile Friday, who, he thinks, would be better than a
dog, and almost as good as a pony. He does not care a farthing about
Crusoe as a separate person from himself. This is one reason why he
rejects the religious reflections as a strange and undesirable element in a
work otherwise so fascinating. He cannot enter into Crusoe’s sense of

* 'W. Caldwell Roscoe, ‘“‘ Poems and Essays,” ii. 237, 238.



BY PROFESSOR MASSON, 37

wickedness, and does not feel the least concern for his soul. If a grown
man reads the book in after years, it is to recall the sensations of youth, or
curiously to examine the secret of the unbounded popularity it has enjoyed.
How much this popularity is due to the happy choice of his subject, we may
better estimate when we remember that the popular ‘“ Robinson Crusoe ”
is in reality only a part of the work, and the work itself only one of many
others, not less well executed, from the same hand. No other man in the
world could have drawn so absolutely living a picture of the desert-island
life; but the same man has exercised the same power over more complex
incidents, and the works are little read.

Professor Masson looks upon De Foe as the founder of the modern Fiction.
He was a great reader, he says, and a tolerable scholar, and he may have
taken the hint of his method from the Spanish picaresque novel. On the
whole, however, it was his own robust sense of reality that led him to his
style. There is more of the sly humour of the foreign picaresque novel
(such as Gz Blas) in his representations of English ragamuffin life; there
is nothing of allegory, poetry, or even of didactic purpose; all is hard,
prosaic, and matter-of-fact, as in newspaper paragraphs, or the pages of the
‘‘ Newgate Calendar.’’ In reference to his greatest work of fiction, Pro-
fessor Masson adds :—*

FROM PROFESSOR MASSON.

It is a happy accident that the subject of one of his fictions, and that the
earliest on a great scale, was of a kind in treating which his genius in.
matter-of-fact necessarily produced the effect of a poem. The conception of
a solitary mariner thrown on an uninhabited island was one as really
belonging to the fact of that time as those which formed the subject of De
Foe’s less-read fictions of coarse English life. Dampier and the bucaniers
were roving the South Seas; and there yet remained parts of the land-
surface of the Earth of which man had not taken possession, and on which
sailors were occasionally thrown adrift by the brutality of captains. Seizing”
this text, more especially as offered in the story of Alexander Selkirk, De.
Foe’s matchless power of inventing circumstantial incidents made him more
a master even of its poetic capabilities than the rarest poet then living could
have been; and now that, all round our globe, there is not an unknown
island left, we still reserve in our mental charts one such island, with the
sea breaking round it, and we would part any day with two of the heroes
of antiquity rather than with Robinson Crusoe and his man Friday.

Our critical quotations shall conclude with one from De Foe’s most brill-
iant biographer :—t

* Masson, “ British Novelists and their Styles,” pp. 96-98.
+ Forster, “Historical and Biographical Essays,” ii, 94-96.



38 BY MR. JOHN FORSTER.

FROM JOHN FORSTER.

‘‘ Robinson Crusoe” is a standard piece inevery European language; its
popularity has extended to every civilized nation. The traveller Burck-
hardt found it translated into Arabic, and heard it read aloud among the
wandering tribes in the cool hours of evening. It is devoured by every boy;
and, as long as a boy remains in the world, he will clamour for “ Robinson
Crusoe.” It sinks into the bosom while the bosom is most capable of plea-
surable impressions from the adventurous and the marvellous; and no
human work, we honestly believe, has afforded such great delight. Neither
the “ Hiad” nor the “ Odyssey,” in the much longer course of ages, has
incited so many to enterprise, or to reliance on their own powers and capa-
cities. It is the romance of solitude and self-sustainment ; and could only
so perfectly have been written by a man whose own life had for the most
part been passed in the independence of unaided thought, accustomed to creat
reverses, of inexhaustible resource in confronting calamities, leaning ever on
his Bible in sober and satisfied belief, and not afraid at any time to find
himself alone, in communion with nature and with God. Nor need we here
repeat, what has been said so well by many critics, that the secret of its
fascination is its reality. This, and the “ History of the Plague,” are the
masterpieces of De Foe. These are the works wherein his power is at the
highest, and which place him not less among the practical benefactors than
among the great writers of our race. “‘ Why, this man could have founded
a colony as well as governed it,” said a statesman of the succeeding century,
amazed at the knowledge of various kinds, and at the intimate acquaintance
with all useful arts displayed in “ Robinson Crusoe.”

Leaving the reader to compare and consider these criticisms, and to form
an opinion for himself, which will, I trust, be equally free from inordinate
praise and undue depreciation, I resume my narrative of De Foe’s labours.

The success of “ Robinson Crusoe ” was immediate and unquestionable.
The second edition was published only seventeen days after the first; the
third edition, twenty-five days later ; and the fourth on the 8th of August.

The mine which De Foe had thus opportunely discovered, he proceeded to
work with his accustomed vigour. On the 20th of August he published a
continuation of his immortal fiction, under the title of ‘‘ The Farther Adven-
tures of Robinson Crusoe ; being the Second and Last Part of his Life, and
of the Strange Surprizing Accounts of his Travels round Three Parts of
the Globe.”

In the preface to this sequel—which like most sequels is inferior in inter-
est and literary merit to the preceding part, though many passages are
admirably conceived and carried out—he pretends, as before, to be only the
editor of Crusoe’s story, and alludes with apparent impartiality to its well
deserved good fortune. As a specimen of his quiet matter-of-fact style, it
deserves quotation :—



DE FOE AS A PREFACE WRITER. 39



eaeemmenarersreemen are

‘“‘ The success the former
part of this work has met THE FARTHER
with in the world, has yet
been no other than is ac- ADVENTURE S|
knowledged to be due to

the surprising variety of ROB INSO a7 CR USOE; |

the subject, and to the
nprecabla manner of the Being the Second and Laft Parr
performance. All the en- : OF HLS |
deavours of envious people -_ . | _
to reproach it with being L I 1e) k,
a romance, to search it for ©

errors in geography, in- And of the Strance Sunsaizine

consistency _ the rela- Acco UNTS of his Tr AVE Ls!
tion, and contradictions in

the fact, have proved abor- ee Round three Parts of the Globe



|

tive, and as impudent as
malicious. ‘The just ap-
plication of every incident,
the religious and useful
inferences drawn from
every part, are so many
testimonies to the good
design of making it pub-
lic, and must legitimate
all the part that may
be called invention, or
parable, in the story. The



JE vitten by Himfelf.



To which is 2dded » Map of the World, in which is
Delineated the Voyages of ROBINS ON CRUSOE.



LONDO N: Printed. for WW. Tayrtor at the

Second Part, if the editor’s Ship in Feter-Nofler-Row, Mpcexix. |
ceccer enemies etn LD,

Opinion may pass, is (con- ee
trary to the usage of REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE PAGE TO VOL. Il. OF THE
FIRST EDITION OF “ ROBINSON CRUSOE.”







second parts) every way
as entertaining as the First, contains as strange and surprizing incidents,
and as great a variety of them; nor is the application less serious, or
suitable; and doubtless wiil, to the sober, as well as ingenious reader,
be everyway as profitable and diverting. And this makes the abridging
this work* as scandalous as it is knavish and ridiculous, seeing, while
to shorten the book, that they may seem to reduce the value, they strip
it of all those reflections, as well religious as moral, which are not only
the greatest beauties of the work, but are calculated for the infinite
advantage of the reader. By this they leave the work naked of its
brightest ornaments; and if they would, at the same time, pretend that

* An abridgment had been published by a bookseller named Cox. —See Lee’s ‘ Life
of Daniel De Foe,” i. 295.



40 INFERIORITY OF THE SEQUEL.

the author had supplied the story out of his invention, they take from it the
Improvement which alone recommends that invention to wise and good
men. ‘lhe injury these men do the proprietor of this work is a practice all
honest men abhor; and he believes he may challenge them to show the
difference between that and robbing on the highway, or breaking open a
house. If they can’t show any difference in the crime, they will find it
hard to show any difference in the punishment. And he will answer for it
that nothing shall be wanting on his part to do them justice.”

Notwithstanding this ingenious pleading, the public fully understood that
De Foe, and De Foe alone, was the author and “ inventor” of “ Robinson
Crusoe,” whose popularity became so extensive thata Tory pamphleteer, named
Gildon, availed himself of it to secure a reception for his scurrilous attack
on De Foe: “The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Mr. D De
F , of London, Hosier, who has lived above fifty years by himself, in the
Kingdoms of North and South Britain. The various Shapes he has appeared
in, and the Discoveries he has made for the Benefit of his Country. Ina
Dialogue between Him, Robinson Crusoe, and his Man friday. With
remarks, Serious and Comical, upon the Life of Crusoe.” But neither
Gildon nor any other assailant could prevent the public from reading and
admiring the narrative of the Solitary in his island fastness, and his later ad-
ventures in many lands; and its reception continued to be so enthusiastic that
De Foe ventured, in August 1720, on once more appearing before the public
ander the old familiar colours, drawing, as it were, the moral to the story, in
a book which he entitled “ Serious Reflections during the Life and Surpris-
ing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe: With his Vision of the Angelick World.”

As the second part was inferior to the first, so was the third inferior to the
second ; and it has so entirely dropped out of public favour that I believe to
most readers of ‘“ Robinson Crusoe” its existence is wholly unknown. A
recent biographer asserts that “ it contains profound thought, great wisdom,
morality of the highest character, an extensive acquaintance with metaphysi-
cal subtleties, and is pervaded with a solemn tone of religious instruction,
doctrinal and practical.” I confess that my estimate of it is not so high.
I admit its devout and earnest tone: but in a work of this kind, De Foe’s
plain, homely, matter-of-fact style palls upon the reader; and as his reflec-
tions are neither very deep nor very broad, and do not come to us recom-
mended by any beauty of imagery or subtlety of fancy, I cannot but think the
third part of “ Robinson Crusoe ” very dreary reading.

In October 1719, De Foe published “'The Dumb Philosopher; or, Great
Britain’s Wonder,’—an account of an ideal Cornishman, one Dickory Oronke,
who ‘‘ was born dumb, and continued go for fifty-eight years.” The subject
seems to have had a peculiar attraction for our author, since, in 1720, he
came before the public with the * History of the Life and Adventures of Mr.
Duncan Campbell ;”’ who, however, was not only dumb but deaf. It was
tounded on the career of a celebrated fortune-teller of the time, who laid







‘“ MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER.” Al.



claim to the faculty of — _
second-sight, and was un- ann

doubtedly a man of great Serious Reflections

natural talents.

In the same year De DURING THE

I FE

And Surprifing

ADVENTURES

ROBINSON CRUSOE:
WITH HIS

moirs of a Cavalier; or, a V I S I O N

Military Journal of the OF THE

neg many, Md) | Angelickh WORLD.
ie Wars in England ;

from the year 1682 to the |" Wr vitten ‘by Hamel}.

year 1648. Written,” con- meme

tinues De Foe, who was |

partial to lengthy title-

pages, “ Threescore Years

ago by an English Gentle- |

Foe produced his second
great novel—in some re-
spects superior to ‘‘ Rob- |
inson Crusoe ”’ itself, but |
|
i



inferior in plot, scenery,
and motive. I refer to
the book which imposed
on the great Earl of Chat-
ham as an authentic his-
torical narrative :* ‘“ Me-







oe RS nar RE WOES RANE |

man, who served first in
the Army of Gustavus
Adolphus, the glorious 7 - ch
King of Sweden, till his i" QNDON: >cnned for W. We Fence the S ip
death; and after that, in and Black Swan in Pater-nofter-Row. 17

the Royal Army of King !—__ Te

Char r
a} Jes the First, from the REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE PAGE TO VOL. III. OF
Beginning of the Rebellion THE FIRST EDITION OF ‘‘ ROBINSON CRUSOE.”

to the End of that War.”

These “*‘ Memoirs ” furnish the reader with one of the most spirited Nar-
ratives of the Great Civil War which our language possesses. It exhibits
all De Foe’s characteristic excellences, and few of his defects ; and its sub-
ject lifts it out of that low atmosphere of thieves and harlots in which too
many of his secondary fictions are plunged. Its chief and most obvious
deficiency is in its style. De Foe does not write as a well-bred and well-
born Cavalier would have written. Nevertheless, it is full of fire and spirit,





ee
EP Oe CE A TC tA ECC ATER TS

wm





* Mr. Lee is of opinion that it was actually founded ona genuine manuscript memoir;
but in this he is opposed to our ablest critics. His reasons in support of its authenticity
would equally well apply to the authenticity of “‘ Robinson Crusoe.”



42 DE FOE’S SECONDARY NOVELS.

and, as Scott suggests, is probably enriched with anecdotes which De Foe
had heard from the lips of greybeards who had themselves been “ out ” in
the Great Rebellion.

Such a work might well be supposed sufficient for one twelvemonth’s toil;
but De Foe’s fertility was as inexhaustible as his industry, and the same ~
year which produced the “‘ Memoirs of a Cavalier,” also gave birth to the
“ Life, Adventures, and Pyracies of the famous Captain Singleton ;”* a book
which is perfectly wonderful in the minute knowledge it displays of the
geography of Central Africa, and the manner in which it positively anti-
cipates some of the discoveries of Baker, Speke, and Livingstone.

I shall notice in quick succession the later novels of our author.

On the 27th of January, 1722, appeared ‘The Fortunes and Misfortunes
of the Famous Moll Flanders. Written from her own Memorandums.”

On the 17th of March was produced “A Journal of the Plague Year:
Being Observations or Memorials of the most Remarkable Occurrences, as
well Publick as Private, which happened in London during the last Great
Visitation in 1665. Written by a Citizen who continued all the while in
London. Never made public before.” |

The “ Journal” is full of ghastly pictures, which are almost horrible in
their photographic fidelity; a fidelity so conspicuous and so remarkable
that it induced the eminent physician Dr. Mead to refer to De Foe’s ficti-
tious narrative as to an authority of weight. It exhibits his marvellous
realistic art in its utmost perfection; and, even at the present day, cannot
be read without interest.

Ranking “ Robinson Crusoe ”’ as its author’s greatest work of fiction, and
his ‘‘ Memoirs of a Cavalier” as second in merit, [ cannot but ascribe the
third place to the ‘“ Life of Colonel Jack,”+ which appeared in December
1722, and which dealt with the career of a male criminal, as ‘‘ Moll Flanders ”’
had dealt with that of a female. The value of what has been emphatically
called Thieves’ Literature may reasonably be doubted, and I question much
whether any work of this class has morally benefited a single reader. Yet
it must be admitted that De Foe, unlike many of our modern novelists,
always paints vice as it is—in all its filth and all its degradation—and

* The full title runs :—“‘ The Life, Adventures, and Pyracies of the famous Captain
Singleton: Containing an Account of his being set on Shore in the Island of Madagascar,
his Settlement there, with a Description of the Place and Inhabitants: Of his Passage
from thence in a Paraguay (periagua) to the main Land of Africa, with an Account of the
Customs and Manners of the People. His great Deliverances from the barbarous N atives
and Wild Beasts: Of his Meeting with an Englishman, a Citizen of London, among the
Indians, the great Riches he acquired, and his Voyage Home to England: As also Cap-
tain Singleton’s Return to Sea, with an Account of his many Adventures and Pyracies
with the famous Captain Avery and Others. London: J. Brotherton, &. 1720.”

t The full title runs:—‘‘ The Hisvory and Remarkable Life of the Truly Honourable
Colonel Jacque, vulgarly called Colonel Jack; who was Born a Gentleman, put ’Pren-
tice to a Pickpocket, was Six and Twenty Years a Thief, and then Kidnapp’d to Vir-
ginia. Came back a Merchant; went into the Wars, behav’d bravely, got Preferment :
was made a Colonel of a Regiment; came over, and fled with, the Chevalier ; is still
abroad compleating a Life of Wonders, and resolves to dye a General. London. 1722,”



CHARLES LAMB'S CRITICISM. 43

without any attempt to disguise it, or to render it attractive by meretricious
colouring. For the rest, the fiction to which I am alluding contains some
of its author’s finest touches; is instinct in many passages with a very
powerful pathos; and everywhere exhibits an extraordinary knowledge of
humanity.

The last of De Foe’s novels appeared in March 1724, under the title of
“The Fortunate Mistress: or, a History of the Life and Vast Variety of
Fortunes of Mademoiselle de’ Belau; afterwards called the Countess of
Windelsheim in Germany. Being the Person known by the name of the
Lady Roxana, in the Time of King Charles II.’’ This story of the life of
an abandoned woman is doubtlessly written in all honesty of purpose; but
assuredly it is not the book a father would put into the hands of his
daughters, and again I doubt whether such a method of attacking vice is
ever successful. |

All that can be said of the secondary fictions of De Foe has, however, been
sald with excellent force and humour by Charles Lamb ;* and his defence
of them I may leave to the consideration of my readers :—

FROM CHARLES LAMB.

The narrative manner of De Foe has a naturalness about it beyond that
of any other novel or romance writer. His fictions have all the air of true
stories. It is impossible to believe, while you are reading them, that a real
person is not narrating to you everywhere nothing but what really happened
to himself. To this the extreme homeliness of their style mainly contributes.
We use the word in its best and heartiest sense—that which comes home to
the reader. The narrators everywhere are chosen from low life, or have had
their origin in it; therefore they tell their own tales, as persons in their
degree are observed to do, with infinite repetition, and an overacted exact-
ness, lest the hearer should not have minded, or have forgotten, some things
that had been told before...... The heroes and heroines of De Foe can never
again hope to be popular with a much higher class of readers than that of
the servant-maid or the sailor. Crusoe keeps its rank only by tough pre-
scription. Singleton, the pirate; Colonel Jack, the thief; Moll Flanders,
both thief and harlot; Roxana, harlot, and something worse—would be
startling ingredients in the bill of fare of modern literary delicacies.t But,
then, what pirates, what thieves, and what harlots, is the thief, the harlot,
and the pérate of De Foe! We would not hesitate to say, that in no other
book of fiction, where the lives of such characters are described, is guilt
and delinquency made less seductive, or the suffering made more closely to
follow the commission, or the penitence more earnest or more bleeding, or
the intervening flashes of religious visitation upon the rude and uninstructed
soul more meltingly and fearfully painted.

* Charles Lamb, “ Eliana”: De Foe’s Secondary Novels.
t It must be remembered that Charles Lamb wrote before English literature had been
enriched (?) with “sensational novels.”





CHAPTER IV.

LAST YEARS AND DEATH.





4

NI Se iS =
OF




writer of fiction. Others, indeed, have gone somewhat further.
Admitting that he wrote but little, politically, after the fall of his
patron Harley, they have asserted that what he did write was
in open contradiction of the principles he had formerly espoused, and that
he, the great Whig pamphleteer, wrote Tory pamphlets for Tory money.

Mr. Lee, however, has recently proved two important facts: first, that
De Foe continued to labour as a politician while busiest as a novelist; and
that, second, he was still in the service of, and remunerated by, the King’s
Government. His position was a curious one: he was paid by the Ministry
to write in the Tory papers—more particularly in the so-called Mist’s
Journal—and to write in them, not in avowed advocacy of Government
measures, yet, as 1f were, in mitigation and defence of them. It must be
owned that this was an ingenious method of turning an enemy’s arms
against himself, but it cannot be considered altogether worthy of a man of
honour and sincerity.

The following account of this curious transaction is given by Mr. Lee,*
who founds it upon letters written by De Foe himself :—

De Foe says, that with the approbation of Lord Sunderland, one of the
Whig Ministry, he introduced himself to the proprietor of Mist's Journal,
with the view of keeping it in the circle of a secret management, so that it
might pass as a Tory paper, and yet be disabled and enervated of its trea-
sonable character, ‘“‘so as to do no mischief, or give any offence to the
Government.” De Foe had no share in the property of this paper, and had
therefore no absolute power to reject improper communications; but he
trusted to the moral influence he should be able to acquire and maintain
over Mist, the proprietor, who had no suspicion that the Government was
indirectly concerned in the matter. This Journal was the organ of the Pre-
tender’s interest, and, according to De Foe, its correspondents and supporters
* Lee, “ Life of Daniel De Foe,” i. 271, 272.





A DOUBTFUL POSITION. 45

were, he tells us, Papists, and Jacobites, and High Tories—“a generation
whom, I profess, my very soul abhors.’’ In the performance of his peculiar
and delicate task he was compelled to hear traitorous outbursts against the
King and Government, and to receive ‘‘ scandalous and villanous papers,”’
keeping them by him—ostensibly for the purpose of gathering materials, but
really with a view to their total suppression.

In Mr. Lee’s opinion this was no ‘system of espionage ;’’ but I confess
it seems to me something closely resembling it, and I could wish De Foe
had never been involved in, still less had originated, a scheme so questionable,
and, moreover, of such doubtful advantage.

I continue, however, to quote Mr. Lee’s defence :—

The rebellion (of 1715-16) was yet smouldering, though subdued; and
the laws, liberties, and religion of the country were threatened. This weekly
journal, inspired from the Court of the Pretender, and supported by the
money and intelligence of attainted nobles abroad, and their adherents at
home, had laboured to keep alive the spirit of treason until circumstances
should be favourable for again spreading the flames of rebellion through the
land. If, therefore, moral persuasion is more effectual than legal repression,
and prevention better than cure, then no stigma, beyond that of concealment,
attaches to the character of De Foe on account of his connection with Mist’s
Journal, Rather should we admire the intellectual power capable of hold-
ing in check such men as Ormond, Atterbury, Bolingbroke,* Mar, Wharton,
and their satellites, among the Jacobite and Nonjuring writers. It required
a large amount of patriotic courage to place himself as an impassable barrier
between the invectives of such men and the reading public; and no less
reservation and tact In exercising this influence in such a manner as to
avoid suspicion. He closes one of his letters with a favourite expression
from Scripture, frequently cited in his writings, showing the sensitiveness
of his mind, even as to the concealment necessary to the efficient service of
his country. His words evince that he was conscious of the danger and
difficulties of his duties; and also that his position was a questionable one;
—but there is no invidious self-reflection involved when he says: “ Thus
I bow myself in the house of Rimmon, and most humbly recommend myself |
to his lordship’s protection, or | may be undone the sooner, by how much
the more faithfully I execute the commands I am under.”’

De Foe’s connection with Mist's Journal commenced in 1717, and continued,
with various interruptions, until 1724. During this period he also mingled
in the political mélée as proprietor and conductor of The Whitehall Evening
Post. From 1719 to 1725 he was connected with the Daily Post,+ while his
fertile pen not only produced the works of fiction whose characteristics we
have been examining, throughout this busy period. hut, with ceaseless in-

* But could such men as these have been hoodwinked, even by De Foe?
t Also with Applebie’s Original Weekly Journal, 1720 to 1726; and The Director,
1720.



46 DE FOE’S LATEST WORKS.

dustry and extraordinary spirit, dealt with things human and divine in a
variety of manuals, treatises, and essays.

Among these it is especially desirable we should notice a rhymed transla-
tion of Du Fresnoy’s “ Compleat Art of Painting,” published in 1720; “ Re-
ligious Courtship : being Historical Discourses on the Necessity of Marrying
Religious Husbands and Wives only,” 1722; “The Life and Actions of
Lewis Dominique Cartouche,” a notorious Frenck desperado, 1722;* ‘An
Impartial History of the Life and Actions of Peter Alexowitz, Czar of Mus-
covy,’ 1728;* “The Highland Rogue, or the Memorable Actions of the
Celebrated Robert Macgregor; commonly called Rob Roy,” 17238;* “A
Tour Thro’ the whole Island of Great Britain”—a book full of lively ob-
servation and accurate description, the result of journeys undertaken by the
author in 1724-1726; ‘‘A New Voyage Round the World,” 1725; ‘ The
Compleat English Tradesman,” 2 vols., 1725-1727—an excellent manual,
containing many shrewd reflections, and much valuable counsel for the
young beginner; ‘“‘ The Political History of the Devil,” 1726; ‘“‘A System
of Magick; or, a History of the Black Art,” 1726; “The Secrets of the
Invisible World Disclosed ; or, an Universal History of Apparitions, Sacred
and Profane, under all Denominations,’ 1728; “ A New Family Instructor ;
in Familiar Discourses between a Father and his Children, on the most
Essential Points of the Christian Religion ’’—a book whose every page is
illustrative of De Foe’s manly and unaffected religious sentiments; and
“The Compleat English Gentleman ’’—a tractate on education, which, like
everything that De Foe wrote, is instinct with good sense, and which, with
the exception of a small pamphlet on ‘“‘ Street Robberies,” terminated his long
and multifarious literary labours.

Of his industry the reader may judge from the fact that a complete list of
his works enumerates no less than 254;7+ of his versatility, the varied sub-
jects of those to which we have more particularly alluded is a satisfactory
proof. .

On the whole, De Foe’s career was a successful one. He met with great
triais, but he had also great rewards. It is true that he was twice bankrupt,
but his first misfortune was due to his own imprudence in attempting to
combine the politician with the man of business. His second was owing to
the severe sentence passed upon him at the instigation of a vindictive
Government ; but then, it must be acknowledged, that he had provoked its
wrath by a satire of more than ordinary bitterness. He elected to plunge
into the stormy sea of politics, and if he occasionally met with a terrible
buffeting, he did but pay the penalty of his deliberate choice. In many of
his views he was in advance of his age, and, accordingly, he was not always
popular: but a man who enjoyed the confidence of King William and Queen
Anne, of Harley and Godolphin, of Sunderland and Townshend; whose

* These are ascribed to De Foe by Mr. Lee.
t Including those recently attributed to him by Mr. Lee.



HIS LAST YEARS AND DEATH. 47

assistance was thought so valuable that it was regularly retained by the
Government ; whose books commanded a large and ready sale; who could
dower his daughters at their marriage, could purchase land, and build for
himself a ‘“‘ handsome house ;’”’—such a man cannot surely be considered an
example of the ill-fortune that sometimes assails the politician and the
littérateur. Political opponents loaded him with calumny and abuse; but
De Foe lived in times when “ hard hitting’ was the rule, and not the excep-
tion, when no such standard of courtesy was recognized by political writers
as common consent of late years has established. We think, therefore, that
the pity poured out upon De Foe by sentimental biographers is, to a great
extent, unnecessary ; and we believe that his life affords a favourable ex-
ample of the success which attends unflagging industry, indefatigable per-
severance, and honourable consistency.

One bitter sorrow, indeed, overclouded the later years of this great-hearted
man, but that came from within, not from without—from his own family
hearth, and not from his political foes. The misconduct of his second son
was a thorn in his side which wounded deeply. His father had placed large
confidence in him ; he violated it; and by violating it temporarily deprived
his mother and sisters of considerable resources. The evil was magnified
by the timidity and apprehension natural to old age, and De Foe wrote
of it in exaggerated language :—“ I depended upon him, I trusted him, I
gave up my two dear unprovided children into his hands: but he has no
compassion, and suffers them and their poor dear dying mother [she out-
lived her husband some eighteen months] to beg their bread at his door,
and to crave, as if it were an alms, what he is bound, under hand and seal,
besides the most sacred promises, to supply them with; himself, at the same
time, living in a profusion of plenty.”

The money, however, was recovered, and De Foe’s family left in comfortable
circumstances,

Our brief summary of a life of action must here conclude. We have traced
the politician and the man of letters through the chief phases of his history, |
to that ‘ final limit” where all labour, and sorrow, and disappointment end.
Towards the close of the year 1730 he removed from his house at Stoke New-
ington, “ a commodious mansion in about four acres of ground,” to London,
and took lodgings in what was then a pleasant and reputable locality, Rope-
maker's Alley, Moorfields. Here he died of a lethargy, on the evening of
Monday, the 26th of April 1781, in the seventy-first year of his age. He
was buried in Bunhill Fields, where his tomb will ever be regarded with
interest by all admirers of manly genius and incorruptible integrity.

W. 4H. DLA.



48 BIOGRAPHICAL AUTHORITIES.

AUTHORITIES,

The principal authorities in reference to the life of DE For are :—

“Daniel De Foe: His Life, and Hitherto Unknown Writings,” by William Lee, 3 vols.
1869.

“ Historical and Biographical Essays,” by John Forster, vol. ii., 1858.

““Novels and Miscellaneous Works of De Foe,” 20 vols., Oxford, 1842.

*“Miscellaneous Prose Works: Life of Daniel De Foe,” edited by Sir Walter Scott,
published by Cadell, 1847.

“De Foe’s Works,” with Life by Chalmers, 1820.

“Robinson Crusoe,” with Life by Roscoe, 1831.

““Memoirs of the Life and Times of Daniel De Foe,” by Walter Wilson, 3 vols., 1830.

“De Foe’s Works,” with Memoir by William Hazlitt, 3 vols., 1840-43.















! i

iT







ili
li!



4 “ :
t|-" “<2

NIELDEFOE Sim
ae AUTHOR OF A iy i
P RDEINSON CRUSOE (iit |
| WHGIDIED APRIL24 173
IN HIS7O YEAR *\ jn
Hees AE

Et i
{ Pod
\

























TOMB OF DE FOE IN BUNHILL FIELDS.

(Norr.—A monument to De Foe, erected, by the voluntary subscriptions of seventeen
hundred English boys and girls, in Bunhill-fields burial-ground, was “unveiled” by Mr.
Charles Reed, M.P. for Hackney, on Friday, September 16, 1870: It consists of an
Egyptian column of fine Italian marble, 17 feet high, and at the base 8 feet by 4 feet.
The sculptor is Mr. Horner, of Bournemouth. The pillar bears the following inscrip.
tion: —‘‘ Daniel De Foe. Born 1661, died 1731. Author of ‘Robinson Crusoe.’ ”]



GX ontents.





1. ORIGINAL TITLE-PAGES

2, DANIEL DE FOE: A BIOGRAPHY—
Cuaprer I.—His EaARLy YEARS
» ii—A Lire or STRUGGLE
ITI.—Dxr For as A WRITER OF FICTION

23

IV.—Last YEARS AND DEATH

>)

3. ROBINSON CRUSOE-—
PART THE FIRST we oe ee

PART THE SECOND .. we oe

4, APPENDIX—

I.—ALEXANDER SELKIRK: A MEMOIR

II.—-NARRATIVE OF SELKIRK’S RESIDENCE ON THE ISLAND oF JUAN

FERNANDEZ

ITI.— VERSES SUPPOSED TO BE WRITTEN BY ALEXANDER SELKIRK

IV.—A SPANISH ROBINSON CRUSOE

56. ANALYTICAL INDEX

15
28
44

49
361

629

640
644
645

649



Original Citles of “RMobinson Crusoe.”

“THE Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of
York, Mariner; Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone, on an unin-
habited Island on the Coast of America, near the Mouth of the Great River
of Oroonoque; Having been Cast on Shore by Shipwreck, wherein all the
Men perished but Himself. With an Account how he was at last Strangely
delivered by Pyrates. Written by Himself. London. Printed for W.
Taylor, at the Ship, in Paternoster Row.” (1st Edition, 25 April, 1719.)

“The Further Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. Being the Second and
Last Part of his Life, and of the Strange Surprizing Accounts of his Travels
round Three Parts of the Globe. Written by Himself. To which is added
a Map of the World, in which is Delineated the Voyages of Robinson Crusoe.
London. Printed for W. Taylor, at the Ship, in Paternoster Row.” (1st
Edition, 20 August, 1719.)

‘Serious Reflections during the Life and Surprizing Adventures of
Robinson Crusoe. With his Vision of the Angelick World. Written by
Himself. London. Printed for W. Taylor, at the Ship, in Paternoster
Row.” (1st Edition, 6 August, 1720.)



THE

Life and Adbventures

OF

ROBINSON CRUSOE.

An isle....

Rich, but the loneliest in a lonely sea.
No want was there of human sustenance,
Soft fruitage, mighty nuts, and nourishing roots ;
Nor save for pity was it hard to take
The helpless life so wild that it was tame.
There in a seaward-gazing mountain gorge
‘He’ built, and thatched with leaves of palm, a hut,
Half hut, half native cavern.
TENNYSON,

PART THE pIRST.






fs ae SSS as
LE GNESI SE
RESRERCEAN : BT ae
Rasen SS AU RI ares Sey. oa ‘ pee :
SSS BRS ILS. = = ew SSS | : WE RNGGG SS
a ; OG : WY IS

A . x ~ = <
Ass ee |) ee oS Ss SANS een ED SRE
SS : =

=f

\\ ‘ Re e ee N S =
VRQ SSSs““—x AS



MAP OF ROBINSON CRUSOE’S ISLAND.
[Facsimile from the Map in the ‘‘ Serious Reflections” (or 3rd Part), published by W. Taylor in 1720.}



ROBINSON CRUSOE.



















































































































































































ROSNY, al
Nak NW DANN
: ALANA VA
AW ye
ER

TGS CN LA ORAS oe ———:
iS FLAT WOMAN Mt oreay WIPO he

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{ ae . / f Whatcha een A “S77 Mg A

4 is
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ip IS. LN Kase ise



MY
YZ
we?





WAS born in the year 1632, in the city
of York, of a good family, though not of
that country, my father being a foreigner
of Bremen, who settled first at Hull: he
got a good estate by merchandise, and
leaving off his trade, lived afterward’ at

York, from whence he had married my mother, whose relations

were named Robinson, a very good family in that country, and



o2 A ROVING DISPOSITION,

from whom I was called Robinson Kreutznaer; but, by the usual
corruption of words in England, we are now called, nay, we call
ourselves, and write our name Crusoe, and so my companions
always called me.

I had two elder brothers, one of which was lieutenant-colonel
to an English regiment of foot in Flanders, formerly commanded
by the famous Colonel Lockhart, and was killed at the battle near
Dunkirk against the Spaniards: what became of my second brother
I never knew, any more than my father and mother did know what
was become of me.

Being the third son of the family, and not bred to any trade,
my head began to be filled very early with rambling thoughts.
My father, who was very ancient, had given me a competent share
of learning, as far as house education and a country free school
generally goes, and designed me for the law; but I would be satis-
fied with nothing but going to sea, and my inclination to this led
me so strongly against the will, nay, the commands of my father,
and against all the entreaties and persuasions of my mother and
other friends, that there seemed to be something fatal in that pro-
pension of nature tending directly to the life of misery which was
to befall me.

My father, a wise and grave man, gave me serious and excellent
counsel against what he foresaw was my design. He called me
one morning into his chamber, where he was-confined by the gout,
and expostulated very warmly with me upon this subject. He
asked me what reasons more than a mere wandering inclination I
had for leaving my father’s house and my native country, where I
might be well introduced, and had a prospect of raising my for-
tunes by application and industry, with a life of ease and pleasure.
He told me it was for men of desperate fortunes on one hand, or
of aspiring, superior fortunes on the other, who went abroad upon
adventures, to rise by enterprise, and make themselves famous in
undertakings of a nature out of the common road; that these
things were all either too far above me, or too far below me; that
mine was the middle state, or what might be called the upper
station of low life, which he had found by long experience was the
best state in the world, the most suited to human happiness, not



WISE WORDS AND SAGE COUNSEL, 5d



















































ee
GE
Se

s sae EO
eee Z



~ v ee 2 SES

““MY FATHER GAVE ME SERIOUS AND EXCELLENT COUNSEL.”

exposed to the miseries and hardships, the labour and sufferings of
the mechanic part of mankind, and not embarrassed with the pride,
luxury, ambition, and envy of the upper part of mankind. He
told me I might judge of the happiness of this state by this one
thing—namely, that this was the state of life which all other people
envied; that kings have frequently lamented the miserable con-
sequences of being born to great things, and wished they had been
placed in the middle of the two extremes,—between the mean and
the great; that the wise man gave his testimony to this as the just
standard of true felicity, when he prayed to have neither poverty
nor riches.

He bid me observe it, and I should always find that the calami-
ties of life were shared among the upper and lower part of
mankind; but that the middle station had the fewest disasters,
and was not exposed to so many vicissitudes as the higher or lower
part of mankind; nay, they were not subjected to so many dis-



54 A FATHER’S EXPOSTULATION.

tempers and uneasinesses either of body or mind, as those were
who, by vicious living, luxury, and extravagancies on one hand,
or by hard labour, want of necessaries, and mean or insufficient
diet on the other hand, bring distempers upon themselves by the
natural consequences of their way of living; that the middle
station of life was calculated for all kind of virtues and all kind of
enjoyments; that peace and plenty were the handmaids of a
middle fortune; that temperance, moderation, quietness, health,
society, all agreeable diversions, and all desirable pleasures, were
the blessings attending the middle station of life; that this way
men went silently and smoothly through. the world, and comfort-
ably out of it, not embarrassed with the labours of the hands or of
the head, not sold to the life of slavery for daily bread, or harassed
with perplexed circumstances, which rob the soul of peace and .
the body of rest; not enraged with the passion of envy, or secret
burning lust of ambition for great things; but in easy cireum-
stances sliding gently through the world, and sensibly tasting the
sweets of living, without the bitter; feeling that they are happy,
and learning by every day’s experience to know it more sensibly.
After this, he pressed me earnestly, and in the most affectionate
manner, not to play the young man, not to precipitate myself into
miseries which nature and the station of life I was born in seemed
to have provided against; that I was under no necessity of seek-
ing my bread; that he would do well for me, and endeavour to
enter me fairly into the station of life which he had been just
recommending to me; and that if I was not very easy and happy
in the world, it must be my mere fate or fault that must hinder
it, and that he should have nothing to answer for, having thus
discharged his duty in warning me against measures which he
knew would be to my hurt. In a word, that as he would do very
kind things for me if I would stay and settle at home as he
directed, so he would not have so much hand in my misfortunes,
as to give me any encouragement to go away. And, to close all,
he told me I had my elder brother for an example, to whom he
had used the same earnest persuasions to keep him from going
into the Low Country wars, but could not prevail, his young
desires prompting him to run into the army, where he was killed;



CRUSOE AND HIS MOTHER. 55

and though, he said, he would not cease to pray for me, yet he
would venture to say to me that, if I did take this foolish step, God
would not bless me, and I would have leisure hereafter to reflect
upon having neglected his counsel when there might be none to.
assist In my recovery.

I observed in this last part of his discourse, which was truly
prophetic, though I suppose my father did not know it to be so
himself, I say I saw the tears run down his face very plentifully,
and especially when he spoke of my brother who was killed; and
that when he spoke of my having leisure to repent, and none to
assist me, he was so moved that he broke off the discourse, and
told me his heart was so full he could say no more to me.

I was sincerely affected with this discourse—as indeed who could
be otherwise ?—and I resolved not to think of going abroad any
more, but to settle at home according to my father’s desire. But,
alas! a few days wore it all off; and, in short, to prevent any of
my father’s further importunities, in a few weeks after I resolved
to run quite away from him. However, I did not act so*hastily
neither as my first heat of resolution prompted; but I took my
mother, at a time when I thought her a little pleasanter than
ordinary, and told her that my thoughts were so entirely bent
upon seeing the world, that I should never settle to anything with
resolution enough to go through with it, and my father had better
give me his consent than force me to go without it; that I was
now eighteen years old, which was too late to go apprentice to a
trade, or clerk to an attorney; that I was sure if I did, I should
never serve out my time, and I should certainly run away from
my master before my time was out, and go to sea; and if she
would speak to my father to let me go but one voyage abroad, if
I came home again and did not like it, I would go no more, and I
would promise by a double diligence to recover that time I had
lost. | |

This put my mother into a great passion. She told me she
knew it would be to no purpose to speak to my father upon anv
such subject; that he knew too well what was my interest to give
his consent to anything ‘so much for my hurt, and that she
wondered how I could think of any such thing, after such a



56 CRUSOE GOES TO SEA.

discourse as I had had with my father, and such kind and tender
expressions as she knew my father had used to me; and that, in
short, if I would ruin myself, there was no help for me; but I
might depend I should never have their consent to it. That, for
her part, she would not have so much hand in my destruction;
and I should never have it to say that my mother was willing
when my father was not.

Though my mother refused to move it to my father, yet, as I
have heard afterwards, she reported all the discourse to him, and
that my father, after showing a great concern at it, said to her
with a sigh,—‘‘'That boy might be happy if he would stay at
home; but if he goes abroad he will be the miserablest wretch
that was ever born. I can give no consent to it.”

It was not till almost a year after this that I broke louse,
though in the meantime I continued obstinately deaf to all pro-
posals of settling to business, and frequently expostulating with
my father and mother about their being so positively determined
against what they knew my inclinations prompted me to. But
being one day at Hull, where I went casually, and without any
purpose of making an elopement that time; but, I say, being
there, and one of my companions being going by sea to London
in his father’s ship, and prompting me to go with them, with the
common allurement of seafaring men—namely, that it should cost
me nothing for my passage—TI consulted neither father nor mother
any more, nor so much as sent them word of it; but leaving them
to hear of it as they might, without asking God’s blessing, or my
father’s; without any consideration of circumstances or conse-
quences, and in an ill hour, God knows, on the Ist of September
1651, I went on board a ship bound for London. Never any young
adventurer’s misfortunes, I believe, began sooner, or continued
longer than mine. The ship was no sooner gotten out of the
Humber but the wind began to blow, and the waves to rise in a
most frightful manner; and, as I had never been at sea before, I
was most inexpressibly sick in body, and terrified in my mind. J]
began now seriously to reflect upon what I had done, and how
justly I was overtaken by the judgment of Heaven for my wicked
leaving my father’s house, and abandoning my duty; all the good



SICK IN MIND AND BODY. o7

[ yy Gy J

i Yy yy a RE Yi

| YY) Yy y

1/4 Yy v “iy i G
We
VE FG y ye
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pM Mae
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WYOYLLLGs

Py

ii)
fi

AV)

( \\\ i Ah xh iy i

uy NY) Waa y
WARY OR

TNR

AN
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‘6

‘I WAS MOST INEXPRESSIBLY SICK IN BODY.”

counsel of my parents, my father’s tears and my mother’s entrea-
ties, came now fresh into my mind; and my conscience, which
was not yet come to the pitch of hardness to which it has been
since, reproached me with the contempt of advice, and the breach
of my duty to God and my father.

All this while the storm increased, and the sea, which I had
never been upon before, went very high, though nothing like



D8 A CAPFUL OF WIND.

what I have seen many times since; no, nor like what I saw
a few days after. But it was enough to affect me then, who
was but a young sailor, and had never known anything of the
matter. I expected every wave would have swallowed us up, and
that every time the ship fell down, as I thought,.in the trough or
hollow of the sea, we should never rise more; and in this agony
of mind I made many vows and resolutions, that if it would please
God here to spare my life this one voyage, if ever I got once my
foot upon dry land again, I would go directly home to my father,
and never set it into a ship again while I lived; that I would
take his advice, and never run myself into such miseries as these
any more. Now I saw plainly the goodness of his observations
about the middle station of life; how easy, how comfortably he
had lived all his days, and never had been exposed to tempests at
sea, or troubles on shore; and I resolved that I would, like a true
repenting prodigal, go home to my father.

These wise and sober thoughts continued all the while the
storm continued,*and indeed some time after; but the next day
the wind was abated and the sea calmer, and I began to be a little
inured to it. However, I was very grave for all that day, being
also a little sea-sick still; but towards night the weather cleared
up, the wind was quite over, and a charming fine evening followed;
the sun went down perfectly clear, and rose so the next morning;
and having little or no wind, and a smooth sea, the sun shining
upon it, the sight was, as I thought, the most delightful that ever
I saw.

I had slept well in the night, and was now no more sea-sick
but very cheerful, looking with wonder upon the sea that was so
rough and terrible the day before, and could be so calm and so
pleasant in so little time after. And now, lest my good resolutions
should continue, my companion, who had indeed enticed me away,
comes to me,—‘‘ Well, Bob,” says he, clapping me on the shoulder,
“how do you do after it? I warrant you were frightened, wa’n’t
you, last night, when it blew but a capful of wind ?”’—“ A capful,
d’you call it?” said I; “twas a terrible storm.’—“ A storm, you
fool you,” replies he; “do you call that a storm? Why, it was
nothing at all! Give us but a good ship and sea-room, and we



HASTY VOWS SOON REPENTED. 59

think nothing of such a squall of wind as that. But you’re but a
fresh-water sailor, Bob. Come, let us make a bowl of punch, and
we'll forget all that. D’ye see what charming weather ’tis now?”
To make short this sad part of my story, we went the old way of
all sailors. The punch was made, and I was made drunk with it.

PVA
ne Mt Ta

Mi HAY
A TE
i

Ly

Le =
yh

u jase |



“THE PUNCH WAS MADE, AND I WAS MADE DRUNK WITH IT.”

And in that one night’s wickedness I drowned all my repentance,
all my reflections upon my’ past conduct, and all my resolutions
for my future. In a word, as the sea was returned to its smooth-
ness of surface and settled calmness by the abatement of that
storm, so—-the hurry of my thoughts being over, my fears and
apprehensions of being swallowed up by the sea being forgotten,
and the current of my former desires returned—I entirely forgot
the vows and promises that I made in my distress. I found,
indeed, some intervals of reflection, and the serious thoughts did, |
as it were, endeavour to return again sometimes; but I shook



60 A GREAT STORM ARISES.

them off, and roused myself from them as it were from a distemper,
and applying myself to drink and company, soon mastered the
return of those fits—for so I called them—and I had in five or six
days got as complete a victory over conscience as any young fellow,
that resolved not to be troubled with it, could desire. But I was
to have another trial for it still; and Providence, as in such cases
generally it does, resolved to leave me entirely without excuse.
For if I would not take this for a deliverance, the next was to be
such a one as the worst and most hardened wretch among us would
confess both the danger and the mercy.

The sixth day of our being at sea we came into Yarmouth Roads;
the wind having been contrary and the weather calm, we had
made but little way since the storm. Here we were obliged to
come to an anchor, and here we lay, the wind continuing contrary —
namely, at south-west—for seven or eight days, during which time
a great many ships from Newcastle came into the same roads, as
the common harbour where the ships might wait for a wind for
the river.

We had not, however, rid here so long, but should have tided it
up the river, but that the wind blew too fresh; and after we had
lain four or five days, blew very hard. However, the roads being
reckoned as good as a harbour, the anchorage good, and our
ground-tackle very strong, our men were unconcerned, and not in
the least apprehensive of danger, but spent the time in rest and
mirth, after the manner of the sea; but the eighth day, in the
morning, the wind increased, and we had all hands at work to
strike our top-masts, and make everything snug and close, that
the ship might ride as easy as possible. By noon the sea went
very high indeed, and our ship rode forecastle in, shipped several
seas, and we thought once or twice our anchor had come home,
upon which our master ordered out the sheet-anchor; so that we
rode with two anchors a-head, and the cables veered out to the
better end.

By this time it blew a terrible storm indeed, and now I began
to see terror and amazement in the faces even of the seamen
themselves. ‘The master, though vigilant to the business of pre-
serving the ship, yet, as he went in and out of his cabin by me,



A YOUNG SAILOR’S DISTRESS. 61

[ could hear him softly to himself say several times, ‘“ Lord be
merciful to us; we shall be all lost, we shall be all undone,” and
the like. During these first hurries I was stupid, lying still in my
cabin, which was in the steerage, and cannot describe my temper.
I could ill re-assume the first penitence, which I had so apparently
trampled upon and hardened myself against. I thought the
bitterness of death had been past, and that this would be nothing,
too, like the first. But when the master himself came by me, as
I said Just now, and said we should be all lost, I was dreadfully
frighted. I got up out of my cabin and looked out; but such a
dismal sight I never saw. The sea went mountains high, and
broke upon us every three or four minutes. When I could look
about, I could see nothing but distress round us. Two ships that
rode near us we found had cut their masts by the board, being
deeply laden; and our men cried out that a ship which rode about
a mile a-head of us was foundered. Two more ships being driven
from their anchors, were run out of the roads to sea at all adven-
tures, and that with not a mast standing. The light ships fared
the best, as not so much labouring in the sea; but two or three of
them drove, and came close by us, running away with only their
sprit-sail out before the wind.

Towards evening the mate and boatswain begged the master of
our ship to let them cut away the foremast, which he was very
unwilling to; but the boatswain protesting to him that if he did
not the ship would founder, he consented; and when they had cut
away the foremast, the main-mast stood so loose and shook the
ship. so much, they were obliged to cut her away algo, and make a
clear deck. - |

Any one may judge what a condition I must be in at all this,
who was but a young sailor, and who had been in such a fright
before at but a little. But if I can express at this distance the
thoughts I had about me at that time, I was in tenfold more
horror of mind upon account of my former convictions, and the
having returned from them to the resolutions I had wickedly taken
at first, than I was at death itself; and these, added to the terror
of the storm, put me into such a condition that I can by no words
describe it. But the worst was not come yet. The storm con-



62 ALL HANDS TO THE PUMP.

tinued with such fury, that the seamen themselves acknowledged
they had never known a worse. We had a good ship; but she
was deep laden, and wallowed in the sea, that the seamen every
now and then cried out she would founder. It was my advantage
in one respect that I did not know what they meant by founder
till I inquired. However, the storm was so violent, that I saw
what is not often seen—the master, the boatswain, and some
others more sensible than the rest, at their prayers, and expecting
every moment when the ship would go to the bottom. In the
middle of the night, and under all the rest of our distresses, one of
the men that had been down on purpose to see, cried out we had
sprung a leak; another said there was four foot water in the hold.

Then all hands were called to the pump. At that very word
my heart, as I thought, died within me, and I fell backwards upon
the side of my bed where I sat, into the cabin. However, the men
roused me, and told me that I that was able to do nothing before
was as well able to pump as another, at which I stirred up and
went to the pump, and worked very heartily. While this was
doing, the master, seeing some light colliers, who, not able to ride
out the storm, were obliged to slip and run away to sea, and would
come near us, ordered to fire a gun as a signal of distress. I, who
knew nothing what that meant, was so surprised, that I thought
the ship had broke, or some dreadful thing had happened. Ina
word, I was so surprised, that I fell down in a swoon. As this
was a time when everybody had his own life to think of, nobody
minded me, or what was become of me; but another man stepped
up to the pump, and thrusting me aside with his foot, let me he,
thinking I had been dead ; and it was a great while before I came
to myself.

We worked on; but the water increasing in the hold, it was
apparent that the ship would founder; and though the storm
began to abate a little, yet, as it was not possible she could swim
till we might run into a port, so the master continued firing guns
for help, and a light ship, who had rode it out just ahead of us,
ventured a boat out to help us. It was with the utmost hazard
the boat came near us; but it was impossible for us to get on
board, or for the boat to lie near the ship’s side, till at last, the men



SAFE ON SHORE. | 63

rowing very heartily, and venturing their lives to save ours, our
men cast them a rope over the stern with a buoy to it, and then
veered it out a great length, which they, after great labour and
hazard, took hold of, and we hauled them close under our stern,
and got all into their boat. It was to no purpose for them or us
after we were in the boat to think of reaching to their own ship,
so all agreed to let her drive, and only to pull her in towards shore
as much as we could; and our master promised them, that if the
boat was staved upon shore, he would make it good to their
master; so, partly rowing and partly driving, our boat went away
to the northward, sloping towards the shore almost as far as
Winterton Ness.

We were not much more than a quarter of an hour out of our
ship when we saw her sink, and then I understood for the first time
what was meant by a ship foundering in the sea. JI must acknow-
ledge I had hardly eyes to look up when the seamen told me she
was sinking; for from that moment they rather put me into the
boat than that I might be said to go in. My heart was, as it
were, dead within me, partly with fright, partly with hoiror of
mind and the thoughts of what was yet before me.

While we were in this condition, the men yet labouring at the
oar to’ bring the boat near the shore, we could see, when our boat,
mounting the waves, we were able to see the shore, a great many
people running along the shore to assist us when we should come
near; but we made but slow way towards the shore, nor were we
able to reach the shore, till, being past the lighthouse at Winter-
ton, the shore falls off to the westward towards Cromer, and so the
land broke off a little the violence of the wind. Here we got in,
and though not without much difficulty, got all safe on shore, and
walked afterwards on foot to Yarmouth, where, as unfortunate
men, we were used with great humanity, as well by the magistrates
of the town, who assigned us good quarters, as by particular
merchants and owners of ships, and had money given us sufficient
to carry us either to London or back to Hull, as we thought fit.

Had I now had the sense to have gone back to Hull, and have
sone home, I had been happy, and my father, an emblem of our

blessed Saviour’s parable, had even killed the fatted calf for me;
(284) 5



64 CRUSOE LOOKED UPON AS A JONAH.

for, hearing the ship I went away in was cast away in Yarmouth
Roads, it was a great while before he had any assurance that I was
not drowned.

But my ill fate pushed me on now with an obstinacy that
nothing could resist; and though I had several times loud calls
from my reason and my more composed judgment to go home,
yet I had no power to do it. I know not what to call this, nor
will I urge that it is a secret over-ruling decree that hurries us.on
to be the instruments of our own destruction, even though it be
before us, and that we rush upon it with our eyes open. Certainly
nothing but some such decreed unavoidable misery attending, and
which it was impossible for me to escape, could have pushed me
forward against the calm reasonings and persuasions of my most
retired thoughts, and against two such visible instructions as I
had met with in my first attempt.

My comrade, who had helped to harden me before, and who was
the master’s son, was now less forward than I. The first time he
spoke to me after we were at Yarmouth, which was not till two or
three days, for we were separated in the town to several quarters ;
I say, the first time he saw me, it appeared his tone was altered,
and looking very melancholy, and shaking his head, asked me how
I did, and telling his father who I was, and how i had come this
voyage only for a trial, in order to go further abroad. His father,
turning to me with a very grave and concerned tone, ‘‘ Young
man,’ says he, “you ought never to go to sea any more; you
ought to take this for a plain and visible token that you are not to
be a seafaring man.”—‘‘ Why, sir,” said I; “ will you go to sea no
more ?”’—“‘ That is another case,” saidhe. ‘‘ It is my calling, and
therefore my duty; but as you made this voyage for a trial, you
see what a taste Heaven has given you of what you are to expect
if you persist. Perhaps this is all befallen us on your account,
like Jonah in the ship of Tarshish. Pray,” continues he, ‘‘ what
are you? and on what account did you go to sea?” Upon that I
told him some of my story, at the end of which he burst out with
a strange kind of passion, “‘ What had I done,” says he, ‘ that
such an unhappy wretch should come into my ship? I would not
set my foot in the same ship with thee again for a thousand



RELUCTANCE TO GO HOME, © 65

pounds.” This, indeed, was, as I said, an excursion of his spirits,
which were yet agitated by the sense of his loss, and was further
than he could have authority to go. However, he afterwards
talked very gravely to me; exhorted me to go back to my father,
and not tempt Providence to my ruin; told me I might see a
visible hand of Heaven against me; “ And, young man,” said he,
‘depend upon it, if you do not go back, wherever you go you will
meet with nothing but disasters and disappointments, till your
father’s words are fulfilled upon you.’’

We parted soon after, for I made him little answer, and I saw
him no more. Which way he went, I know not. As for me,
having some money in my pocket, I travelled to London by land;
and there, as well as on the road, had many struggles with myself
—what course of life I should take, and whether I should go
home or go to sea.

As to going home, shame opposed the best motions that offered
to my thoughts; and it immediately occurred to me how I-should
be laughed at among the neighbours, and should be ashamed to
see, not my father and mother only, but even everybody else, from
whence I have since often observed how incongruous and irrational
the common temper of mankind is, especially of youth, to that
reason which ought to guide them in such cases—namely, that they
are not ashamed to sin, and yet are ashamed to repent; not
ashamed of the action for which they ought justly to be esteemed
fools, but are ashamed of the returning, which only can make them
be esteemed wise men.



In this state of life, however, I remained some time, uncertain
what measures to take and what course of life to lead. An irre-
sistible reluctance continued to going home; and as I stayed a
while, the remembrance of the distress I had been in wore off;
and as that abated, the little motion I had in my desires toa
return wore off with it, till at last I quite laid aside the thoughts
of it, and looked out for a voyage.

That evil influence which carried me first away from my father’s
house, that hurried me into the wild and indigested notion of
raising my fortune, and that impressed those conceits so forcibly
upon me, as to make me deaf to all good advice, and to the



66 A VOYAGE TO GUINEA.

entreaties and even command of my father—lI say, the same in-
fluence, whatever it was, presented the most unfortunate of all enter-
prises to my view, and I went on board a vessel bound to the coast
of Africa, or, as our sailors vulgarly call it, a voyage to Guinea.

It was my great misfortune that in all these adventures I did
not ship myself as a sailor, whereby, though I might indeed have
worked a little harder than ordinary, yet at the same time I had
learned the duty and office of a fore-mast man, and in time might
have qualified myself for a mate or lieutenant, if not for a master.
But as it was always my fate to choose for the worse, so I did
here; for, having money in my pocket, and good clothes upon my
back, I would always go on board in the habit of a gentleman. And
so I neither had any business in the ship, or learned to do any.

It was my lot first of all to fall into pretty good company in
London, which does not always happen to such loose and misguided
young fellows as I then was, the devil generally not omitting to
lay some snare for them very early. But it was not so with me.
I first fell acquainted with the master of a ship who had been on
the coast of Guinea; and who, having had very good success there,
was resolved to go again; and who, taking a fancy to my conver-
sation, which was not at all disagreeable at that time, hearing me
say | had a mind to see the world, told me if I would go the
voyage with him I should be at no expense; [ should be his mess-
mate and his companion; and if I could carry anything with me,
I should have all the advantage of it that the trade would admit,
and perhaps I might meet with some encouragement.

{ embraced the offer, and, entering into a strict friendship with
this captain, who was an honest and plain-dealing man, I went the
voyage with him, and carried a small adventure with me, which,
by the disinterested honesty of my friend the captain, I increased
very considerably; for I carried about £40 in such toys and trifles
as the captain directed me to buy. This £40 I had mustered
together by the assistance of some of my relations whom I corre-
sponded with, and who, I believe, got my father, or av least my
mother, to contribute so much as that to my first adventure.

This was the only voyage which I may say was successful in all
my adventures, and which I owe to the integrity and honesty of



ATTACKED BY A TURKISH PIRATE. 67

my friend the captain, under whom also I got a competent
knowledge of the mathematics and the rules of navigation, learned
now to keep an account of the ship’s course, take an observation,
and, in short, to understand some things that were needful to be
understood by a sailor. For, as he took delight to introduce me,
I took delight to learn; and, in a word, this voyage made me both
a sailor and a merchant; for I brought home five pounds nine
ounces of gold dust for my adventure, which yielded me in London
at my return almost £300, and this filled me with those aspiring
thoughts which have since so completed my ruin.

Yet even in this voyage I had my misfortunes too, particularly
that I was continually sick, being thrown into a violent calenture
by the excessive heat of the climate, our principal trading being
upon the coast, from the latitude of fifteen degrees north even to
the line itself.

IT was now set up for a Guinea trader; and my friend, to my
great misfortune, dying soon after his arrival, I resolved to‘go the
same voyage again, and I embarked in the same vessel with one
who was his mate in the former voyage, and had now got the
command of the ship. This was the unhappiest voyage that ever
man made; for though I did not carry quite £100 of my new
gained wealth, so that I had £200 left, and which I lodged with
my friend’s widow, who was very just to me, yet I fell into
terrible misfortunes in this voyage; and the first was this—namely,
our ship making her course towards the Canary Islands, or rather
between those islands and the African shore, was surprised in the
gray of the morning by a Turkish rover of Sallee, who gave chase
to us with all the sail she could make. We crowded also as much
canvas as our yards would spread or our masts carry to have got
clear; but finding the pirate gained upon us, and would certainly
come up with us in a few hours, we prepared to fight, our ship
having twelve guns and the rogue eighteen. About three in the
afternoon he came up with us, and bringing-to by mistake yust
athwart our quarter, instead of athwart our stern, as he intended,
we brought eight of our guns to bear on that side, and poured in
a broadside upon him, which made him sheer off again, after
returning our fire and pouring in also his small shot from near



68 . A GALLANT DEFENCE,

two hundred men which he had on board. However, we had not
a man touched, all our men keeping close. He prepared to attack
us again, and we to defend ourselves; but laying us on board the
next time upon our other quarter, he entered sixty men upon our

SAEZ.
ZEEE

SZ

—F

FESL

|



‘‘ WE PLIED THEM WITH SMALL-SHOT,
HALF-PIKES, AND SUCH LIKE.”

decks, who immediately fell to
cutting and hacking the decks
and rigging. We plied them
with small-shot, half-pikes, powder-chests, and such like, and
cleared our deck of them twice. However, to cut short this
melancholy part of our story, our ship being disabled, and three
of our men killed and eight wounded, we were obliged to yield,



CRUSOE AS A SLAVE, 69

and were carried all prisoners into Sallee, a port belonging to the
Moors.

The usage I had there was not so dreadful as at first I appre-
hended, nor was I carried up the country to the Emperor’s court,
as the rest of our men were, but was kept by the captain of the
rover as his proper prize, and made his slave, being young and
nimble, and fit for his business. At this surprtsing change of my
circumstances, from a merchant to a miserable slave, I was perfectly
overwhelmed; and now I looked back upon my father’s prophetic
discourse to me, that I should be miserable, and have none to
relieve me, which I thought was now so effectually brought to
pass, that 1t could not be worse; that now the hand of Heaven
had overtaken me, and [ was undone without redemption. But,
alas! this was but a taste of the misery I was to go through, as
will appear in the sequel of this story.

As my new patron or master had taken me home to his house,
so I was in hopes that he would take me with him when he went
to sea again, believing that it would some time or other be his
fate to be taken by a Spanish or Portugal man-of-war ; and that
then I should be set at liberty. But this hope of mine was soon
taken away; for when he went to sea he left me on shore to look
after his little garden, and do the common drudgery of slaves
about his house; and when he came home again from his cruise,
he ordered me to lie in the cabin to look after the ship.

Here I meditated nothing but my escape, and what method I
might take to effect it, but found no way that had the least pro-
bability in it. Nothing presented to make the supposition of it
rational; for I had nobody to communicate it to that would
embark with me, no fellow-slave, no Englishman, Irishman, or
Scotsman there but myself; so that for two years, though I often
pleased myself with the imagination, yet I never had the least
encouraging prospect of putting it in practice.

After about two years an odd circumstance presented itself,
which put the old thought of making some attempt for my liberty
again in my head. My patron lying at home longer than usual
without fitting out his ship, which, as I heard, was for want of
money, he used constantly, once or twice a-week, sometimes —



70 FISHING EXCURSIONS.

oftener, if the weather was fair, to take the ship’s pinnace, and go
out into the road a-fishing; and as he always took me and a young
Maresco with him to row the boat, we made him very merry, and
I proved very dexterous in catching fish, insomuch that some-









































“WE ALWAYS TOOK ME AND A YOUNG MARESCO TO ROW THE BOAT.”

times he would send me with a Moor, one of his kinsmen, and the
youth—the Maresco, as they called him—to catch a dish of fish for
him.

It happened one time. that going a-fishing in a stark calm
morning, a fog rose so thick, that though we were not half a
league from the shore we lost sight of it; and rowing we knew
not whither or which way, we laboured all day and all the next
night, and when the morning came we found we had pulled off
to sea instead of pulling in for the shore; and that we were at
least two leagues from the shore. However, we got well in
again, though with a great deal of labour and some danger; for
the wind began to blow pretty fresh in the morning: but particu-
larly we were all very hungry.

But our patron, warned by this disaster, resolved to take more
care of himself for the future ; and having lying by him the long-
boat of our English ship which he had taken, he resolved he would
not go a-fishing any more without a compass and some provision.
So he ordered the carpenter of his ship, who also was an English
slave, to build a little state-room or cabin in the middle of the



A PLAN OF ESCAPE. 71

longboat, like that of a barge, with a place to stand behind it to
steer and haul home the main-sheet; and room before for a hand
or two to stand and work the sails. She sailed with what we call
a shoulder-of-mutton sail; and the boom gibed over the top of the
cabin, which lay very snug and low, and had in it room for him
to lie, with a slave or two; and a table to eat on, with some small
lockers to put in some bottles of such liquor as he thought fit to
drink ; particularly his bread, rice, and coffee.

We went frequently out with this boat a-fishing. And as I was
most dexterous to catch fish for him, he never went without me.
It happened that he had appointed to go out in this boat, either
for pleasure or for fish, with two or three Moors of some distinction
in that place, and for whom he had provided extraordinarily, and
had therefore sent on board the boat overnight a larger store of
provisions than ordinary; and had ordered me to get ready three
fuzees with powder and shot, which were on board his ship, for
that they designed some sport of fowling as well as fishing.

I got all things ready as he had directed, and waited the next
morning with the boat washed clean, her ancient and pendants
out, and everything to accommodate his guests. When by-and-by
my patron came on board alone, and told me his guests had put
off going, upon some business that fell out, and ordered me with
the man and boy as usual to go out with the boat and catch them
some fish, for that his friends were to sup at his house; and com-
manded that as soon as I had got some fish, I should bring it home
to his house; all which I prepared to do.

This moment my former notions of deliverance darted into
my thoughts, for now I found I was like to have a little ship at
ny command; and my master being gone, I prepared to furnish
myself, not for a fishing business, but for a voyage; though I
knew not, neither did I so much as consider, whither I should
steer ; for anywhere to get out of that place was my way.

My first contrivance was to make a pretence to speak to this
Moor, to get something for our subsistence on board; for I told
him we must not presume to eat of our patron’s bread. He said
that was true; so he brought a large basket of rusk or biscuit of
their kind, and three jars with fresh water into the boat. I knew



72 CRUSOE AND MOELY.

where my patron’s case of bottles stood, which it was evident by
the make were taken out of some English prize, and I conveyed
them into the boat while the Moor was on shore, as if they had
been there before for our master. I conveyed also a great lump
of bees’-wax into the boat, which weighed above half a hundred-
weight, with a parcel of twine or thread, a hatchet, a saw, and a
hammer, all which were of great use to us afterwards, especially
the wax to make candles. Another trick I tried upon him, which
he innocently came into also. His name was Ismael, who they call
Muly or Moely; so I called to him—“ Moely,” said I, “ our patron’s
guns are on board the boat; can you not get a little powder and
shot? It may be we may kill some alcamies (a fowl like our curlews)
for ourselves, for I know he keeps the gunner’s stores in the ship.”
“Yes,” says he, “ll bring some.” And accordingly he brought a
great leather pouch, which held about a pound and a half of powder,
or rather more, and another with shot, that had five or six pounds,
with some bullets, and put all into the boat. At the same time, I
had found some powder of my master’s in the great cabin, with
which I filled one of the large bottles in the case, which was
almost empty, pouring what was in it into another; and thus
furnished with everything needful, we sailed out of the port to
fish. The castle, which is at the entrance of the port, knew who
we were, and took no notice of us; and we were not above a mile
out of the port before we hauled in our sail, and set us down to
fish. ‘The wind blew from the north-north-east, which was con-
trary to my desire; for had it blown southerly, I had been sure
to have made the coast of Spain, and at least reached to the Bay
of Cadiz; but my resolutions were, blow which way it would, I
would be gone from the horrid place where I was, and leave the
rest to fate. |

After we had fished some time and caught nothing—for when
I had fish on my hook, I would not pull them up, that he might
not see them-——I said to the Moor, “ This will not do; our master
will not be thus served; we must stand further off.” He, thinking
no harm, agreed; and being in the head of the boat, set the sails:
and as I had the helm, I ran the boat out near a league further,
and then brought her to, as if I would fish; when, giving the



THE MOOR OVERBOARD. 78

boy the helm, I stepped forward to where the Moor was, and
making as if I stooped for something behind him, I took him by
surprise with my arm under his twist, and tossed him clear over-
board into the sea. He rose immediately, for he swam like a cork,
and called to me, begged to be taken in; told me he would go all
the world over with me. He swam so strong after the boat that
he would have reached me very quickly, there being but little
wind; upon which I stepped into the cabin, and fetching one of
the fowling-pieces, I presented it at him, and told him I had done
him no hurt, and if he would be quiet I would do him none. “ But,”
said I, “you swim well enough to reach to the shore, and the sea

| is calm; make the best of







your way to shore, and I will
do you no harm, but if you
come near the boat I'll shoot
~ you through the head; for I
am resolved to have my
liberty.” So he turned bim-

2

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To FEE
wre gS 2
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self about and swam for the


















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SSS XN
SSS WAN
—_

‘“ HE TURNED HIMSELF ABOUT AND SWAM FOR THE SHORE.”

shore; and I make no doubt but he reached it with ease, for he
was an excellent swimmer.

I could have been content to have taken this Moor with me
and have drowned the boy, but there was no venturing to trust
him. When he was gone I turned to the boy, who they called



74 MAKING FOR THE COAST.

Xury, and said to him, “ Xury, if you will be faithful to me, I'll
make you a great man; but if you will not stroke your face to be
true to me—that is, swear by Mahomet and his father’s beard—I
must throw you into the sea too.” The boy smiled in my face, and
spoke so innocently, that I could not mistrust him; and swore to

?

be faithful to me, and go all over the world with me.

While I was in view of the Moor that was swimming, I stood
out directly to sea with the boat, rather stretching to windward, ~
that they might think me gone towards the strait’s mouth (as in-
deed any one that had been in their wits must have been supposed
to do); for who would have supposed we were sailed on to the
southward, to the truly barbarian coast, where whole nations of
negroes were sure to surround us with their canoes, and destroy
us; where we could never once go on shore but we should be
devoured by savage beasts, or more merciless savages of human
kind.

But as soon as it grew dusk in the evening I changed my
course, and steered directly south and by east, bending my course
a little toward the east, that [ might keep in with the shore;
and having a fair fresh gale of wind and a smooth, quiet sea, I
made such sail that I believe by the next day at three o’clock
in the afternoon, when I first made the land, I could not be less
than 150 miles south of Sallee; quite beyond the Emperor of
Morocco’s dominions, or, indeed, of any other king thereabouts, for
we saw no people.

Yet such was the fright I had taken at the Moors, and the
dreadful apprehensions I had of falling into their hands, that I
would not stop, or go on shore, or come to an anchor, the wind
continuing fair, till I had sailed in that manner five days; and
then the wind shifting to the southward, I concluded also that if
any of our vessels were in chase of me, they also would now give over.
So I ventured to make to the coast, and came to an anchor in the
mouth of a little river, [ knew not what, or where; neither what
latitude, what. country, what nation, or what river. I neither saw,
nor desired to see, any people; the principal thing I wanted was
fresh water. We came into this creek in the evening, resolving
to swim on shore as soon as it was dark, and discover the country;



MONSTERS OF THE DEEP. 75

but as soon as it was quite dark we heard such dreadful noises of
the barking, roaring, and howling of wild creatures, of we knew
not what kinds, that the poor boy was ready to die with fear,
and begged of me not to goonshore till day. ‘‘ Well, Xury,” said I,
“then I won’t; but it may be we may see men by day, who will be
as bad to us as those lions.” ‘Then we give them the shoot gun,”
says Xury, laughing; “make them run way.” Such English Xury
spoke by conversing among us slaves. However, I was glad to
see the boy so cheerful, and I gave him a dram (out of our patron’s
case of bottles) to cheer him up. After all, Xury’s advice was
good, and I took it. We dropped our little anchor, and lay still
all night—TI say still, for we slept none—for in two or three hours
we saw vast great creatures (we knew not what to call them) of
many sorts come down to the sea-shore, and run into the water,
wallowing and washing themselves for the pleasure of cooling
themselves; and they made such hideous howlings and yellings,
that [ never indeed heard the like.

Xury was dreadfully frightened, and indeed so was I too. But
we were both more frightened when we heard one of these mighty
creatures come swimming towards our boat. We could not see
him, but we might hear him by his blowing to be a monstrous,
huge, and furious beast. Xury said it was a lion, and it might be
so for aught I know; but poor Xury cried to me to weigh the
anchor, and row away. “No,” says I; “ Xury, we can slip our
cable with the buoy to it, and go off to sea. They cannot follow
us far.” J had no sooner said so but I perceived the creature
(whatever it was) within two oars’ length, which something sur-
prised me. However, I immediately stepped to the cabin-door,
and taking up my gun, fired at him, upon which he immediately
turned about, and swam towards the shore again.

But it is impossible to describe the horrible noises, and hideous
cries and howlings, that were raised as well upon the edge of the
shore as higher within the country, upon the noise or report of
the gun—a thing I have some reason to believe those creatures
had never heard before. This convinced me that there was no
going on shore for us in the night upon that coast; and how to
venture on shore in the day was another question too, for to have



76 CRUSOE AND XURY ASHORE.

fallen into the hands of any of the savages had been as bad as to
have fallen into the hands of lions and tigers; at least we were
equally apprehensive of the danger of it.







—
SS SS Se

SSS SS SS SF

ee | =

SSS EN























































““ TAKING UP MY GUN, I FIRED AT HIM.”

Be that as it would, we were obliged to go on shore somewhere
or other for water, for we had not a pint left in the boat. When
or where to get it was the point. Xury said, if I would let him
go on shore with one of the jars, he would find if there was any
water, and bring some tome. I asked him why he would go—
why I should not go and he stay in the boat? The boy answered
with so much affection that made me love him ever after. Says
he, “Tf wild mans come, they eat me; you go way.” “ Well,
Xury,” said I, “ we will both go; and if the wild mans come, we
will kill them. ‘They shall eat neither of us.” So I gave Xury
a piece of rusk-bread to eat, and a dram out of our patron’s case
of bottles which I mentioned before; and we hauled in the boat
as near the shore as we thought was proper, and so waded on shore,
carrying nothing but our arms and two jars for water.

I did not care to go out of sight of the boat, fearing the coming
of canoes with savages down the river; but the boy seeing a low
place about a mile up the country, rambled to it; and by-and-by I
saw him come running towards me. I thought he was pursued by
some savage, or frightened with some wild beast, and I ran forward
towards him to help him; but when I came nearer to him, I saw
something hanging over his shoulders—which was a creature that



A COASTING VOYAGE. 77

he had shot, like a hare, but different in colour and longer legs.
However, we were very glad of it, and it was very good meat; but
the great joy that poor Xury came with, was to tell me he had
found good water and seen no wild men.

But we found afterwards that we need not take such pains for
water, for a little higher up the creek where we were, we found the
water fresh when the tide was out, which flowed but a little way
up. So we filled our jars, and feasted on the hare we had killed,
and prepared to go on our way, having seen no footsteps of any
human creature in that part of the country.

As I had been one voyage to this coast before, I knew very well
that the islands of the Canaries, and the Cape de Verd islands also,
Jay not far off from the coast. But as I had no instruments to take
an observation to know what latitude we were in, and did not
exactly know, or at least remember, what latitude they were in,
I knew not where to look for them, or when to stand off to sea
towards them; otherwise I might now easily have found some of
these islands. But my hope was, that if I stood along this. coast
till I came to that part where the English traded, I should find
some of their vessels upon their usual design of trade, that would
relieve and take us in.

By the best of my calculation, that place where I now was must
be that country which, lying between the Emperor of Morocco’s
dominions and the negroes, lies waste and uninhabited, except by
wild beasts—the negroes having abandoned it and gone further
south, for fear of the Moors; and the Moors not thinking it worth
inhabiting, by reason of its barrenness. And, indeed, both forsaking
it because of the prodigious number of tigers, lions, leopards, and ©
other furious creatures which harbour there; go that the Moors
use it for their hunting only, where they go like an army, two or
three thousand men at a time. And, indeed, for near a hundred
miles together upon this coast, we saw nothing but a waste unin-
habited country by day, and heard nothing but howlings and roar-
ing of wild beasts by night.

Once or twice in the day-time, I thought I saw the Pico of
Teneriffe, being the high top of the mountain of Teneriffe in the
Canaries; and had a great mind to venture out in hopes of reach-



TS ADVENTURE WITH A LION.

ing thither; but having tried twice, I was forced in again by con-
trary winds, the sea also going too high for my little vessel, so I
resolved to pursue my first design and keep along the shore. _
Several times I was obliged to land for fresh water after we had
left this place; and once in particular, being early in the morning,
we came to an anchor under a little point of land which was pretty
high, and the
tide beginning to
flow, we lay still
to go further in.
Xury, whose eyes
were more about
him than it seems
mine were, calls
softly to me, and
tells me that we
had best = go
further off the
| shore :—‘' For,”
says he, ‘‘ look, yonder lies a dreadful monster on the side of
that hillock fast asleep.” I looked where he pointed, and saw
a dreadful monster indeed; for it was a terrible great lion that
lay on the side of the shore, under the shade of a piece of the
hill, that hung as it were a little over him. ‘ Xury,” says I, “you
shall go on shore and kill him.’ Xury looked frightened, and said,
‘“Me kill! he eat me at one mouth ’—one mouthful, he meant.
However, I said no more to the boy, but bade him lie still; and I
took our biggest gun, which was almost musket-bore, and loaded
it with a good charge of powder and with two slugs, and laid it
down; then I loaded another gun with two bullets; and the third
—for we had three pieces—I loaded with five smaller bullets. I
took the best aim I could with the first piece to have shot him
into the head, but he lay so with his leg raised a little above his
nose, that the slugs hit his leg about the knee, and broke the bone.
He started up, growling at: first; but finding his leg broke, fell
down again; and then got up upon three legs, and gave the most
hideous roar that ever I heard. I was a little surprised that I had

















































““WE CAME TO AN ANCHOR UNDER A LITTLE POINT OF LAND.”



BEATING TO THE SOUTHWARD. 79

not hit him on the head. However, I took up the second piece
immediately ; and though he began to move off, fired again, and
shot him into the head, and had the pleasure to see him drop, and
make but little noise, but lie struggling for life. Then Xury took
heart, and would have me let him go onshore. “ Well, go,” said I.
So the boy jumped into the water, and taking a little gun in one
hand, swam to shore with the other hand, and coming close to the
creature, put the muzzle of the piece to his ear, and shot him into
the head again, which despatched him quite.

This was game indeed to us, but this was no food; and I was
very sorry to lose three charges of powder and shot upon a creature
that was good for nothing to us. However, Xury said he would
have some of him; so he comes on board, and asked me to give him
the hatchet. “For what, Xury?”’ said I. ‘“ Me cut off his head,”
said he. However, Xury could not cut off his head; but he cut off
a foot and brought it with him—and it was a monstrous great one.

I bethought myself, however, that perhaps the skin of him-might
one way or other be of some value to us; and I resolved to take
off his skin if I could. So Xury and I went to work with him ;
but Xury was much the better workman at it—for I knew very ill
how to do it. Indeed, it took us up both the whole day; but at
last we got off the hide of him, and spreading it on the top of our
cabin, the sun effectually dried it in two days’ time, and it after-
wards served me to lie upon.

After this stop we made on to the southward continually for ten
or twelve days, living very sparing on our provisions, which began
to abate very much, and going no oftener into the shore than we
were obliged to for fresh water. My design in this was to make
the river Gambia or Senegal—that is to say, anywhere about the
Cape de Verd, where I was in hopes to meet with some Kuropean
ship ; and if I did not, I knew not what course I had to take, but
to seek out for the islands or perish there among the negroes.
I knew that all the ships from Europe—which sailed either to the
coast of Guinea, or to Brazil, or to the East Indies—made this
cape or those islands; and in a word, I put the whole of my fortune
upon this single point, either that I must meet with some ship or
must perish.

(284) 6



80 CRUSOE AND THE SAVAGES.

When I had pursued this resolution about ten days longer, as I
have said, I began to see that the land was inhabited ; and in two
or three places, as we sailed by, we saw people stand upon the
shore to look at us. We could also perceive they were quite black
and stark naked. I was once inclined to have gone on shore to
them. But Xury was my better counsellor, and said to me, “‘ No
go, no go.’ However, I hauled in nearer the shore that I might
talk to them, and I found they ran along the shore by me a good
way. I observed they had no weapons in their hands—except
one, who had a long slender stick, which Xury said was a lance,
and that they would throw them a great way with good aim. So
I kept at a distance, but talked with them by signs as well as I
could ; and particularly made signs for something to eat. They
beckoned to me to stop my boat, and that they would fetch me
some meat. Upon this I lowered the top of my sail and lay by;
and two of them ran up into the country, and in less than half an
hour came back and brought with them two pieces of dry flesh
and some corn, such as is the produce of their country—but we
neither knew what the one or the other was. However, we were
willing to accept it, but how to come at it was our next dispute ;
for I was not for venturing on shore to them, and they were as
much afraid of us. But they took a safe way for us all—for they
brought it to the shore and laid it down, and went and stood a
great way off till we fetched it on board, and then came close to us
again.

We made signs of thanks to them, for we had nothing to make
them amends. But an opportunity offered that very instant to
oblige them wonderfully—for while we were lying by the shore,
came two mighty creatures, one pursuing the other (as we took it)
with great fury, from the mountains towards the sea. Whether it
was the male pursuing the female, or whether they were in sport
or in rage, we could not tell, any more than we could tell whether
it was usual or strange; but I believe it was the latter—because, in
the first place, those ravenous creatures seldom appear but in the
night; and, in the second place, we found the people terribly
frightened, especially the women. 'The man that had the lance or
dart did not fly from them, but the rest did. However, as the



AN OPPORTUNE EXPLOIT. 81

two creatures ran directly. into the water, they did not seem to
offer to fall upon any of the negroes, but plunged themselves into
the sea, and swam about as if they had come for their diversion.
At last one of them began to come nearer our boat than at first I
expected, but I lay ready for him; for I, had loaded my gun with
all possible expedition, and bade Xury load both the others. As
soon as he came fairly within my reach I fired, and shot him
directly into the head. Immediately he sank down into the water,
but rose instantly and plunged up and down asif he was struggling
for life. And so indeed he was. He immediately made to the
shore; but between the wound, which was his mortal hurt, and
the strangling of the water, he died just before he reached the
shore.

It is impossible to express the astonishment of these poor
creatures at the noise and the fire of my gun; some of them were
even ready to die for fear, and fell down as dead with the very
terror. But when they saw the creature dead and sunk in the
water, and that I made signs to them to come to the shore, they took
heart and came to the shore, and began to search for the creature.
I found him by his blood staining the water; and by the help of a
rope which I slung round him, and gave the negroes to haul, they
dragged him on shore, and found that it was a most curious
leopard, spotted and fine to an admirable degree; and the negroes
held up their hands with admiration to think what it was I had
killed him with.

The other creature, frightened with the flash of fire and the noise
of the gun, swam on shore, and ran up directly to the mountains
from whence they came, nor could I at that distance know what it
was. I found quickly the negroes were for eating the flesh of this
creature, so I was willing to have them take it as a favour from
me; which, when I made signs to them that they might take him,
they were very thankful for. Immediately they fell to work with
him ;.and though they had no knife, yet with a sharpened piece of
wood they took off his skin as readily—and much more readily
than we could have done with a knife. They offered me some of
the flesh, which I declined, making as if I would give it them ;
but made signs for the skin, which they gave me very freely, and



82 | “A SAIL! A SAIL!”

brought me a great deal more of their provision, which, though I
did not understand, yet I accepted. Then I made signs to them
for some water, and held out one of my jars to them, turning it
bottom upward, to show that it was empty, and that I wanted to
have it filled. They called immediately to some of their friends ;
and there came two women, and brought a great vessel made of
earth, and burned as I suppose in the sun. This they set down for
me as before; and I sent Xury on shore with my jars, and filled
them all three. The women were as stark naked as the men.

I was now furnished with roots and corn—such as it was—and
water; and leaving my friendly negroes, I made forward for about
eleven days more without offering to go near the shore, till I saw
the land run out a great length into the sea, at about the distance
of four or five leagues before me, and the sea being very calm, I
kept a large offing to make this point. At length, doubling the
point at about two leagues from the land, I saw plainly land on the
other side to seaward. Then I concluded, as it was most certain
indeed, that this was the Cape de Verd, and those the islands,
called from thence Cape de Verd Islands. However, they were at
a great distance; and I could not well tell what I had best to do,
for if I should be taken with a fresh of wind, I might neither
reach one nor the other.

In this dilemma, as I was very pensive, I stepped into the cabin
and sat me down, Xury having the helm, when on a sudden the
boy cried out, ‘‘ Master, master, a ship with a sail!” and the foolish
boy was frightened out of his wits, thinking it must needs be some
of his master’s ships sent to pursue us, when I knew we were
gotten far enough out of their reach. I jumped out of the cabin,
and immediately saw not only the ship, but what she was—namely,
that it was a Portuguese ship, and, as I thought, was bound to the
coast of Guinea for negroes. But when I observed the course she
steered, I was soon convinced they were bound some other way,
and did not design to come any nearer to the shore. Upon which
I stretched out to sea as much as I could, resolving to speak with
them if possible.

With all the sail [ could make, I found I should not be able to
come in their way, but that they would be gone by before I could



THE PORTUGUESE SHIP. 83

make any signal to them. But after I had crowded to the utmost
and begun to despair, they, it seems, saw me by the heip of their
perspective-glasses, and that it was some Huropean boat, which, as
they supposed, must belong to some ship that was lost; so they .
shortened sail to let me come up. I was encouraged with this;




















Ss SN \ ee ZEEE gee OEE pepe
SSS \ SSS WS“ a C.Ae
aN = ; ~

‘J WAS SOON CONVINCED THEY WERE BOUND SOME OTHER WAY.”

and as I had my patron’s ancient on board, I made a watt of it to
them for a signal of distress, and fired a gun—both which they
saw, for they told me they saw the smoke, though they did not
hear the gun. Upon these signals they very kindly brought to,
and lay by for me, and in about three hours’ time I came up with
them.

They asked me what I was, in Portuguese and in Spanish and
in French, but [ understood none of them; but at last a Scotch
sailor who was on board called to me; and I answered him, and
told him I was an Englishman, that I had made my escape out of
slavery from the Moors at Sallee. Then they bade me come on
board, and very kindly took me in and all my goods.

It was an inexpressible joy to me, that any one will believe, that
I was thus delivered, as I esteemed it, from such a miserable and
almost hopeless condition as I was in, and I immediately offered
all I had to the captain of the ship as a return for my deliverance;
but he generously told me he would take nothing from me, but
that all I had should be delivered safe to me when I came to the
Brazils. “For,” says he, “I have saved your life on no other



84 AN HONEST SEA-CAPTAIN.

terms than I would be glad to be saved myself, and it may one time
or other be my lot to be taken up in the same condition ; besides,”
said he, “‘ when I carry you to the Brazils, so great a way from
your own country, if I should take from you what you have, you
will be starved there, and then I only take away that life I have
given. No,.no, Seignor Inglese,” says he, “ Mr. Englishman, I
will carry you thither in charity, and those things will help you to
buy your subsistence there and your passage home again.”

As he was charitable in his proposal, so he was just in the
performance to a tittle; for he ordered the seamen that none
should offer to touch anything I had. Then he took everything
into his own possession, and gave me back an exact inventory of
them, that I might have them, even so much as my three earthen
jars.

As to my boat it was a very good one, and that he saw, and told
me he would buy it of me for the ship’s use, and asked me what I
would have for it? I told him he had been so generous to me in
everything, that I could not offer to make any price of the boat,
but left it entirely to him; upon which he told me he would give me
a note of his hand to pay me eighty pieces of eight for it at Brazil,
and when it came there, if any one offered to give more he would
make it up. He offered me also sixty pieces of eight more for my
boy Xury; which I was loath to take: not that I was not willing to
let the captain have him, but I was very loath to sell the poor boy’s
liberty, who had assisted me so faithfully in procuring my own.
However, when I let him know my reason, he owned it to be
just, and offered me this medium—that he would give the boy
an obligation to set him free in ten years, if he turned Christian.
Upon this, and Xury saying he was willing to go to him, I let the
captain have him.

We had a very good voyage to the Brazils, and arrived in the
Bay de Todos los Santos, or All-Saints’ Bay, in about twenty-two
days after. And now I was once more delivered from the most
miserable of all conditions of life; and what to do next with
myself I was now to consider.

The generous treatment the captain gave me I'can never enough
remember. He would take nothing of me for my passage, gave



ON SHORE IN THE BRAZILS. , 85

me twenty ducats for the leopard’s skin and forty for the lion’s
skin which I had in my boat, and caused everything I had in the
ship to be punctually delivered me; and what I was willing to
sell he bought, such as the case of bottles, two of my guns, and a
piece of the lump of bees-wax, for I had made candles of the rest.
In a word, I made about two hundred and twenty pieces of eight
of all my cargo; and with this stock I went on shore in the
Brazils. |

I had not been long here, but being recommended to the house
of a good honest man like himself, who had an “ ingeino,” as they
call it—that.is, a plantation and a sugar-house—TI lived with him
some time, and acquainted myself by that means with the manner
of their planting and making of sugar. And seeing how well the
planters lived, and how they grew rich suddenly, I resolved, if I
could get license to settle there, I would turn planter among them ;
resolving in the meantime to find out some way to get my money
which I had left in London remitted to me. To this purpose,
getting a kind of a letter of naturalization, I purchased as much
land that was uncured as my money would reach, and formed a plan
for my plantation and settlement, and such a one as might be suit-
able to the stock which I proposed to myself to receive from
Hingland.

I had a neighbour—a Portuguese of Lisbon, but born of English
parents— whose name was Wells, and in much such circumstances
a3 I was. I call him my neighbour, because his plantation lay
next to mine, and we went on very sociably together. My stock
was but low as well as his; and we rather planted for food than
anything else for about two years. However, we began to increase, |
and our land began to come into order ; so that the third year we
planted some tobacco, and made each of us a large piece of ground
ready for planting canes in the year to come. But we both wanted
help; and now I found, more than before, I had done wrong in
parting with my boy Xury.

But alas! for me to do wrong that never did right was no great
wonder. I had no remedy but to go on. I was gotten into an
employment quite remote to my genius, and directly contrary to
the life I delighted in, and for which I forsook my father’s house,



86 A TRUE FRIEND.

and broke through all his good advice ; nay, I was coming into
the very middle station, or upper degree of low life, which my
father advised me to before, and which, if I resolved to go on with,
T might as well have stayed at home, and never have fatigued myself
in the world as I had done. And I used often to say to myself, I
could have done this as well in England among my friends as have
gone five thousand miles off to do it among strangers and savages
in a wilderness, and at such a distance as never to hear from any
part of the world that had the least knowledge of me.

In this manner. I used to look upon my condition with the
utmost regret. I had nobody to converse with but now and then
this neighbour—no work to be done but by the labour of my
hands ; and I used to say I lived just like a man cast away upon
some desolate island that had nobody there but himself. But how
just has it been, and how should all men reflect that when they
compare their present conditions with others that are worse,
Heaven may oblige. them to make the exchange, and be convinced
of their former felicity by their experience, —I say how just has it
been that the truly solitary life I reflected on, in an island of mere
desolation, should be my lot, who had so often unjustly compared
it with the life which I then led; in which, had I continued, I
had in all probability been exceeding prosperous and rich !

_ I was in some degree settled in my measures for carrying on
the plantation, before my kind friend, the captain of the ship that
took me up at sea, went back—for the ship remained there in
providing his loading and preparing for his voyage near three
uuunths—when, telling him what little stock I had left behind
me in London, he gave me this friendly and sincere advice.
‘ Seignor Inglese,” says he,—for so he always called me,—“ if you
will give me letters, and a procuration here in form to me, with
orders to the person who has your money in London, to send your
effects to Lisbon to such persons as I shall direct, and in such
goods as are proper for this country, I will bring you the produce
of them, God willing, at my return. But since human affairs are
all subject to changes and disasters, I would have you give orders
but for one hundred pounds sterling, which you say is half your
stock, and let the hazard be run for the first; so that if it come



A PROFITABLE INVESTMENT. 87

safe you may order the rest the same way, and if it miscarry you
may have the other half to have recourse to for your supply.”

This was so wholesome advice, and looked so friendly, that I
could not but be convinced it was the best course I could take; so
I accordingly prepared letters to the gentlewoman with whom I
had left my money, and a procuration to the Portuguese captain,
as he desired.

I wrote the English captain’s widow a full account of all my
adventures; my slavery, escape, and how I had met with the
Portuguese captain at sea, the humanity of his behaviour, and in
what condition I was now in, with all other necessary directions
for my supply. And when this honest captain came to Lisbon, he
found means, by some of the English merchants there, to send
over, not the order only, but a full account of my story, to a mer-
chant at London, who represented it effectually to her; whereupon
she not only delivered the money, but out of her own pocket sent
the Portuguese captain a very handsome present for his humanity
and charity to me.

The merchant in London, vesting this hundred pounds in
English goods such as the captain had written for, sent them
directly to him at Lisbon, and he brought them all safe to me to
the Brazils; among which, without my direction— for I was too
young in my business to think of them—he had taken care to
have all sorts of tools, iron-work, and utensils necessary for my
plantation, and which were of great use to me.

When this cargo arrived I thought my fortune made, for I was
surprised with joy of it; and my good steward the captain had
laid out the five pounds, which my friend had sent him for a
present for himself, to purchase and bring me over a servant under
bond for six years’ service, and would not accept of any considera--
tion except a little tobacco, which I would have him accept, being
of my own produce.

Neither was this all. But my goods being all English manu-
factures, such as cloth, stuffs, bays, and things particularly valuable
and desirable in the country, I found means to sell them to a very
great advantage; so that I may say I had more than four times
the value of my first cargo, and was now infinitely beyond my



88 A ROLLING STONE GATHERS NO MOSS.

poor neighbour—I mean ‘in the advancement of my plantation ;
for the first thing I did I bought me a negro slave, and a European
servant also—I mean another besides that which the captain
brought me from Lisbon.

But as abused prosperity is oftentimes made the very means of
our greatest adversity, so was it with me. I went on the next
vear with great success in my plantation. I raised fifty great rolls |
of tobacco on my own ground, more than I had disposed of for
necessaries among my neighbours; and these fifty rolls being each
of above a hundredweight, were well cured and laid by against the
return of the fleet from Lisbon. And now, increasing in business
and in wealth, my head began to be full of projects and under-
takings beyond my reach—such as are indeed often the ruin of
the best heads in business.

Had I continued in the station I was now in, I had room for all
the happy things to have yet befallen me for which my father so
earnestly recommended a quiet, retired life, and of which he had
so sensibly described the middle station of life to be full of. But
other things attended me, and I was still to be the wilful agent of
all my own miseries, and particularly to increase my fault and
double the reflections upon myself, which in my future sorrows I
should have leisure to make. All these miscarriages were pro-
cured by my apparent obstinate adherence to my foolish inclination
of wandering abroad, and pursuing that inclination in contradiction
to the clearest views of doing myself good in a fair and plain pur-
suit of those prospects and those measures of life which Nature
and Providence concurred to present me with and to make my
duty. a.

As I had once done thus in my breaking away from my parents,
so I could not be content now, but I must go and leave the happy
view I had of being a rich and thriving man in my new plantation,
only to pursue a rash and immoderate desire of rising faster than
the nature of the thing admitted; and thus I cast myself down
again into the deepest gulf of human misery that ever man fell
into, or perhaps could be consistent with life and a state of health
in the world.

To come, then, by the just degrees to the particulars of this



TRADING IN NEGROKES, 89

part of my story. You may suppose that having now lived almost
four years in the Brazils, and beginning to thrive and prosper very
well upon my plantation, I had not only learned the‘language, but
had contracted acquaintance and friendship among my fellow-
planters, as well as among the merchants at St. Salvadore, which was
our port; and that, in my discourses among them, I had frequently
_ given them an account of my two voyages to the coast of Guinea,
the manner of trading with the negroes there, and how easy it was
to purchase upon the coast for trifles—such as beads, toys, knives,
scissors, hatchets, bits of glass, and the like—not only gold dust,
Guinea grains, elephants’ teeth, &c., but negroes for the service of
the Brazils in great numbers. |

They listened always very attentively to my discourses on these
heads, but especially to that part which related to the buying of
negroes ; which was a trade at that time not only not far entered
into, but, as far as it was, had been carried on by the assiento, or
permission of the Kings of Spain and Portugal, and engrossed in
the public; so that few negroes were brought, and those excessively
dear.

It happened, being in company with some merchants and planters
of my acquaintance, and talking of those things very earnestly,
three of them came to me the next morning, and told me they
had been musing very much upon what I had discoursed with
them of the last night, and they came to make a secret proposal
to me. And after enjoining me secrecy, they told me that they
had a mind to fit out a ship to go to Guinea; that they had all
plantations as well as I, and were straitened for nothing so much
as servants ; that as it was a trade that could not be carried on,
because they could not publicly sell the negroes when they came
home, so they desired to make but one voyage, to bring the
negroes on shore privately, and divide them among their own
plantations ; and, in a word, the question was, whether I would
go their supercargo in the ship to manage the trading part upon
the coast of Guinea. And they offered me that I should have
my equal share of the negroes, without providing any part of the
stock,

This was a fair proposal, it must be confessed, had it been made



90 . CRUSOE AT SEA ONCE MORE.

to any one that had not had a settlement and plantation of his
own to look after, which was in a fair way of coming to be very
considerable, and with a good stock upon it. But for me that was _
thus entered and established, and had nothing to do but go on as
Y had begun for three or four years more, and to have sent for the
other hundred pounds from England, and who in that time, and
with that little addition, could scarce have failed of being worth
three or four thousand pounds sterling, and that increasing too,—
for me to think of such a voyage was the most preposterous thing
that ever man in such circumstances could be guilty of.

But I, that was born to be my own destroyer, could no more
resist the offer than I could restrain my first rambling designs
when my father’s good counsel was lost upon me. Ina word, I
told them I would go with all my heart if they would undertake
to look after my plantation in my absence, and would dispose of
it to such as I should direct if I miscarried. This they all
engaged to do, and entered into writings or covenants to do so ;
and I made a formal will, disposing of my plantation and effects,
in case of my death, making the captain of the ship that had saved
my life, as before, my universal heir, but obliging him to dispose
of my effects as I had directed in my will—one-half of the pro-
duce being to himself, and the other to be shipped to England.
In short, I took all possible caution to preserve my effects and
keep up my plantation. Had I used half as much prudence to
have looked into my own interest, and have made a judgment of
what I ought to have done and not to have done, I had certainly
never gone away from so prosperous an undertaking—leaving all
the probable views of a thriving circumstance, and gone upon a
voyage to sea, attended with all its common hazards, to say
nothing of the reasons I had to expect particular misfortunes to
myself.

But I was hurried on, and obeyed blindly the dictates of my
fancy rather than my reason. And accordingly, the ship being
fitted out and the cargo furnished, and all things done as by
agreement by my partners in the voyage, I went on board in an
evil hour—the Ist of September 1659, being the same day eight
years that I went from my father and mother at Hull in order



PERILS OF THE DEEP. 91

to act the rebel to their authority and the fool to my own
interest.

Our ship was about 120 tons burden; carried six guns and
fourteen men, besides the master, his boy, and myself. We had
on board no large cargo of goods, except of such toys as were fit
for our trade with the negroes—such as beads, bits of glass, shells
and odd trifles, especially little looking-glasses, knives, scissors,
hatchets, and the like.

The same day [ went on board we set sail, standing away to
the northward upon our own coast, with design to stretch over for
the African coast when they came about 10 or 12 degrees of
northern latitude; which, it seems, was the manner of their course
in those days. We had very good weather, only excessively hot,
all the way upon our own coast, till we came the height of Cape
St. Augustino; from whence, keeping further off at sea, we lost
sight of land, and steered as if we were bound for the isle Fernand
de Noronha, holding our course north-east by north, and leaving
those isles on the east. In this course we passed the line in about
twelve days’ time; and were by our last observation in 7 degrees
22 minutes northern latitude, when a violent tornado or hurricane
took us quite out of our knowledge. It began from the south-
east, came about to the north-west, and then settled into the
north-east ; from whence it blew in such a terrible manner that
for twelve days together we could do nothing but drive, and scud-
ding away before it, let it carry us whither ever fate and the fury
of the winds directed. And during these twelve days I need not
say that I expected every day to be swallowed up; nor, indeed,
did any in the ship expect to save their lives.

In this distress, we had, besides the terror of the storm, one of
our men died of the calenture, and one man and the boy washed
overboard. About the twelfth day, the weather abating a little,
the master made an observation as well as he could, and found
that he was in about 11 degrees north latitude, but that he
was 22 degrees of longitude difference west from Cape St.
Augustino; so that he found he was gotten upon the coast of
Guiana, or the north part of Brazil, beyond the River Amazon,
toward that of the River Orinoco, commonly called the Great



92 DRIVING ASHORE.

River, and began to consult with me what course he should take,
for the ship was leaky and very much disabled, and he was going
directly back to the coast of Brazil.

I was positively against that; and looking over the charts of the
sea-coast of America with him, we concluded there was no inhabited
country for us to have recourse to till we came within the circle of
the Caribbean Islands, and therefore resolved to stand away for
Barbadoes; which, by keeping off at sea, to avoid the indraught of
the Bay or Gulf of Mexico, we might easily perform, as we hoped,
in about fifteen days’ sail; whereas we could not possibly make our
voyage to the coast of Africa without some assistance both to our
ship and to ourselves.

With this design we changed our course, and steered away
north-west by west, in order to reach some of our English islands,
where I hoped for relief. But our voyage was otherwise deter-
mined; for, being in the latitude of 12 degrees 18 minutes, a
second storm came upon us, which carried us away with the same
impetuosity westward, and drove us so out of the very way of all
human commerce, that had all our lives been saved as to the sea,
we were rather in danger of being devoured by savages than ever
returning to our own country.

In this distress, the wind still blowing very hard, one of our men
early in the morning cried out ‘‘ Land!” and we had no sooner
run out of the cabin to look out in hopes of seeing whereabouts in
the world we were, but the ship struck upon a sand, and ina
moment, her motion being so stopped, the sea broke over her in
such a manner, that we expected we should all have perished
immediately, and we were immediately driven ,into our close
quarters to shelter us from the very foam and spray of the sea.

It is not easy for any one who has not been in the like condition
to describe or conceive the consternation of men in such circum-
stances. We knew nothing where we were, or upon what land it
was we were driven, whether an island or the main, whether in-
habited or not inhabited; and as the rage of the wind was still
great, though rather less than at first, we could not so much as
hope to have the ship hold many minutes without breaking in
pieces, unless the wind by a kind of miracle should turn im-



A LONG PULL FOR LIFE. 93

mediately about. In a word, we sat looking one upon another,
and expecting death every moment, and every man acting accord-
ingly as preparing for another world, for there was little or
nothing more for us to do in this. ‘That which was our present
comfort, and all the comfort we had, was that, contrary to our
expectation, the ship did not break yet, and that the master said
the wind began to abate.

Now, though we thought that the wind did a little abate, yet
the ship having thus struck upon the sand, and sticking too fast
for us to expect her getting off, we were in a dreadful condition
indeed, and had nothing to do but to think of saving our lives as
well as we could. We had a boat at our stern just before the
storm, but she was first staved by dashing against the ship’s rudder,
and in the next place she broke away, and either sunk or was
driven off to sea; so there was no hope from her. We had another
boat on board; but how to get her off into the sea was a doubtful
thing. However, there was no room to debate, for we fancied the
ship would break in pieces every minute, and some told us she was
actually brokeu already. |

In this distress the mate of our vessel lays hold of the boat, and
with the help of the rest of the men, they got her slung over the
ship’s side, and getting all into her, let go, and committed our-
selves, being eleven in number, to God’s mercy and the wild sea:
for though the storm was abated considerably, yet the sea went
dreadfully high upon the shore, and might well be called ‘“ den
wild zee,”’ as the Dutch call the sea in a storm.

And now our case was very dismal indeed; for we all saw
plainly that the sea went so high that the boat could not live, and
that we should be inevitably drowned. As to making sail, we had
none; nor, if we had, could we have done anything with it: so we
worked at the oar towards the land, though with heavy hearts,
like men going to execution; for we all knew that when the boat
came nearer the shore she would be dashed in a thousand pieces by
the breach of the sea. However, we committed our souls to God
in the most earnest manner, and the wind driving us towards the
shore, we hastened our destruction with our own hands, pulling
as well as we could towards land.



94 | A MOUNTAIN WAVE.















































































































































































































































































































































































‘THE SEA WENT SO HIGH THAT THE BOAT COULD NOT LIVE.”

What the shore was—whether rock or sand, whether steep or
shoal—we knew not; the only hope that could rationally give us
the least shadow of expectation, was if we might happen into some
bay or gulf, or the mouth of some river, where by great chance we
might have run our boat in, or got under the lee of the land, and
perhaps made smooth water. But there was nothing of this
appeared; but as we made nearer and nearer the shore, the land
‘looked more frightful than the sea. ps

After we had rowed or rather driven about a league and a half,
as we reckoned it, a raging wave, mountain-like, came rolling
astern of us, and plainly bade us expect the cowp-de-grace. In a



CAST UPON THE ROCKS. 95

word, it took us with such a fury, that it overset the boat at once,
and separating us as well from the boat as from one another, gave
us not time hardly to say, O God! for we were all swallowed up
in a moment. :

Nothing can describe the confusion of thought which I felt when
I sunk into the water; for though I swam very well, yet I could .
not deliver myself from the waves so as to draw breath, till that a
wave, having driven me or rather carried me a vast way on towards
the shore, and having spent itself, went back, and left me upon
the land almost dry, but half dead with the water I took in. I
had so much presence of mind as well as breath left that, seeing
myself nearer the mainland than I expected, I got upon my feet,
and endeavoured to make on towards the land as fast as I could
before another wave should return and take me up again. But I
soon found it was impossible to avoid it; for I saw the sea come
after me as high as a great hill, and as furious as an enemy which
I had no means or strength to contend with. My business was to
hold my breath and raise myself upon the water if I could,-and
so by swimming to preserve my breathing and pilot myself towards
the shore if possible; my greatest concern now being that the
sea, as it would carry me a great way towards the shore when it
came on, might not carry me back again with it when it gave back
towards the sea.

The wave that came upon me again buried me at once twenty
or thirty feet deep in its own body; and I could feel myself carried
with a mighty force and swiftness towards the shore a very great
way; but I held my breath, and assisted myself to swim still
forward with all my might. I was ready to burst with holding
my breath, when, as I felt myself rising up, so to my immediate
relief [ found my head and hands shoot out above the surface of
the water; and though it was not two seconds of time that I could
keep myself so, yet it relieved me greatly, gave me breath and
new courage. I was covered again with water a good while, but
not so long but I held it out; and finding the water had spent
itself and begun to return, I struck forward against the return of
the waves, and felt ground again with my feet. I stood still a few

moments to recover breath, and till the water went from me, and
(284 7



96 A NARROW ESCAPE.

then took to my heels and ran with what strength I had further
towards the shore. But neither would this deliver me from the
fury of the sea, which came pouring in after me again, and twice
more I was lifted up by the waves and carried forward as. before,
the shore being very flat.

The last time of these two had well near been fatal to me; for
the sea having hurried me along as before, landed me, or rather


















\AHT r", Se fee ~
ER HAN SS Nyy) \\ WS
0 OF ee
SIA RNAP (Nath 1 /)»S : TPA |
‘*“T HELD MY HOLD TILL THE
WAVE ABATED.”





dashed me, against a piece of a
rock, and that with such force, as it
left me senseless, and indeed help-
less, as to my own deliverance:
for the blow taking my side and
breast, beat the breath as it were
quite out of my body, and had it NE



CRUSOE IN SAFETY. 97

returned again immediately, I must have been strangled in the
water; but I recovered a little before the return of the waves,
and seeing I should be covered again with the water, I resolved
to hold fast by a piece of the rock, and so to hold my breath, if
possible, till the wave went back. Now as the waves were not
so high as at first, being near land, I held my hold till the wave
abated, and then fetched another run, which brought me so near
the shore, that the next wave, though it went over me, yet did not
so swallow me up as to carry me away; and the next run I took I
got to the mainland, where, to my great comfort, I clambered up
the cliffs of the shore and sat me down upon the grass, free from
danger, and quite out of the reach of the water.





























































AW (ie: Mt SS |
eG aes

ia WAS now landed, and safe on shore, and began
Dy

ye ji to look up and thank God that my life was

: hi saved in a case wherein there was some minutes
i before scarce any room to hope. I believe it
| is Impossible to express to the life what the
> eestasies and transports of the soul are when
it is so saved, as I may say, out of the very
grave; and I do not wonder now at that custom, namely, that
when a malefactor, who has the halter about his neck, is tied up,
and just going to be turned off, and has a reprieve brought to him
—I say, I do not wonder that they bring a surgeon with it, to let
him bleed that very moment they tell him of it, that the surprise
may not drive the animal spirits from the heart and overwhelm
him :

“For sudden joys, like griefs, confound at first.”

I walked about on the shore lifting up my hands, and my whole
being, as I may say, wrapped up in the contempiation ot my
deliverance, making a thousand gestures and motions which I



Full Text





CRUSOE'S UNLUCKY PURCHASE.


them w~' ld not tell, but we found the boat was sinking, and
some ofe4ten already in the water. Upon this I immediately
manned out our pinnace, which we had kept close by ourvside, with
orders to pick up some of the men if they could, and' *l Ithem
from drowning, and immediately to come on board with thein, be-
cause we saw the rest of the boats began to come up. Orir men
in the pinnace followed their orders, and took up three men, one
of which was just drowning, and it was a good while before we
could recover him. As soon as they were on board we crowded
all the sail we could make and stood further out to sea, and we
found that when the other three boats came up to the first two
they gave over their chase.
Being thus delivered from a danger which, though I knew not
the reason of it, yet seemed to be much greater than I apprehended,
I took care that we should change our course, and not let any one
imagine whither we were going; so we stood out to sea eastward
quite out of the course of all European ships, whether they were-
bound to China or anywhere else within the commerce of the
European nations.
When we were now at sea we began to consult with the two
seamen, and inquire, first, what the meaning of all this should be;
and the Dutchman let us into the secret of it at once, telling us
that the fellow that sold us the ship, as we said, was no more
than a thief, that had run away with her. Then he told us how
the captain, whose name too he told us, though I do not remember,
was treacherously murdered by the natives on the coast of Malacca,
with three of his men; and that he, this Dutchman, and four
more, got into the woods, where they wandered about a great
while; till at length he, in particular, in a miraculous manner
made his escape, and swam off to a Dutch ship, which, sailing near
the shore, in its way from China, had sent their boat on shore for
fresh water; that he durst not come to that part of the shore
where the boat was, but made shift in the night, to take the water
further off, and the ship's boat took him up.
He then told us that he went to Batavia, where two of the sea-
men belonging to the ship arrived, having deserted the rest In their
travels, and gave an account that the fellow who had run away






THE STRANGER DESCRIBED.


pass in that part; namely, that he came into my grove for
shelter.
Here I gave him bread and a bunch of raisins to eat, and a
draught of water, which I found he was indeed in great distress
for by his running. And having refreshed him; I made signs for
him to go lie down and sleep, pointing to a place where I had laid
a great parcel of rice straw, and a blanket upon it, which I used to
sleep upon myself sometimes; so the poor creature lay down and
went to sleep.
He was a comely, handsome fellow, perfectly well made, with
straight strong limbs, not too large, tall and well shaped, and as I
reckon, about twenty-six years of age. He had a very good coun-
tenance, not a fierce and surly aspect; but seemed to have some-
thing very manly in his face ; and yet he had all the sweetness and
softness of an European in his countenance too, especially when he
smiled. His hair was long and black, not curled like wool; his
forehead very high and large, and a great vivacity and sparkling
sharpness in his eyes. The colour of his skin was not quite black,
but very tawny; and yet not of an ugly yellow nauseous tawny, as
the Brazilians and Virginians, and other natives of America are;
but of a bright kind of a dun olive colour, that had in it some-
thing very agreeable, though not very easy to describe. His face
was round and plump; his nose small, not flat like the negroes; a
very good mouth, thin lips, and his fine teeth well set, and white
as ivory. After he had slumbered, rather than slept, about half
an hour, he waked again, and comes out of the cave to me, for I
had been milking my goats, which I had in the enclosure just by.
When he espied me, he came running to me, laying himself down
again upon the ground, with all the possible signs of an humble
thankful disposition, making a many antic gestures to show it.
At last he lays his head flat upon the ground, close to my foot,
and sets my other foot upon his head, as he had done before; and
after this made all the signs to me of subjection, servitude, and
submission imaginable, to let me know how he would serve me as
long as he lived. I understood him in many things, and let him
know I was very well pleased with him. In a little time I began
to speak to him, and teach him to speak to me. And first,






ADRIFT AT SEA.


The third day, in the morning, the wind having abated over-
night, the sea was calm, and I ventured. But I am a warning
piece again to all rash and ignorant pilots; for no sooner was I
come to the point, when even I was not my boat's length from the
shore, but I found myself in a great depth of water, and a current
like the sluice of a mill. It carried my boat along with it with
such violence that all I could do could not keep her so much as
on the edge of it; but I found it hurried me further and further
out from the eddy, which was on my left hand. There was no
wind stirring to help me; and all I could do with my paddles
signified nothing. And now I began to give myself over for
lost; for as the current was on both sides the island, I knew
in a few leagues distance they must join again, and then I
was irrecoverably gone. Nor did I see any possibility of avoid-
ing it; so that I had no prospect before me but of perishing-
not by the sea, for that was calm enough, but of starving for
hunger. I had, indeed, found a tortoise on the shore as big almost
as I could lift, and had tossed it into the boat; and I had a great
jar of fresh water-that is to say, one of my earthen pots; but
what was all this to being driven into the vast ocean, where, to
be sure, there was no shore, no mainland or island for a thousand
leagues at least!
And now I saw haw easy it was for the providence of God to
make the most miserable condition mankind could be in, worse.
Now I looked back upon my desolate solitary island as the most
pleasant place in the world, and all the happiness my heart could
wish for was to be but there again. I stretched out my hands to
it with eager wishes. 0 happy desert," said I, I shall never see
thee more 0 miserable creature," said I, "whither am I going I"
Then I reproached myself with my unthankful temper, and how I
had repined at my solitary condition; and now what would I give
to be on shore there again I ,Thus we never see the true state of
our condition, till it is illustrated to us by its contraries; nor
know how to value what we enjoy, but by the want of it. It is
scarce possible to imagine the consternation I was now in, being
driven from my beloved island (for so it appeared to me now to
be) into the wide ocean, almost two leagues, and in the utmost







NECESSITY THE MOTHER OF INVENTION.


shoes after we found him; for, not being used to any so long, his feet swelled
when he came first to wear them again.
After he had conquered his melancholy, he diverted himself sometimes
will cutting his name on the trees, and the time of his being left, and con-
tinuance there. He was at first much pestered with cats and rats, that bred
in great numbers from some of each species which had got ashore from ships
that put in there to wood and water. The rats gnawed his feet and clothes
whilst he was asleep, which obliged him to cherish the cats with his goats'
flesh, by which many of them became so tame that they would lie about him
in hundreds, and soon delivered him from the rats. He likewise tamed
some kids, and, to divert himself, would now and then sing and dance with
them and his cats; so that, by the favour of Providence and vigour of his
youth, being now but thirty years old, he came at last to conquer all the in-
conveniences of his solitude, and to be very easy.
When his clothes wore worn out, he made himself a coat and a cap of
goat-skins, which he stitched together with little thongs of the same that he
cut with his knife. He had no other needle but a nail; and when his
lilkif was worn to the back, he made others, as well as he could, of some
iron hoops that were left ashore, which he boat thin and ground upon stones.
Having some linen cloth with him, he sewed some shirts with a nail, and
stitched them with the worsted of his old stockings, which he pulled out on
purpose. He had his last shirt on when we found him on the island.
At his first coming on board us, lie had so much forgot his language, for
want of use, that we could scarce understand him, for he seemed to speak
his words by halves. We offered him a dram, but he would not touch it,
having drunk nothing but water since his being here; and it was some time
before lie could relish our victuals. He could give us an account of no other
product of the island than what we have mentioned, except some black
plums, which are very good, but hard to come at, the trees which bear them
growing on high mountains and rocks. Pimento-trees are plenty here; and
we saw some of sixty feet high, and about two yards thick; and cotton-trees
higher, near four fathoms round in the stock. The climate is so good
that the trees and grass are verdant all the year round. The winter lasts
no longer than June and July, and is not then severe, there being only a
small frost and a little hail, but sometimes great rains. The heat of the
summer is equally moderate, and there is not much thunder or tempestuous
weather of any sort. He saw no venomous or savage efature on the island,
nor any sort of beasts but goats, the first of which had been put ashore here,
on purpose for a breed, by Juan Fernandez, a Spaniard, who settled there
with some families, till the continent of Chili began to submit to the
Spaniards; which, being more profitable, tempted them to quit this island,
capable, however, of maintaining a good number of people,,and being made
so strong that they could not easily be dislodged from then.




. 1


REWARDING THE DESERVING. 678

with Japan and China wares, and a supercargo of their own, who,
trafficking with the Spaniards, brought back European goods again,
and a great quantity of cloves and other spices. And there he was
not only paid his freight very well and at a very good price, but
being not willing to sell the ship then, the merchant furnished him
with goods on his own account; that for some money and some
spices of his own, which he brought with him, he went back to the
Manillas to the Spaniards, where he sold his cargo very well.
Here, having gotten a good acquaintance at Manilla, he got his
ship made a free ship; and the Governor of Manilla hired him to
go to Acapulco, in America, on the coast of Mexico, and gave him
a license to land' there, and travel to Mexico, and to pass in any
Spanish ship to Europe, with all his men.
He made the voyage to Acapulco very happily, and there he
sold his ship; and having there also obtained allowance to travel
by land to Portobello, he found means, somehow or other, to get
to Jamaica with all his treasure; and about eight years after, came
to England exceeding rich: of the which I shall take notice in
its place; in the meantime, I return to our particular affairs.
Being now to part with the ship and ship's company, it came
before us, of course, to consider what recompense we should give
to the two men that gave us such timely notice of the design
against us in the river of Cambodia. The truth was, that they had
done us a considerable service, and deserved well at our hands;
though, by the way, they were a couple of rogues too; for as they
'believed the story of our being pirates, and that we had really run
away with the ship, they came down to us, not only to betray the
design that was formed against us, but to go to sea with us as
pirates; and one of them confessed afterwards, that nothing else
but the hopes of going a-roguing brought him to do it. However,
the service they did us was not the less; and therefore, as I had
promised to be grateful to them, I first ordered the money to be
paid to them which they said was due to them on board their
respective ships; that is to say, the Englishman nineteen months'
pay, and to the Dutchman seven; and over and above that, I gave
them, each of them, a small sum of money in gold, and which.
contented them very well. Then I made the Englishman gunner




.- I


THE SHIPWRECKED SPANIARDS. 896

The first thing, however, which I inquired into, that I might
begin where I left off, was of their own part; and I desired
he would give me a particular account of his voyage back to his
countrymen with the boat, when I sent him to fetch them over.
He told me there was little variety in that part, for nothing re-
markable happened to them on the way, they having very calm
weather and a smooth sea; for his countrymen it could not be
doubted, he said, but that they were overjoyed to see him. (It
seems he was the principal man among them, the captain of the
vessel they had been shipwrecked in having been dead some time).
They were, he said, the more surprised to see him, because they
knew that he was fallen into the hands of the savages, who, they
were satisfied, would devour him as they did all the rest of the
prisoners; that when he told them the story.of his deliverance,
and in what manner he was furnished for carrying them away, it
was like a dream to them; and their astonishment, they said, was
something like that of Joseph's brethren, when he told them who
he was, and told them the story of his exaltation in Pharaoh's
court. But when he showed them the arms, the powder, the ball,
and the provisions that hd brought them for their journey or
voyage, they were restored to themselves, took a just share of the
joy of their deliverance, and immediately prepared to come away
with him.
Their first business was to get.canoes; and in this they were
obliged not to stick so much upon the honest part of it, but to
trespass upon their friendly savage's, and to borrow two large
canoes, or periaguas, on pretence of going out a fishing or for
pleasure.
In these they came away the next morning. It seems they
wanted no time to get themselves ready, for they had no baggage,
neither clothes nor provisions, nor.anything in the world but what
they had on them, and a few roots to eat, of which they used to
make their bread.
They were in all three weeks absent, and in that time, unluckily
for them, I had the occasion offered for my escape, as I mentioned
in my other Part, and to get off from the island, leaving three of
the most impudent, hardened, ungoverned, disagreeable villains






AN EQUITABLE DECISION.


they would do ravenous beasts, wherever they found them; and if
they fell into their hands alive, they should certainly be hanged.
However, this was far from cooling them; but away they went,
raging and swearing like furies of hell. As soon as they were
gone, came back the two men, in passion and rage enough also,
though of another kind ; for having been at their plantation, and
finding it all demolished and destroyed as above, it will easily be
supposed they had provocation enough. They could scarce have
room to tell their tale, the Spaniards were so eager to tell them
theirs; and it was strange enough to find three men thus bully
nineteen, and receive no punishment at all.
The Spaniards indeed despised them, and especially, having thus
disarmed them, made light of all their threatening; but the two
Englishmen resolved to have their remedy against them, what pain
soever it cost to find them out.
But the Spaniards interposed here too, and told them that as
they had disarmed them they could not consent that they (the
two) should pursue them with firearms, and perhaps kill them;
But," said the grave Spaniard, who was their governor, we will
endeavour to make them do you justice if you will leave it to us;
for as there is no doubt but they will come to us again when their
passion is over, being not able to subsist without our assistance, we
promise you to make no peace with them, without having a full
satisfaction for you. Upon this condition we hope you will promise
to use no violence with them, other than in your own defence."
The two Englishmen yielded to this very awkwardly and with
great reluctance; but the Spaniards protested they did it only
to keep them from bloodshed, and to make all easy at last;
For," said they, "we.are not so many of us; here is room enough
for us all, and it is great pity we should not be all good friends."
At length they did consent, and waited for the issue of the thing,
living for some days with the Spaniards, for their own habitation
was destroyed.
In about five days' time, the three vagrants, tired with wander-
ing, and almost starved with hunger, having chiefly lived on turtles'
eggs all that while, came back to the grove, and finding my
Spaniard, who, as I have said, was the governor, and two more,






CRUSOE AS A GOAT-HERD.


As to the old one, I knew not what to do with him; he was so
fierce I durst not go into the pit to him-that is to say, to go about
to bring him away alive, which was what I wanted. I could have
killed him; but that was not my business, nor would it answer my
end. So I even let him out, and he ran away as if he had been
frighted out of his wits. But I had forgot then what I learned
afterwards-that hunger will tame a lion. If I had let him stay
there three or four days without food, and then have carried him
some water to drink, and then a little corn, he would have been
as tame as one of the kids-for they are mighty sagacious, tractable
creatures where they are well used.
However, for the present I let him go, knowing no better at
that time. Then I went to the three kids; and taking them one
by one, I tied them with strings together, and with some difficulty
brought them all home.
It was a good while before they would feed; but throwing them
some sweet corn, it tempted them, and they began to be tame.
And now I found that if I expected to supply myself with goat-
flesh when I had no powder or shot left, breeding some up tame
was my only way; when, perhaps, I might have them about my
house like a flock of sheep.
But then it presently occurred to me that I must keep the tame
from the wild, or else they would always run wild when they grew
up. And the only way for this was to have some enclosed piece
of ground, well fenced either with hedge or pale, to keep them in
so effectually, that those within might not break out, or those
without break in.
This was a great undertaking for one pair of hands. Yet, as I
saw there was an absolute necessity of doing it, my first piece of
work was to find out a proper piece of ground-namely, where
there was likely to be herbage for them to eat, water for them to
drink, and cover to keep them from the sun.
Those who understand such enclosures will think I had very
little contrivance when I pitched upon a place very proper for
all these, being a plain open piece of meadow-land or savanna (as
our people ,all it in the western colonies), which had two or three
little drill of fresh water in it, and at one end was very woody. I
iL


200






ARRIVAL OF THE ENEMY.


upon us before we had finished our situation. They did not come
on us like thieves, as we expected, but sent three messengers to
us, to demand the men to be delivered to them that had abused
their priests, and burnt their god Cham-Chi-Thaungu with fire,
that they might burn them with fire; and upon this, they said,
they would go away and do us no farther harm, otherwise they
would burn us all with fire. Our men looked very blank at this
message, and began to stare at one another, to see who looked
with most guilt in their faces; but nobody was the word, nobody
did it. The leader of the caravan sent word he was well assured
it was not done by any of our camp; that we were peaceable mer-
chants, travelling on our business; that we had done no harm to
them, or to any one else; and that, therefore, they must look
farther for their enemies who had injured them, for we were not
the people. So desired them not to disturb us; for, if they did,
we should defend ourselves.
They were far from being satisfied with this for an answer; but
a great crowd of them came down in the morning by break of day
to our camp. But seeing us in such an unaccountable situation,
they durst come no farther than the brook in our front, where
they stood and showed us such a number that indeed terrified us
very much; for those that spoke least of them, spoke of ten thou-
sand. Here they stood and looked at us awhile, and then setting
up a great howl, they let fly a crowd of arrows among us; but we
were well enough fortified for that, for we sheltered under our
baggage; and I do not remember that one man of us was hurt.
Some time after this, we saw them move a little to our right,
and expected them on the rear; when a cunning fellow, a Cossack,
as they call them, of Jarawena, in the pay of the Muscovites,
calling to the leader of the caravan, said to him, I'll go send all
these people away to Sibeilka." This was a city four or five days'
journey at least to the south, and rather behind us. So he takes
his bow and arrows, and getting on horseback, he rides away from
our rear directly, as it were, back to Nertzinskay.' After this he
takes a great circuit about, and comes to the army of the Tartars,
as if he had been sent express to tell them a long story; that the
people who had burnt the Cham-Chi-Thaungu were gone to
(24) 39







DE FOE'S POWER AS A REALIST.


teristic of his works of fiction, he gave in his celebrated True Relation of
the Apparition of one Mrs. Veal, the next day after her death, to one Mrs.
Bargrave, at Canterbury (published in July 1706). Being prefixed to the
fourth edition of a somewhat dreary work, Drelincourt on "Death," it
raised the latter on the flood-tide of popularity, while its own merits as a
masterly piece of narrative were acknowledged by the best judges. The
incidents it relates are utterly improbable; yet are they told with such
exquisite simplicity, and with so subtle an accumulation of details, that he
who reads is almost forced to believe, in spite of his own judgment.* The
power which afterwards secured the fame of Robinson Crusoe is visible
on every page.
Of all the fictions, says an able writer.t which De Foe has succeeded in
palming off as truths, none is more instructive than that admirable ghost, Mrs.
Veal. It is, as it were, a hand-specimen, in which we may study his modus
operandi on a convenient scale. Like the sonnets of some great poets, it
contains in a few lines all the essential peculiarities of his art. The first
device which strikes us is his ingenious plan for manufacturing corrobora-
tive evidence. The ghost appears to Mrs. Bargrave. The story of the
apparition is told by a very sober and understanding gentlewoman, who
lives within a few doors of Mrs. Bargrave;" and the character of this
sober gentlewoman is supported by the testimony of a justice of peace at
Maidstone, a very intelligent person." This elaborate chain of evidence
is intended to divert our attention from the obvious circumstance that the
whole story rests upon the authority of the anonymous person who tells us
of the sober gentlewoman, who supports Mrs. Bargrave, and is informed by
the intelligent justice.
Another stratagem, carried out with equal success, is the apparent im-
partiality of the narrator.
The author, says the writer already quoted, affects to take us into his
confidence, to make us privy in regard to the pros and cons in regard to his
own characters, till we are quite disarmed. The sober gentlewoman
vouches for Mrs. Bargrave; but Mrs. Bargrave is by no means allowed to
have it all her own way. Mr. Veal is brought in, apparently to throw dis-
credit on her character; but his appearance is so well managed, that its
effect is to render us readier than before to accept Mrs. Bargrave's story.
" The argument is finally clenched by a decisive coincidence. The ghost
wears a silk dress. In the course of a long conversation, she incidentally
mentioned to Mrs. Bargrave that this was a scoured silk, newly made up.
When Mrs. Bargrave reported this remarkable circumstance to a certain
Mrs. Wilson, 'You have certainly seen her,' exclaimed that lady, 'for

It is by no means impossible that De Foe himself accredited the possibility of such
a visitation, and that he advocated many of the theories now put forward as new by the
so-called Spiritualists.
t "Cornhill Magazine," vol xvii. pp. 295, 296.






A SISTER OF MERCY.


or ever despair of the success of their endeavours, let the children
be ever so obstinate, refractory, or to appearance insensible of
instruction. For if ever God in his providence touches the con-
sciences of such, the force of their education returns upon them,
and the early instruction of parents is not lost, though it may have
been many years laid asleep, but some time or other they may
find the benefit of it.
Thus it was with this poor man. However ignorant he was, or
divested of religion and Christian knowledge, he found he had
some to do with now more ignorant than himself, and that the
least part of the instruction of his good father that could now
come to his mind was of use to him.
Among the rest it occurred to him, he said, how his father used
to insist much upon the inexpressible value of the Bible, the privi-
lege and blessing of it to nations, families, and persons; but he
never entertained the least notion of the worth of it till now, when,
being to talk to heathens, savages, and barbarians, he wanted the
help of the written oracle for his assistance.
The young woman was very glad of it also for the present
occasion, though she had one, and so had the youth, on board our
ship among their goods, which were not yet brought on shore.
And now having said so many things of this young woman, I
cannot omit telling one story more of her and myself, which has
something in it very informing and remarkable.
I have related to what extremity the poor young woman was
reduced; how her mistress was starved to death, and did die or
board that unhappy ship we met at sea; and how the whole ship's
company being reduced to the, last extremity, the gentlewoman
and her son and this maid were first hardly used as to provisions,
and at last totally neglected and starved; that is to say, brought
to the last extremity of hunger.
One day being discoursing with her upon the extremities they
suffered, I asked her if she could describe by what she had felt
what it was to starve, and how it appeared. She told me she
believed she could, and she told her tale very distinctly thus:-
First, sir," said she, we had for some days fared exceeding
hard, and suffered very great hunger; but now at last we were






A DOUBTFUL POSITION.


were, he tells us, Papists, and Jacobites, and High Tories-" a generation
whom, I profess, my very soul abhors." In the performance of his peculiar
and delicate task he was compelled to hear traitorous outbursts against the
King and Government, and to receive scandalous and villanous papers,"
keeping them by him-ostensibly for the purpose of gathering materials, but
really with a view to their total suppression.
In Mr. Lee's opinion this was no system of espionage ;" but I confess
it seems to me something closely resembling it, and I could wish De Foe
had never been involved in, still less had originated, a scheme so questionable,
and, moreover, of such doubtful advantage.
I continue, however, to quote Mr. Lee's defence:-
The rebellion (of 1715-16) was yet smouldering, though subdued; and
the laws, liberties, and religion of the country were threatened. This weekly
journal, inspired from the Court of the Pretender, and supported by the
money and intelligence of attainted nobles abroad, and their adherents at
home, had laboured to keep alive the spirit of treason until circumstances
should be favourable for again spreading the flames of rebellion through the
land. If, therefore, moral persuasion is more effectual than legal repression,
and prevention better than cure, then no stigma, beyond that of concealment,
attaches to the character of De Foe on account of his connection with Mist's
Journal. Rather should we admire the intellectual power capable of hold-
ing in check such men as Ormond, Atterbury, Bolingbroke,* Mar, Wharton,
and their satellites, among the Jacobite and Nonjuring writers. It required
a large amount of patriotic courage to place himself as an impassable barrier
between the invectives of such men and the reading public; and no less
reservation and tact in exercising this influence in such a manner as to
avoid suspicion. He closes one of his letters with a favourite expression
from Scripture, frequently cited in his writings, showing the sensitiveness
of his mind, even as to the concealment necessary to the efficient service of
his country. His words evince that he was conscious of the danger and
difficulties of his duties; and also that his position was a questionable one;
-but there is no invidious self-reflection involved when he says: Thus
I bow myself in the house of Rimmon, and most humbly recommend myself
to his lordship's protection, or I may be undone the sooner, by how much
the more faithfully I execute the commands I am under."
De Foe's connection with Mist's Journal commenced in 1717, and continued,
with various interruptions, until 1724. During this period he also mingled
in the political m61e as proprietor and conductor of The Whitehall Evening
Post. From 1719 to 1725 he was connected with the Daily Post,t while his
fertile pen not only produced the works of fiction whose characteristics we
have been examining, throughout this busy period. but, with ceaseless in-

SBut could such men as these have been hoodwinked, even by De Foe ?
t Also with Applebie's Original Weekly Journal, 1720 to 1726 ; and The Director,
1720.






APPROACH OF THE TARTARS.


said. However, after some signs to him not to come nearer to
them at his peril, so he said he understood them to mean, offering
to shoot at him if he advanced, the fellow came back no wiser than
he went; only that by their dress, he said, he believed them to be
some Tartars of Kalmuck, or of Circassian hordes, and that there
must be more of them upon the great desert, though he never
heard that any of them ever were seen so far north before.
This was small comfort to us: however, we had no remedy.
There was on our left hand, at about a quarter of a mile's distance,
a little grove or clump of trees, which stood close together, and
very near the road. I immediately resolved we would advance to
those trees, and fortify ourselves as well as we could there: for,
first, I considered that the trees would, in a great measure, cover
us from their arrows; and, in the next place, they could not come
to charge us in a body. It was indeed my old Portuguese pilot
who proposed it, and who had this excellency attending him,
namely, that he was always readiest, and most apt to direct and
encourage us in cases of the most danger. We advanced imme-
diately with what speed we could, and gained that little wood, the
Tartars or thieves, for we knew not what to call them, keeping
their stand, and not attempting to hinder us. When we came
thither, we found, to our great satisfaction, that it was a swampy,
springy piece of ground; and on the one side, a very great spring
of water, which, running out in a little rill or brook, was, a little
farther, joined by another of the like bigness, and was, in short,
the head or source of a considerable river, called afterwards the
Wirtska. The trees which grew about this spring were not in all
above two hundred, but were very large, and stood pretty thick;
so that as soon as we got in we saw ourselves perfectly safe from
the enemy, unless they alighted and attacked us on foot.
But to make this more difficult, our Portuguese, with indefati-
gable application, cut down great arms of the trees, and laid them
hanging, not quite cut off, from one tree to another, so that he
made a continued fence almost round us.
We stayed here, waiting the motion of the enemy, some hours,
without perceiving they made any motion : when, about two hours
before night, they came down directly upon us; and, though we






CRUSOE AND XURY ASHORE.


fallen into the hands of any of the savages had been as bad as to
have fallen into the hands of lions and tigers; at least we were
equally apprehensive of the danger of it.













TAKING UP MY GUN, I PIRED AT HIIM.

Be that as it would, we were obliged to go on shore somewhere
or other for water, for we had not a pint left in the boat. When
or where to get it was the point. Xury said, if I would let him
go on shore with one of the jars, he would find if there was any
water, and bring some to me. I asked him why he would go-
why I should not go and he stay in the boat? The boy answered
with so much affection that made me love him ever after. Says
he, "If wild mans come, they eat me; you go way." Well,
Xury," said I, we will both go; and if the wild mans come, we
will kill them. They shall eat neither of us." So I gave Xury
a piece of rusk-bread to eat, and a dram out of our patron's case
of bottles which I mentioned before; and we hauled in the boat
as near the shore as we thought was proper, and so waded on shore,
carrying nothing but our arms and two jars for water.
I did not care to go out of sight of the boat, fearing the coming
of canoes with savages down the river; but the boy seeing a low
place about a mile up the country, rambled to it; and by-and-by I
saw him come running towards me. I thought he was pursued by
some savage, or frightened with some wild beast, and I ran forward
towards him to help him; but when I came nearer to him, I saw
something hanging over his shoulders-which was a creature that






PEACE IS CONCLUDED.


with him walking by the side of the creek, they came up in a very
submissive, humble manner, and begged to be received again into
the family. The Spaniards used them civilly, but told them they
had acted so unnaturally by their countrymen, and so very grossly
by them (the Spaniards), that they could not come to any conclusion
without consulting the two Englishmen and the rest; but, how-
ever, they would go to them and discourse about it, and they should
know in half an hour. It may be guessed that they were very hard
put to it: for it seems, as they were to wait this half hour for an
answer, they begged he would send them out some bread in the
meantime; which he did, and sent them at the same time a large
piece of goat's flesh and a broiled parrot, which they ate very
heartily, for they were hungry enough.
After half an hour's consultation they were called in, and a long
debate had among them, their two countrymen charging them with
the ruin of all their labour, and a design to murder them-all
which they owned before, and therefore could not deny now.
Upon the whole, the Spaniard acted the moderator between them;
and as they had obliged the two Englishmen not to hurt the three
while they were naked and unarmed, so they now obliged the three
to go and build their fellows two huts, one of the same and the
other of larger dimensions, than they were before; to fence their
ground again where they had pulled up the fences, plant trees in
the room of those pulled up, dig up the land again for planting
corn, where they had spoiled it; and in a word, to restore every-
thing in the same state they found it, as near as they could, for
entirely it could not be, the season for the corn and the growth of
the trees and hedges not being possible to be recovered.
Well, they submitted to all this, and as they had plenty of pro-
visions given them all the while, they grew very orderly, and the
whole society began to live pleasantly and agreeably together, only
that these three fellows could never be persuaded to work, I mean
for themselves, except now and then a little, just as they pleased.
However, the Spaniards told them plainly, that if they would but
live sociably and friendly together, and study in the whole the
good of the plantation, they would be content to work for them,
and let them walk about and be as idle as they pleased; and thus,






" MY MIND TO ME A KINGDOM IS."


world could do for us: and though the greatness, the authority,
the riches, and the pleasures which some enjoyed in the world, and
which he had enjoyed his share of, had much in them that was
agreeable to us, yet, le observed, that all those things chiefly
gratified the coarsest of our affections, such as our ambition, our
particular pride, our avarice, our vanity, and our sensuality; all
which were, indeed, the mere product of the worst part of man,
were in themselves crimes, and had in them the seeds of all manner
of crimes, but neither were related to, or concerned with, any of
those virtues that constituted us wise men, or of those graces which
distinguished us as Christians: that being now deprived of all the
fancied felicity which he enjoyed in the full exercise of all those
vices, he said le was at leisure to look upon the dark side of them,
where he found all manner of deformity; and was now convinced
that virtue only makes a man truly wise, rich, and great, and pre-
serves him in the way to a superior happiness in a future state.
And in this, he said, they were more happy in their banishment
than all their enemies were, who had the full possession of all
the wealth and power that they (the banished) had left behind
them.
Nor, sir," says he, do I bring my mind to this politically, by
the necessity of my circumstances, which some call miserable; but
if I know anything of myself, I would not now go back, though
the czar, my master, should call me, and reinstate me in all my
former grandeur-I say, I would no more go back to it, than I
believe my soul, when it shall be delivered from this prison of the
body, and has had a taste of the glorious state beyond life, would
come back to the gaol of flesh and blood it is now enclosed in, and
leave heaven to deal in the dirt and grime of human affairs."
He spoke this with so much warmth in his temper, so much
earnestness and motion of his spirits, which were apparent in his
countenance, that it was evident it was the true sense of his soul.
There was no room to doubt his sincerity.
I told him, I once thought myself a kind of a monarch in my old
station, of which I had given him an account, but that I thought
he was not a monarch only, but a great conqueror; for that he
that has got a victory over his own exorbitant desires, and has the






A BATTLE AND A VICTORY.


The battle was very fierce; and if I might believe the English-
men, one of them said he could perceive that some of them were
men of great bravery, of invincible spirit, and of great policy in
guiding the fight. The battle, they said, held two hours before
they could guess which party would be beaten. But then that
party which was nearest our people's habitation began to appear
weakest; and after some time more some of them began to
fly; knd this put our men again into a great consternation, lest
any of those that fled should run into the grove before their
dwelling for shelter, and thereby involuntarily discover the place;
and that by consequence the pursuers should do the like in
search for them. Upon this they resolved that they would stand
armed within the wall, and whoever came into the grove they
should sally out over the wall and kill them: so that, if possible,
not one should return to give an account of it. They ordered
also that it should be done with their swords, or by knocking
them down with the stock of the musket; but not by shooting
them, for fear of the noise.
As they expected, it fell out. Three of the routed army fled
for life, and, crossing the creek, ran directly into the place, not in
the least knowing whither they went, but running as into a thick
wood for shelter. The scout they kept to look abroad gave notice
of this within, with this addition, to our men's great satisfaction,
namely, that the conquerors had not pursued them, or seen which
way they were gone. Upon this the Spaniard governor, a man of
humanity, would not suffer them to kill the three fugitives; but
sending three men out by the top of the hill, ordered them to go
round and come in behind them, surprise, and take them prisoners;
which was done. The residue of the conquered people fled to
their canoes, and got off to sea. The victors retired, and made no
pursuit, or very little; but drawing themselves into a body together,
gave two great screaming shouts, which they supposed was by way
of triumph; and so the fight ended. And the same day, about
three o'clock in the afternoon, they also marched to their canoes;
and thus the Spaniards had their island again free to themselves,
their fright was over, and they saw no savages in several years
after.






A CHRISTIAN'S ENTHUSIASM.


the knowledge of Christ, but as you are an ecclesiastic, and are
given over to tho work, so that it seems so naturally to fall into
the way of your profession, how is it that you do not rather offer
yourself to undertake it than press me to it? "
Upon this he faced about, just before me, as we walked along,
and putting me to a full stop, made me a very low bow. I most
licartily thank God and you, sir," says he, "for giving me so
evident a call to so blessed a work; and if you think yourself dis-
chlirged from it, and desire me to undertake it, I will most readily
do it, and think it a happy reward for all the hazards and dif-
ficulties of such a broken, disappointed voyage as I have met with,
that I may be dropped at last into so glorious a work."
I discovered a kind of rapture in his face while lie spoke this to
me; his eyes sparkled like fire, his face glowed, and his colour
came anmd went, as if he had been falling into fits. In a word, he
was fired with the joy of being embarked in such a work. I
paused a considerable while before I could tell what to say to him,
for I was really surprised to find a man of such sincerity and zeal,
and carried out in his zeal beyond the ordinary rate of men, not of
his profession only, but even of any profession whatsoever. But,
after I had considered it awhile, I asked him seriously if he was in
earnest, and that lie would venture, on the single consideration of
any attempt on those poor people, to be locked up in an un-
planted island for, perhaps, his life, and at last might not know
whether lie should be able to do them any good or not?
lie turned short upon me, and asked me what I called a venture?
" Pray, sir," said he, what do you think I consented to go in your
ship to the East Indies for ? Nay," said I, that I know not,
unless it was to preach to the Indians." Doubtless it was," said
lie; and do you think, if I can convert these seven and thirty
men to the faith of Christ, it is not worth my time, though I shall
never be fetched off the island again; nay, is it not infinitely of
more worth to save so many souls than my life is, or the life of
twenty more of the same profession ? Yes, sir," says he, I would
give Christ and the Blessed Virgin thanks all my days if I could
be made the least happy instrument of saving the souls of these
poor men, though I was never to set my foot off this island, or see






HIS MARRIAGE AND DEATH.


and friends, though, from the habits he had acquired in his island-solitude,
he would leave them for long intervals, and retire into the groves and valleys
to enjoy the luxury of lonely meditation. But by degrees this contented-
ness of disposition wore away. He was seized with paroxysms of dejection,
and was often heard to murmur, Oh, my beloved island I-I wish I had
never left thee I-I never was before the man I was on thee!-I have not
been such since I left thee I and, I fear, never can be again!" We are
tempted to believe that religious fears were at the bottom of this singular
despondency, and that he was haunted by an apprehension of relapsing into
the errors and wayward follies of his early youth.
On the summit of an eminence commanding a picturesque view of the
Forth he constructed a cave, where he spent a considerable portion of his
time. He also spent several hours every day in fishing, either in the beautiful
Bay of Largo, or at Kingscraig Point,-but always alone. Yet not always
alone. In his later wanderings, he met with an amiable young peasant girl,
named Sophia Bruce, and a romantic attachment springing up between the
wave-worn seaman and the simple maiden, the two agreed to become one,
and secretly set off for London. As no obstacle could be opposed to their
marriage by parents or friends, it is reasonable to suppose that the elope-
ment was dictated by a desire to avoid the laughter of the foolish. How
easily might jests be manufactured at the expense of a recluse so suddenly
converted to a belief in the happiness of married life !

Of the later years of Alexander Selkirk we know but little. It would
seem that the gentle Sophia died some time between 1717 and 1720; that
Selkirk, who entered the royal navy, and rose to the rank of a lieutenant,
married a second time. For towards the end of 1724, or about the beginning
of 1726, his widow, Frances Oandis by name, made her appearance in
Largo, to claim the property left to Alexander by his father--a house at or
near the Craigie Well. She duly proved her marriage before the proper
authorities; the will, which was dated December 12, 1720; and her hus-
band's death on board H.M.S. Weymouth, 1728. Her claims having been
adjusted, she left Largo.
The various relics which Selkirk had left behind him were greatly valued
by his friends, and his sea-chest, his shell-cup, and his flip-can, inscribed-
Alexander Selkirk, this is my can.

When you take me on board of ship,
Pray, fill me with punch or flip; "-

these, and other memorials of the solitary of Juan Fernandez island, are
now preserved in the Museum of Science and Arts, Edinburgh. But so long
as Robinson Crusoe" is read, and Englishmen retain aught of the old
Norse spirit of adventure, Alexander Selkirk will not be forgotten.
(2S3; 41






A BUNGLING SHIPWRIGHT.


asked him if he would, and if we might venture over in her.
" Yes," he said; he venture over in her very well, though great
blow wind." However, I had a further design that he knew
nothing of; and that was, to make a mast and sail, and to fit her
with an anchor and cable. As to a mast, that was easy enough to
get; so I pitched upon a straight young cedar-tree, which I found
near the place, and which there was great plenty of in the island;
and I set Friday to work to cut it down, and gave him directions
how to shape and order it. But as to the sail, that was my par-
ticular care. I knew I had old sails, or rather pieces of old sails
enough; but as I had had them twenty-six years by me, and had
not been very careful to preserve them, not imagining that I should
ever have this kind of use for them, I did not doubt but they were
all rotten; and, indeed, most of them were so. However, I found
two pieces which appeared pretty good, and with these I went to
work, and with a great deal of pains, and awkward tedious stitch-
ing (you may be sure) for want of needles, I at length made a
three-cornered ugly thing, like what we call in England a shoulder-
of-mutton-sail, to go with a boom at bottom, and a little short
sprit at the top, such as usually our ships' long-boats sail with; and
such as I best knew how to manage, because it was such a one as
I had to the boat in which I made my escape from Barbary, as
related in the first part of my story.
I was near two months performing this last work-namely, rig-
ging and fitting my mast and sails; for I finished them very
complete, making a small stay, and a sail or fore-sail to it, to
assist if we should turn to windward. And, which was more than
all, I fixed a rudder to the stern of her, to steer with; and though
I was but a bungling shipwright, yet as I knew the usefulness, and
even necessity of such a thing, I applied myself with so much
pains to do it, that at last I brought it to pass, though considering
the many dull contrivances I had for it that failed, I think it cost
me almost as much labour as making the boat.
After all this was done, too, I had my man Friday to teach as
to what belonged to the navigation of my boat; for though he
knew very well how to paddle a canoe, he knew nothing what
belonged to a sail and a rudder, and was the most amazed when






A FATHER'S EXPOSTULATION.


tempers and uneasinesses either of body or mind, as those were
who, by vicious living, luxury, and extravagancies on one hand,
or by hard labour, want of necessaries, and mean or insufficient
diet on the other hand, bring distempers upon themselves by the
natural consequences of their way of living; that the middle
station of life was calculated for all kind of virtues and all kind of
enjoyments; that peace and plenty were the handmaids of a
middle fortune; that temperance, moderation, quietness, health,
society, all agreeable diversions, and all desirable pleasures, were
the blessings attending the middle station of life; that this way
men went silently and smoothly through. the world, and comfort-
ably out of it, not embarrassed with the labours of the hands or of
the head, not sold to the life of slavery for daily bread, or harassed
with perplexed circumstances, which rob the soul of peace and
the body of rest; not enraged with the passion of envy, or secret
burning lust of ambition for great things; but in easy circum-
stances sliding gently through the world, and sensibly tasting the
sweets of living, without the bitter; feeling that they are happy,
and learning by every day's experience to know it more sensibly.
After this, he pressed me earnestly, and in the most affectionate
manner, not to play the young man, not to precipitate myself into
miseries which nature and the station of life I was born in seemed
to have provided against; that I was under no necessity of seek-
ing my bread; that he would do well for me, and endeavour to
enter me fairly into the station of life which he had been just
recommending to me; and that if I was not very easy and happy
in the world, it must be my mere fate or fault that must hinder
it, and that he should have nothing to answer for, having thus
discharged his duty in warning me against measures which he
knew would be to my hurt. In a word, that as he would do very
kind things for me if I would stay and settle at home as he
directed, so he would not have so much hand in my misfortunes,
as to give me any encouragement to go away. And, to close all,
he told' me I had my elder brother for an example, to whom he
had used the same earnest persuasions to keep him from going
into the Low Country wars, but could not prevail, his young
desires prompting him to run into the army, where he was killed;






AN HONOURABLE FRIEND.


for putting me in possession, but would find a very considerable
sum of money in their hands for my account; being the produce
of the farm while their fathers held the trust, and before it was
given up as above, which, as he remembered, was for about twelve
years.
T showed myself a little concerned and uneasy at this account,
and inquired of the old captain how it came to pass that the
trustees should thus dispose of my effects when he knew that I
had made my will, and had made him, the Portuguese captain,
my universal heir, &c.
He told me that was true; but that, as there was no proof of
my being dead, he could not act as executor until some certain
account should come of my death, and that, besides, he was not
willing to intermeddle with a thing so remote; that it was true
he had registered my will, and put in his claim; and could he
have given any account of my being dead or alive, he would have
acted by procuration, and taken possession of the ingenio (so they
called the sugar-house), and had given his son, who was now at
the Brazils, order to do it.
But," says the old man, I have one piece of news to tell
you, which perhaps may not be so acceptable to you as the rest,
and that is, that believing you were lost, and all the world be-
lieving so also, your partner and trustees did offer to account to
me in your name for six or eight of the first years of profits, which
I received; but there being at that time," says he, great disburse-
ments for increasing the works, building an ingenio, and buying
slaves, it did not amount to near so much as afterwards it produced.
However," says the old man, I shall give you a true account of
what I have received in all, and how I have disposed of it."
After a few days' further conference with this ancient friend, he
brought me an account of the six first years' income of my planta-
tion, signed by my partner and the merchants' trustees, being
always delivered in goods, namely, tobacco in roll, and sugar in
chests, besides rum, molasses, &c., which is the consequence of a
sugar work; and I found by his account that every year the in-
come considerably increased, but, as above, the disbursement being
large, the sum at first was small. However, the old man let me'
(284) 22






DEATH OF CRUSOE'S WIFE.


irresistible force upon me, so that nothing could make any more
impression upon me. This blow was the loss of my wife.
It is not my business here to write an elegy upon my wife, give
a character of her particular virtues, and make my court to the
sex by the flattery of a funeral sermon. She was, in a few words,
the stay of all my affairs; the centre of all my enterprises; the
engine that by her prudence reduced me to that happy compass I
was in, from the most extravagant and ruinous project that flut-
tered in my head, as above; and did more to guide my rambling
genius than a mother's tears, a father's instructions, a friend's
counsel, or my own reasoning powers could do. I was happy in
listening to her tears and in being moved by her entreaties, and to
the last degree desolate and dislocated in the world by the loss
of her.
When she was gone, the world looked awkwardly round me. I
was as much a stranger in it, in my thoughts, as I was in the
Brazils when I went first on shore there ; and as much alone, except
as to the assistance of servants, as I was in my island. I knew
neither what to do nor what not to do. I saw the world busy
round ime: one part labouring for bread, and the other part squan-
dering in vile excesses or empty pleasures; equally miserable,
because the end they proposed still fled from them: for the man of
pleasure every day surfeited of his vice, and heaped up work for
sorrow and repentance, and the men of labour spent their strength
in daily struggliigs for bread to maintain the vital strength they
laboured with ; so living in a daily circulation of sorrow, living but
to work, and working but to live, as if daily bread were the only
end of wearisome life, and a wearisome life the only occasion of
daily bread.
This put me in mind of the life I livdd in my kingdom, the
island, where I suffered no more corn to grow because I did not
want it, and bred no more goats because I had no more use for
them ; where the money lay in the drawer until it grew mouldy,
and had scarce the favour to be looked upon in twenty years.
All these things, had I improved them as I ought to have done,
and as reason and religion had dictated to me, would have taught
to me to search further than human enjoyments for a full felicity,






ATKINS AND THE PRIEST.


B. C. Will Atkins, prithee, what education had you? What
was your father ?
W. A. A better man than ever I shall be. Sir, my father was
a clergyman.
B. C. What education did he give you?
W. A. He would have taught me well, sir; but I despised all
education, instruction, or correction, like a beast as I was.
B. C. It's true Solomon says, He that despiseth reproof is
brutish."
W. A. Ay, sir, I was brutish indeed-I murdered my father.
For God's sake, sir, talk no more about that, sir- I murdered my
poor father.
Pr. Ha a murderer
[Here the priest started (for I interpreted every word as he spoke it)
and looked pale. It seems he believed that Will had really killed
his own father.]
R. C. No, no, sir; I do not understand him so.-Will Atkins,
explain yourself. You did not kill your father, did you, with
your own hand ?
W. A. No, sir; I did not cut his throat, but I cut the thread of
his comforts, and shortened his days. I broke his heart by the
most ungrateful, unnatural return for the most tender, affectionate
treatment that ever father gave or child could receive.
R. C. Well, I did not ask you about your father to extort this
confession ; I pray God give you repentance for it, and forgive
you that and all your other sins. But I asked you because I see
that though you have not much learning, yet you are not so igno-
rant as some are in things that are good; that you have known
more of religion a great deal than you have practised.
W. A. Though you, sir, did not extort the confession that I
made about my father, conscience does; and whenever we come to
look back upon our lives, the sins against our indulgent parents
are certainly the first that touch us. The wounds they make lie
the deepest, and the weight they leave will lie heaviest upon the
mind, of all.the sins we can commit.
B. C. You talk too feelingly and sensibly for me, Atkins.
I cannot bear it.






WOODS ROGERS'S NARRATIVE.


II.

NARRATIVE OF SELKIRK'S RESIDENCE ON THE
ISLAND OF JUAN FERNANDEZ.

FROM A CRUISING VOYAGE ROUND TIlE WORLD. BY CAPTAIN WOODqE
R1OGERS. LONDON, 1712."

ON February 1, 1700, we came before the island of Juan Fernandez,
having had a good observation the day before, and found our latitude to
be 840 10' south. In the afternoon we hoisted out our pinnace; and
Captain Dover, with the boat's crew, wont in her to go ashore, though
we could not be loss than four leagues off. As soon as the pinnace was gone,
I wont on board Ihe Duchess, who admired our boat attempting going ashore
at that distance from land. It was against my inclination; but, to oblige
Captain Dover, I lot her go. As soon as it was dark we saw a light ashore.
Our boat was then about a league off the island, and bore away for the
ships as soon as she saw the lights. We put our lights aboard for the boat,
though some were of opinion the lights we saw wore our boat's lights; but,
as night came on, it appeared too large for that. We fired our quarter-deck
gun and several muskets, showing lights in our mizzen and fore-shrouds,
that our boat might find us whilst we were in the lee of the island. About
two in the morning our boat came on board, having been two hours on board
the Duchess, that took them up astern of us. We were glad they got well off,
because it began to blow. We were all convinced the light was on the
shore, and designed to make our ships ready to engage, believing them to be
French ships at anchor, and we must either fight them or want water. All
this stir and apprehension arose, as we afterwards found, from one poor,
naked man, who passed in our imagination, at present, for a Spanish garri-
son, a body of Frenchmen, or a crow of pirates. While we were under those
apprehensions we stood on the back side of the island, in order to fall in
with the southerly wind, till we were past the island; and then we came
back to it again, and ran close aboard the land that begins to make the
north-east side.
We still continued to reason upon this matter; and it is in a manner in-
credible what strange notions many of our people entertained from the sight
of the fire upon the island. It served, however, to show people's tempers
and spirits; and we wore able to give a tolerable guess how our men would
behave, in case there were really any enemies upon the island. The flaws
came heavy off the shore, and we wore forced to roof our topsails when we
opened the middle bay, where we expected to have found our enemy; but
saw all clear, and no ships, nor in the other bay next the north-east end.
These two bays are all that ships ride in which recruit on this island; but


840





ON A WILD-GOOSE CHASE.


own; who, though I had influence over them as father and bene:
factor, had no authority or power to act or command one way
or other, further than voluntary consent moved them to comply.
Yet even this, had I stayed there, would have done well enough.
But as I rambled from them, and came there no more, the last
letters I had from any of them was by my partner's means, who
afterwards sent another sloop to the place, and who sent me word
(though I had not the letter till five years after it was written),
that they went on but poorly, were malcontent with their long
stay there; that Will Atkins was dead; that five of the Spaniards
were come away; and that though they had not been much mo-
lested by the savages, yet they had had some skirmishes with
them; and that they begged of him to write to me, to think of
the promise I had made, to fetch them away, that they might see
their own country again before they died.
But I was gone a wild-goose chase indeed; and they that will
have any more of me must be content to follow me through a new
variety of follies, hardships, and wild adventures, wherein the
justice of Providence may be duly observed, and we may see how
easily Heaven can gorge us with our own desires, make the
strongest of our wishes be our affliction, and punish us most
severely with those very things which we think it would be our
utmost happiness to be allowed in.
Let no wise man flatter himself with the strength of his own
judgment, as if he were able to choose any particular station of
life for himself. Man is a short-sighted creature, sees but a
very little way before him; and as his passions are none of his
best friends, so his particular affections are generally his worst
counsellors.
I say this with respect to the impetuous desire I had from a
youth to wander into the world, and how evident it now was that
this principle was preserved in me for my punishment. How it
came on, the manner, the circumstance, and the conclusion of it,
it is easy to give you historically, and with its utmost variety of
particulars. But the secret ends of divine power, in .thus per-
mitting us to be hurried down the stream of our own desires, is
only to be understood of those who can listen to the voice of Pro-






608 FAREWELL TO THE ISLAND.








HAVE now done with the island. I left them
all in good circumstances, and in a flourishing
condition, and went on board my ship again
the 5th day of May, having been five and twenty
I\days among them; and as they were all re-
solved to stay upon the island until I came
to remove them, I promised to send some
further relief from the Brazils, if I could possibly find an opportu-
nity; and particularly, I promised to send them some cattle, such
as sheep, hogs, and cows; for as to the two cows and calves which
I brought from England, we had been obliged by the length of
our voyage to kill them at sea, for want of hay to feed them.
The next day, giving them a salute of five guns at parting, we
set sail, and arrived at the Bay of All Saints in the Brazils in
about twenty-two days, meeting nothing remarkable in our passage
but this,-that about three days after we sailed, being becalmed,
and the current setting strong to the east-north-east, running, as
it were, into a bay or gulf on the land side, we were driven some-
thing out of our course, and once or twice our men cried, Land
to the eastward;" but whether it was the continent or islands we
could not tell by any means.
But the third day towards evening, the sea smooth, and the
weather calm, we saw the sea as it were covered towards the land
with something very black. Not being able to discover what it
was until after some time, our chief mate going up the main
shrouds a little way and looking at them with a perspective, cried
out it was an army. I could not imagine what he meant by an
army, and spoke a little hastily, calling the fellow a fool, or some such
word. Nay, sir," says he, don't be angry, for 'tis an army and
a fleet too, for I believe there are a thousand canoes; and you may
see them paddle along, and they are coming towards us, too, apace."






A TARTAR IDOL.


there stood out upon an old stump of a tree, an idol made of wood,
frightful as the devil, at least as anything we can think of to
represent the devil can be made. It had a head certainly not so
much as resembling any creature that the world ever saw; ears as
big as goats' horns, and as high; eyes as big as a crown-piece; a
nose like a crooked ram's horn; and a mouth extended four cor-
nered like that of a lion, with horrible teeth, hooked like a parrot's
under bill. It was dressed up in the filthiest manner that you
could suppose; its upper garment was of sheep-skins, with the
wool outward, a great Tartar bonnet on the head, with two horns
growing through it; it was about eight feet high, yet had no feet
or legs, or any other proportion of parts.
This scarecrow was set up at the outer side of the village, and
when I came near to it, there were sixteen or seventeen creatures,
whether men or women I could not tell, for they make no dis-
tinction by their habits, either of body or head. These lay all
flat on the ground, round this formidable block of shapeless wood.
I saw no motion among them any more than if they had been
logs of wood like the idol, and at first really thought they had
been so; but when I came a little nearer, they started up upon
their feet, and raised a howling cry, as if it had been so many deep-
mouthed hounds, and walked away as if they were displeased at
our disturbing them. A little way off from the idol, and at the
door of that tent or hut, made all of sheep-skins and cow-skins,
dried, stood three butchers: I thought they were such; when I
came nearer to them, I found they had long knives in their hands,
and in the middle of the tent appeared three sheep killed, and one
young bullock or steer. These, it seems, were sacrifices to that
senseless log of an idol, and these three men priests belonging to
it; and the seventeen prostrated wretches were the people who
brought the offering, and were making their prayers to that stock.
I confess I was more moved at their stupidity and brutish wor-
ship of a hobgoblin, than ever I was at anything in my life; to
see God's most glorious and best creature, to whom he had granted
so many advantages, even by creation, above the rest of the works
of his hands, vested with a reasonable soul, and that soul adorned
with faculties and capacities adapted both to honour his Maker and







MAKING A RAFT.


up into the forecastle of the ship. Here I found that the ship was
bulged, and had a great deal of water in her hold, but that she lay
so on the side of a bank of hard sand, or rather earth, that her
stern lay lifted up upon the bank, and her head low almost to the
water. By this means all her quarter was free, and all that was
in that part was dry; for you may be sure my first work was to
search and to see what was spoiled and what was free. And first I
found that all the ship's provisions were dry and untouched by the
water, and being very well disposed to eat, I went to the bread-
room and filled my pockets with biscuit, and ate it as I went about
other things, for I had no time to lose. I also found some rum
in the great cabin, of which I took a large dram, and which I had
indeed need enough of to spirit me for what was before me. Now
I wanted nothing but a boat to furnish myself with many things
which I foresaw would be very necessary to me.
It was in vain to sit still and wish for what was not to be had,
and this extremity roused my application. We had several spare
yards, and two or three large spars of wood, and a spare top-mast
or two in the ship. I resolved to fall to work with these, and
flung as many of them overboard as I could manage for their
weight, tying every one with a rope that they might not drive
away. When this was done, I went down the ship's side, and pull-
ing them to me, I tied four of them fast together at both ends as
well as I could, in the form of a raft, and laying two or three
short pieces of plank upon them crossways, I found I could walk
upon it very well, but that it was not able to bear any great weight,
the pieces being too light. So I went to work, and with the
carpenter's saw I cut a spare top-mast into three lengths, and added
them to my raft, with a great deal of labour and pains; but hope
of furnishing myself with necessaries encouraged me to go beyond
what I should have been able to have done upon another occasion.
My raft was now strong enough to bear any reasonable weight.
My next care was what to load it with, and how to preserve what
I laid upon it from the surf of the sea. But I was not long con-
sidering this. I first laid all the planks or boards upon it that I
could get, and having considered well what I most wanted, I first
got three of the seamen's chests, which I had broken open and






CRUSOE GOES TO SEA.


discourse as I had had with my father, and such kind and tender
expressions as she knew my father had used to me; and that, in
short, if I would ruin myself, there was no help for me; but I
might depend I should never have their consent to it. That, for
her part, she would not have so much hand in my destruction;
and I should never have it to say that my mother was willing
when my father was not.
Though my mother refused to move it to my father, yet, as I
have heard afterwards, she reported all the discourse to him, and
that my father, after showing a great concern at it, said to her
with a sigh,-" That boy might be happy if lie would stay at
home; but if he goes abroad he will be the miserablest wretch
that was ever born. I can give no consent to it."
It was not till almost a year after this that I broke loose,
though in the meantime I continued obstinately deaf to all pro-
posals of settling to business, and frequently expostulating with
my father and mother about their being so positively determined
against what they knew my inclinations prompted me to. But
being one day at Hull, where I went casually, and without any
purpose of making an elopement that time; but, I say, being
there, and one of my companions being going by sea to London
in his father's ship, and prompting me to go with them, with the
common allurement of seafaring men-namely, that it should cost
me nothing for my passage-I consulted neither father nor mother
any more, nor so much as sent them word of it; but leaving them
to hear of it as they might, without asking God's blessing, or my
father's; without any consideration of circumstances or conse-
quences, and in an ill hour, God knows, on the 1st of September
1651, I went on board a ship bound for London. Never any young
adventurer's misfortunes, I believe, began sooner, or continued
longer than mine. The ship was no sooner gotten out of the
Number but the wind began to blow, and the waves to rise in a
most frightful manner; and, as I had never been at sea before, I
was most inexpressibly sick in body, and terrified in my mind. I
began now seriously to reflect upon what I had done, and how
justly I was overtaken by the judgment of Heaven for my wicked
leaving my father's house, and abandoning my duty; all the good






A ROLLING STONE GATHERS NO MOSS.


poor neighbour-I mean in the advancement of my plantation;
for the first thing I did I bought me a negro slave, and a European
servant also-I mean another besides that which the captain
brought me from Lisbon.
But as abused prosperity is oftentimes made the very means of
our greatest adversity, so was it with me. I went on the next
year with great success in my plantation. I raised fifty great rolls
of tobacco on my own ground, more than I had disposed of for
necessaries among my neighbours; and these fifty rolls being each
of above a hundredweight, were well cured and laid by against the
return of the fleet from Lisbon. And now, increasing in business
and in wealth, my head began to be full of projects and under-
takings beyond my reach-such as are indeed often the ruin of
the best heads in business.
Had I continued in the station I was now in, I had room for all
the happy things to have yet befallen me for which my father so
earnestly recommended a quiet, retired life, and of which he had
so sensibly described the middle station of life to be full of. But
other things attended me, and I was still to be the wilful agent of
all my own miseries, and particularly to increase my fault and
double the reflections upon myself, which in my future sorrows I
should have leisure to make. All these miscarriages were pro-
cured by my apparent obstinate adherence to my foolish inclination
of wandering abroad, and pursuing that inclination in contradiction
to the clearest views of doing myself good in a fair and plain pur-
suit of those prospects and those measures of life which Nature
and Providence concurred to present me with and to make my
duty.
As I had once done thus in my breaking away from my parents,
so I could not be content now, but I must go and leave the happy
view I had of being a rich and thriving man in my new plantation,
only to pursue a rash and immoderate desire of rising faster than
the nature of the thing admitted; and thus I cast myself down
again into the deepest gulf of human misery that ever man fell
into, or perhaps could be consistent with life and a state of health
in the world.
To come, then, by the just degrees to the particulars of this






A FRACAS WITH THE NATIVES.


Upon this they took it for granted we all belonged to them, and
away they came down upon our men, as if it had been in a line of
battle.
Our men seeing so many of them, began to be frightened, for we
lay but in an ill posture to fight, and cried out to us to know what
they should do. I immediately called to the men who worked
upon the stage to slip them down and get up the side into the
ship, and bade those in the boat to row round and come on board;
and those few of us who were on board worked with all the
strength and hands we had to bring the ship to rights. But, how-
ever, neither the men upon the stage nor those in the boats could
do as they were ordered, before the Cochinchinese were upon
them; and two of their boats boarded our longboat, and began to
lay hold of the men as their prisoners.
The first man they laid hold of was an English seaman; a stout,
strong fellow, who, having a musket in his hand, never offered to
fire it, but laid it down in the boat, like a fool as I thought. But
he understood his business better than I could teach him; for he
grappled the pagan, and dragged him by main force out of their
own boat into ours, where, taking him by the two ears, he beat
his head so against the boat's gunwale, that the fellow died in-
stantly in his hands. And in the meantime, a Dutchman who
stood next took up the musket, and with the butt end of it
so laid about him, that he knocked down five of them who
attempted to enter the boat. But this was doing little towards
resisting thirty or forty men, who, fearless, because ignorant of
their danger, began to throw themselves into the longboat, where
we had but five men in all to defend it. But one accident gave
our men a complete, victory, which deserved our laughter rather
than anything else. And that was this.
Our carpenter being preparing to grave the outside of the ship,
as well as to pay the seams where he had calked her to stop the
leaks, had got two kettles just let down into the boat, one filled
with boiling pitch, and the other with rosin, tallow, and oil, and
such stuff as the shipwrights use for that work.; and the man that
attended the carpenter had a great iron ladle in his hand, with
which he supplied the men who were at work with that hot stuff.





276 WHAT MAY IT MEAN?

I showed him the ruins of our boat which we lost when \r
escaped, and which I could not stir with my whole strength theany
but was now fallen almost all to pieces. Upon seeing this boat..
Friday stood musing a great while, and said nothing. I a&ke.,
him what it was he studied upon. At last says he, Me see slich
boat like come to place at my nation."








- -
















THE RUINS OF OUR BOAT, WHICH WAS NOW ALMOST FALLEN TO PIECES."

I did not understand him a good while; but at last, when I had
examined further into it, I understood by him that a boat, such as
that had been, came on shore upon the country where he lived;
that is, as he explained it, was driven thither by stress of weather.
I presently imagined that some European ship must have been
cast away upon their coast, and the boat might get loose and
drive ashore; but was so dull, that I never once thought of men
making escape from a wreck thither, much less whence they might
uowe; so I only inquired after a description of the boat.






THE GREAT RIVER YAMOUR.


Well," says I, but still it is better than paganism and wor-
shipping of devils." Why, I'll tell you," says he; except the
Russian soldiers in garrisons, and a few of the inhabitants of the
cities upon the road, all the rest of this country, for above a thou-
sand miles further, is inhabited by the worst and most ignorant of
pagans." And so, indeed, we found it.
We were now launched into the greatest piece of solid earth, if
I understand anything of the surface of the globe, that is to be
found in any part of the earth: we had at least twelve hundred
miles to the sea, eastward; we had at least two thousand to the
bottom of the Baltic Sea, westward; and above three thousand
miles, if we left that sea and went on west to the British and
French Channels; we had full five thousand miles to the Indian,
or Persian Sea, south; and about eight hundred miles to the Frozen
Sea, north; nay, if some people may be believed, there might be
no sea north-east till we came round the Pole, and consequently
into the north-west, and so had a continent of land into America,
the Lord knows where; though I could give some reasons why I
believe that to be a mistake.
As we entered into the Muscovite dominions, a good while before
we come to any considerable towns, we had nothing to observe there
but this: first, that all the rivers that run to the east, as I under-
stood by the charts which some in our caravan had with them, it
was plain, all those rivers ran into the great river Yamour, or Gam-
mour. This river, by the natural course of it, must run into the
East Sea, or Chinese Ocean. The story they tell us, that the
mouth of this river is choked up with bulrushes of a monstrous
growth, namely, three feet about, and twenty or thirty feet high,
I must be allowed to say I believe nothing of; but as its naviga-
tion is of no use, because there is no trade that way-the Tartars,
to whom alone it belongs, dealing in nothing but cattle-so nobody,
that ever I heard of, has been curious enough either to go down to
the mouth of it in boats, or come up from the mouth of it in ships;
but this is certain, that this river running due east, in the latitude
of about fifty degrees, carries a vast concourse of rivers along with
it, and finds an ocean to empty itself in that latitude; so we are
sure of sea there.






CRUSOE UNDISTURBED.


shore afterwards, if but one of them escaped to tell their country-
people what had happened, they would come over again by thou-
sands to revenge the death of their fellows, and I should only bring
upon myself a certain destruction, which at present I had no man-
ner of occasion for.
Upon the whole, I concluded, that neither in principles nor in
policy I ought one way or other to concern myself in this affair;-
that my business was by all possible means to conceal myself from
them, and not to leave the least signal to them to guess by that there
were any living creatures upon the island,-I mean of human shape.
Religion joined in with this prudential, and I was convinced
now many ways that I was perfectly out of my duty, when I was
laying all my bloody schemes for the destruction of innocent crea-
tures,-I mean innocent as to me. As to the crimes they were
guilty of towards one another, I had nothing to do with them;
they were national, and I ought to leave them to the justice of
God, who is the Governor of nations, and knows how by national
punishments to make a just retribution for national offences, and
to bring public judgments upon those who offend in a public man-
ner, by such ways as best pleases him.
This appeared so clear to me now, that nothing was a greater
satisfaction to me. than that I had not been suffered to do a
thing which I now saw so much reason to believe would have been
no less a sin than that of wilful murder, if I had committed it.
And I gave most humble thanks on my knees to God, that had
thus delivered me from blood-guiltiness; beseeching him to grant
me the protection of his providence, that I might not fall into the
hands of the barbarians; or that I might not lay my hands upon
them, unless I had a more clear call from Heaven to do it, in
defence of my own life.
In this disposition I continued for near a year after this, and so
far was I from desiring an occasion for falling upon these wretches,
that in all that time I never once went up the hill to see whether
there were any of them in sight, or to know whether any of them
had been on shore there or not, that I might not be tempted to
renew any of my contrivances against them, or be provoked by
any advantage which might present itself, to fall upon them; only






SIMPLE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE.


all things, and that can destroy all that he has made; that he
rewards the good, and punishes the bad; and that we are to be
judged by him at last for all we do here. You are not so ignorant
but even Nature itself will teach you that all this is true; and I
am satisfied you know it all to be true, and believe it yourself."
"That's true, sir," said Atkins; but with what face can I say
anything to my wife of all this, when she will tell me immediately
it cannot be true?"
Not true I said I; what do you mean by that?" "Why,
sir," said he, she will tell me it cannot be true that this God I
shall tell her of can be just, or can punish or reward, since I am
not punished and sent to the devil, that have been such a wicked
creature as she knows I have been, even to her and to everybody else;
and that I should be suffered to live that have been always acting
so contrary to what I must tell her is good, and to what I ought
to have done ?"
Why, truly, Atkins," said I, I am afraid thou speakest too
much truth." And with that I let the clergyman know what
Atkins had said, for he was impatient to know. Oh," said the
priest, tell him there is one thing will make him the best minister
in the world to his wife, and that is repentance; for none teach
repentance like true penitents. He wants nothing but.to repent,
and then he will be so much the better qualified to instruct his
wife. He will then be able to tell her that there is not only a
God, and that he is the just Rewarder of good and evil, but that
he is a merciful Being, and with infinite goodness and longsuffering
forbears to punish those that offend, waiting to be gracious, and
willing not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should return
and live: that he oftentimes suffers wicked men to go on a long
time, and even reserves damnation to the general day of retribution:
that it is a clear evidence of God, and of a future state, that right-
eous men receive not their reward, nor wicked men their punish-
ment, until they come into another world;-and this will lead him
to teach his wife the doctrine of the resurrection and of the last
judgment. Let him but repent for himself, he will be an excellent
preacher of repentance to his wife."
I repeated all' this to Atkins, who looked very serious all the
(284) 31






CRUSOE AN ICONOCLAST.


be honoured by him, sunk and degenerated to a degree so more
than stupid, as to prostrate itself to a frightful Nothing, a mere
imaginary Object dressed up by themselves, and made terrible to
themselves by their own contrivance; adorned -only with clouts
and rags; and that this should be the effect of mere ignorance,
wrought up into hellish devotion by the devil himself, who, envy-
ing to his Maker the homage and adoration of his creatures, had
deluded them into such gross, surfeiting, sordid, and brutish things,
as one would think would shock Nature itself.
But what signified all the astonishment and reflection of thoughts?
Thus it was, and I saw it before my eyes, and there was no room
to wonder at it, or think it impossible. All my admiration turned
to rage, and I rode up to the image or monster, call it what you
will, and with my sword cut the bonnet that was on its head in
two in the middle, so that it hung down by one of the horns; and
one of our men that was with me took hold of the sheep-skin that
covered it, and pulled at it, when, behold, a most hideous outcry
and howling run through the village, and two or three hundred
people came about my ears, so that I was glad to scour for it, for
we saw some had bows and arrows. But I resolved from that
moment to visit them again.
Our caravan rested three nights at the town, which was about
four miles off, in order to provide some horses which they wanted,
several of the horses having been lamed and jaded with the badness
of the way and long march over the last desert; so we had some
leisure here to put my design in execution. I communicated my
project to the Scots merchant of Moscow, of whose courage I had
had sufficient testimony, as above. I told him what I had seen,
and with what indignation I had since thought that human nature
could be so degenerate. I told him I was resolved, if I could but
get four or five men well armed to go with me, I was resolved to
go and destroy that vile abominable idol, and let them see that it
had no power to help itself, and consequently could not be an object
of worship, or to be prayed to, much less help them that offered
sacrifices to it.
He laughed at me. Says he, "Your zeal may be good," but
what do you propose to yourself by it?" "Propose!" said I; "to






A FAMILY IN DISHAJ3ILL&


he fat enough to kill. If they looked at one of them more parti-
cularly, the party presently concluded it was to see whether he or
she was fattest and fittest to kill. Nay, after they had brought
them quite over, and begun to use them kindly and treat them
well, still they expected every day to make a dinner or supper for
their now masters.
When the three wanderers had given this unaccountable history
or journal of their voyage, the Spaniard asked them, Where their
new family was?" And being told that they had brought them
on shore and put them into one of their huts, and were come up to
beg some victuals for them; they (the Spaniards) and the other
two Englishmen, that is to say, the whole colony, resolved to go
all down to the place and see them, and did so, and Friday's father
with them.
When they came into the hut, there they sat all bound; for
when they had brought them on 'shore, they bound their hands
that they might not take the boat and make their escape. There,
I say, they sat, all of them stark naked. First, there were three
men, lusty comely fellows, well shaped, straight and fair limbs,
about thirty to thirty-live years of ago; and live women, whereof two
might he from thirty to forty; two more not above four or five and
twenty; and the lifth, a tall, comely maiden, about sixteen or
seventeen. The women were well-favoured,agreeable persons, both
in shape and features, only tawny, and two of them, had they been
perfectly white, would have passed for very handsome women even
in London itself, having pleasant agreeable countenances, and of a
very moodest blehaviour, especially when they came afterwards to be
clrotlhed and dressed, as they called it, though the dress was very
indifllront, it must be confessed; of which hereafter,
The sight, you may be sure, was something uncouth to our
Spaniards, who were (to give them a just character) men of the
lest behaviour, of the most calm, sedate tempers, and perfect good-
humour that over 1 met with, and, in particular, of the most
modesty, as will presently appear: I say, the sight was very
uncouth, to see three lnked men and five naked women all together
bound, and in the most miserable circumstances that human nature
could be supposed to be, namely, to be expecting every moment






AN ISLAND EDEN,


poor wild wretch was the better for me or no, I had great reason
to be thankful that ever he came to me. My grief sat lighter
upon me, my habitation grew comfortable to me beyond measure;
and when I reflected that in this solitary life which I had been con-
fined to, I had not only been moved myself to look up to Heaven,
and to seek to the hand that had brought me there, but was now to
be made an instrument under Providence to save the life, and, for
aught I know, the soul of a poor savage, and bring him to the true
knowledge of religion and of the Christian doctrine, that lie might
know Christ Jesus, to know whom is life eternal;-I say, when I
reflected upon all these things, a secret joy ran through every part
of my soul ; and I frequently rejoiced that ever I was brought to
this place, which I had so often thought the most dreadful of all
afflictions that could possibly have befallen me.
In this thankful frame I continued all the remainder of my
time; and the conversation which employed the hours between
Friday and nme was such as made the three years which we lived
there together perfectly and completely happy, if any such thing
as complete happiness can be formed in a sublunary state. Tlio
savage was now a good Christian-a much better than I, though
I have reason to hope, and bless God for it, that we were equally
penitent, and comforted, restored penitents; we had here the Word
of God to read, and no further off from his Spirit to instruct than
if we had been in England.
I always applied myself to reading the Scripture, to let him
know, as well as I could, the meaning of what I read; and he,
again, by his serious inquiries and questions, made me, as I said
before, a much better scholar in the Scripture knowledge than I
should over have been by my own private mere reading. Another
thing I cannot refrain from observing here, also from experience
in this retired part of my life-namely, how infinite and inexpres-
sible a blessing it is that the knowledge of God, and of the doctrine
of salvation by Christ Jesus, is so plainly laid down in the
Word of God, so easy to be received and understood, that as the
bare reading the Scripture made me capable of understanding
enough of my duty to carry me directly on to the great work of
sincere repentance for my sins and laying hold of a Saviour for





















































MAP OF ROBINSON ORUSOE'S ISLAND.
[Facsimile from the Map in the Serious Reflections" (or 3rd Part), published by W. Taylor in 17=o0






A FORMIDABLE ESCORT.


and so accurate stating the cause, I paid willingly for the camel,
and sent for another. But you may observe, I sent for it; I did
not go and fetch it myself any more; I had enough of that.
The city of Naum is a frontier of the Chinese empire: they call
it fortified, and so it is, as fortifications go there; for this I will
venture to affirm, that all the Tartars in Karakathie, which, I be-
lieve, are some millions, could not batter down the walls with their
bows and arrows; but to call it strong, if it were attacked with
cannon, would be to make those who understand it laugh at you.
We wanted, as I have said, about two days' journey of this city,
when messengers were sent express to every part of the road, to tell
all travellers and caravans to halt, till they had a guard sent for
them; for that an unusual body of Tartars, making ten thousand
in all, had appeared in the way, about thirty miles beyond the city.
This was very bad news to travellers: however, it was carefully
done of the governor, and we were very glad to hear we should
have a guard. Accordingly, two days after, we had two hundred
soldiers sent us from a garrison of the Chinese on our left, and
three hundred more from the city of Naum, and with those we
advanced boldly; the three hundred soldiers from Naum marched
in our front, the two hundred in our rear, and our men on each
side of our camels with our baggage, and the whole caravan in the
centre. In this order, and well prepared for battle, we thought
ourselves a match for the whole ten thousand Mogul Tartars, if
they had appeared; but the next day, when they did appear, it
was quite another thing.
It was early in the morning, when, marching from a little well-
situated town, called Changu, we had a river to pass, where we
were obliged to ferry: and had the Tartars had any intelligence,
then had been the time to have attacked us, when, the caravan
being over, the rear-guard was behind: but they did not appear.
About three hours after, when we were entered upon a desert of
about fifteen or sixteen miles over, behold, by a cloud of dust they
raised, we saw an enemy was at hand; and they were at hand in-
deed, for they came on upon the spur.
The Chinese, our guard on the front, who had talked so big the
day before, began to stagger, and the soldiers frequently looked






NEEDLESS SPECULATIONS.


receiving good, that he has given to us; and that when he pleases
to offer to them occasions of exerting these, they are as ready, nay,
more ready, to apply them to the right uses for which they were
bestowed than we are. And this made me very melancholy
sometimes, in reflecting, as the several occasions presented, how
mean a use we make of all these, even though we have these
powers enlightened by the great Lamp of instruction, the Spirit of
God, and by the knowledge of his Word, added.to our understand-
ing; and why it has pleased God to hide the like saving know-
ledge from so many millions of souls, who, if I might judge by
this poor savage, would make a much better use of it than we did.
From hence I sometimes was led too far, to invade the sovereignty
of Providence, and, as it were, arraign the justice of so arbitrary a
disposition of things, that should hide that light from some, and
reveal it to others, and yet expect a like duty from both. But I
shut it up, and checked my thoughts with this conclusion: first,
That we did not know by what light and law these should be con-
demned; but that as God was necessarily, and by the nature of
his being, infinitely holy and just, so it could not be but that if
these creatures were all sentenced to absence from himself, it was
on account of sinning against that light which, as the Scripture
says, was a law to themselves; and by such rules as their con-
sciences would acknowledge to be just, though the foundation was
not discovered to us. And, second, That still as we are all the clay
in the hand of the Potter, no vessel could say to him, Why hast
thou formed me thus ?
But to return to my new companion. I was greatly delighted
with him, and made it my business to teach him everything that
was proper to make him useful, handy, and helpful; but especially
to make him speak, and understand me when I spoke: and he was
the aptest scholar that ever was, and particularly was so merry, so
constantly diligent, and so pleased, when he could but understand
me, or make me understand him, that it was very pleasant to me
to talk to him. And now my life began to be so easy, that I began
to say to myself, that could I but have been safe from more
savages, I cared not if I was never to remove from the placewhile
I lived.







COWPER ON ALEXANDER SELKIRK.


111.

VERSES SUPPOSED TO BE WRITTEN BY
ALEXANDER SELKIRK,

DURING IITS SOLITARY ABODE ON THE ISLAND OF JUAN FERNANDEZ.
BY WILLIAM COWPER.

I AM monarch of all I survey,
My right there is none to dispute;
From the centre all round to the sea,
I am lord of the fowl and the brute.
0 Solitude! whore are the charms
That sages have seen in thy face ?
Better dwell in the midst of alarms.
Than reign in this horrible place.

I am out of humanity's reach.
I must finish my journey alone,
Never hear the sweet music of speech-
I start at the sound of my own.
The boasts that roam over the plain
My form with indifference see;
They are so unacquainted with man,
Their tameness is shocking to me.

Society, friendship, and love.
Divinely bestowed upon man.
Oh. had I the wings of a dove,
How soon would I taste you again I
My sorrows I then might assuage
In the ways of religion and truth.
Might learn from the wisdom of age,
And be cheered by the sallies of youth.

Religion I what treasure untold
Resides in that heavenly word !
More precious than silver and gold,
Or all that this Earth can afford.
But the sound of the church-going bell
These valleys and rocks never heard,
Ne'er sighed at the sound of a knell,
Or smiled when a Sabbath appeared.






A CARAVAN FOR MUSCOVY.


know anything in this country can either give me joy or grief to
any great degree." Yes, yes," said the old man, in broken
English; "make you glad, me sorrow." Sorry" he would have
said. This made me more inquisitive. "Why," said I, will it
make you sorry?" Because," said he, you have brought me
here twenty-five days' journey, and will leave me to go back
alone. And which way shall I get to my port afterwards, without
a ship, without a horse, without pecune?" So he called money,
being his broken Latin, of which he had abundance to make us
merry with.
In short, he told us there was a great caravan of Muscovite and
Polish merchants in the city, and they were preparing to set out
on their journey by land to Muscovy, within four or five weeks;
and he was sure we would take the opportunity to go with them,
and leave him behind to go back all alone. I confess I was sur-
prised with his news; a secret joy spread itself over my whole
soul, which I cannot describe, and never felt before or since, and I
had no power for a good while to speak a word to the old man.
But at last I turned to him. How do you know this?" said I.
" Are you sure it is true?" Yes," says he : I met this morn-
ing in the street an old acquaintance of mine, an Armenian, or
one you call a Grecian, who is among them. He came last from
Astracan, and was designing to go to Tonquin, where I formerly
knew him, but has altered his mind, and is now resolved to go
with the caravan to Moscow, and so down the river Volga to
Astracan." Well, seignior," says I, do not be uneasy about
being left to go back alone. If this be a method for my return
to England, it shall be your fault if you go back to Macao at all."
We then went to consulting together what was to be done, and I
asked my partner what he thought of the pilot's news, and
whether it would suit with his affairs? He told me he would
do just as I would; for he had settled all his affairs so well at
Bengal, and left his effects in such good hands, that as we had
made a good voyage here, if he could vest it in China silks,
wrought and raw, such as might be worth the carriage, he would
be content to go to England, and then make his voyage back to
Bengal by the Company's ships.






WORKING FOR ONE'S BREAD.


but small, I had no great difficulty to cut it down. In short, I
reaped it my way, for I cut nothing off but the ears, and carried
it away in a great basket which I had made, and so rubbed it out
with my hands; and at the end of all my harvesting I found that
out of my half-peck of seed I had near two bushels of rice and
above two bushels and a half of barley--that is to say, by my guess,
for I had no measure at that time.
However, this was a great encouragement to me, and I foresaw
that in time it would please God to supply me with bread. 'And
yet here I was perplexed again : for I neither knew how to grind
or make meal of my corn, or, indeed, how to clean it and part it;
nor, if made into meal, how to make bread of it; and if how to
make it, yet I knew not how to bake it. These things being
added to my desire of having a good quantity for store, and to
secure a constant supply, I resolved not to taste any of this
crop, but to preserve it all for seed against the next season; and
in the meantime to employ all my study and hours of working to
accomplish this great work of providing myself with corn and
bread.
It might be truly said that now I worked for my bread. It is
a little wonderful, and what I believe few people have thought
much upon-namely, the strange multitude of little things neces-
sary in the providing, producing, curing, dressing, making, and
finishing this one article of bread. I that was reduced to a mere
state of nature found this to my daily discouragement, and was
made more and more sensible of it every hour, even after I had
got the first handful of seed-corn; which, as I have said, came up
unexpectedly, and indeed to a surprise.
First, I had no plough to turn up the earth, no spade or shovel
to dig it. Well, this I conquered by making a wooden spade, as
I observed before. But this did my work in but a wooden manner;
and though it cost me a great many days to make it, yet for want
of iron it not only wore out the sooner, but made my work the
harder, and made it be performed much worse. However, this I
bore with, and was content to work it out with patience, and bear
with the badness of the performance. When the corn was sown I
had no harrow, but was forced to go over it myself, and drag a






A SIMPLE STORY.


had indeed small hope of their lives by getting into these boats at
that distance from any land, only, as they said well, that they were
escaped from the fire, and had a possibility that some ship might
happen to be at sea, and might take them in. They had sails,
oars, and a compass, and were preparing to make the best of their
way back to Newfoundland, the whid blowing pretty fair, for it
blow an easy gale at south-east by east. They had as much pro-
visions and water as, with sparing it so as to be next door to starv-
ing, might support them about twelve days, in which, if they had no
bad weather, and no contrary winds, the captain said he hoped he
might get the Banks of Newfoundland, and might perhaps take
some fish to sustain them till they might go on shore. But there
were so many chances against them in all these cases, such as
storms to overset and founder them, rains and cold to benumb and
perish their limbs, contrary winds to keep them out and starve
them, that it must have been next to miraculous if they had
escaped.
In the midst of their consultations, every one being hopeless
and ready to despair, the captain, with tears in his eyes, told me
they were on a sudden surprised with the joy of hearing a gun
fire, and after that four more. These were the five guns which I
caused to be fired at first seeing the light. This revived their
hearts, and gave them the notice which, as above, I desired it
should, namely, that there was a ship at hand for their help.
It was upon hearing these guns that they took down their
masts and sails; the sound coming from the windward, they
resolved to lie by until morning. Some time after this, hearing
no more guns, they fired three muskets, one a considerable while
after another; but these, the wind being contrary, we never
heard.
Some time after that again, they were still more agreeably
surprised with seeing our lights, and hearing the guns, which, as I
have said, I caused to be fired all the rest of the night. This set
them to work with their oars, to keep their boats ahead, at least,
that we might the sooner come up with them; and at last, to
their inexpressible joy, they found we saw them.
It is impossible for me to express the several gestures, the strange






A VISIT TO THE CAPE.


evidence, and draw religious consequences from God's justice and
their own mistakes.
Be it I had business, or no business, away I went. 'Tis no
time now to enlarge any further upon the reason or absurdity of
my own conduct; but to come to the history, I was embarked for
the voyage, and the voyage I went.
I should only add here, that my honest and truly pious clergy-
man left me here. A ship being ready to go to Lisbon, he asked
me leave to go thither, being still, as he observed, bound never to
finish any voyage he began. How happy had it been for me if I
had gone with him!
But it was too late now. All things Heaven appoints are best.
Had I gone with him I had never had so many things to be thank-
ful for, and you had never heard of the Second Part of the Travels
and Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. So I must leave here the
fruitless exclaiming at myself, and go on with my voyage.
From the Brazils, we made directly away over the Atlantic Sea,
to the Cape de Bon Esperance, or, as we call it, the Cape of Good
Hope, and had a tolerable good voyage, our course generally
south-east; now and then a storm, and some contrary winds. But
my disasters at sea were at an end. My future rubs and cross
events were to befall me on shore, that it might appear the land
was as well prepared to be our scourge as the sea, when Heaven,
who directs the circumstances of things, pleases to appoint it to
be so.
Our ship was on a trading voyage, and had a supercargo on
board, who was to direct all her motions after she arrived at the
Cape, only being limited to certain numbers of days for stay, by
charter-party, at the several ports she was to go to. This was
none of my business, neither did I meddle with it-at all; my
nephew, the captain, and the supercargo adjusting all those
things between them as they thought fit.
We made no stay at the Cape longer than was needful to take
in fresh water, but made the best of our way for the coast of Cor-
omandel. We were indeed informed that a French man-of-war
of fifty guns, and two large merchant-ships, were gone for the
Indies; and as I knew we were at war with France, I had some






ARE SECOND THOUGHTS BEST ?


to be all the while in a suitable form for so outrageous an execu-
tion as the killing twenty or thirty naked savages, for an offence
which I had not at all entered into a discussion of in my thoughts,
any further than my passions were at first fired by the horror I
conceived at the unnatural custom of that people of the country,
who it seems had been suffered by Providence, in his wise disposi-
tion of the world, to have no other guide than that of their own
abominable and vitiated passions; and consequently were left, and
perhaps had been so for some ages, to act such horrid things, and
receive such dreadful customs, as nothing but nature entirely
abandoned of Heaven and acted by some hellish degeneracy, could
have run them.into. But now, when, as I have said, I began to
be weary of the fruitless excursion which I had made so long, and
so far, every morning in vain, so my opinion of the action itself
began to alter, and I began with cooler and calmer thoughts to
consider what it was I was going to engage in;-what autho-
rity or call I had to pretend to be judge and executioner upon
these men as criminals, whom Heaven had thought fit for so many
ages to suffer unpunished, to go on, and to be, as it were, the execu-
tioners of his judgments one upon another. How far were these
people offenders against me, and what right had I to engage in the
quarrel of that blood, which they shed promiscuously one upon
another ? I debated this very often with myself thus: How do I
know what God himself judges in this particular case? It is certain
these people either do not commit this as a crime; it is not against
their own consciences reproving or their light reproaching them.
They do not know it to be an offence, and then commit it in
defiance of divine justice, as we do in almost all the sins we com-
mit. They think it no more a crime to kill a captive taken in
war, than we do to kill an ox; nor to eat human flesh, than we do
to eat mutton.
When I had considered this a little, it followed necessarily that
I was certainly in the wrong in it; that these people were not
murderers in the sense that I had before-condemned them in my
thoughts; any more than those Christians were murderers who
often put to death the prisoners taken in battle; or, more fre-
quently, upon many occasions put whole troops of men to the






HIS RECEPTION BY CRUSOE.


" HE CAME CLOSE TO ME AND KNEELED DOWN."


with the blow, and began to come to himself; so I pointed to him,
and showing him the savage, that he was not dead. Upon this he
spoke some words to me, and though I could not understand them
yet I thought they were pleasant to hear, for they were the first
sound of a man's voice that I had heard, my own excepted, for
above twenty-five years. But there was no time for such reflec-
tions now. The savage who was knocked down recovered himself






AN INTERVAL OF TRANQUILLITY.


After they were all gone, the Spaniards came out of their den;
and viewing the field of battle, they found about two-and-thirty
dead men upon the spot. Some were killed with great long
arrows, some of which were found sticking in their bodies; but
most of them were killed with their great wooden swords, sixteen
or seventeen of which they found in the field of battle, and as
many bows, with a great many arrows. These swords were strange
great unwieldy things, and they must be very strong men that
used them. Most of those men that were killed with them had
their heads mashed to pieces, as we may say, or as we call it in
English, their brains knocked out; and several their arms and
legs broken: so that it is evident they fight with inexpressible
rage and fury. We found not one wounded man that was not
stone dead; for either they stay by their enemy till they have
quite killed him, or they carry all the wounded men that are not
quite dead away with them.
This deliverance tamed our Englishmen for a great while.
The sight had filled them with horror; and the consequences
appeared terrible to the last degree, even to them, if ever they
should fall into the hands of those creatures, who would not only
kill them as enemies, but kill them for food, as we kill our cattle.
And they professed to me, that the thoughts of being eaten up like
beef or mutton, though it was supposed it was not to be till they
were dead, had something in it so horrible, that it nauseated their
very stomachs, made them sick when they thought of it, and filled
their minds with such unusual terror, that they were not them-
selves for some weeks after.
This, as I said, tamed even the three English brutes I have been
speaking of; and for a great while after they were very tractable,
and went about the common business of their whole society well
enough; planted, sowed, reaped, and began to be all naturalized
to the country. But some time after this they fell all into such
measures as brought them into a great deil of trouble.
They had taken three prisoners, as I had observed; and these
three being lusty stout young fellows, they made them servants,
and taught them to work for them; and as slaves they did well
enough. But they did not take their measures with them as I did






SPOILS FROM THE WRECK.


Had the stern of the ship been fixed and the fore part broken
off, I am persuaded that I might have made a good voyage; for
by what I found in these two chests, I had room to suppose the
ship had a great deal of wealth on board; and if I may guess by
the course she steered, she must have been bound from the Buenos
Ayres or the Rio de la Plata, in the south part of America, beyond
the Brazils, to the Havannah, in the Gulf of Mexico, and so, per-
haps, to Spain. She had, no doubt, a great treasure in her, but of
no use at that time to anybody; and what became of the rest of
her people I then knew not.
I found, besides these chests, a little cask full of liquor, of about
twenty gallons, which I got into my boat with much difficulty.,
There were several muskets in a cabin, and a great powder-horn,
with about four pounds of powder in it. As for the muskets, I
had no occasion for them-so I left them; but took the powder-
horn. I took a fire-shovel and tongs, which I wanted extremely;
as also two little brass kettles, a copper pot to make chocolate, and
a gridiron. And with this cargo and the dog I came away, the
tide beginning to make home again. And the same evening, about
an hour within night, I reached the island again, weary and
fatigued to the last degree.
I reposed that night in the boat, and in the morning I resolved
to harbour what I had gotten in my new cave, not to carry it home
to my castle. After refreshing myself, I got all my cargo on shore,
and began to examine the particulars. The cask of liquor I found
to be a kind of ruin, but not such as we had at the Brazils-and,
in a word, not at all good; but when I came to open the chests,
I found several things of great use to me. For example, I found
in one a fine case of bottles, of an extraordinary kind, and filled
with cordial waters, fine, and very good; the bottles held about
three pints each, and were tipped with silver: I found two pots
of very good succades, or sweetmeats, so fastened also on top that
the salt water had not hurt them; and two more of the same which
the water had spoiled: I found some very good shirts, which were
very welcome to me, and about a dozen and half of linen white
handkerchiefs, and coloured neckcloths-the former were also very
welcome, being exceeding refreshing to wipe my face in a hot day:


246 -















ROBINSON CRUSOE.


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^ ^ i ki'- L-. I iil* I' II.;2. n rII. city
.X!: d -.i:..1 t.I iil, til...i li ot of
t f' i: H i ii it, ,, f it l-r L. ; .- I. :gner
,,t' E r..i! h.. -,:til.,,l .fi -t at IItll: he
S ^ 'i, *-"..f I '....I ,,-* .'ir,. y iV : l r.. lan -,*, and
I. ," .." ;"' I t .I.'l I;-l : .1 i a t..r. .i.. d at
York, from whence he had married my mother, whose relations
were named Robinson, a very good family in that country, and


i
'i ''



i



'

.,






SUPPLIES FOR THE COLONY.


there was a certain very honest fellow, a Brazil planter of his ac-
quaintance, who had fallen into the displeasure of the Church. I
know not what the matter is with him," says he, but on my con-
science I think he is a heretic in his heart, and he has been obliged
to conceal himself for fear of the Inquisition; that he would be
very glad of such an opportunity to make his escape with his wife
and two daughters; and if I would let them go to the island, and
allot them a plantation, he would give them a small stock to begin
with; for the officers of the Inquisition had seized all his effects and
estate, and he had nothing left but a little household stuff, and
two slaves. And," adds he, "though I hate his principles, yet I
would not have him fall into their hands; for he would assuredly
be burnt alive, if he did."
I granted this presently, and joined my Englishman with them,
and we concealed the man and his wife and daughters on board
our ship till the sloop put out to go to sea, and then, having put
all their goods on board the sloop some time before, we put them
on board the sloop after he was got out of the bay.
Our seaman was mightily pleased with this new partner; and
their stock, indeed, was much alike, rich in tools, in preparations,
and a farm, but nothing to begin with, but as above. However,
they carried over with them, which was worth all the rest, some
materials for planting sugar-canes, with some plants of canes,
which he, I mean the Portugal man, understood very well.
Among the rest of the supplies sent my tenants in the island, I
sent them by their sloop three milch cows and five calves, about
twenty-two hogs among them, three sows big with pig, two
mares, and a stone-horse.
For my Spaniards, according to my promise, I engaged three
Portugal women to go; and recommended it to them to marry
them, and use them kindly. I could have procured more women,
but I remembered that the poor persecuted man had two daugh-
ters, and there were but five of the Spaniards that wanted; the
rest had wives of their own, though in another country.
All this cargo arrived safe, and, as you may easily suppose, very
welcome to my old inhabitants, who were now, with this addition,
between sixty and seventy people, besides little children; of which





SICK IN MIND AND BODY.


4;,V


I WAS MO0ST [NEXPRESSIBLY SICK IN BODY."

counsel of my parents, my father's tears and my mother's entrea-
ties, came now fresh into my mind; and my conscience, which
was not yet come to the pitch of hardness to which it has been
since, reproached me with the contempt of advice, and the breach
of my duty to God and my father.
All this while the storm increased, and the sea, which I had
never been upon before, went very high, though nothing like


r





THE MUTINEERS' SURPRISE.


Being on shore, the first thing they did, they ran all to their
other boat; and it was easy to see that they were under a great
surprise to find her stripped, as above, of all that was in her, and
a great hole in her bottom.
After they had mused a while upon this, they set up two or three
great shouts, hallooing with all their might, to try if they could
make their companions hear; but all was to no purpose. Then




&r7~


IIALLO01NO WITH ALL THEIR MIGHT, TO TRY IF THEY COULD
MAKE THEIR COMPANIONS HEAR."
they came all close in a ring, and fired a volley of their small arms;
which indeed we heard, and the echoes made the woods ring, but
it was all one; those in the cave, we were sure, could not hear; and
those in our keeping, though they heard it well enough, yet durst
give no answer to them.





A DAY LOST.


CRUSOE ANTICIPATING AN ATTACK FROM THE SAVAGES.
See fage -54
upon him in the day of trouble, he would deliver me. After my
broken and imperfect prayer was over, I drank the rum in which
I had steeped the tobacco, which was so strong and rank of the
tobacco that indeed I could scarce get it down. Immediately upon
this I went to bed. I found presently it flew up in my head
violently, but I fell into a sound sleep, and waked no more till, by
the sun, it must necessarily be near three o'clock in the afternoon
the next day. Nay, to this hour I am partly of the opinion that I
slept all the next day and night, and till almost three that day
after; for otherwise I knew not how I should lose a day out of my
reckoning in the days of the week, as it appeared some years after
I had done. For if I had lost it by crossing and recrossing the
line, I should have lost more than one day; but, certainly, I lost a
day in my account, and never knew which way.
Be that, however, one way or the other, when I awoke I found
myself exceedingly refreshed, and my spirits lively and cheerful;
when I got up I was stronger than I was the day before, and my






A MOURNFUL ANNIVERSARY.


26th, found a very large tortoise, which was a treat to me; and
my food was regulated thus:-I ate a bunch of raisins for my
breakfast, a piece of the goat's flesh or of the turtle for my dinner
broiled-for to my great misfortune I had no vessel to boil or
stew anything-and two or three of the turtle's eggs for my supper.
During this confinement in my cover by the rain I worked daily
two or three hours at enlarging my cave, and by degrees worked
it on towards one side till I came to the outside of the hill, and
made a door or way out, which came beyond my fence or wall, and
so I came in and out this way. But I was not perfectly easy at
lying so open; for as I had managed myself before, I was in a
perfect enclosure, whereas now I thought I lay exposed and open
for anything to come in upon me. And yet I could not perceive
that there was any living thing to fear, the biggest creature that
I had yet seen upon the island being a goat.
September the 30th. I was now come to the unhappy anni-
versary of my landing. I cast up the notches on my post, and
found I had been on shore 365 days. I kept this day as a solemn
fast, setting it apart to religious exercise, prostrating myself on
the ground with the most serious humiliation, confessing my sins
to God, acknowledging his righteous judgments upon me, and
praying to him to have mercy on me through Jesus Christ. And
having not tasted the least refreshment for twelve hours, even till
the going down of the sun, I then ate a biscuit cake and a bunch
of grapes, and went to bed, finishing the day as I began it.
I had all this time observed no Sabbath-day; for as at first I
had no sense of religion upon my mind, I had after sometime
omitted to distinguish the weeks by making a longer notch than
ordinary for the Sabbath-day, and so did not really know what any
of the days were. But now having cast up the days as above, I
found I had been there a year, so I divided it into weeks, and set
apart every seventh day for a Sabbath; though I found at the end
of my account I had lost a day or two in my reckoning.
A little after this my ink began to fail me, and so I contented
myself to use it more sparingly, and to write down only the most
remarkable events of my life, without continuing a daily memo-
randum of other things.





A SHOCK OF EARTHQUAKE.


some quantity sufficient to supply me with bread. But it was not
till the fourth year that I could allow myself the least grain of this
corn to eat, and even then but sparingly, as I shall say afterwards in
its order; for I lost all that I sowed the first season by not observ-
ing the proper time; for I sowed it just before the dry season, so
that it never came up at all, at least not as it would have done-
of which in its place.
Besides this barley there was, as above, twenty or thirty stalks
of rice, which I preserved with the same care, and whose use was
of the same kind or to the same purpose-namely, to make me
bread, or rather food; for I found ways to cook it up without bak-
ing, though I did that also after some time. But to return to my
journal.
I worked excessive hard these three or four months to get. my
wall done; and the 14th of April I closed it up, contriving to go
into it, not by a door, but over the wall by a ladder, that there
might be no sign in the outside of my habitation.
April 16. I finished the ladder; so I went up with the ladder
to the top, and then pulled it up after me, and let it down on the
inside. This was a complete enclosure to me-for within I had
room enough, and nothing could come at me from without, unless
it could first mount my wall.
The very next day after this wall was finished, I had almost all
my labour overthrown at once, and myself killed. The case was
thus: As I was busy in the inside of it, behind my tent, just in the
entrance into my cave, I was terribly frightened with a most dreadful
surprising thing indeed; for all on a sudden I found the earth come
crumbling down from the roof of my cave and from the edge of the
hill over my head, and two of the posts I had set up in the cave
cracked in a frightful manner. I was heartily scared, but thought
nothing of what was really the cause-only thinking that the top
of my cave was falling in, as some of it had done before; and for
fear I should be buried in it, I ran forward to my ladder, and not
thinking myself safe there neither, I got over my wall for fear of
the pieces of the hill which I expected might roll down upon me.
I was no sooner stepped down upon the firm ground, but I plainly
saw it was a terrible earthquake, for the ground I stood on shook






A NEW WAY OF CATCHING GOATS.


in a basket; and the like by a turtle,-I could cut it up, take out
the eggs, and a piece or two of the flesh, which was enough for
me, and bring them home in a basket, and leave the rest behind
me. Also large deep baskets were my receivers for my corn,
which I always rubbed out as soon as it was dry, and cured, and
kept it in great baskets.
I began now to perceive my powder abated considerably, and
this was a want which it was impossible for me to supply, and I
began seriously to consider what I must do when I should have
no more powder; that is to say, how I should do to kill any goat.
I had, as is observed in the third year of my being here, kept a
young kid, and bred her up tame, and I was in hope of getting a
he-goat, but I could not by any means bring it to pass, till my kid
grew an old goat; and I could never find in my heart to kill her,
till she died at last of mere age.
But being- now in the eleventh year of my residence, and, as I
have said, my ammunition growing low, I set myself to study some
art to trap and snare the goats, to see whether I could not catch
some of them alive, and particularly I wanted a she-goat great with
young.
To this purpose I made snares to hamper them, and I do
believe they were more than once taken in them; but my tackle
was not good, for I had no wire, and I always found them broken,
and my bait devoured.
At length I resolved to try a pit-fall. So I dug several large
pits in the earth, in places where I had observed the goats used to
feed; and over these pits I placed hurdles of my own making too,
with a great weight upon them. And several times I put ears of
barley, and dry rice, without setting the trap; and I could easily
perceive that the goats had gone in and eaten up the corn, for I
could see the mark of their feet. At length I set three traps in
one night; and going the next morning, I found them all stand-
ing, and yet the bait eaten and gone. This was very discouraging.
However, I altered my trap; and, not to trouble you with parti-
culars, going one morning to see my trap, I found in one of them
a large old he-goat; and in one of the other, three kids- a male
and two females.






THE TOWN SET ON FIRE.


In short, most of the Indians who were in the open part of the
house were killed or hurt with the grenado, except two or three
more who pressed to the door, which the boatswain and two more
kept with their bayonets in the muzzles of their pieces, and de-
spatched all who came that way. But there was another apart-
ment in the house, where the prince or king, or whatever he was,
and several others were; and these they kept in till the house,
which was by this time all of a light flame, fell in upon them, and
they were smothered or burned together.
All this while they fired not a gun, because they would not
waken the people faster than they could master them; but the
fire began to waken them fast enough, and our fellows were glad
to keep a little together in bodies, for the fire grew so raging, all
the houses being made of light combustible stuff, that they could
hardly bear the street between them, and their business was to
follow the fire for the surer execution. As fast as the fire either
forced the people out of those houses which were burning, or
frightened them out of others, our people were ready at their doors
to knock them on the head, still calling and hallooing to one
another to remember Thomas Jeffery.
While this was doing I must confess I was very uneasy, and
especially when I saw the flames of the town, which, it being night,
seemed to be just by me.
My nephew, the captain, who was roused by his men too, seeing
such a fire, was very uneasy, not knowing what the matter was,
or what danger I was in; especially hearing the guns too, for by
this time they began to use their firearms. A thousand thoughts
oppressed his mind concerning me and the supercargo, what should
become of us; and at last, though he could ill spare any more men,
yet not knowing what exigence we might be in, he takes another
boat, and with thirteen men and himself came on shore to me.
He was surprised to see me and the supercargo in the boat with
no more than two men; and though he was glad that we were
well, yet he was in the same impatience with us to know what was
doing, for the noise continued and the flame increased. In short,
it was next to an impossibility for any men in the world to restrain
their curiosity to know what had happened, or their concern for
(284) 34






MONEY BECOME AS DROSS.


besides this, when I came to the till in the chest, I found there
three great bags of pieces of eight, which held out about eleven
hundred pieces in all; and in one of them, wrapped up in a paper,
six doubloons of gold, and some small bars or wedges of gold; I
suppose they might all weigh near a pound.
The other chest I found had some clothes in it, but of little
value; but by the circumstances it must have belonged to the
gunner's mate, though there was no powder in it but about two
pound of fine glazed powder in three small flasks, kept, I suppose,
for charging their fowling-pieces on occasion. Upon the whole, I
got very little by this voyage that was of any use to me: for as
to the money, I had no manner of occasion for it; it was to me as
the dirt under my feet; and I would have given it all for three or
four pair of English shoes and stockings, which were things I
greatly wanted, but had not had on my feet now for many years.
I had, indeed, gotten two pair of shoes now, which I took off of the
feet of the two drowned men whom I saw in the wreck; and I found
two pair more in one of the chests, which were very welcome to
me; but they were not like our English shoes, either for ease or
service, being rather what we call pumps than shoes. I found in
this seaman's chest about fifty pieces of eight in royals, but no
gold. I suppose this belonged to a poorer man than the other,
which seemed to belong to some officer.
Well, however, I lugged this money home to my cave, and laid
it up, as I had done that before which I brought from our own
ship; but it was great pity, as I said, that the other part of this
ship had not come to my share-for I am satisfied I might have
loaded my canoe several times over with money, which, if I had
ever escaped to England, would have lain here safe enough till I
might have come again. and fetched it.
Having now brought all my things on shore and secured them,
I went back to my boat, and rowed or paddled her along the shore
to her old harbour, where I laid her up, and made the best of my
way to my old habitation, where I found everything safe and quiet:
pI began to repose myself, live after my old fashion, and take
A3re of my family affairs; and for awhile I lived easy enough;
only that I was more vigilant than I used to le, looked out oftener,






A FORMIDABLE ENCAMPMENT.


destroyed. It was the second day's march from Plothus that, by
the clouds of dust behind us, at a great distance, some of our
people began to be sensible we were pursued. We had entered
the desert, and had passed by a great lake called Schaks-Oser,
when we perceived a very great body of horse appear on the other
side of the lake to the north, we travelling west. We observed
they went away west as we did, but had supposed we would have
taken that side of the lake, whereas we very happily took the
south side; and in two days more we saw them not, for they,
believing we were still before them, pushed on till they came to
the river Udda. This is a very great river when it passes farther
north; but where we came to it, we found it narrow, and fordable.
The third day they either found their mistake, or had intel-
ligence of us, and came pouring in upon us towards the dusk of
the evening. We had, to our great satisfaction, just pitched upon
a place for our camp which was very convenient, for the night; for
as we were upon a desert, though but at the beginning of it, that
was above five hundred miles over, we had no towns to lodge at,
and indeed expected none but the city Jarawena, which we had
yet two days' march to. The desert, however, had some few woods
in it on this side, and little rivers, which ran all into the great
river Udda. It was in a narrow strait between two little, but very
thick woods, that we pitched our little camp for that night, ex-
pecting to be attacked in the night.
Nobody knew but ourselves what we were pursued for; but as
it was usual for the Mogul Tartars to go about in troops in that
desert, so the caravans always fortify themselves every night against
them, as against armies of robbers; and it was therefore no new
thing to be pursued.
But we had this night, of all the nights of our travels, a most
advantageous camp; for we lay between two woods, with a little
rivulet running just before our front; so that we could not be
surrounded or attacked any way but in our front or rear. We
took care also to make our front as strong as we could, by placing
our packs, with our camels and horses, all in a line on the inside
of the river, and felling some trees in our rear.
In this posture we encamped for the night; but the enemy was






AN ORPHAN'S DISTRESS.


Our business was to relieve this distressed ship's crew, but not to
lie by for them; and though they were willing to steer the same
course with us for some days, yet we could carry no sail to keep
pace with a ship that had no masts. However, as their captain
begged of us to help him to set up a main-top-mast, and a kind of
a top-mast to his jury fore-mast, we did, as it were, lie by him for
three or four days; and then, having given him five barrels of beef
and a barrel of pork, two hogsheads of biscuit, and a proportion of
pease, flour, and what other things we could spare; and taking
three casks of sugar, some rum, and some pieces of eight of them
for satisfaction, we left them, taking on board with us, at their
own earnest request, the priest, the youth, and the maid, and all
their goods.
The young lad was about seventeen years of age, a pretty, well-
bred, modest, and sensible youth, greatly dejected with the loss of
his mother, and, as it seems, had lost his father but a few months
before at Barbadoes. He begged of the surgeon to speak to me to
take him out of the ship, for he said the cruel fellows had mur-
dered his mother. And indeed so they had, that is to say, pas-
sively; for they might have spared a small sustenance to the poor
helpless widow that might have preserved her life, though it had
been but just to keep her alive. But hunger knows no friend, no
relation, no justice, no right; and therefore is remorseless, and
capable of no compassion.
The surgeon told him how far we were going, and how it would
carry him away from all his friends, and put him, perhaps, in as
bad circumstances almost as those we found him in; that is to say,
starving in the world. He said it mattered not whither he went,
if he was but delivered from the terrible crew he was among.
That the captain (by which he meant me, for lie could know
nothing of my nephew) had saved his life, and he was sure would
not hurt him ; and as for the maid, he was sure, if she came to
herself, she would be very thankful for it, let us carry them where
we would. The surgeon represented the case so affectionately to
me that I yielded, and we took them both on board with all their
goods, except eleven hogsheads of sugar, which could not be
removed or come at; and as the youth had a bill of lading for






FRIDAY AND HIS FATHER.


It is not easy for me to express how it moved me to see what
ecstasy and filial affection had worked in this poor savage at the
sight of his father, and of his being delivered from death; nor
indeed can I describe half the extravagances of his affection after
this-for he went into the boat and out of the boat a great many
times. When he went in to him, he would sit down by him, open
his breast, and hold his father's head close to his bosom half an
hour together, to nourish it; then he took his arms and ankles,
which were numbed and stiff with the binding, and chafed and
rubbed them with his hands; and I perceiving what the case was,
gave him somei rum out of my bottle to rub them with, which did
them a great deal of good.
This action put an end to our pursuit of the canoe with the
other savages, who were now gotten almost out of sight, And it
was happy for us that we (lid not; for it blew so hard within
two hours after, and before they could be gotten a quarter of
their way, and continued blowing so hard all night, and that
from the north-west, which was against them, that I could not
suppose their boat could live, or that they over reached to their
own coast.
But to return to Friday, he was so busy about his father that I
could not find in my heart to take him off for some time. But
after I thought he could leave him a little, I called him to me, and
lie came jumping and laughing and pleased to the highest extreme.
Then I asked him if lie had given his father any bread ? He shook
his head and said, None. Ugly dog eat all up self." So I gave
hiin a cake of bread out of a little pouch I carried on purpose ; I
also gave him a dranm for himself, but he would not taste it, but
carried it to his father. I had in my pocket also two or three
bunches of my raisins, so I gave him a handful of them for his
father. lie had no sooner given his father these raisins but I saw
him come out of the boat and run away as ifi he had been bewitched,
he ran at such a rate--for he was the swiftest fellow of his foot that
ever I saw; I say, lie ran at such a rate that he was out of sight,
as it were, in an instant ; and though I called, and hallooed too,
after him, it was all one, away lie went, and in a quarter of an hour
I saw him come back again, though not so fast as he went; and as






BAKING EXTRAORDINARY.


of calico or muslin; and with some pieces of these I made three
small sieves, but proper enough for the work. And thus I made
shift for some years. How I did afterwards I shall show in its
place.
The baking part was the next thing to be considered, and how
I should make bread when I came to have corn; for, first, I had
no yeast. As to that part, as there was no supplying the want,
so I did not concern myself much about it; but for an oven I
was indeed in great pain. At length I found out an experiment
for that also, which was this-I made some earthen vessels very
broad, but not deep; that is to say, about two feet diameter, and
not above nine inches deep, these I burned in the fire, as I had
done the other, and laid them by; and when I wanted to bake, I
made a great fire upon my hearth, which I had paved with some
square tiles of my own making and burning also-but I should
not call them square.
When the firewood was burned pretty much into embers, or
live coals, I drew them forward upon this hearth, so as to cover it
all over, and there I let them lie till the hearth was very hot;
then sweeping away all the embers, I set down my loaf or loaves,
and whelming down the earthen pot upon them, drew the embers
all round the outside of the pot, to keep in and add to the heat;
and thus, as well as in the best oven in the world, I baked my
barley loafs, and became in little time a mere pastry-cook into the
bargain; for I made myself several cakes of the rice, and puddings.
Indeed I made no pies, neither had I anything to put into them
supposing I had, except the flesh either of fowls or goats.
It need not be wondered at if all these things took me up most part
of the third year of my abode here; for it is to be observed that,
in the intervals of these things, I had my new harvest and hus-
bandry to manage; for I reaped my corn in its season, and carried
it home as well as I could, and laid it up in the ear in my large
baskets till I had time to rub it out, for I had no floor to thrash
it on, or instrument to thrash it with.
And now indeed my stock of corn increasing, I really wanted to
build my barns bigger. I wanted a place to lay it up in, for the
increase of the corn now yielded me so much that I had of the






SAFE ON SHORE.


rowing very heartily, and venturing their lives to save ours, our
men cast them a rope over the stern with a buoy to it, and then
veered it out a great length, which they, after great labour and
hazard, took hold of, and we hauled them close under our stern,
and got all into their boat. It was to no purpose for them or us
after we were in the boat to think of reaching to their own ship,
so all agreed to let her drive, and only to pull her in towards shore
as much as we could; and our master promised them, that if the
boat was staved upon shore, he would make it good to their
master; so, partly rowing and partly driving, our boat went away
to the northward, sloping towards the shore almost as far as
Winterton Ness.
We were not much more than a quarter of an hour out of our
ship when we saw her sink, and then I understood for the first time
what was meant by a ship foundering in the sea. I must ackno.w-
ledge I had hardly eyes to look up when the seamen told me she
was sinking; for from that moment they rather put me into thb
boat than that I might be said to go in. My heart was, as it
were, dead within me, partly with fright, partly with hoiror of
mind and the thoughts of what was yet before me.
While we were in this condition, the men yet labouring at the
oar to bring the boat near the shore, we could see, when our boat,
mounting the waves, we were able to see the shore, a great many
people running along the shore to assist us when we should come
near; but we made but slow way towards the shore, nor were we
able to reach the shore, till, being past the lighthouse at Winter-
ton, the shore falls off to the westward towards Cromer, and so the
land broke off a little the violence of the wind. Here we got in,
and though not without much difficulty, got all safe on shore, and
walked afterwards on foot to Yarmouth, where, as unfortunate
men, we were used with great humanity, as well by the magistrates
of the town, who assigned us good quarters, as by particular
merchants and owners of ships, and had money given us sufficient
to carry us either to London or back to Hull, as we thought fit.
Had I now had the sense to have gone back to Hull, and have
gone home, I had been happy, and my father, an emblem of our
blessed Saviour's parable, had even killed the fatted calf for n:e;
(284) 5





A SHIFT FOR A GRINDSTONE.


I composed myself for a time, and resolved that I would go to
work with all speed to build me a wall with piles and cables, &c.,
in a circle as before, and set my tent up in it when it was finished,
but that I would venture to stay where I was till it was finished
and fit to remove to. This was the 21st.
April 22. The next morning I began to consider of means to
put this resolve in execution, but I was at a great loss about my
tools. I had three large axes and abundance of hatchets (for we
carried the hatchets for traffic with the Indians), but with much
chopping and cutting knotty hard wood they were all full of
notches and dull; and though I had a grindstone, I could not turn
it and grind my tools too. This cost me as much thought as a
statesman would have bestowed upon a grand point of politics, or
a judge upon the life and death of a man. At length I contrived
a wheel with a string to turn it with my foot, that I might have
both my hands at liberty.-Note. I had never seen any such thing
in England, or at least not to take notice how it was done, though
since I have observed it is very common there ; besides that, my
grindstone was very large and heavy. This machine cost me a
full week's work to bring it to perfection.
April 28, 29. These two whole days I took up in grinding my
tools, my machine for turning my grindstone performing very
well.
April 30. Having perceived my bread had been low a great
while, now I took a survey of it, and reduced myself to one biscuit-
cake a day, which made my heart very heavy.
May 1. In the morning, looking towards the sea-side, the tide
being low, I saw something lie on the shore bigger than ordinary,
and it looked like a cask. When I came to it, I found a small
barrel and two or three pieces of the wreck of the ship, which were
driven on shore by the late hurricane; and looking towards the
wreck itself, I thought it seemed to lie higher out of the water than
it used to do. I examined the barrel which was driven on shore,
and soon found it was a barrel of gunpowder; but it had taken
water, and the powder was caked as hard as a stone. However, I
rolled it further on shore for the present, and went on upon the
sands as near as I could to the wreck of the ship to look for more.






A MASSACRE OF INDIANS.


three bodies, and to set three houses on fire in three parts of the
town, and as the men came out, to seize them and bind them (if
any resisted, they need not be asked what to do then),'and so to
search the rest of the houses for plunder; but they resolved to
march silently first through the town, and see what dimensions it
was of, and if they might venture upon it or no.
They did so, and desperately resolved that they would venture
upon them; but while they were animating one another to the
work, three of them that were a little before the rest called out
aloud to them, and told them they had found Thomas Jeffery.
They all ran up to the place, and so it was indeed; for there they
found the poor fellow hung up naked by one arm, and his throat
cut. There was an Indian house just by the tree, where they
found sixteen or seventeen of the principal Indians who had been
concerned in the fray with us before, and two or three of them
wounded with our shot; and our men found they were awake, and
talking one to another in that house, but knew not their number.
The sight of their poor mangled comrade so enraged them, as
before, that they swore to one another they would be revenged,
and that not an Indian who came into their hands should have
quarter; and to work they went immediately, and yet not so madly
as by the rage and fury they were in might be expected. Their
first care was to get something that would soon take fire, but after
a little search they found that would be to no purpose; for most
of the houses were low, and thatched with flags or rushes, of which
the country is full; so they presently made some wild-fire, as we
call it, by wetting a little powder in the palms of their hands, and
in a quarter of an hour they set the town on fire in four or five
places, and particularly that house where the Indians were not
gone to bed. As soon as the fire began to blaze, the poor frighted
creatures began to rush out to save their lives, but met with their
fate in the attempt, and especially at the door where they drove
them back, the boatswain himself killing one or two with his pole-
axe. The house being large and many in it, he did not care to
go in, but called for a hand-grenado, and threw it among them,
which at first frightened them, but when it burst, made such havoc
among them, that they cried out in a hideous manner.






FINIS COBONAT OPUS.


in a pile, one upon another, and placed my fire-wood all round it,
with a great heap of embers under them. I plied the fire with
fresh fuel round the outside and upon the top till I saw the pots
in the inside red hot quite through, and observed that they did
not crack at all. When I saw them clear red, I let them stand
in that heat about five or six hours, till I found one of them,
though it did not crack, did melt or run; for the sand which was
mixed with the clay melted by the violence of the heat, and would
have run into glass if I had gone on, so I slacked my fire gradually,
till the pots began to abate of the red colour; and watching them











I PLIED THE FIRE WITH FRESH FUEL.

all night that I might not let the fire abate too fast, in the morn-
ing I had three very good-I will not say handsome -pipkins
and two other earthen pots as hard burned as could be desired,
and one of them perfectly glazed with the running of the sand.
After this experiment I need not say that I wanted no sort of
earthenware for my use; but I must needs say, as to the shapes
of them, they were very indifferent, as any one may suppose,
when I had no way of making them but as the children make
dirt-pies, or as a woman would make pies that never learned to
raise paste
No joy at a thing of so mean a nature was ever equal to mine
when I found I had made an earthen pot that would bear the fire;
and I had hardly patience to stay till they were cold before I set
one upon the fire again with some water in it to boil me some
meat, which it did admirably well. And with a piece of a kid ]
made some very good broth, though I wanted oatmeal, and
(2S4) 12






A PANIC, AND ITS CAUSE.


But this is by-the-by. While I was cutting down some wood
here, I perceived that behind a very thick branch of low brushwood
or underwood there was a kind of hollow place. I was curious to
look into it, and getting with difficulty into the mouth of it, I
found it was pretty large; that is to say, sufficient for me to stand
upright in it, and perhaps another with me. But I must confess
to you I made more haste out than I did in, when looking further
into the place, and which was perfectly dark, I saw two broad
shining eyes of some creature, whether devil or man I knew not,
which twinkled like two stars, the dim light from the cave's mouth
shining directly in and making the reflection I
However, after some pause, I recovered myself, and began to
call myself a thousand fools, and tell myself that he that was afraid
to see the devil was not fit to live twenty years in an island all
alone; and that I durst to believe there was nothing in this
cave that was more frightful than myself. Upon this, plucking
up my courage, I took up a great firebrand, and in I rushed again,
with the stick flaming in my hand. I had not gone three steps
in but I was almost as much frighted as I was before: for I heard
a very loud sigh, like that of a man in some pain; and it was fol-
lowed by a broken noise, as if of words half expressed, and then a
deep sigh again. I stepped back, and was indeed struck with such
a surprise that it put me into a cold sweat; and if I had had a hat
on my head, I will not answer for it that my hair might not have
lifted it off! But still, plucking up my spirits as well as I could,
and encouraging myself a little with considering that the power
and presence of God was everywhere, and was able to protect me,
upon this I stepped forward again, and by the light of the fire-
brand, holding it up a little over my head, I saw lying on the
ground a most monstrous frightful old he-goat, just making his
will, as we say, and gasping for life, and dying indeed of mere
old age.
I stirred him a little to see if I could get him out, and he essayed
to get up, but was not able to raise himself. And I thought with
myself he might even lie there; for if he had frighted me so, he
would certainly fright any of the savages, if any of them should be
so hardy as to come in there while he had any life in him.






BY A RECENT WRITER.


marvellously like truth, is singularly wanting as a psychological study.
Friday is no real savage, but a good English servant without plush. He
says muchee and speakee," but he becomes at once a civilized being,
and in his first conversation puzzles Crusoe terribly by that awkward
theological question, Why God did not kill the Devil; for, characteristically
enough, Crusoe's first lesson includes a little instruction upon the enemy of
mankind. Selkirk's state of mind may be inferred from two or three facts. He
had almost forgotten how to talk; he had learned to catch goats by running
on foot; and he had acquired the exceedingly difficult art of making fire by
rubbing two sticks. In other words, his whole mind was absorbed in pro-
viding a few physical necessities, and he was rapidly becoming a savage;
for a man who can't speak, and can make fire, is very near the Australian.
We may infer, what is probable from other cases, that a man living fifteen
years by himself, like Crusoe, would either go mad or sink into that semi-
savage state. De Foe really describes a man in prison, not in solitary con-
finement. We should not be so pedantic as to call for accuracy in such
matters; but the difference between the fiction and what we believe would
have been the reality is significant. De Foe, even in Robinson Crusoe,"
gives a very inadequate picture of the mental torments to which his hero is
exposed. He is frightened by a parrot calling him by his name, and by the
strangely picturesque incident of the footmark on the sand; but, on the
whole, he takes his imprisonment with preternatural stolidity. His stay on
the island produces the same state of mind as might be due to a dull Sunday
in Scotland. For this reason-the want of power in describing emotion as
compared with the amazing power of describing facts-" Robinson Crusoe "
is a book for boys rather than for men; and, as Lamb says, rather for the
kitchen than for higher circles. It falls short of any high intellectual
interest. When we leave the striking situation, and get to the Second Part,
with the Spaniards and Will Atkins talking natural theology to his wife, it
sinks to the level of the secondary stories. But for people who are not too
proud to take a rather low order of amusement, Robinson Crusoe will
always be one of the most charming of books. We have the romantic and
adventurous incidents upon which the most unflinching realism can be set
to work without danger of vulgarity. Here is precisely the story suited to
De Foe's strength and weakness. He is forced to be artistic in spite of
himself. He cannot lose the thread of the narrative and break it into dis-
jointed fragments, for the limits of the island confine him as well as his
hero. He cannot tire us with details, for all the details of such a story
are interesting. It is made up of petty incidents as much as the life of a
prisoner reduced to taming flies, or making saws out of penknives. The
island does as well as the Bastille for making trifles valuable to the sufferer
and to us. The facts tell the story of themselves, without any demand for
romantic power to press them home to us; and the efforts to give an air of
authenticity to the story, which sometimes make us smile, and sometimes






AN ATTACK FROM SAVAGES.


I was a little surprised then, indeed, and so was my nephew the
captain; for he had heard such terrible stories of them in'the island,
and having never been in those seas before, that he could not tell
what to think of it, but said two or three times we should all be
devoured. I must confess, considering we were becalmed, and the
current set strong towards the shore, I liked it the worse. How-
ever, I bade him not be afraid, but bring the ship to an anchor as
soon as we came so near to know that we must engage them.
The weather continued calm, and they came on apace towards
us; so I gave order to come to an anchor, and furl all our sails.
As for the savages, I told them they had nothing to fear but fire;
and therefore they should get their boats out and fasten them, one
close by the head, and the other by the stern, and man them both
well, and wait the issue in that posture. This I did, that the men
in the boats might be ready with skeets and buckets to put out
any fire these savages might endeavour to fix to the outside of the
ship.
In this posture we lay by for them, and in a little while they
came up with us; but never was such a horrid sight seen by Chris-
tians. My mate was much mistaken in his calculation of their
number, I mean of a thousand canoes; the most we could make of
them, when they came up, being about a hundred and six and twenty:
and a great many of them too; for some of them had sixteen or
seventeen men in them, and some more, and the least six or seven.
When they came nearer to us they seemed to be struck with
wonder and astonishment, as at a sight which they had doubtless
never seen before; nor could they at first, as we afterwards under-
stood, know what to make of us. They came boldly up, however,
very near to us, and seemed to go about to row round us; but we
called to our men in the boats not to let them come too near them.
This very order brought us to an engagement with them with-
out our designing it; for five or six of their large canoes came so
near our longboat, that our men beckoned with their hands to
them to keep back, which they understood very well, and went
back; but at their retreat about fifty arrows came on board us
from those boats, and one of our men in the longboat was very
much wounded.






TIE CAPTAIN AND HIS MEN.


first mutinied, and used him barbarously, in tying his' hands, and
giving him injurious language. However, the captain told him he
must lay down his arms at discretion, and trust to the governor's
mercy; by which he meant me, for they all called me governor.
In a word, they all laid down their arms, and begged their
lives; and I sent the man that had parleyed with them, and two
more, who bound them all; and then my great army of fifty men,
which particularly with those three, were all but eight, came up
and seized upon them all, and upon their boat-only that I kept
myself and one more out of sight, for reasons of state.
Our next work was to repair the boat, and think of seizing the
ship; and as for the captain, now he had leisure to parley with
them, he expostulated with them upon the villany of their prac-
tices with him, and at length upon the further wickedness of their
design, and how certainly it must bring them to misery and dis-
tress in the end, and perhaps to the gallows.
They all appeared very penitent, and begged hard for their
lives. As for that, he told them, they were none of his prisoners, but
the commander of the island : that they thought they had set him
on shore in a barren uninhabited island, but it had pleased God so
to direct them, that the island wasinhabited, and that the governor
was an Englishman: that he might hang them all there if he
pleased; but as he had given them all quarter, he supposed he
would send them to England to be dealt with there, as justice re-
quired-except Atkins, whom he was commanded by the governor
to advise to prepare for death, for that he would be hanged in
the morning.
Though this was all a fiction of his own, yet it had its desired
effect. Atkins fell upon his knees to beg the captain to intercede
with the governor for his life; and all the rest begged of him for
God's sake that they might not be sent to England.
It now occurred to me that the time of our deliverance was
come, and that it would be a most easy thing to bring these fellows
in to be hearty in getting possession of the ship; so I retired in
the dark from them, that they might not see what kind of a
governor they had, and called the captain to me. When I called,
as at a good distance, one of the men was ordered to speak again,






THE GIFT OF A BIBLE.


The man was so confounded that he was not able to speak for some
time; but recovering himself, he takes it with both his hands, and
turning to his wife, Here, my dear," says he; did I not tell
you our God, though he lives above, could hear what we said?
Here's the book I prayed for when you and I kneeled down under
the bush: now God has heard us, and sent it." When he had
said so, the man fell into such transports of a passionate joy, that
between the joy of having it, and giving God thanks for it, the
tears ran down his face like a child that was crying.
The woman was surprised, and was like to have run into a
mistake that none of us were aware of; for she firmly believed
God had sent the book upon her husband's petition. It is true
that providentially it was so, and might be taken so in a conse-
quent sense; but I believe it would have been no difficult matter
at that time to have persuaded the poor woman to have believed
that an express messenger came from heaven on purpose to bring
that individual book. But it was too serious a matter to suffer
any delusion to take place, so I turned to the young woman, and
told her we did not desire to impose upon the new convert in her
first and more ignorant understanding of things, and begged her
to explain to her that God may be very properly said to answer
our petitions, when in the course of his providence such things are
in a particular manner brought to pass as we petitioned for; but
we do not expect returns from heaven in a miraculous and par-
ticular manner, and that it is our mercy that it is not so.
This the young woman did afterwards effectually, so that there
was, I assure you, no priestcraft used here; and I should have
thought it one of the most unjustifiable frauds in the world to
have had it so. But the surprise of joy upon Will Atkins is
really not to be expressed; and there we may be sure there was
no delusion. Sure no man was ever more thankful in the world
for anything of its kind than he was for his Bible; nor, I believe,
never any man was glad of a Bible from a better principle. And
though he had been a most profligate creature, desperate, head-
strong, outrageous, furious, and wicked to a great degree, yet this
man is a standing rule to us all for the well instructing children,
namely, that parents should never give over to teach and instruct,






ARRIVAL OF THE SAVAGES.


months of November and December, in which I designed to make
my adventure.
When the settled season began to come in, as the thought of my
design returned with the fair weather, I was preparing daily for
the voyage. And the first thing I did was to lay by a certain
quantity of provisions, being the stores for our voyage; and in-
tended, in a week or a fortnight's time, to open the dock and
launch out our boat. I was busy one morning upon something
of this kind, when I called to Friday, and bade him go to the sea-
shore and see if he could find a turtle or tortoise-a thing which
we generally got once ac week, for the sake of the eggs as well as
the flesh. Friday had not been long gone, when he came running
back, and flew over my outer wall or fence like one that felt not
the ground or the steps lie set his feet on; and before I had time
to speak to hliin, lie cries out to me, 0 master I 0 master 1-0
sorrow 1-0 bad I" What's the matter, Friday?" says I. "Oh-
yonder-there," says lie; "one, two, three canoe I-one, two,
three I" By his way of speaking I concluded there were six ; but
on inquiry, I found it was but three. Well, Friday," says I, do
not be frighted." So I heartened himi up as well as I could.
However, I saw the poor fellow was most terribly scared; for
nothing ran in his head but that they were come to look for him,
and would cut him in pieces and eat him; and the poor fellow
trembled so, that I scarce knew what to do with him. I com-
forted him as well as 1 could, and told him I was in as much
danger as lie, and that they would eat me as well as him: But,"
says I, Friday, we must resolve to fight them. Can you fight,
Friday ?" Me shoot," says he; "but there come many great
number." No matter for that," said I again ; our guns will
fright them that we do not kill;" so I asked him, Whether, if I
resolved to defend him, he would defend me, and stand by me, and
do just as I bid him?" He said, "Me die, when you bid die,
master." So I went and fetched a good dram of rum and gave
him; for I had been so good a husband of my rum that I had a
great deal left. When he had drunk it, I made him take the two
fowling-pieces, which we always carried, and load them with large
swan-shot, as big as small pistol bullets; then I took four muskets,






EXTRAVAGANT DISPLAY OF EMOTION.


ecstasies, the variety of postures which these poor delivered people
ran into to express the joy of their souls at so unexpected a
deliverance. Grief and fear are easily described; sighs, tears,
groans, and a very few motions of the head and hands make up
the sum of its variety; but an excess of joy, a surprise of joy,
has a thousand extravagances in it. There were some in tears;
some raging and tearing themselves, as if they had been in the
greatest agonies of sorrow; some stark-raving and downright
lunatic; some ran about the ship stamping with their feet, others
wringing their hands; some were dancing, some singing, some
laughing, more crying, many quite dumb, not able to speak a
word; others sick and vomiting; others swooning, and ready to
faint; and a few were crossing themselves, and giving God
thanks.
I would not wrong them neither; there might be many that
were tharikful afterward, but the passion was too strong for them
at first, and they were not able to master it; they were thrown
into ecstasies and a kind of frenzy, and it was but a very few that
were composed and serious in their joy.
Perhaps the case may have some addition to it from the par-
ticular circumstance of that nation they belonged to, I mean the
French, whose temper is allowed to be more volatile, more pas-
sionate, and more sprightly, and their spirits more fluid than in
other nations. I am not philosopher enough to determine the
cause; but nothing I had ever seen before came up to it. The
ecstasies poor Friday, my trusty savage, was in, when he found his
father in the boat, came the nearest to it; and the surprise of the
master and his two companions, whom I delivered from the villains
that set them on shore in the island, came a little way towards it;
but nothing was to compare to this, either that I saw in Friday,
or anywhere else in my life.
It is further observable, that these extravagances did not show
themselves in that different manner I have mentioned in different
persons only, but all the variety would appear in a short suc-
cession of moments in one and the same person. A man that we
saw this minute dumb, and, as it were, stupid and confounded,
should the next minute be dancing and hallooing like an antic;






ESCAPE OF THE PRISONER.


top of the hill, I crossed toward the sea; and having a very short
cut and all down hill, clapped myself in the way between the pur-
suers and the pursued; hallooing aloud to him that fled, who,
looking back, was at first perhaps as much frighted at me as
at them: but I beckoned with my hand to him to come back;
and in the meantime I slowly advanced towards the two that fol-
lowed; then rushing at once upon the foremost, I knocked him
down with the stock of my piece. I was loath to fire, because I
would not have the rest hear; though at that distance it would
not have been easily heard, and being out of sight of the smoke
too, they would not have easily known what to make of it. Hav-
ing knocked this fellow down, the other who pursued with him
stopped, as if he had been frighted, and I advanced apace towards
him; but as I came nearer, I perceived presently he had a bow
and arrow, and was fitting it to shoot at me; so I was then neces-
sitated to shoot at him first, which I did and killed him at the first
shot. The poor savage who fled, but had stopped, though he saw
both his enemies fallen, and killed, as he thought, yet was so
frighted with the fire and noise of my piece, that he stood stock-
still, and neither came forward nor went backward, though he
seemed rather inclined to fly still than to come on. I hallooed
again to him, and made signs to come forward, which he easily
understood, and came a little way, then stopped again, and then a
little further, and stopped again, and I could then perceive that he
stood trembling, as if he had been taken prisoner, and had just
been to be killed, as his two enemies were. I beckoned him again
to come to me, and gave him all the signs of encouragement that I
could think of, and le came nearer and nearer, kneeling down
every ten or twelve steps in token of acknowledgment for my sav-
ing his life. I smiled at him, and looked pleasantly, and beckoned
to him to come still nearer. At length he came close to me, and
then he kneeled down again, kissed the ground, and laid his head
upon the ground, and taking me by the foot, set my foot upon his
head : this, it seems, was in token of swearing to be my slave for
ever. I took him up and made much of him, and encouraged him
all I could. But there was more work to do yet; for I perceived
the savage whom I knocked down was not killed, but stunned,







DE FOE'S REAL STRENGTH.


conception; how he was never tempted to indulge in any glowing delinea-
tion of tropical landscapes; how, from first to last, Fancy, with its many-
coloured gleams, should be so wholly absent from the picture. Almost the
only dramatic stroke in the romance-and its effect is so great that we
wonder its inventor refrained from further employment of a power which
he evidently possessed-is Crusoe's discovery of the unknown footprint on
the sandy shore. Otherwise, the narrative flows on with an evenness, a
method, and a prosaic regularity which are absolutely wonderful, and which
so impose upon the reader that he accepts the most startling adventures as
if they were the ordinary events of life.
It seems to us that all De Foe's strength lay in this inventiveness. His was
not the power of analyzing character. He was incapable of any psychological
development of passion or emotion. Not one of his heroes or heroines lives
in our recollection-except, indeed, Crusoe and Friday; and these, not
because they are boldly drawn, but from their association with certain
romantic circumstances. If we speak of Fielding, we immediately recall, with
all the sharpness and freshness of well-known portraits, Joseph Andrews,
and Parson Adams. and Lady Bellasis; Richardson reminds us of Lovelace,
and Grandison, and Clarissa; Scott, of Dandie Dinmont, Lucy Ashton,
Nicol Jarvie, Counsellor Pleydel, Dirck Hatteraick, Amy Robsart, and a
hundred other characters, who have become the familiar friends of genera-
tions of readers. But when we think of De Foe, it is to remember the
striking incidents which make up his stories, and to admire the vraisem-
blance with which his minute genius has invested them. Thus, then, he
stands wholly apart from the other illustrious names of English fiction,
occupying a field which-but for the labours of a recent follower, William
Gilbert-he would occupy alone.
An immense mass of criticism has been accumulated in reference to
Robinson Crusoe ;" and as it is always interesting to observe how a fine
work of art is regarded by competent judges, I shall select from it a few
specimens. First, I propose to condense Sir Walter Scott's admirable
remarks.
FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT.

The style of probability with which De Foe invested his narratives was
perhaps ill bestowed, or rather wasted, upon some of the works which he
thought proper to produce, and cannot recommend to us their subject; but,
on the other hand, the same talent throws an air of truth about the delightful
history of Robinson Crusoe," which we never could have believed it pos-
sible to have united with so extraordinary a situation as is assigned to the
hero. All the usual scaffolding and machinery employed in composing
fictitious history are carefully discarded. The early incidents of the tale,
which in ordinary works of invention are usually thrown out as pegs to hang
the conclusion upon, are.in this work only touched upon, and suffered to drop






THE YOUNG RUSSIAN NOBLE.


I would give him my answer, and hoped he would not be
displeased with me, if he was with my answer. He told me,
it was only his son,
whom, though I had not
seen, yet was in the same
condition with himself,
and above two hundred
miles from him, on the
other side the Oby; but
that, if I consented, he
would send for him.
I made no hesitation,
but told him I would do
it. I made some cere-
mony in letting him
understand that it was
wholly on his account;
and that seeing I could
not prevail on him, I
would show my re-
spect to him by my
concern for his son.
But these things are "I ENT MY SRVANT TO HIS LORDSHIP WITd A
SbMALL PRESENT OF TEA-. o
too tedious to repeat
here. He sent away the next day for his son; and, in about
twenty days, he came back with the messenger, bringing six or
seven horses loaded with very rich furs, and which in the whole
amounted to a very great value.
His servants brought the horses into the town, but left the
young lord at a distance, till night, when he came incognito into
our apartment, and his father presented him to me; and, in short,
we concerted there the manner of our travelling, and everything
proper for the journey.
I had bought a considerable quantity of sables, black fox-skins,
fine ermines, and such other furs as are very rich-I say, I had
bought them in that city in exchange for some of the goods I
brought from China; in particular, for the cloves and nutmegs, of






A VIOLENT DREAM.


body had related to us, that the seamen on board the English and
Dutch ships, but especially the Dutch, were so enraged at the
name of a pirate, and especially at our beating off their boats
and escaping, that they would not give themselves leave to inquire
whether we were pirates or no, but would execute us off-hand, as
we call it, without giving us any room for a defence. We reflected
that there was really so much apparent evidence before them, that
they would scarce inquire after any more; as, first, that the ship
was certainly the same, and that some of the seamen among them
knew her, and had been on board her; and, secondly, that when
we had intelligence at the river of Cambodia that they were coming
down to examine us, we fought their boats and fled : so that we
made no doubt that they were fully satisfied of our being pirates,
as we were satisfied of the contrary; and, as I often said, I know
not but I should have been apt to have taken those circumstances
for evidence, if the tables were turned, and my case was theirs,
and have made no scruple of cutting all the crew to pieces, without
believing, or perhaps considering, what they might have to offer in
their defence.
But let that be how it will, those were our apprehensions; and
both my partner and I too scarce slept a night without dreaming
of halters and yard-arms-that is to say, gibbets, of fighting, and
being taken; of killing, and being killed; and one night I was in
such a fury in my dream, fancying the Dutchmen had boarded us,
and I was knocking one of their seamen down, that I struck my
double fist against the side of the cabin I lay in, with such a force
as wounded my hand most grievously, broke my knuckles, and cut
and bruised the flesh; so that it not only waked me out of my
sleep, but I was once afraid I should have lost two of my fingers.
Another apprehension I had, was of the cruel usage we might
meet with from them if we fell into their hands. Then the story
of Amboyna came into my head, and how the Dutch might per-
haps torture us, as they did our countrymen there, and make some
of the men, by extremity of torture, confess those crimes they
never were guilty of, own themselves and all of us to be pirates,
and so they would put us to death, with a formal appearance of
justice; and that they might be tempted to do this for the gain






A WARM RECEPTION,


not to defend themselves, fire excepted, as long as their ammuni-
tion lasted, though all the savages that were landed, which was
near fifty, were to attack them.
Having resolved upon this, they next considered whether they
should fire at the first two, or wait for the three, and so take the
middle party, by which the two and the five that followed would
be separated; and they resolved to let the two first pass by, unless
they should spy them in the tree, and come to attack them. The
two first savages also confirmed them in this regulation by turning
a little from them towards another part of the wood; but the three
and the five after them came forward directly to the tree, as if
they had known the Englishmen were there.
Seeing them come so straight towards them, they resolved to
take them in a line as they came; and as they resolved to fire but
one at a time, perhaps the first shot might hit them all three:
to which purpose the man who was to fire put three or four small
bullets into his piece, and having a fair loop-hole, as it were, from
a broken hole in the tree, he took a sure aim without being seen,
waiting till they were within about thirty yards of the tree, so that
lie could not miss.
While they were thus waiting and the savages came on, they
plainly saw that one of the three was the runaway savage that had
escaped from them, and they both knew him distinctly, and re-
solved that, if possible, he should not escape though they should
both fire; so the other stood ready with his piece that if he did
not drop at the first shot, he should be sure to have a second.
But the first was too good a marksman to miss his aim; for as
the savages kept near one another, a little behind in a line, in a
word, he fired and hit two of them directly. The foremost was
killed outright, being shot in the head; the second, which was
the runaway Indian, was shot through the body, and fell, but was
not quite dead; and the third had a little scratch in the shoulder,
perhaps by the same ball that went through the body of the second,
and being dreadfully frighted, though not much hurt, sat down
upon the ground, screaming and yelling in a hideous manner.
The five that were behind, more frighted with the noise than
sensible of the danger, stood still at first; for the woods made the





THE FOOTPRINT IN THE SAND.


went up to a rising ground to look further. I went up the shore
and down the shore; but it was all one, I could see no other im-
pression but that one. I went to it again to see if there were any
more, and to observe if it might not be my fancy; but there was
no room for that, for there was exactly the very print of a foot,
toes, heel, and every part of a foot;-how it came thither I knew
not, nor could in the least imagine. But after innumerable flutter-
ing thoughts, like a man perfectly confused and out of myself, I
came home to my fortification, not feeling, as we say, the ground
I went on, but terrified to the last degree, looking behind me at
every two or three steps, mistaking every bush and tree, and
fancying every stump at a distance to be a man. Nor is it pos-
sible to describe how many various shapes affrighted imagination
represented things to me in; how many wild ideas were found
every moment in my fancy, and what strange unaccountable
whimsies came into my thoughts by the way.
When I came to my castle, for so I think I called it ever after
this, I fled into it like one pursued. Whether I went over by the
ladder at first contrived, or went in at the hole in the rock which
I called a door, I cannot remember; no, nor could I remember the
next morning; for never frighted hare fled to cover, or fox to
earth, with more terror of mind than I to this retreat.
I slept none that night. The further I was from the occasion
of my fright the greater my apprehensions were, which is some-
thing contrary to the nature of such things, and especially to the
usual practice of all creatures in fear. But I was io embarrassed
with my own frightful ideas of the thing, that I formed nothing
but dismal imaginations to myself, even though I was now a great
way off it. Sometimes I fancied it must be the devil; and
reason joined in with me upon this supposition. For how should
any other thing in human shape come into the place? Where
was the vessel that brought them? What marks were there of
any other footsteps ? And howwas it possible a man should come
there? But, then, to think that Satan should take human shape
upon him in such a place, where there could be no manner of
occasion for it but to leave the print of his foot behind him, and
that even for no purpose, too, for he could not be sure I should





A NARROW ESCAPE.


then took to my heels and ran with what strength I had further
towards the shore. But neither would this deliver me from the
fury of the sea, which came pouring in after me again, and twice
more I was lifted up by the waves and carried forward as before,
the shore being very flat.
The last time of these two had well near been fatal to me ; for
the sea having hurried me along as before, landed me, or rather



























dash- iii-, .1 --;_ -
rock, ail th.t 4 th i, h it
left "ru o n ....a .i i .. 1'"* -> -
less, as to my own deliverance:
for the blow taking my side and
breast, beat the breath as it were
quite out of my body, and had it






THE SINNER CONVERTED.


for men to ask mercy: and we that are Christ's servants are com-
manded to preach mercy at all times, in the name of Jesus Christ,
to all those that sincerely repent; so that 'tis never too late to
repent."
I told Atkins all this, and he heard me with great earnestness;
but it seemed as if he turned off the discourse to the rest, for he
said to me he would go and have some talk with his wife; so he
went out a while, and we talked to the rest. I perceived they
were all stupidly ignorant as to matters of religion, much as I was
when I went rambling away from my father, and yet that there
were none of them backward to hear what had been said; and all
of them seriously promised that they would talk with their wives
about it, and do their endeavour to persuade them to turn
Christians.
The clergyman smiled upon me when I reported what answer
they gave, but said nothing a good while; but at last, shaking his
head, We that are Christ's servants," says he, can go no further
than to exhort and instruct; and when men comply, submit to the
reproof, and promise what we ask, 'tis all we can do: we are
bound to accept their good words. But believe me, sir," said he,
whatever you may have known of the life of that man you call
Will Atkins, I bqieve he is the only sincere convert among them.
I take that man to be a true penitent. I won't despair of the rest;
buf that man is apparently struck with the sense of his past life;
and I doubt not but when he comes to talk religion to his wife,
he will talk himself effectually into it; for attempting to teach
others is sometimes the best way of teaching ourselves. I knew a
man, who having nothing but a summary notion of religion
himself, and being wicked and profligate to the last degree in his
life, made a thorough reformation of himself by labouring to con-
vert a Jew. If that poor Atkins begins but once to talk seriously
of Jesus Christ to his wife, my life for it, he talks himself into a
'thorough convert-makes himself a penitent. And who knows
what may follow?"
Upon this discourse, however, and their promising, as above, to
endeavour to persuade their wives to embrace Christianity, he
married the other three couple; but Will Atkins and his wife were






DEFEAT OF THE WOLVES.


aim so sure, that indeed they killed several of the wolves at the
first volley; but there was a necessity to keep a continual firing,
for they came on like devils, those behind pushing on those
before.
When we had fired our second volley of our fusees, we thought
they stopped a little, and I hoped they would have gone off; but
it was but a moment, for others came forward again : so we fired
two volleys of our pistols, and I believe in these four firings we
had killed seventeen or eighteen of them, and lamed twice as
many; yet they came on again.
I was loath to spend our last shot too hastily; so I called my
servant-not my man Friday, for he was better employed; for,
with the greatest dexterity imaginable, he had charged my fusee
and his own while we were engaged; but, as I said, I called my
other man, and giving him a horn of powder, I bade him lay a
train all along the piece of timber, and let it be a large train. He
did so, and had just time to get away when the wolves came up
to it, and some were got up upon it; when I, snapping an un-
charged pistol, close to the powder, set it on fire. Those that were
upon the timber were scorched with it, and six or seven of them fell,
or rather jumped in among us, with the force and fright of the
fire. We despatched these in an instant, and the rest were so
frighted with the light, which the night, for it was now very near
dark, made more terrible, that they drew back a little.
Upon which I ordered our last pistol to be fired off in one
volley, and after that we gave a shout. Upon this the wolves
turned tail, and we sallied immediately upon near twenty lame
ones, which we found struggling on the ground, and fell a cutting
them with our swords; which answered our expectation, for the
crying and howling they made was better understood by their
fellows, so that they all fled and left us.
We had, first and last, killed about threescore of them; and
had it been daylight, we had killed many more. The field of
battle being thus cleared, we made forward again; for we had still
near a league to go. We heard the ravenous creatures howl and
yell in the woods, as we went, several times, and sometimes we
fancied we saw some of them; but the snow dazzling our eyes, we






STRAYING FROM THE RIGHT PATH.


less than a month's time I had so fenced it round that my flock or
herd-call it which you please-which were not so wild now as at
first they might be supposed to be, were well enough secured in it.
So, without any further delay, I removed ten young she-goats and
two he-goats to this piece : and when they were there I continued
to perfect the fence till I had made it as secure as the other; which,
however, I did at more leisure, and it took me up more time by a
great deal.
All this labour I was at the expense of purely from my appre-
hensions on the account of the print of a man's foot which I had
seen; for as yet I never saw any human creature come near the
island, and I had now lived two years under these uneasinesses,
which indeed made my life much less comfortable than it was
before-as may well be imagined by any who know what it is to
live in the constant snare of the fear of man. And this I must
observe with grief, too, that the discomposure of my mind had too
great impressions also upon the religious part of my thoughts; for
the dread and terror of falling into the hands of savages and canni-
bals lay so upon my spirits that I seldom found myself in a due
temper for application to my Maker-at least, not with the sedate
calmness and resignation of soul which I was wont to do. I rather
prayed to God as under great affliction and pressure of mind, sur-
rounded with danger, and in expectation every night of being
murdered and devoured before morning. And I must testify from
my experience that a temper of peace, thankfulness, love, and
affection, is much more the proper frame for prayer than that of
terror and discomposure; and that, under the dread of mischief
impending, a man is no more fit for a comforting performance of
the duty of praying to God than he is for repentance on a sick-
bed: for these discomposures affect the mind as the others do the
body; and the discomposure of the mind must necessarily be as
great a disability as that of the body--and much greater, praying
to God being properly an act of the mind, not of the body.
But to go on. After I had thus secured one part of my little
living stock, I went about the whole island searching for another
private place to make such another deposit, when, wandering more
to the west point of the island than I had ever done yet, and looking






CRUSOE DECIDES UPON WAR.


and loaded them with two slugs and five small bullets each; and
my two pistols I loaded with a brace of bullets each; I hung my
great sword as usual naked by my side, and gave Friday his
hatchet.
When I had thus prepared myself, I took my perspective-glass,
and went up to the side of the hill to see what I could discover.
And I found quickly, by my glass, that there were one-and-twenty
savages, three prisoners, and three canoes; and that their whole
business seemed to be the triumphant banquet upon these three
human bodies (a barbarous feast indeed), but nothing else more
than as I had observed was usual with them.
I observed, also, that they were landed, not where they had done
when Friday made his escape, but nearer to my creek, where the
shore was low, and where a thick wood came close almost down to
the sea. This, with the abhorrence of the inhuman errand these
wretches came about, filled me with such indignation, that I came
down again to Friday and told him I was resolved to go down to
them and kill them all; and asked him if he would stand by me?
He was now gotten over his fright, and his spirits being a little
raised with the dram I had given him, he was very cheerful, and
told me, as before, he would die, when I bid die."
In this fit of fury, I took first and divided the arms which I had
charged, as before, between us. I gave Friday one pistol to stick
in his girdle, and three guns upon his shoulder; and I took one
pistol and the other three myself; and in this posture we marched
out. I took a small bottle of rum in my pocket, and gave Friday
a large bag with more powder and bullet. And as to orders, I
charged him to keep close behind me, and not to stir, or shoot, or
do anything till I bid him; and in the meantime, not to speak a
word. In this posture I fetched a compass to my right hand of
near a mile, as well to get over the creek as to get into the wood;
so that I might come within shoot of them before I should be dis-
covered, which I had seen by my glass it was easy to do.
While I was making this march, my former thoughts returning,
I began to abate my resolution. I do not mean that I entertained
any fear of their number; for as they were naked, unarmed
wretches, it is certain I was superior to them-nay, though I had






DRIVING ASHORE.


River, and began to consult with pe what course he should take,
for the ship was leaky and very much disabled, and he was going
directly back to the coast of Brazil.
I was positively against that; and looking over the charts of the
sea-coast of America with him, we concluded there was no inhabited
country for us to have recourse to till we came within the circle of
the Caribbean Islands, and therefore resolved to stand away for
Barbadoes; which, by keeping off at sea, to avoid the indraught of
the Bay or Gulf of Mexico, we might easily perform, as we hoped,
in about fifteen days' sail; whereas we could not possibly make our
voyage to the coast of Africa without some assistance both to our
ship and to ourselves.
With this design we changed our course, and steered away
north-west by west, in order to reach some of our English islands,
where I hoped for relief. But our voyage was otherwise deter-
mined; for, being in the latitude of 12 degrees 18 minutes, a
second storm came upon us, which carried us away with the same
impetuosity westward, and drove us so out of the very way of all
human commerce, that had all our lives been saved as to the sea,
we were rather in danger of being devoured by savages than ever
returning to our own country.
In this distress, the wind still blowing very hard, one of our men
early in the morning cried out "Land!" and we had no sooner
run out of the cabin to look out in hopes of seeing whereabouts in
the world we were, but the ship struck upon a sand, and in a
moment, her motion being so stopped, the sea broke over her in
such a manner, that we expected we should all have perished
immediately, and we were immediately driven into our close
quarters to shelter us from the very foam and spray of the sea.
It is not easy for any one who has not been in the like condition
to describe or conceive the consternation of men in such circum-
stances. We knew nothing where we were, or upon what land it
was we were driven, whether an island or the main, whether in-
habited or not inhabited; and as the rage of the wind was still
great, though rather less than at first, we could not so much as
hope to have the ship hold many minutes without breaking in
pieces, unless the wind by a kind of miracle should turn im-






AN ATTACK OF AGUE.


I continued this work every day to the 15th of June, except the
time necessary to get food, which I always appointed, during this
part of my employment, to be when the tide was up, that I might be
ready when it was ebbed out; and by this time I had gotten timber
and plank and iron-work enough to have builded a good boat, if
I had known how; and also, I got at several times and in several
pieces, near one hundredweight of the sheet lead.
June 16. Going down to the seaside, I found a large tortoise
or turtle. This was the first I had seen; which, it seems, was only
my misfortune, not any defect of the place or scarcity: for had
I happened to be on the other side of the island, I might have
had hundreds of them every day, as I found afterwards; but, per-
haps, had paid dear enough for them.
June 17. I spent in cooking the turtle. I found in her three-
score eggs; and her flesh was to me at that time the most savoury
and pleasant that ever I tasted in my life, having had no flesh, but
of goats and fowls, since I landed in this horrid place.
June 18. Rained all day, and I stayed within. I thought at
this time the rain felt cold, and I was something chilly, which I
knew was not usual in that latitude.
June 19. Very ill, and shivering, as if the weather had been
cold.
June 20. No rest all night, violent pains in my head, and
feverish.
June 21. Very ill. Frightened almost to death with the appre-
hensions of my sad condition-to be sick and no help. Prayed to
God for the first time since the storm off of Hull; but scarce knew
what I said, or why, my thoughts being all confused.
June 22. A little better, but under dreadful apprehensions of
sickness.
June 23. Very bad again, cold and shivering, and then a violent
headache.
June 24. Much better.
June 25. An ague, very violent. The fit held me seven hours,
cold fit and hot, with faint sweats after it.
June 26. Better; and having no victuals to eat, took my gun,
but found myself very weak. However, I killed a she-goat, and






COLONIZING THE ISLAND.


be hanged. I showed them the new captain hanging at the yard-
arm of the ship, and told them they had nothing less to expect.
When they had all declared their willingness to stay, I then told
them I would let them into the story of my living there, and put
them into-the way of making it easy to them. Accordingly I
gave them the whole history of the place and of my coming to it;
showed them my fortifications, the way I made my bread, planted
my corn, cured my grapes ; and in a word, all that was necessary
to make them easy. I told them the story also of the sixteen
Spaniards that were to be expected; for whom I left a letter, and
made them promise to treat them in common with themselves.
I left them my firearms, namely, five muskets, three fowling-
pieces, and three swords. I had above a barrel and half of powder
left; for after the first year or two I used but little and wasted
none. I gave them a description of the way I managed the goats,
and directions to milk and fatten them, and to make both butter
and cheese.
In a word, I gave them every part of my own story. And I
told them I would prevail with the captain to leave them two
barrels of gunpowder more, and some garden-seeds, which I told
them I would have been very glad of; also I gave them the bag
of pease which the captain had brought me to eat, and bade them
be sure to sow and increase them.
Having done all this I left them the next day, and went on
board the ship. We prepared immediately to sail, but did not
weigh that night. The next morning early two of the five men
came swimming to the ship's side, and making a most lamentable
complaint of the other three, begged to be taken into the ship, for
God's sake, for they should be murdered, and begged the captain
to take them on board though he hanged them immediately.
Upon this the captain pretended to have no power without me.
But after some difficulty, and after their solemn promises of amend-
ment, they were taken on board, and were some time after soundly
whipped and pickled; after which they proved very honest and
quiet fellows.
Some time after this the boat was ordered on Ahore, the tide
being up, with the things promised to the men; to which the






A MdISERABLE SPFICTACLE.


eating too much, even of that little we gave them. The mate, or
commander, brought six men with himi in his boat, but these poor
wretches looked like skeletons, and were so weak they could hardly
sit to their oars. The mate himself was very ill and half starved;
for Ih declared he had reserved nothing front the men, and went
share and share alike with them iu every bit they ate.
1 cautiom,d him to et sparingly, but set meat before him im-
muediately, ad1 ie had not eaten three mouthfuls before e e began
to lie sick ,idl out of order. So he stopped a while, and our sur-
geon mixed Ihinm up something with some broth, which ihe said to
hiiln would ie both food Ilat physic; and after he had taken it, he
grew better. In the meantime, I forgot not the men ; I ordered
victuals to Ib given tihel, and the poor creatures rather devoured
than ato it. 'They were so exceeding lhungry, that they were in a
kinl rav\eouos, and lhadi no comonmIanul of tlhmselves; and two of
thlnm ato with so nmuchl greediness that they were in danger of
their lives tlh next mtornting.
T'he sight of tlhste people's distress was very moving to me, and
brought to mind wi hadWt a terrible prospect of at my first
romting ol o shior inl tie island, where I hlad neither tile least
mouthful of food nor any prospect of securing any, besides tile
hourly tpptirhension I had of being made tile food of other
creatures. But all the while the matte was thus relating to me the
miserable condition of the ship's company, I could not put out of
my thought tho story ihe had told me of the three poor creatures in
the great cabin, nnimtely, theo mother, Ier son, and tie maid-
servant, whomtt he had heard nothing of for two or three days, and
whom lie seemed to confess they had wholly neglected, their own
extremities being so great; by which I understood that they had
really given them no, food at. all, and that therefore they must be
,prished, and lie all lying dead, perhaps, on the floor or deck of the
cabin.
As I therefore kept tile mate, whom we then called captain, on
board with his men to refresh them, so I also forgot not the starv-
ing crew that were left on board, but ordered my own boat to go
on board tile ship, and with my mate and twelve men to carry
them a sack of broad and four or five pieces of beef to boil. Our






AN EXTRAORDINARY SCENE,


tably, and in a far worse condition than before, as you will see
presently.
I had not kept myself long in this posture, but I saw the boat
draw near the shore, as if they looked for a creek to thrust in at
for the convenience of landing. However, as they did not come
quite far enough, they did not see the little inlet where I formerly
landed my rafts, but ran their boat on shore upon the beach, at
about half a mile from me; which was very happy for me, for
otherwise they would have landed just, as I may say, at my door,
and would soon have beaten me out of my castle, and perhaps have
plundered me of all I had.
When they were on shore, I was fully satisfied that they were
Englishmen, at least most of them. One or two I thought were
Dutch; but it did not prove so. There were in all eleven men,
whereof three of them I found were unarmed, and, as I thought,
bound; and when the first four or five of them were jumped on
shore, they took those three out of the boat as prisoners. One of
the three I could perceive using the most passionate gestures of
entreaty, affliction, and despair, even to a kind of extravagance;
the other two, I could perceive, lifted up their hands sometimes,
and appeared concerned indeed, but not to such a degree as the
first.
I was perfectly confounded at the sight, and know not what the
meaning of it should be. Friday called out to me in English as
well as he could, 0 master I you see English mans eat prisoner
as well as savage mans."-" Why," says I, Friday, do you think
they are a going to eat them, then ?"-" Yes," says Friday, they
will eat them."-" No, no," says I, Friday; I am afraid they
will murder them, indeed, but you may be sure they will not eat
them."
All this while I had no thought of what the matter really was,
but stood trembling with the horror of the sight, expecting every
moment when the three prisoners should be killed; nay, once I
saw one of the villains lift up his arm with a great cutlass, as
the seamen call it, or sword, to strike one of the poor men; and I
expected to see him fall every moment, at which all the blood in
my body seemed to run chill in my veins.






THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.


great dexterity brought the ship almost to rights; and having gotten
the guns into their places again, the gunner called to me to bid
our boat get out of the way, for he would let fly among them. I
called back again to him, and bid him not offer to fire, for the
carpenter would do the work without him, but bade him heat
another pitch-kettle; which our cook, who was on board, took care
of. But the enemy were so terrified with what they had met with
in their first attack, that they would not come on again. And
some of them that were furthest off, seeing the ship swim as it were
upright, began, as we supposed, to see their mistake, and give over
the enterprise, finding it was not as they expected. Thus we got
clear of this merry fight; and having gotten some rice, and some
roots, and bread, with about sixteen good big hogs, on board two
days before, we resolved to stay here no longer, but go forward,
whatever came of it; for we made no doubt but we should be
surrounded the next day with rogues enough, perhaps more than
our pitch-kettle would dispose of for us.
We therefore got all our things on board the same evening, and
the next morning we were ready to sail. In the meantime, lying
at an anchor at some distance, we were not so much concerned,
being now in a fighting posture as well as in a sailing posture, if
any enemy had presented. The next day, having finished our work
within board, and finding our ship was perfectly healed of all her
leaks, we set sail. We would have gone into the Bay of Tonquin,
for we wanted to inform ourselves of what was to be known con-
cerning the Dutch ships that had been there; but we durst not
stand in there, because we had seen several ships go in, as we sup-
posed, but a little before; so we kept on north-east, towards
the Isle of Formosa, as much afraid of being seen by a Dutch or
English merchant ship, as a Dutch or English merchant ship in
the Mediterranean is of an Algerine man-of-war.
When we were thus got to sea, we kept out nrorth-east, as if
we would go to the Manillas or the Philippine Islands; and this
we did that we might not fall into the way of any of our European
ships; and then we steered north until we came to the latitude of
22 degrees, 30 minutes, by which means we made the Island of
Formosa directly, where we came to an anchor, in order to get water






THE BUTCHER'S BILL."


By the time the men got to the shore again with the pinnace,
our men began to appear. They came dropping in, some and
some; not in two bodies, and in form, as they went, but all in
heaps, straggling here and there in such a manner that a small
force of resolute men might have cut them all off.
But the dread of them was upon the whole country; and the
men were amazed and surprised, and so frightened, that I believe
a hundred of them would have fled at the sight of but five of our
men. Nor in all this terrible action was there a man who made
any considerable defence. They were so surprised between the
terror of the fire and the sudden attack of our men in the dark,
that they knew not which way to turn themselves: for if they fled
one way, they were met by one party; if back again, by another;
so that they were everywhere knocked down. Nor did any of our
men receive the least hurt, except one, who strained his foot; and
another had one of his hands very much burned.
I was very angry with my nephew the captain, and indeed
with all the men, in my mind; but with him in particular, as
well for his acting so out of his duty as commander of the ship,
and having the charge of the voyage upon him, as in his prompting
rather than cooling the rage of his men in so bloody and cruel an
enterprise. My nephew answered me very respectfully; but told
me that when he saw the body of the poor seaman, whom they had
murdered in such a cruel and barbarous manner, he was not master
of himself, neither could he govern his passion. He owned he
should not have done so, as he was commander of the ship; but as
he was a man, and nature moved him, he could not bear it. As
for the rest of the men, they were not subject to me at all; and
they knew it well enough, so they took no notice of my dislike.
The next day we set sail, so we never heard any more of it.
Our men differed in the account of the number they killed: some
said one thing, some another; but according to the best of their
accounts put together, they killed or destroyed about one hundred
and fifty people, men, women, and children, and left not a house
standing in the town. As for the poor fellow, Thomas Jeffery, as
he was quite dead, for his throat was so cut that his head was
half off, it would do him no service to bring him away. So they






THE PORTUGAL PILOT.


Having resolved upon this, we agreed that, if our Portugal
pilot would go with us, we would bear his charges to Moscow, or
to England if he pleased. Nor, indeed, were we to be esteemed
over-generous in that part neither, if we had not rewarded him
further, for the service he had done us was really worth all that,
and more: for he had not only been a pilot to us at sea, but he
had been like a broker for us on shore; and his procuring for us
the Japan merchant was some hundred of pounds in our pocket.
So we consulted together about it, and being willing to gratify
him, which was indeed but doing him justice, and very willing
also to have him with us besides, for he was a most necessary man
on all occasions, we agreed to give him a quantity of coined gold,
which, as I compute it, came to about 175 sterling between us,
and to bear all his charges, both for himself and horse, except
only a horse to carry his goods.
Having settled this among ourselves, we called him to let him
know what we had resolved. I told him he had complained of our
being to let him go back alone, and I was now to tell him we
were resolved he should not go back at all; that as we had re-
solved to go to Europe with the caravan, we resolved also he
should go with us; and that we called him to know his mind.
lHe shook his head, and said it was a long journey, and he had no
pecune to carry him thither, or to subsist himself when he came
there. We told him we believed it was so, and therefore we had
resolved to do something for him that should let him see how
sensible we were of the service he had done us, and also how
agreeable he was to us. And then I told him what we had re-
solved to give him here, which he might lay out as we would do
our own; and that as for his charges, if he would go with us, we
would set him safe ashore, life and casualties excepted, either in
Muscovy or England, which he would, at our own charge, except
only the carriage of his goods.
He received the proposal like a man transported, and told
us he would go with us over the whole world; and so, in
short, we all prepared ourselves for the journey. However,
as it was with us, so it was with the other merchants: they had
many things to do, and instead of being ready in five weeks,






AFTER THE BATTLE.


Our men being thus hard laid at, Atkins wounded, and two
other men killed, retreated to a rising ground in the wood; and
the Spaniards, after firing three volleys upon them, retreated also:
for their number was so great, and they were so desperate, that
though above fifty of them were killed, and more than so many
wounded, yet they came. on in the teeth of our men, feWles of
danger, and shot their arrows like a cloud; and it was observed
that their wounded men, who were not quite disabled, were made
outrageous by their wounds, and fought like madmen.
When our men retreated, they left the Spaniard and the Eglish-
man that were killed behind them; and the savages, when they
came up to them, killed them over again in a wretched manner,
breaking their arms, legs, and heads with their clubs and wooden
swords like true savages. But finding our men,were gone, they
did not seem to pursue them, but drew themselves up in a kind of
ring, which is, it seems, their custom, and shouted twice in token
of their victory. After which they had the mortification to see
several of their wounded men fall, dying with the mere loss of
blood.
The Spaniard governor having drawn his little body up together
upon a rising ground, Atkins, though he was wounded, would
have had him marched, and charged them again altogether at once.
But the Spaniard replied, Seignior Atkins, you see how their
wounded men fight, let them alone till morning; all these wounded
men will be stiff and sore with their wounds, and faint with the
loss of blood; and so we shall have the fewer to engage."
The advice was good: but William Atkins replied merrily,
"That's true, seignior, and so shall I too; and that's the reason I
would go on while I am warm." Well, Seignior Atkins," says
the Spaniard, you have behaved gallantly, and done your part;
we will fight for you if you cannot come on; but I think it best
to stay till morning." So they waited.
But as it was a clear moonlight night, and they found the
savages in great disorder about their dead and wounded men, and
a great hurry and noise among them where they lay, they after-
wards resolved to fall upon them in the night, especially if they
could come to give them but one volley before they were discovered,






WAYS AND MEANS IN SIBERIA.


is not expensive, so it is not hard to get sufficient to ourselves:
so that objection is out of doors."
I have not room to give a full account of the most agreeable
conversation I had with this truly great man; in all which he
showed that his mind was so inspired with a superior knowledge
of things, so supported by religion, as well as by a vast share of
wisdom, that his contempt of the world was really as much as he
had expressed, and that he was always the same to the last, as will
appear in the story I am going to tell.
I had been here eight months, and a dark, dreadful winter I
thought it to be, the cold so intense that I could not so much as
look about without being wrapped in furs, and a mask of fur before
my face, or rather a hood, with only a hole for breath, and two for
sight. The little daylight we had was, as we reckoned, for three
months not above five hours a day, and six at most; only that the
snow lying on the ground continually, and the weather clear, it
was never quite dark. Our horses were kept, or rather starved,
underground; and as for our servants-for we hired three servants
here to look after our horses and selves-we had every now and
then their fingers and toes to thaw and take care of, lest they should
mortify and fall off.
It is true, within doors we were warm, the houses being close,
the walls thick, the lights small, and the glass all double. Our
food was chiefly the flesh of deer, dried and cured in the season;
good bread enough, but baked as biscuits; dried fish of several
sorts, and some flesh of mutton, and of the buffaloes, which is
pretty good beef. All the stores of provision for the winter are
laid up in the summer, and well cured. Our drink was water
mixed with aqua vita instead of brandy; and, for a treat, mead in-
stead of wine, which, however, they have excellent good. The
hunters, who venture abroad all weathers, frequently brought us
in fresh venison, very fat and good, and sometimes bear's flesh, but
we did not much care for the last. We had a good stock of tea,
with which we treated our friends as above; and, in a word, we
lived very cheerfully and well, all things considered.
It was now March, and the days grown considerably longer, and
the weather, at least, tolerable ; so the other travellers began to pre-






AN ADVANCE AND A RETREAT.


behind them, which is a certain sign in a soldier that he is just
ready to run away. My old pilot was of my mind; and being near
me, he called out: Seignior Inglese," says he, those fellows
must be encouraged, or they will ruin us all; for if the Tartars
come on, they will never stand it." I am of your mind," said I;
" but what course must be done ? " Done ?" says he; let fifty
of our men advance, and flank them on each wing, and encourage
them, and they will fight like brave fellows in brave company; but
without, they will every man turn his back." Immediately I rode
up to our leader, and told him, who was exactly of our mind; and
accordingly, fifty of us marched to the right wing, and fifty to the
left, and the rest made a line of reserve; and so we marched,
leaving the last two hundred men to make another body by them-
selves, and to guard the camels; only that, if need were, they
should send a hundred men to assist the last fifty.
In a word, the Tartars came on, and an innumerable company
they were; how many we could not tell, but ten thousand, we
thought, was the least. A party of them came on first, and viewed
our posture, traversing the ground in front of our line; and as we
found them within gun-shot, our leader ordered the two wings to
advance swiftly, and give them a salvo on each wing with their
shot, which was done; but they went off, and, I suppose, back to
give an account of the reception they were like to meet with: and,
indeed, that salute clogged their stomach, for they immediately
halted, stood a while to consider of it, and, wheeling off to the left,
they gave over the design, and said no more to us for that time;
which was very agreeable to our circumstances, which were but
very indifferent for a battle with such a number.
Two days after this, we came to the city Naun, or Naum. We
thanked the governor for his care for us, and collected to the
value of a hundred crowns, or thereabouts, which we gave to the
soldiers sent to guard us; and here we rested one day. This is a
garrison, indeed, and there were nine hundred soldiers kept here;
but the reason of it was, that formerly the Muscovite frontiers lay
nearer to them than they do now, the Muscovites having aban-
doned that part of the country (which lies from this city west, for
about two hundred miles) as desolate and unfit for use; and more






THE RAFT SAFELY MOORED.


opening of the land, and I found a strong current of the tide set
into it; so I guided my raft as well as I could to keep in the
middle of the stream. But here I had like to have suffered a
second shipwreck, which if I had, I think verily would have broken
my heart; for, knowing nothing of the coast, my raft ran aground
at one end of it upon a shoal, and not being aground at the other
end, it wanted but a little that all my cargo had slipped off towards
that end that was afloat, and so fallen into the water. I did my
utmost, by setting my back against the chests, to keep them in
their places, but could not thrust off the raft with all my strength,
neither durst I stir from the posture I was in, but holding up the
chests with all my might, stood in that manner near half an hour,
in which time the rising of the water brought me a little more
upon a level; and a little after, the water still rising, my raft
floated again, and I thrust her off with the oar I had into the
channel, and then driving up higher, I at length found myself in
the mouth of a little river, with land on both sides, and a strong
current or tide running up. I looked on both sides for a proper
place to get to shore, for I was not willing to be driven too high up
the river, hoping in time to see some ship at sea, and therefore
resolved to place myself as near the coast as .I could.
At length I spied a little cove on the right shore of the creek,
to which with great pain and difficulty I guided my raft, and at
last got so near as that, reaching ground with my oar, I could
thrust her directly in. But here I had like to have dipped all my
cargo in the sea again; for that shore lying pretty steep-that is to
say, sloping-there was no place to land, but where one end of my
float if it ran on shore, would lie so high, and the other sink lower
as before, that it would endanger my cargo again. All that I
could do was to wait till the tide was at the highest, keeping the
raft with my oar like an anchor to hold the side of it fast to the
shore, near a flat piece of ground, which I expected the water
would flow over; and so it did. As soon as I found water enough
-for my raft drew about a foot of water-I thrust her on upon
that flat piece of ground, and there fastened or moored her by
sticking my two broken oars into the ground, one on one side near
one end, and one on the other side near the other end; and thus I


104






BUYING A CAMEL.


Once, however, a party of them came so near as to stand and
gaze at us; whether it was to consider what they should do,
whether attack us, or not attack us, that we knew not; but when
we were passed at some distance by them, we made a rear-guard
of forty men, and stood ready for them, letting the caravan pass
half a mile, or thereabouts, before us. But after a while they
marched off, only we found they saluted us with five arrows at their
parting, one of which wounded a horse so that it disabled him;
and we left him the next day, poor creature, in great need of a
good farrier. We suppose they might shoot more arrows, which
might fall short of us; but we saw no more arrows or Tartars
that time.
We travelled near a month after this, the ways being not so bad
as at first, though still in the dominions of the Emperor of China,
but lay for the most part in villages, some of which were fortified,
because of the incursions of the Tartars. When we came to one
of these towns (it was about two and a half days' journey before we
were to come to the city Naum), I wanted to buy a camel, of which
there are plenty to be sold all the way upon that road, and of
horses also, such as they are, because, so many caravans coming
that way, they are often wanted. The person that I spoke to to
get me a camel would have gone and fetched it for me, but I, like
a fool, must be officious, and go myself along with him. The
place was about two miles out of the village, where, it seems, they
kept the camels and horses feeding under a guard.
I walked it on foot with my old pilot, being very desirous, for-
sooth, of a little variety. When we came to the place, it was a low
marshy ground, walled round with a stone wall, piled up dry,
without mortar or earth among it, like a park, with a little guard
of Chinese soldiers at the door. Having bought a camel, and
agreed for the price, I came away, and the Chinese man that went
with me led the camel; when on a sudden came up five Tartars
on horseback: two of them seized the fellow, and took the camel
from him, while the other three stepped up to me and my old
pilot, seeing us, as it were, unarmed; for I had no weapon about
me but my sword, which could but ill defend me against three
horsemen. The first that came up stopped short upon my draw-






EXHIBITING THE STORES.


The Spaniards added to our feast five whole kids, which the
cooks roasted; and three of them were sent covered up close on
board the ship to the seamen, that they might feast on fresh meat
from on shore, as we did with their salt meat from on board.
After this feast, at which we were very innocently merry, I
brought out my cargo of goods, wherein, that there might be no
dispute about dividing, I showed them that there was sufficient
for them all; and desired that they might all take an equal
quantity of the goods that were for wearing-that is to say, equal
when made up; as first, I distributed linen sufficient to make
every one of them four shirts, and at the Spaniard's request after-
wards made them up six. These were exceeding comfortable to
them, having been what, as I may say, they had long since forgot
the use of, or what it was to wear them.
I allotted the thin English stuffs which I mentioned before to
make every one a light coat, like a frock, which I judged fittest
for the heat of the season, cool and loose; and ordered that when-
ever they decayed they should make more as they thought fit. The
like for pumps, shoes, stockings, and hats, &o.
I cannot express what pleasure, what satisfaction, sat upon the
countenances of all these poor men when they saw the care I had
taken of them, and how well I had furnished them. They told
me I was a father to them, and that having such a correspondent
as I was in so remote a part of the world, it would make them
forget that they were left in a desolate place; and they all volun-
tarily engaged to me not to leave the place without my consent.
Then I presented to them the people I had brought with me,
particularly the tailor, the smith, and the two carpenters--all of
them most necessary people; but above all, my general artificer,
than whom they could not name anything that was more useful
to them. And the tailor, to show his concern for them, went to
work immediately, and, with my leave, made them every one a
shirt the first thing he did; and which was still more, he taught
the women, not only how to sew and stitch, and use the needle,
but made them assist to make the shirts for their husbands and
for all the rest.
As to the carpenters, I scarce need mention how useful they





A COUNCIL OF WAR.


" I CARRIED HIM AND HIS TWO MEN INTO MY APARTMENT."


occasion, and I would show him that too another time, but at
present our business was to consider how to recover the ship.
He agreed with me as to that, but told me he was perfectly at
a loss what measures to take; for that there were still six-and-
twenty hands on board, who, having entered into a cursed con-
spiracy, by which they had all forfeited their lives to the law,
would be hardened in it now by desperation, and would carry it
on, knowing that if they were reduced they should be brought to
the gallows as soon as they came to England, or to any of the


ii-
,t






A BRAZILIAN PLANTATION.


The old man told me he had not been in the Brazils for about
nine years; but that he could assure me that when he came away
my partner was living, but the trustees whom I had joined with him
to take cognizance of my part were both dead. That, however,
lie believed that I would have a very good account of the improve-
ment of the plantation: for that, upon the general belief of my
being cast away and drowned, my trustees had given in the account
of the produce of my part of the plantation to the procurator-fiscal,
who had appropriated it, in case I never came to claim it; one
third to the King, and two thirds to the monastery of St. Augus-
tine, to be expended for the benefit of the poor, and for the con-
version of the Indians to the Catholic faith ; but that if I appeared,
or any one for me, to claim the inheritance, it should be restored,
only that the improvement or annual production being distributed
to charitable uses, could not be restored. But he assured me
that the steward of the King's revenue (from lands) and the pro-
viedore, or steward of the monastery, had taken great care all
along that the incumbent, that is to say, my partner, gave every
year a faithful account of the produce, of which they received duly
my moiety.
I asked him if he knew to what height of improvement he had
brought the plantation; and whether he thought it might be
worth looking after? or whether, on my going thither, I should
meet with no obstruction to my possessing my just right in the
moiety ?
He told me he could not tell exactly to what degree the planta-
tion was improved, but this he knew, that my partner was grown
exceeding rich upon the enjoying but one half of it; and that, to
the best of his remembrance, he had heard that the King's third
of my part, which was, it seems, granted away to some other
monastery or religious house, amounted to above two hundred
moidores a year: that as to my being restored to a quiet posses-
sion of it, there was no question to be made of that, my partner
being alive to witness my title, and my name being also enrolled
in the register of the country. Also, he told me that the sur-
vivors of my two trustees were very fair, honest people, and very
wealthy; and he believed I would not only have their assistance






CRUSOE AND THE MUTINEERS.


After these ceremonies past, and after all his good things were
brought into my little apartment, we began to consult what was
to be done with the prisoners we had; for it was worth considering
whether we might venture to take them away with us or no, espe-
cially two of them, whom we knew to be incorrigible and refractory
to the last degree; and the captain said, he knew they were such
rogues that there was no obliging them, and if he did carry them
away it must be in irons as malefactors to be delivered over to
justice at the first English colony he could come at. And I found
that the captain himself was very anxious about it.
Upon this, I told him that if. he desired it I durst undertake to
bring the two men he spoke of to make it their own request that
he should leave them upon the island. I should be very glad of
that," says the captain, with all my heart."
Well," says I, I will send for them up, and talk with them for
you." So I caused Friday and the two hostages-for they were
now discharged, their comrades having performed their promise;
I say, I caused them to go to the cave, and bring up the five men,
pinioned as they were, to the bower, and keep them there till I
tanle.
After some time I came thither dressed in my new habit; and
now I was called governor again. Being all met, and the captain
with me, I caused the men to be brought before me; and I told
them I had had a full account of their villanous behaviour to the
captain, and how they had run away with the ship, and were pre-
paring to commit further robberies, but that Providence had en-
snared them in their own ways, and that they were fallen into the
pit which they had digged for others.
I let them know that by my direction the ship had been seized,
that she lay now in the road; and they might see by-and-by that
their new captain had received the reward of his villany, for that
they might see him hanging at the yard-arm.
That as to them, I wanted to know what they had to say why
I should not execute them as pirates taken in the fact, as by my
commission they could not doubt I had authority todo.
One of them answered in the name of the rest, that they had
nothing to say but this, that when they were taken the captain






THE EXTREME OF SUFFERING. 505

which my mistress lay, and with the blow the blood gushed out
of my nose; and the cabin-boy bringing me a little basin, I sat
down and bled into it a great deal, and as the blood ran from me
I came to myself, and the violence of the flame or the fever I was
in abated, and so did the ravenous part of the hunger.
"Then I grew sick, and retched to vomit, but could not, for I
had nothing in my stomach to bring up. After I had bled some
time I swooned, and they all believed I was dead; but I came to
myself soon after, and then had a most dreadful pain in my
stomach, not to be described-not like the colic, but a gnawing
eager pain for food; and towards night it went off with a kind of
earnest wishing or longing for food-something like, as I suppose,
the longing of a woman with child. I took another draught of
water with sugar in it, but my stomach loathed the sugar, and
brought it all up again; then I took a draught of water without
sugar, and that stayed with me; and I laid me down upon the
bed, praying most heartily that it would please God to take me
away; and composing my mind in hopes of it, I slumbered awhile,
and then waking, thought myself dying, being light with vapours
from an empty stomach. I recommended my soul then to God,
and earnestly wished that somebody would throw me into the
sea.
All this while my mistress lay by me, just, as I thought,
expiring, but bore it with much more patience than I; and gave
the last bit of bread she had left to her child, my young master,
who would not have taken it, but she obliged him to eat it; and
I believe it saved his life.
Towards the morning I slept again, and first when I awaked
I fell into a violent passion of crying, and after that I had a second
fit of violent hunger. I got up ravenous, and in a most dreadful
condition. Had my mistress been dead, as much as I loved her,
I am certain I should have eaten a piece of her flesh with as much
relish and as unconcerned as ever I did the flesh of any creature
appointed for food; and once or twice I was going to bite my own
arm. At last I saw the basin in which was the blood I had bled
at my nose the day before. I ran to it, and swallowed it with
such haste and such a greedy appetite as if I had wondered






FOR EVERY HOUR ITS WORK.


HUS, and in this disposition of mind, I began
my third year. And though I have not given
i the reader the trouble of so particular account
Sof my works this year as the first, yet in
p general it may be observed that I was very
Seldom idle, but having regularly divided my
f time according to the several daily employment
that were before me-such as, first, my duty to God and the reading
the Scriptures, which I constantly set apart some time for thrice
every day; secondly, the going abroad with my gun for food,
which generally took me up three hours in every morning when it
did not rain; thirdly, the ordering, curing, preserving, and cook-
ing what I had killed or caught for my supply,-these took up
great part of the day. Also it is to be considered that the middle
of the day, when the sun was in the zenith, the violence of the
heat was too great to stir out, so that about four hours in the
evening was all the time I could be supposed to work in; with
this exception, that sometimes I changed my hours of hunting and
working, and went to work in the morning and abroad with my
gun in the afternoon.
To this short time allowed for labour I desire may be added
the exceeding laboriousness of my work-the many hours which,
for want of tools, want of help, and want of skill, everything I did
took up out of my time. For example, I was full two-and-forty
days making me a board for a long shelf which I wanted in my
cave; whereas two sawyers, with their tools and a saw-pit, would
have cut six of them out of the same tree in half a day.
My case was this: It was to be a large tree which was to be
cut down, because my board was to be a broad one. This tree I
was three days a cutting down, and two more cutting off the
boughs, and reducing it to a log or piece of timber. With inex-






A RELIGIOUS COLLOQUY


goodness, and he would be infinitely just if he destroyed me as he
has done other men.
Wife. Well! and yet no kill, no make you dead? What you
say to him for that? You no tell him tankee for all that too ?
W. A. I am an unthankful, ungrateful dog, that's true.
Wife. Why he no make you much good better? You say he
make you ?
W. A. He made me, as he made all the world. It is I have
deformed myself and abused his goodness, and made myself an
abominable wretch.
Wife. I wish you make God know me. I no make him angry;
I no do bad wicked thing.
[Here Will Atkins said his heart sank within him to hear a poor
untaught creature desire to be taught to know God, and he such a
wicked wretch that he could not say one word to her about God
but what the reproach of his own carriage would make most
irrational to her to believe; nay, that already she had told him
that she could not believe in God, because he that was so wicked
was not destroyed.]
W. A. My dear, you mean you wish I could teach you to know
God, not God to know you; for he knows you already, and every
thought in your heart.
Wife. Why, then, he know what I say to you now. He know
me wish to know him; how shall me know who make me ?
W. A. Poor creature! he must teach thee; I cannot teach thee.
I'll pray to him to teach thee to know him, and to forgive me that
I am unworthy to teach thee.
[The poor fellow was in such an agony at her desiring him to make
her know God, and her wishing to know him, that, he said, he fell
down on his knees before her, and prayed to God to enlighten her
mind with the saving knowledge of Jesus Christ, and to pardon
his sins, and accept of his being the unworthy instrument of
instructing her in the principles of religion; after which he sat
down by her again, and their dialogue went on. This was the time
when we saw him kneel down and lift up his hands.]
Wife. What you put down the knee for? What you hold up
the hand for? What you say? Who you speak to? What is
all that






CUTTING OFF THE RETREAT.


English colonies; and that therefore there would be no attacking
them with so small a number as we were.
I mused for some time upon what he said, and found it was a
very rational conclusion; and that therefore something was to be
resolved on very speedily, as well to draw the men on board
into some snare for their surprise as to prevent their landing upon
us and destroying us. Upon this it presently occurred to me that
in a little while the ship's crew, wondering what was become of
their comrades and of the boat, would certainly come on shore in
their other boat to seek for them, and that then perhaps they
might come armed, and be too strong for us. This he allowed
was rational.
Upon this I told him the first thing we had to do was to stave
the boat which lay upon the beach, so that they might not carry
her off; and taking everything out of her, leave her so far useless
as not to be fit to swim. Accordingly we went on board, took
the arms which were left on board out of her, and whatever else
we found there, which was a bottle of brandy and another of rum,
a few biscuit cakes, a horn of powder, and a great lump of sugar
in a piece of canvas-the sugar was five or six pounds: all which
was very welcome to me, especially the brandy and sugar, of which
1 had had none left for many years.
When we had carried all these things on shore (the oars, mast,
sail, and rudder of the boat, were carried away before, as above),
we knocked a great hole in her bottom, that if they had come
strong enough to master us, yet they could not carry off the boat.
Indeed it was not much in my thoughts that we could be able
to recover the ship; but my view was, that if they went away
without the boat, I did not much question to make her fit again
to carry us away to the Leeward Islands, and call upon our
friends the Spaniards, in my way, for I had them still in my
thoughts.
While we were thus preparing our designs, and had first by
main strength heaved the boat up upon the beach, so high that the
tide would not float her off at high-water mark; and besides, had
broken a hole in her bottom too big to be quickly'stopped, and
were sat down musing what we should do; we heard the ship fire


818







A CAPFUL OF WIND.


what I have seen many times since; no, nor like what I saw
a few days after. But it was enough to affect me then, who
was but a young sailor, and had never known anything of the
matter. I expected every wave would have swallowed us up, and
that every time the ship fell down, as I thought, in the trough or
hollow of the sea, we should never rise more; and in this agony
of mind I made many vows and resolutions, that if it would please
God here to spare my life this one voyage, if ever I got once my
foot upon dry land again, I would go directly home to my father,
and never set it into a ship again while I lived; that I would
take his advice, and never run myself into such miseries as these
any more. Now I saw plainly the goodness of his observations
about the middle station of life; how easy, how comfortably he
had lived all his days, and never had been exposed to tempests at
sea, or troubles on shore; and I resolved that I would, like a true
repenting prodigal, go home to my father.
These wise and sober thoughts continued all the while the
storm continued, and indeed some time after; but the next day
the wind was abated and the sea calmer, and I began to be a little
inured to it. However, I was very grave for all that day, being
also a little sea-sick still; but towards night the weather cleared
up, the wind was quite over, and a charming fine evening followed;
the sun went down perfectly clear, and rose so the next morning;
and having little or no wind, and a smooth sea, the sun shining
upon it, the sight was, as I thought, the most delightful that ever
I saw.
I had slept well in the night, and was now no more sea-sick
but very cheerful, looking with wonder upon the sea that was so
rough and terrible the day before, and could be so calm and so
pleasant in so little time after. And now, lest my good resolutions
should continue, my companion, who had indeed enticed me away,
comes to me,-" Well, Bob," says he, clapping me on the shoulder,
how do you do after it? I warrant you were frightened, wa'n't
you, last night, when it blew but a capful of wind ? "-" A capful,
d'you call it ? said I; 'twas a terrible storm."-" A storm, you
fool you," replies he; do you call that a storm ? Why, it was
nothing at all! Give us but a good ship and sea-room, and we



























The author of that book which has imparted to most
of us the greatest delight of any, was also the earliest
teacher of political economy, the first propounder of free
trade. He planted that tree which, stationary and stunted
for nearly two centuries, is now spreading its shadow by
degrees over all the earth. He was the most far-sighted
of our statesmen, and the most worthily trusted by the
wisest of our kings."
WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.






A SCENE OF HORROR.


the safety of the men. In a word, the captain told me he would
go and help his men, let what would come. I argued with him,
as I did before with the men, the safety of the ship, the danger of
the voyage, the interest of the owners and merchants, &c., and told
him I would go and the two men, and only see if we could at a dis-
tance learn what was like to be the event, and come back and
tell him.
It was all one to talk to my nephew, as it was to talk to the
rest before; he would go, he said, and he only wished he had left
but ten men in the ship, for he could not think of having his men
lost for want of help; he had rather lose the ship, the voyage, and
his life and all; and away went he.
In a word, I was no more able to stay behind now than I was
to persuade them not to go; so, in short, the captain ordered two
men to row back to the pinnace, and fetch twelve men more, leaving
the long-boat at an anchor, and that, when they came back, six
men should keep the two boats, and six more come after us, so
that he left only sixteen men in the ship; for the whole ship's
company consisted of sixty-five men, whereof two were lost in the
last quarrel, which brought this mischief on.
Being now on the march, you may be sure we felt little of the
ground we trode on; and being guided by the fire, we kept no path,
but went directly to the place of the flame. If the noise of the guns
was surprising to us before, the cries of the poor people were now
of quite another nature, and filled us with horror. I must confess
I never was at the sacking a city, or at the taking a town by
storm. I had heard of Oliver Cromwell taking Drogheda in Ire-
land, and killing man, woman, and child; and I had read of Count
Tilly sacking of the city of Magdeburg, and cutting the throats of
twenty-two thousand of both sexes. But I never had an idea of the
thing itself before, nor is it possible to describe it, or the horror
which was upon our minds at hearing it.
However, we went on, and at length came to the town, though
there was no entering the streets of it for the fire. The first object
we met with was the ruins of a hut or house, or rather the ashes
of it, for the house was consumed; and just before it, plain now
to be seen by the light of the fire, lay four men and three women






CRUSOE'S RETURN TO ENGLAND.


captain, at my intercession, caused their chests and clothes to be
added; which they took, and were very thankful for. I also en-
couraged them, by telling them that if it lay in my way to send
any vessel to take them in, I would not forget them. .
When I took leave of this island I carried on board for relics
the great goat-skin cap I had made, my umbrella, and my parrot;
also I forgot not to take the money I formerly mentioned, which
had lain by me so long useless that it was grown rusty, or tar-
nished, and could hardly pass for silver till it had been a little
rubbed and handled; as also the money I found in the wreck of
the Spanish ship.







ND thus I left t e island the 19th of December,
as I found by the ship's account, in the year
1686, after I had been upon it eight and twenty
Years, two months, and nineteen days; being
,.' delivered from this second captivity the same
day of the month that I first made my escape in
the Barco Longo from among the Moors of Sallee.
In this vessel, after a long voyage, I arrived in England the
11th of June, in the year 1687, having been thirty and five years
absent.
When I came to England, I was as perfect a stranger to all the
world as if I had never been known there. My benefactor and
faithful steward, whom I had left in trust with my money, was alive,
but had had great misfortunes in the world; was become a widow
the second time, and very low in the world. I made her easy as
to what she owed me, assuring her I would give her no trouble;
but on the contrary, in gratitude to her former care and faithful-
ness to me, I relieved her as my little stock would afford, which
at that time would indeed allow me to do but little for her; but I
assured her I would never forgot her former kindness to me: nor






ATTACK, AND REPULSE.


had not perceived it, we found they had been joined by some more
of the same, so that they were near fourscore horse, whereof, how-
ever, we fancied some were women. They came on till they were
within half shot of our little wood, when we fired one musket
without ball, and called to them in the Russian tongue to know
what they wanted, and bid them keep off. But, as if they knew
nothing of what we said, they came on with a double fury, directly
up to the wood-side, not imagining we were so barricaded that
they could not break in. Our old pilot was our captain as well
as he had been our engineer, and desired of us not to fire upon
them till they came within pistol-shot, and that we might be sure
to kill; and that, when we did fire, we should be sure to take good
aim. We bade him give the word of command, which he delayed
so long that they were, some of them, within two pikes' length of
us when we fired.
We aimed so true, or Providence directed our shot so sure, that
we killed fourteen of them, and wounded several others, as also
several of their horses; for we had all of us loaded our pieces with
two or three bullets at least.
They were terribly surprised with our fire, and retreated im-
mediately about one hundred rods from us, in which time we
loaded our pieces again; and seeing them keep that distance, we
sallied out, and caught four or five of their horses, whose riders,
we suppose, were killed, and, coming up to the dead, we could
easily perceive they were Tartars, but knew not from what country,
or how they came to make an excursion such an unusual length.
About an hour after, they made a motion to attack us again,
and rode round our little wood to see where else they might break
in; but finding us always ready to face them, they went off again,
and we resolved not to stir from the place for that night.
We slept little, you may be sure, but spent the most part of the
night in strengthening our situation, and barricading the entrances
into the wood, and keeping a strict watch. We waited for day-
light, and when it came it gave us a very unwelcome discovery
indeed; for the enemy, whom we thought were discouraged with
the reception they had met with, were now increased to no less
than three hundred, and had set up eleven or twelve huts and






A VOYAGE TO CHINA.


seen reason to have suspected them. But the man showed us a
bill of sale for the ship, to one Emanuel Clostershoven, or some
such name (for I suppose it was all a forgery), and called himself
by that name, and we could not contradict him; and being withal
a little too unwary, or, at least, having no suspicion of the thing,
we went through with our bargain.
We picked up some more English seamen here after this, and
some Dutch; and now we resolved for a second voyage to the south-
east, for cloves, &c. ; that is to say, among the Philippine and
Molucca Isles. And, in short, not to fill this part of my story with
trifles, when what is yet to come is so remarkable, I spent from
first to last six years in this country, trading from port to port,
backward and forward, and with very good success, and was now
the last year with my new partner, going in the ship above-
mentioned on a voyage to China, but designing first to Siam to
buy rice.
In this voyage, being by contrary winds obliged to beat up and
down a great while in the Straits of Malacca and among the
islands, we were no sooner got clear of those difficult seas but we
found our ship had sprung a leak, and we were not able by all our
industry to find it out where it was. This forced us to make for
some port, and my partner, who knew the country better than I
did, directed the captain to put into the river of Cambodia; for I
had made the English mate, one Mr. Thompson, captain, not being
willing to take the charge of two ships upon myself. This river
lies on the north side of the great bay or gulf which goes up to
Siam.
While we were here, and going often on shore for refreshment,
there comes to me one day an Englishman, and he was, it seems, a
gunner's mate on board an English East India ship which rode
in the same river, up at, or near the city of Cambodia. What
brought him hither we know not, but he comes up to me, and
speaking in English, Sir," says he, you are a stranger to me,
and I to you, but I have something to tell you that very nearly
concerns you."
I looked steadily at him a good while, and thought at first I had
known him, but I did not. If it very nearly concerns me," said
24) 35






CLEARING OUT THE WRECK.


cut them in pieces, and bring as much at a time as I could,
for they were no more useful to be sails, but as mere canvas
only.
But that which comforted me more still was, that at last of all,
after I had made five or six such voyages as these, and thought I
had nothing more to expect from the ship that was worth my
meddling with-I say, after all this, I found a great hogshead of
bread, and three large runlets of rum or spirits, and a box of sugar,
and a barrel of fine flour. This was surprising to me, because I
had given over expecting any more provisions, excepting what was
spoiled by the water. I soon emptied the hogshead of that bread,
and wrapped it up parcel by parcel in pieces of the sails, which I
cut out; and in a word, I got all this safe on shore also.
The next day I made another voyage, and now having plundered
the ship of what was portable and fit to hand out, I began with
the cables; and cutting the great cable into pieces such as I could
move, I got two cables and a hawser on shore, with all the iron-
work I could get; and having cut down the spritsail-yard, and the
mizzen-yard, and everything I could to make a large raft, I loaded
it with all those heavy goods, and came away. But my good luck
began now to leave me; for this raft was so unwieldy and so over-
loaden, that after I was entered the little cove where I had landed
the rest of my goods, not being able to guide it so handily as I
did the other, it overset, and threw me and all my cargo into the
water. As for myself it was no great harm, for I was near the
shore; but as to my cargo, it was great part of it lost, especially
the iron, which I expected would have been of great use to me.
However, when the tide was out, I got most of the pieces of cable
ashore and some of the iron, though with infinite labour; for I
was fain to dip for it into the water, a work which fatigued me
very much. After this I went every day on board, and brought
away what I could get.
I had been now thirteen days on shore, and had been eleven
times on board the ship, in which time I had brought away all
that one pair of hands could well be supposed capable to bring;
though I believe verily, had the calm weather held, I should have
brought away the whole ship piece by piece. But preparing the







A TERRIBLE DREAM.


with much difficulty got it home, and broiled some of it, and ate.
I would fain have stewed it, and made some troth, but had no pot.
June 27. The ague again, so violent that I lay a-bed all day,
and neither ate nor drank. I was ready to perish for thirst, but so
weak, I had not strength to stand up or to get myself any water
to drink. Prayed to God again; but was light-headed, and when
I was not, I was so ignorant that I knew not what to say; only I
lay and cried, Lord, look upon me; Lord, pity me; Lord, have
mercy upon me!" I suppose I did nothing else for two or three
hours, till the fit wearing off I fell asleep, and did not wake till far
in the night. When I waked I found myself much refreshed,
but weak and exceeding thirsty. However, as I had no water
in my whole habitation, I was forced to lie till morning, and
went to sleep again. In this second sleep I had this terrible
dream:-
I thought that I was sitting on the ground on the outside of my
wall, where I sat when the storm blew after the earthquake, and
that I saw a man descend from a great black cloud, in a bright
flame of fire, and light upon the ground. He was all over as bright
as a flame, so that I could but just bear to look towards him. His
countenance was most inexpressibly dreadful, impossible for words
to describe. When he stepped upon the ground with his feet, I
thought the earth trembled, just as it had done before in the earth-
quake; and all the air looked, to my apprehension, as if it had been
filled with flashes of fire.
He was no sooner landed upon the earth but he moved forward
towards me, with a long spear or weapon in his hand, to kill me.
And when ,he came to a rising ground at some distance, he spoke
to me, or I heard a voice so terrible, that it is impossible to express
the terror of it. All that I can say I understood was this, Seeing
all these things have not brought thee to repentance, now thou
shalt die." At which words, I thought he lifted up the spear that
was in his hand to kill me.
No one that shall ever read this account will expect that I should
be able to describe the horrors of my soul at this terrible vision. I
mean, that even while it was a dream, I even dreamed of those
horrors. Nor is it any more possible to describe the impression






A GOOD DESIGN.


vindicate the honour of God, which is insulted by this devil-
worship." But how will it vindicate the honour of God 1" said
he; "while the people will not be able to know what you mean by
it, unless you could speak to them and tell them so, and then they
will fight you, and beat you too, I'll assure you; for they are
desperate fellows, and that especially in defence of their idolatry."
" Can we not," said I, do it in the night, and then leave them
the reasons and causes in writing in their own language?" "Writ-
ing l" said he; why, there is not a man in five nations of them
that knows anything of a letter, or how to read a word in any
language, or in their own." Wretched, ignorant!" said I to
him; however, I have a great mind to do it. Perhaps Nature
may draw inferences from it to them, to let them see how brutish
they are to worship such horrid things." Look you, sir," said
he: "if your zeal pronpts you to it so warmly, you must do it;
but, in the next place, I would have you consider, these wild
nations of people are subjected by force to the Czar of Muscovy's
dominions; and if you do this, 'tis ten to one but they will come
by thousands to the Governor of Nortsinskoy, and complain, and
demand satisfaction; and if he cannot give them satisfaction, 'tis
ten to one but they revolt, and will occasion a new war with all
the Tartars in the country."
This, I confess, put new thoughts into my head for a while;
but I harped upon the same string still, and all that day I was
uneasy to put my project in execution. Towards the evening, the
Scots merchant met me by accident in our walk about the town,
and desired to speak with me. I believe," said he, I have put
you off of your good design. I have been a little concerned about
it since, for I abhor the idol and the idolatry as much as you can
do." Truly," says I, "you have put it off a little as to the
execution of it, but you have not put it all out of my thoughts;
and I believe I shall do it still before I quit this place, though I
were to be delivered up to them for satisfaction." No, no," says
he; "God forbid they should deliver you up to such a crew of
monsters. They shall not do that neither: that would be mur-
dering you indeed." Why," skys I, how would they use
me?" "Use you!" says he; I'll tell you how they served a






THEIR STRANGE OCCUPATIONS.


warm them, for they had no need of that, the weather being
extremely hot, but, as I supposed, to dress some of their barbarous
diet of human flesh, which they had brought with them, whether
alive or dead I could not know.
They had two canoes with them, which they had hauled up
upon the shore; and as it was then tide of ebb, they seemed to me
to wait for the return of the flood to go away again. It is not easy
to imagine what confusion this sight put me into, especially seeing
them come on my side the island, and so near me too; but when I
observed their coming must be always with the current of the ebb,
I began afterwards to be more sedate in my mind, being satisfied
that I might go abroad with safety all the time of the tide of flood,
if they were not on shore before. And having made this observation,
I went abroad about my harvest-work with the more composure.
As I expected, so it proved; for as soon as the tide made to the
westward, I saw them all take boat, and row, or paddle, as we call
it, all away. I should have observed that for an hour and more
before they went off they went to dancing, and I could easily dis-
cern their postures and gestures by my glasses. I could not per-
ceive, by my nicest observation, but that they were stark naked,
and had not the least covering upon them; but whether they were
men or women, that I could not distinguish.
As soon as I saw them shipped and gone, I took two guns upon
my shoulders, and two pistols at my girdle, and my great sword
by my side, without a scabbard, and with all the speed I was able
to make, I went away to the hill where I had discovered the first
appearance of all; and as soon as I got thither, which was not less
than two hours (for I could not go apace, being so laden with arms
as I was), I perceived there had been three canoes more of savages
on that place; and looking out further, I saw they were all at sea
together, making over for the main.
This was a dreadful sight to me, especially when, going down to
the shore, I could see the marks of horror which the dismal work
they had been about had left behind it-namely, the blood, the bones,
and part of the flesh of human bodies, eaten and devoured by those
wretches with merriment and sport. I was so filled with indigna-
tion at the sight, that I began now to premeditate the destruction






CRUSOE AND MOELY.


where my patron's case of bottles stood, which it was evident by
the make were taken out of some English prize, and I conveyed
them into the boat while the Moor was on shore, as if they had
been there before for our master. I conveyed also a great lump
of bees'-wax into the boat, which weighed above half a hundred-
weight, with a parcel of twine or thread, a hatchet, a saw, and a
hammer, all which were of great use to us afterwards, especially
the wax to make candles. Another trick I tried upon him, which
he innocently came into also. His name was Ismael, who they call
Muly or Moely; so I called to him-" Moely," said I, our patron's
guns are on board the boat; can you not get a little powder and
shot? It may be we may kill some alcamies (a fowl like our curlews)
for ourselves, for I know he keeps the gunner's stores in the ship."
" Yes," says he, I'll bring some." And accordingly he brought a
great leather pouch, which held about a pound and a half of powder,
or rather more, and another with shot, that had five or six pounds,
with some bullets, and put all into the boat. At the same time, I
had found some powder of my master's in the great cabin, with
which I filled one of the large bottles in the case, which was
almost empty, pouring what was in it into another; and thus
furnished with everything needful, we sailed out of the port to
fish. The castle, which is at the entrance of the port, knew who
we were, and took no notice of us; and we were not above a mile
out of the port before we hauled in our sail, and set us down to
fish. The wind blew from the north-north-east, which was con-
trary to my desire; for had it blown southerly, I had been sure
to have made the coast of Spain, and at least reached to the Bay
of Cadiz; but my resolutions were, blow which way it would, I
would be gone from the horrid place where I was, and leave the
rest to fate.
After we had fished some time and caught nothing-for when
I had fish on my hook, I would not pull them up, that he might
not see them-I said to the Moor, This will not do; our master
will not be thus served; we must stand further off." He, thinking
no harm, agreed; and being in the head of the boat, set the sails:
and as I had the helm, I ran the boat out near a league further,
and then brought her to, as if I would fish; when, giving the





WISE WORDS AND SAGE COUNSEL.


SMY FATHER GAVE ME SERIOUS AND EXCELLENT COUNSEL."


exposed to the miseries and hardships, the labour and sufferings of
the mechanic part of mankind, and not embarrassed with the pride,
luxury, ambition, and envy of the upper part of mankind. He
told me I might judge of the happiness of this state by this one
thing-namely, that this was the state of life which all other people
envied; that kings have frequently lamented the miserable con-
sequences of being born to great things, and wished they had been
placed in the middle of the two extremes,-between the mean and
the great; that the wise man gave his testimony to this as the just
standard of true felicity, when he prayed to have neither poverty
nor riches.
He bid me observe it, and I should always find that the calami-
ties of life were shared among the upper and lower part of
mankind; but that the middle station had the fewest disasters,
and was not exposed to so many vicissitudes as the higher or lower
part of mankind; nay, they were not subjected to so many dis-





WAITING FOR DAYLIGHT.


Kit.


_, = _"-j- j =r i-;. j, > -. .. _-.. ....--.


- W'--
,. .. . -- .








A OREAT SHIP ON FIRE IN THE MIDDLE OP THE SEA."

I was most sensibly touched with this disaster, though not at
all acquainted with the persons engaged in it. I presently recol-
lected my former circumstances, and in what condition I was in
when taken up by the Portugal captain; and how much more
deplorable the circumstances of the poor creatures belonging to
this ship must be if they bad no other ship in company with them.
Upon this I immediately ordered that five guns should be fired,
one soon after another, that, if possible, we might give notice to
them that there was help for them at hand, and that they might
endeavour to save themselves in their boat; for though we could
see the flame of the ship, yet they, it being night, could see
nothing of us.
We lay by some time upon this, only driving as the burning
ship drove, waiting for 1i i; i' ; when, on a sudden, to our great
terror, though we had reason to expect it, the ship blew up in






THE BATTLE BEGINS.


lay upon the beach of the sea, with his hands and his feet tied with
flags, or things like rushed; and that he was a European, and had
clothes on.
There was another tree, and a little thicket beyond it, about fifty
yards nearer to them than the place where I was, which, by going
a little way about, I saw I might come at undiscovered, and that
then I should be within half shot of them: so I withheld my
Ipassion, though I was, indeed, enraged to the highest degree, and
going back about twenty paces, I got behind some bushes, which
hlcd all the way till I came to the other tree; and then I came to
a little rising ground, which gave me a full view of them, at the
distance of about eighty yards.
I had now not a moment to lose; for nineteen of the dreadful
wretches sat upon the ground, all close huddled together, and had
just sent the other two to butcher the poor Christian, and bring
him perhaps limb by limb to their fire, and they were stooped
down to untie the bands at his feet. I turned to Friday. Now,
I'riday," said I, do as I bid thee." Friday said he would.
" Then, Friday," says I, do exactly as you see me do-fail in
nothing." So I set down one of the muskets and the fowling-piece
upon the ground, and Friday did the like by his; and with the
other musket I took my aim at the savages, bidding him do the
like. Then asking him if he was ready, he said, Yes." Then
lire at them," said I; and the same moment I fired also.
Friday took his aim so much better than I, that on the side that
lie shot he killed two of them, and wounded three more; and on
my side, I killed one and wounded two. They were, you may be
sure, in a dreadful consternation; and all of them who were not hurt
jumped up upon their feet, but did not immediately know which
way to run or which way to look-for they knew not from whence
their destruction came. Friday kept his eyes close upon me, that,
as I had bid him, he might observe what I did. So as soon as the
first shot was made, I threw down the piece and took up the
fowling-piece, and Friday did the like; he sees me cock and pre-
sent; he did the same again. Are you ready, Friday ?" said I.
" Yes," says he. Let fly, then," says I, in the name of God I"
and with that I fired again among the amazed wretches, and so did
L8) 19






THE MATRIMONIAL LOTTERY.


devoured; accordingly when the English sailor came in, and fetched
out one of them, the rest set up a most lamentable cry, and hung
about her, and took their leave of her with such agonies and such
affection as would have grieved the hardest heart in the world;
nor was it possible for the Englishmen to satisfy them that they
were not to be immediately murdered, until they fetched the old
man, Friday's father, who immediately let them know that the
five men, who had fetched them out one by one, had chosen them
for their wives.
When they had done, and the fright the women were in was a
little over, the men went to work, and the Spaniards came and
helped them; and in a few hours they had built them every one
a new hut or tent, for their lodging apart; for those they had
already were crowded with their tools, household stuff, and pro-
visions. The three wicked ones had pitched furthest off, and the
two honest ones nearer, but both on the north shore of the island,
so that they continued separate as before. And thus my island was
peopled in three places; and, as I might say, three towns were
begun to be planted.
And here it is very well worth observing, that as it often hap-
pens in the world (what the wise ends of God's providence are in
such a disposition of things I cannot say), the two honest fellows
had the two worst wives, and the three reprobates, that were
scarce worth hanging, that were fit for nothing, and neither seemed
born to do themselves good or any one else, had three clever, dili-
gent, careful, and ingenious wives: not that the two first were ill
wives as to their temper or humour, for all the five were most
willing, quiet, passive, and subjected creatures, rather like slaves
than wives; but my meaning is, they were not alike capable, in-
genious, or industrious, or alike cleanly and neat.
Another observation I must make, to the honour of a diligent
application on one hand, and to the disgrace of a slothful, negli-
gent, idle temper, on the other, that when I came to the place, and
viewed the several improvements, plantings, and management of
the several little colonies, the two men had so far out-gone the
three, that there was no comparison. They had indeed both of
them as much ground laid out for corn as they wanted; and the







LANDING ON JUAN FERNANDEZ.


ambuscades from both banks of the river, and though they beat back the
enemy, Dampier perceived that the town was too well defended to be carried
by a coup-de-main, while his force was insufficient for a regular attack. They
therefore dropped down the river in a state of great discouragement to
Point Garachina, and on the 6th of May rejoined their ships. Having
exhausted the supply obtained at Schucadero, they suffered greatly from
want of provisions; but, fortunately, a Spanish vessel in the night anchored
close alongside, was immediately boarded and taken, and rejoiced them with
an ample store of flour and sugar, brandy and wine, marmalade and other
luxuries and necessaries; so that they suddenly passed from a state of
destitution to one of unbounded plenty. Selkirk was put on board the prize,
as representative of Stradling and his company; one Fennel, as representa-
tive of Dampier and the crew of the St. George.
They now ran across the Bay of Panama, and on the 14th arrived off
Tobago, where they lay to, and addressed themselves to the pleasant task
of rifling their prize. While thus engaged, a quarrel broke out between the
commanders, and it waxed so bitter that they agreed to separate, giving
the men their choice to stay in either vessel as they chose. In consequence,
five of the crew of the St. George went on board the Cinque Ports, and five
of the crew of the latter embarked in the St. George. Then the two vessels
parted, nor did they ever again meet.
From this period until the end of August the Cinque Ports kept cruising
along the shores of Mexico, or among the islands, but no prizes were made.
A disagreement meanwhile arose between Stradling and Selkirk, and the
latter resolved, at whatever risk, to quit the ship. Being compelled by
want of provisions to carry the Cinque Ports to Juan Fernandez, Stradling
recovered there two of his crew, who had managed to conceal themselves on
the arrival of the French vessels already spoken of, and who now described
their island-life in such glowing terms that Selkirk was more than ever
resolved to leave the Cinque Ports. Accordingly, when the galley was fully
refitted, he was landed with all his effects, and he leaped on shore in a
temporary transport of joy and freedom. He shook hands with his comrades,
and bade them adieu in a hearty manner; but no sooner, says Howell, did
the sound of their oars, as they left the beach, fall on his ears, than the
horrors of being left alone, cut off from all human society, perhaps for ever,
rushed upon his mind. His heart sunk within him, and all his resolution
failed. It was in vain, however, that, rushing into the water, he implored
those on board to take him with them. Stradling laughed at his entreaties,
and declared that his present situation was the most proper for so discon-
tented and rebellious an individual.
In the second part of this Appendix we give in extenso Selkirk's own
narrative, as furnished to Captain Woodes Rogers, of his lonely life upon
the island of Juan Fernandez. Our notice of it here will, therefore, be very
brief.






WHAT WAS SAID AT TOULOUSE.


were not certain: so in about an hour we came to the town where
we were to lodge, which we found in a terrible fright, and all in
arms; for it seems that, the night before, the wolves and some
bears had broken into the village in the night, and put them in a
terrible fright, and they were obliged to keep guard night and
day, but especially in the night, to preserve their cattle, and
indeed their people
The next morning our guide was so ill, and his limbs swelled
with the rankling of his two wounds, that he could go no further;
so we were obliged to take a new guide there, and go to Toulouse,
where we found a warm climate, a fruitful, pleasant country, and
no snow, no wolves, nor anything like them. But when we told our
story at Toulouse, they told us it was nothing but what was
ordinary in the great forest at the foot of the mountains, especially
when the snow lay on the ground. But they inquired much what
kind of a guide we had gotten that would venture to bring us
that way in such a severe season; and told us it was very much
we were not all devoured. When we told them how we placed
ourselves, and the horses in the middle, they blamed us exceed-
ingly, and told us it was fifty to one but we had been all destroyed:
for it was the sight of the horses which made the wolves so furious,
seeing their prey; and that at other times they are really afraid
of a gun; but the being excessive hungry, and raging on that
account, the eagerness to come at the horses had made them sense-
less of danger; and that if we had not by the continued fire, and
at last by the stratagem of the train of powder, mastered them, it
had been great odds but that we had been torn to pieces; whereas
had we been content to have sat still on horseback, and fired as
horsemen, they would not have taken the horses for so much their
own, when men were on their backs, as otherwise: and withal
they told, that at last, if we had stood all together, and left our
horses, they would have been so eager to have devoured them, that
we might have come off safe, especially having our firearms in our
hands, and being so many in number.
For my part, I was never so sensible of danger in my life; for
seeing above three hundred devils bbme roaring and open-mouthed
to devour us, and having nothing to shelter us or retreat to, Lgave






THE STIRRING OF CONSCIENCE.


It is true, when I got on shore first here, and found all my ship's
crew drowned, and myself spared, I was surprised with a kind of
ecstasy and some transports of soul, which, had the grace of God
assisted, might have come up to true thankfulness. But it ended
where it began, in a mere common flight of joy, or, as I may say,
being glad I was alive, without the least reflection upon the distin-
guishing goodness of the hand which had preserved me, and had
singled me out to be preserved, when all the rest were destroyed;
or an inquiry why Providence had been thus merciful to me-even
just the same common sort of joy which seamen generally have
after they have got safe ashore from a shipwreck, which they drown
all in the next bowl of punch, and forget almost as soon as it is
over, and all the rest of my life was like it.
Even when I was afterwards, on due consideration, made sen-
sible of my condition, how I was cast on this dreadful place, out
of the reach of human kind, out of all hope of relief or prospect of
redemption, as soon as I saw but a prospect of living, and that I
should not starve and perish for hunger, all the sense of my afflic-
tion wore off, and I began to be very easy, applied myself to the
works proper for my preservation and supply, and was far enough
from being afflicted at my condition, as a judgment from heaven,
or as the hand of God against me. These were thoughts which
very seldom entered into my head.
The growing up of the corn, as is hinted in my journal, had at
first some little influence upon me, and began to affect me with
seriousness, as long as I thought it had something miraculous
in it; but as soon as ever that part of the thought was removed,
all the impression which was raised from it wore off also, as I have
noted already.
Even the earthquake, though nothing could be more terrible in
its nature, or more immediately directing to the Invisible Power
which alone directs such things, yet no sooner was the first fright
over, but the impression it had made went off also. I had no
more sense of God or his judgments, much less of the present
affliction of my circumstances being from his hand, than if I had
been in the most prosperous condition of life.
But now when I began to be sick, and a leisurely view of the






A NEW ACQUAINTANCE.


who stood sentinel at our door; to whom we allowed a pint of
rice, and a little piece of money, about the value of threepence
per day; so that our goods were kept very safe.
The fair or mart usually kept in this place had been over some
time; however, we found that there were three or four junks in
the river, and two Japanuers, I mean ships from Japan, with goods
which they had bought in China, and were not gone away, having
Japanese merchants on shore.
The first thing our old Portuguese pilot did for us, was to
bring us acquainted with three missionary Romish priests who were
in the town, and who had been there some time, converting the
people to Christianity; but we thought they made but poor work
of it, and made them but sorry Christians when they had done.
However, that was none of our business. One of these was a
Frenchman, whom they called Father Simon. He was a jolly, well-
conditioned man, very free in his conversation; not seeming so
serious and grave as the other two did, one of whom was a Por-
tuguese, and the other a Genoese : but Father Simon was courteous,
easy in his manner, and very agreeable company. The other two
were more reserved, seemed rigid and austere, and applied seriously
to the work they came about, namely, to talk with and insinuate
themselves among the inhabitants wherever they had opportunity.
We often ate and drank with those men; and though I must confess
the conversion, as they call it, of the Chinese to Christianity is so
far from the true conversion required to bring heathen people to
the faith of Christ, that it seems to amount to little more than
letting them know the name of Christ, and say some prayers to
the Virgin Mary and her Son in a tongue which they understand
not, and to cross themselves, and the like, yet it must be confessed
that these religious, whom we call missionaries, have a firm belief
that these people shall be saved, and that they are the instruments
of it. And on this account they undergo, not only the fatigue of
the voyage, and hazards of living in such places, but oftentimes
death itself, with the most violent tortures, for the sake of this
work; and it would be a great want of charity in us, whatever
opinion we have of the work itself, and the manner of their doing
it, if we should not have a good opinion of their zeal, who under-






RETURN TO LONDON.


and that there was something which certainly was the reason and
end of life superior to all these things, and which was either to be
possessed or at least hoped for on this side Ahe grave.
But my sage counsellor was gone. I was like a ship without a
pilot, that could only run afore the wind. My thoughts ran all
away again into the old affair; my head was quite turned with
the whimsies of foreign adventures; and all the pleasant innocent
amusements of my farm and my garden, my cattle and my family,
which before entirely possessed me, were nothing to me, had no
relish, and were like music to one that has no ear, or food to one
that has no taste. In a word, I resolved to leave off house-keep-
ing, let my farm, and return to London; and in a few months
after, I did so.
When I came to London I was still as uneasy as I was before.
I had no relish to the place, no employment in it, nothing to do
but to saunter about like an idle person, of whom it may be said
he is perfectly useless in God's creation, and it is not one farthing
matter to the rest of his kind whether he be dead or alive. This
also was the life which of all circumstances of life was the most
my aversion, who had been all my days used to an active life; and
I would often say to myself, A state of idleness is the very dregs
of life:" and indeed I thought I was much more suitably employed
when I was twenty-six days a making me a deal board.
It was now the beginning of the year 1693, when my nephew,
whom, as I have observed before, I had brought up to the sea, and
had made him commander of a ship, was come home from a short
voyage to Bilboa, being the first he had made; and he came to
me, and told me that some merchants of his acquaintance had been
proposing to him to go a voyage for them to the East Indies and
to China as private traders. And now, uncle," says he, if you
will go to sea with me, I'll engage to land you upon your old
habitation in the island, for we are to touch at the Brazils."
Nothing can be a greater demonstration of a future state, and of
the existence of an invisible world, than the concurrence of second
causes with the ideas of things which we form in our minds per-
fectly reserved, and not communicated to any in the world. My
nephew knew nothing how far my distemper of wandering was






WHAT NECESSITY DOES.


several other ingredients requisite to make it so good as I would
have had it been.
My next concern was, to get me a stone mortar to stamp or beat
some corn in; for as to the mill, there was no thought of arriving
to that perfection of art with one pair of hands. To supply this
want I was at a great loss; for of all trades in the world, I was
as perfectly unqualified for a stone-cutter as for any whatever;
neither had I any tools to go about it with. I spent many a day
to find out a great stone big enough to cut hollow, arid make fit
for a mortar, and could find none at all, except what was in the
solid rock, and which I had no way to dig or cut out; nor, in-
deed, were the rocks in the island of hardness sufficient, but were
all of a sandy, crumbling stone, which neither would bear the
weight of a heavy pestle, or would break the corn without filling
it with sand. So after a great deal of time lost in searching for
a stone, I gave it over, and resolved to look out for a great block
of hard wood, which I found indeed much easier; and getting one
as big as I had strength to stir, I rounded it, and formed it in
the outside with my axe and hatchet, and then, with the help of
fire and infinite labour, made a hollow place in it, as the Indians
in Brazil make their canoes. After this I made a great heavy
pestle or beater of the wood called the iron-wood, and this I pre-
pared and laid by against I had my next crop of corn, when I
proposed to myself to grind, or rather pound, my corn into meal
to make my bread.
My next difficulty was to make a sieve, or search, to dress my
meal, and to part it from the bran and the husk, without which I
did not see it possible I could have any bread. This was a most
difficult thing so much as but to think on; for to be sure I had
nothing like the necessary thing to make it-I mean fine thin
canvas, or stuff to search the meal through. And here I was at
a full stop for many months; nor did I really know what to do.
Linen I had none left, but what was mere rags. I had goats' hair,
but neither knew I how to weave it or spin it; and had I known
how, here were no tools to work it with. All the remedy that I
found for this was, that at last I did remember I had among the
seamen's clothes which were saved out of the ship some neckcloths






THE COLONY AT PEACE.


Indian slaves, and old Friday, marched to the place where they
were. The three Indian slaves carried them a large quantity of
bread, some rice boiled up to cakes and dried in the sun, and
three live goats; and they were ordered to go to the side of a hill,
where they sat down, ate the provisions very thankfully, and were
the most faithful fellows to their words that could be thought of;
for except when they came to beg victuals and directions, they
never came out of their bounds, and there they lived when I came
to the island, and I went to see them.







HEY had taught them both to plant corn, make
in bread, breed tame goats, and milk them; they
wanted nothing but wives, and they soon would
have been a nation. They were confined to a
Sneck of land, surrounded with high rocks be-
hi I nd them, and lying plain towards the sea
before them, on the south-east corner of the
island. They had land enough, and it was very good and fruitful;
they had a piece of land about a mile and a half broad, and three
or four miles in length.
Our men taught them to make wooden spades, such as I made
for myself; and gave them among them twelve hatchets, and three
or four knives; and there they lived, the most subjected, innocent
creatures that ever were heard of.
After this, the colony enjoyed a perfect tranquillity with respect
to the savages till I came to revisit them, which was about two
years. Not but that now and then some canoes of savages came
on shore for their triumphal unnatural feasts; but as they were of
several nations, and perhaps had never heard of those that came
before, or the reason of it, they did not make any search or inquiry
after their countrymen; and if they had, it would have been very
hard to have found them out.






A NEW PROPOSAL.


took me also a good lodging in the house of an Englishwoman,
where several merchants lodged, some French, two Italians, or
rather Jews, and one Englishman. Here I was handsomely enough
entertained; and that I might not be said to run rashly upon any-
thing, I stayed here above nine months, considering what course to
take, and how to manage myself." I had some English goods with
me of value, and a considerable sum of money, my nephew furnish-
ing me with a thousand pieces of eight, and a letter of credit for
more, if I had occasion, that I might not be straitened, whatever
might happen.
I quickly disposed of my goods, and to advantage too; and, as
I originally intended, I bought here some very good diamonds;
which, of all other things, was the most proper for me in my
present circumstances, because I might always carry my whole
estate about me.
After a long stay here, and many proposals made for my return
to England, but none falling out to my mind, the English
merchant who lodged with me, and with whom I had contracted
an intimate acquaintance, came to me one morning. Country-
man," says he, "I have a project to communicate to you, which,
as it suits with my thoughts, may, for aught I know, suit with
yours also, when you shall have thoroughly considered it.
Here we are posted," says he, you by accident, and I by my
own choice, in a part of the world very remote from our own
country; but it is in a country where, by us who understand trade
and business, a great deal of money is to be got. If you will put
a thousand pounds to my thousand pounds, we will hire a ship here,
the first we can get to our minds; you shall be captain, I'll be
merchant, and we will go a trading voyage to China; for what
should we stand still for? The whole world is in motion, rolling
round and round; all the creatures of God, heavenly bodies and
earthly, are busy and diligent; why should we be idle? There
are no drones in the world but men; why should we be of that
number ? "
I liked his proposal very well, and the more because it seemed
to be expressed with so much goodwill and in so friendly a manner.
I will not say but that I might by my loose and unhinged cir-






A MALAGASY CUSTOM.


apprehensions of them. But they went their way, and we heard
no more of them.
I shall not pester my account, or the reader, with descriptions
of places, journals of our voyages, variations of the compass, lati-
tudes, meridian distances, trade winds, situation of ports, and the
like, such as almost all the histories of long navigation are full of,
and makes the reading tiresome enough, and are perfectly unpro-
fitable to all that read it, except only to those who are to go to
those places themselves.
It is enough to name the ports and places which we touched at,
and what occurred to us upon our passing from one to another.
We touched first at the Island of Madagascar, where, though the
people are fierce and treacherous, and, in particular, very well
armed with lances and bows, which they use with inconceivable
dexterity, yet we fared very well with them a while: they treated
us very civilly, and for some trifles which we gave them, such as
knives, scissors, &c., they brought us eleven good fat bullocks,
middling in size, but very good in flesh; which we took in partly
for fresh provisions for our present spending, and the rest to salt
for the ship's use.
We were obliged to stay here some time after we had furnished
ourselves with provisions; and I, that was always too curious to
look into every nook of the world wherever I came, was for going
on shore as often as I could. It was on the east side of the island
that we went on shore, one evening; and the people, who, by the
way, are very numerous, came thronging about us, and stood
gazing at us at a distance. But as we had traded freely with
them, and had been kindly used, we thought ourselves in no
danger. But when we saw the people, we cut three boughs out
of a tree, and stuck them up at a distance from us; which, it
seems, is a mark in the country, not only of truce and friendship,
but, when it is accepted, the other side set up three poles or
boughs, which is a signal that they accept the truce too. But
then, this is a known condition of the truce, that you are not to
pass between their three poles towards them, nor they to come
past" your three poles or boughs towards you; so that you are
perfectly secure within the three poles, and all the space between






A SURPRISING DISCOVERY.


I searched for the cassava root, which the Indians in all that
climate make their bread of; but I could find none. I saw large
plants of aloes, but did not then understand them. I saw several
sugar canes, bat wild, and, for want of cultivation, imperfect. I
contented myself with these discoveries for this time, and came
back musing with myself what course I might take to know the
virtue and goodness of any of the fruits or plants which I should
discover, but could bring it to no conclusion; for, in short, I had
made so little observation while I was in the Brazils, that I knew
little of the plants in the field, at least very little that might serve
me to any purpose now in my distress.
The next day, the 16th, I went up the same way again, and
after going something further than I had gone the day before,
I found the brook, and the savannas began to cease, and the country
became more woody than before. In this part I found different
fruits, and, particularly, I found melons upon the ground in great
abundance, and grapes upon the trees; the vines had spread in-
deed over the trees, and the clusters of grapes were just now in
their prime, very ripe and rich. This was a surprising discovery,
and I was exceeding glad of them; but I was warned by my
experience to eat sparingly of them, remembering that, when I
was ashore in Barbary, the eating of grapes killed several of our
Englishmen, who were slaves there, by throwing them into fluxes
and fevers. But I found an excellent use for these grapes, and
that was to cure or dry them in the sun, and keep them as dried
grapes or raisins are kept; which I thought would be, as indeed
they were, as wholesome as agreeable to eat, when no grapes
might be to be had.
I spent all that evening there, and went not back to my habita-
tion, which, by the way, was the first night, as I might say, I had
lain from home. In the night I took my first contrivance, and
got up into a tree, where I slept well; and the next morning pro-
ceeded upon my discovery, travelling nearly four miles, as I might
judge by the length of the valley, keeping still due north, with a
ridge of hills on the south and north side of me.
At the end of this march I came to an opening, where the
country seemed to descend to the west, and a little spring of fresh






THE PORTUGUESE SHIP.


make any signal to them. But after I had crowded to the utmost
and begun to despair, they, it seems, saw me by the help of their
perspective-glasses, and that it was some European boat, which, as
they supposed, must belong to some ship that was lost; so they
shortened sail to let me come up. I was encouraged with this;













I WAS BOON CONVINCED THEY WERE BOUND SOME OTHER WAY."

and as I had my patron's ancient on board, I made a waft of it to
them for a signal of distress, and fired a gun-both which they
saw, for they told me they saw the smoke, though they did not
hear the gun. Upon these signals they very kindly brought to,
and lay by for me, and in about three hours' time I came up with
them.
They asked me what I was, in Portuguese and in Spanish and
in French, but I understood none of them; but at last a Scotch
sailor who was on board called to me; and I answered him, and
told him I was an Englishman, that I had made my escape out of
slavery from the Moors at Sallee. Then they bade me come on
board, and very kindly took me in and all my goods.
It was an inexpressible joy to me, that any one will believe, that
I was thus delivered, as I esteemed it, from such a miserable and
almost hopeless condition as I was in, and I immediately offered
all I had to the captain of the ship as a return for my deliverance;
but he generously told me he would take nothing from me, but
that all I had should be delivered safe to me when I came to the
Brazils. "For," says he, I have saved your life on no other






WHAT WILL ATKINS SAID.


they had, he doubted, heard nothing of, and without which they
could not be baptized.
He told them he doubted they were but indifferent Christians
themselves; that they had but little knowledge of God or of his
ways; and therefore he could not expect that they had said much
to their wives on that head yet; but that unless they would promise
him to use their endeavour with their wives to persuade them to
become Christians, and would, as well as they could, instruct them
in the knowledge and belief of God that made them, and to wor-
ship Jesus Christ that redeemed them, he could not marry them:
for he would have no hand in joining Christians with savages; nor
was it consistent with the principles of the Christian religion; and
was, indeed, expressly forbidden in God's Law.
They heard all this very attentively, and I delivered it very
faithfully to them from his mouth, as near his own words as I
could; only sometimes adding something of my own to convince
them how just it was, and how I was of his mind; and I always
very faithfully distinguished between what I said for myself and
what were the clergyman's words. They told me it was very true
what the gentleman had said, that they were but very indifferent
Christians themselves, and that they never talked to their wives
about religion. Lord, sir," says Will Atkins, how should we
teach them religion? Why, we know nothing ourselves; and
besides, sir," said he, should we go to talk to them of God and
Jesus Christ, and heaven and hell, wouldd be to make them laugh
at us, and ask us what we believe ourselves ? And if we should
tell them we believe all the things that we speak of to them-such
as of good people going to heaven, and wicked people to the devil-
they would ask us where we intend to go ourselves, that believe all
this and are such wicked fellows, as we indeed are? Why, sir,
'tis enough to give them a surfeit of religion at first hearing.
Folks must have some religion themselves, before they pretend to
teach other people." Will Atkins," said I to him, though I
am afraid what you say has too much truth in it, yet can you not
tell your wife that she's in the wrong;-that there is a God and
a religion better than her own ; that her gods are idols, that they
can neither hear nor speak ; that there is a great Being that made






ANOTHER ALLIANCE.


a way of being done in his absence to his satisfaction: of which
by-and-by.
Having thus brought the affairs of the island to a narrow com-
pass, I was preparing to go on board the ship, when the young
man whom I had taken out of the famished ship's company came
to me, and told me he understood I had a clergyman with me,
and that I caused the Englishmen to be married to the savages
whom they called wives; that he had a match too, which he de-
sired might be finished before I went, between two Christians,
which he hoped would not be disagreeable to me.
I knew this must be the young woman who was his mother's
servant, for there was no other Christian woman on the island.
So I began to persuade him not to do anything of that kind
rashly, or because he found himself in this solitary circumstance.
I represented to him that he had some considerable substance in
the world, and good friends, as I understood by himself and by
his maid also; that his maid was not only poor and a servant, but
was unequal to him, she being six or seven and twenty years old,
and he not above seventeen or eighteen; that he might very pro-
bably, with my assistance, make a remove from this wilderness,
and come into his own country again; and that then it would be
a thousand to one but he would repent his choice; and the dis-
like of that circumstance might be disadvantageous to both. I
was going to say more, but he interrupted me, smiling, and told
me, with a great deal of modesty, that I mistook in my guesses;
that he had nothing of that kind in his thoughts, his present cir-
cumstance being melancholyand disconsolate enough; and he was
very glad to hear that I had thoughts of putting them in a way
to see their country again; and nothing should have put him upon
staying there but that the voyage I was going was so exceeding
long and hazardous, and would carry him quite out of the reach
of all his friends: that he had nothing to desire of me but that I
would settle him in some little property in the island where he
was, give him a servant or two, and some few necessaries, and he
would settle himself here like a planter, waiting the good time
when, if ever I returned to England, I would redeem him, and
hoped I would not be unmindful of him when I came to England:






A COUNTRY LIFE.


resolved to divert myself with other things, and to engage in some
business that might effectually tie me up from any more excursions
of this kind; for I found that thing return upon me chiefly when
I was idle, had nothing to do, nor anything of moment immedi-
ately before me.
To this purpose I bought a little farm in the county of Bedford,
and resolved to remove myself thither. I had a little convenient
house upon it; and the land about it I found was capable of great
improvement, and that it was many ways suited to my inclination,
which delighted in cultivating, managing, planting, and improving
of land : and particularly, being an inland country, I was removed
from conversing among ships, sailors, and things relating to the
remote part of the world. In a word, I went down to my farm,
settled my family, bought me ploughs, harrows, a cart, waggon,
horses, cows, sheep, and, setting seriously to work, became in one
half year a mere country gentleman. My thoughts were entirely
taken up in managing my servants, cultivating the ground, enclos-
ing, planting, &c.; and I lived, as I thought, the most agreeable
life that Nature was capable of directing, or that a man always
bred to misfortunes was capable of being retreated to.
I farmed upon my own land; I had no rent to pay, was limited
by no articles; I could pull up or cut down as I pleased; what I
planted was for myself, and what I improved was for my family:
and having thus left off the thoughts of wandering, I had not the
least discomfort in any part of life, as to this world. Now I thought
indeed that I enjoyed the middle state of life that my father so
earnestly recommended to me, and lived a kind of heavenly life,
something like what is described by the poet upon the subject of a
country life:
"Free from vioes, free from oare,
AgI has no pain, and youth no snare."
But in the middle of all this felicity, one blow from unforeseen
Providence unhinged me at once, and not only made a breach upon
me inevitable and incurable, but drove me by its consequences into
a deep relapse into the wandering disposition; which, as I may
say, being born in my very blood, soon recovered its hold of me,
and, like the returns of a violent distemper, came on with an
yMb 24






ALL HANDS TO THE PUMP.


tinued with such fury, that the seamen themselves acknowledged
they had never known a worse. We had a good ship; but she
was deep laden, and wallowed in the sea, that the seamen every
now and then cried out she would founder. It was my advantage
in one respect that I did not know what they meant by founder
till I inquired. However, the storm was so violent, that I saw
what is not often seen-the master, the boatswain, and some
others more sensible than the rest, at their prayers, and expecting
every moment when the ship would go to the bottom. In the
middle of the night, and under all the rest of our distresses, one of
the men that had been down on purpose to see, cried out we had
sprung a leak; another said there was four foot water in the hold.
Then all hands were called to the pump. At that very word
my heart, as I thought, died within me, and I fell backwards upon
the side of my bed where I sat, into the cabin. However, the men
roused me, and told me that I that was able to do nothing before
was as well able to pump as another, at which I stirred up and
went to the pump, and worked very heartily. While this was
doing, the master, seeing some light colliers, who, not able to ride
out the storm, were obliged to slip and run away to sea, and would
come near us, ordered to fire a gun as a signal of distress. I, who
knew nothing what that meant, was so surprised, that I thought
the ship had broke, or some dreadful thing had happened. In a
word, I was so surprised, that I fell down in a swoon. As this
was a time when everybody had his own life to think of, nobody
minded me, or what was become of me; but another man stepped
up to the pump, and thrusting me aside with his foot, let me lie,.
thinking I had been dead; and it was a great while before I came
to myself.
We worked on; but the water increasing in the hold, it was
apparent that the ship would founder; and though the storm
began to abate a little, yet, as it was not possible she could swim
till we might run into a port, so the master continued firing guns
for help, and a light ship, who had rode it out just ahead of us,
ventured a boat out to help us. It was with the utmost hazard
the boat came near us; but it was impossible for us to get on
board, or for the boat to lie near the ship's side, till at last, the men






CRUSOE'S FOLLY.


"I WAS UNABLE rO STIR IT UP AGAIN, OR GET UNDER IT."


might with much trouble cut it down, if after I might be able with
my tools to hew and dub the outside into the proper shape of a
boat, and burn or cut out the inside to make it hollow, so to make
a boat of it,-if, after all this, I must leave it just there where I
found it, and was not able to launch it into the water.
One would have thought I could not have had the least reflec-
tion upon my mind of my circumstance, while I was making this
boat, but I should have immediately thought how I should get it
into the sea. But my thoughts were so intent upon my voyage
over the sea in it, that I never once considered how I should get it
off of the land; and it was really in its own nature more easy for
me to guide it over forty-five miles of sea, than about forty-five
fathom of land, where it lay, to set it afloat in the water.
I went to work upon this boat the most like a fool that ever
man did who had any of his senses awake. I pleased myself with
the design, without determining whether I was ever able to under-






AN ENGLISH COLONY.


These two men made their number five, but the other three
villains were so much wickeder than these, that after they had
been two or three days together, they turned their two new
comers out of doors to shift for themselves, and would have nothing
to do with them, nor could they for a good while be persuaded to
give them any food ; as for the Spaniards, they were not yet come.
When the Spaniards came first on shore, the business began to
go forward. The Spaniards would have persuaded the three Eng-
lish brutes to have taken in their two countrymen again, that, as
they said, they might be all one family; but they would not hear
of it. So the two poor fellows lived by themselves; and finding
nothing but industry and application would make them live com-
fortably, they pitched their tents on the north shore of the island,
but a little more on the west, to be out of the danger of the savages,
who always landed on the east parts of the island.
Here they built them two huts, one to lodge in, and the other
to lay up their magazines and stores in; and the Spaniards having
given them some corn for seed, and especially some of the pease
which I had left them, they dug, and planted, and enclosed, after
the pattern I had set for them all, and began to live pretty well.
Their first crop of corn was on the ground, and though it was but
a little bit of land which they had dug up at first, having had but
a little time, yet it was enough to relieve them, and find them
with bread and other eatables; and one of the fellows being the
cook's mate of the ship, was very ready at making soup, puddings,
and other such preparations, as the rice and the milk, and such
little flesh as they got, furnished him to do.
They were going on in this little thriving posture, when the
three unnatural rogues, their own countrymen too, in mere humour
and to insult them, came and bullied them, and told them the
island was theirs; that the governor (meaning me) had given them
possession of it, and nobody else had any right to it; and that
they should build no houses upon their ground, unless they would
pay them rent for them.
The two men thought they had jested at first, asked them to
come in and sit down, and see what fine houses they were that
they had built, and tell them what rent they demanded; and one






THE INDIANS AGAIN.


they afterwards found occasion for: which served to convince ime
that as human prudence has the authority of Providence to justify
it, so it has, doubtless, the direction of Providence to set it to
work. And would we listen carefully to the voice of it, I am
fully persuaded we might prevent many of the disasters which our
lives are now, by our own negligence, subjected to. But this by
the way.
I return to the story. They lived two years after this in perfect
retirement, and had no more visits from the savages. They had,
indeed, an alarm given them one morning, which put them into a
great consternation; for some of the Spaniards being out early one
morning on the west side, or rather the end of the island (which,
by the way, was that end where I never went, for fear of being
discovered), they were surprised with seeing above twenty canoes
of Indians just coming on shore'l
They made the best of their way home, in hurry enough; and
giving the alarm to their comrades, they kept close all that day
and the next, going out only at night to make observation. But
they had the good luck to be mistaken; for wherever the savages
went, they did not land at that time in the island, but pursued
some other design.
And now they had another broil with the three Englishmen;
o(ne of which, a most turbulent fellow, being in a rage at one of
the three slaves which I had mentioned they had taken, because
the fellow had not done something right which he bid him do, and
seemed a little intractable in his showing him, drew a hatchet out
of a frog-belt in which he wore it by his side, and fell upon the
poor savage, not to correct him, but to kill him. One of the
Spaniards who was by, seeing him give the fellow a barbarous cut
with the hatchet, which he aimed at his head, but struck into his
shoulder, so that he thought he had cut the poor creature's arm
off, ran to him, and entreating him not to murder the poor man,
clapped in between him and the savage to prevent the mischief.
The fellow, being enraged the more at this, struck at the
Spaniard with his hatchet, and swore he would serve him as he
intended to serve the savage; which the Spaniard perceiving,
avoided the blow, and with a shovel which he had in his hand (for
(2M) 27






CRUSOE AS A SLAVE.


and were carried all prisoners into Sallee, a port belonging to the
Moors.
The usage I had there was not so dreadful as at first I appre-
hended, nor was I carried up the country to the Emperor's court,
as the rest of our men were, but was kept by the captain of the
rover as his proper prize, and made his slave, being young and
nimble, and fit for his business. At this surprising change of my
circumstances, from a merchant to a miserable slave, I was perfectly
overwhelmed; and now I looked back upon my father's prophetic
discourse to me, that I should be miserable, and have none to
relieve me, which I thought was now so effectually brought to
pass, that it could not be worse; that now the hand of Heaven
had overtaken me, and I was undone without redemption. But,
alas I this was but a taste of the misery I was to go through, as
will appear in the sequel of this story.
As my new patron or master had taken me home to his house,
so I was in hopes that he would take me with him when he went
to sea again, believing that it would some time or other be his
fate to be taken by a Spanish or Portugal man-of-war; and that
then I should be set at liberty. But this hope of mine was soon
taken away; for when he went to sea he left me on shore to look
after his little garden, and do the common drudgery of slaves
about his house; and when he came home again from his cruise,
he ordered me to lie in the cabin to look after the ship.
Here I meditated nothing but my escape, and what method I
might take to effect it, but found no way that had the least pro-
bability in it. Nothing presented to make the supposition of it
rational; for I had nobody to communicate it to that would
embark with me, no fellow-slave, no Englishman, Irishman, or
Scotsman there but myself; so that for two years, though I often
pleased myself with the imagination, yet I never had the least
encouraging prospect of putting it in practice.
After about two years an odd circumstance presented itself,
which put the old thought of making some attempt for my liberty
again in my head. My patron lying at home longer than usual
without fitting out his ship, which, as I heard, was for want of
money, he used constantly, once or twice a-week, sometimes






A PLAN OF ESCAPE.


longboat, like that of a barge, with a place to stand behind it to
steer and haul home the main-sheet; and room before for a hand
or two to stand and work the sails. She sailed with what we call
a shoulder-of-mutton sail; and the boom gibed over the top of the
cabin, which lay very snug and low, and had in it room for him
to lie, with a slave or two; and a table to eat on, with some small
lockers to put in some bottles of such liquor as he thought fit to
drink; particularly his bread, rice, and coffee.
We went frequently out with this boat a-fishing. And as I was
most dexterous to catch fish for him, he never went without me.
It happened that he had appointed to go out in this boat, either
for pleasure or for fish, with two or three Moors of some distinction
in that place, and for whom he had provided extraordinarily, and
had therefore sent on board the boat overnight ia larger store of
provisions than ordinary; and had ordered me to get ready three
fuzees with powder and shot, which were on board his ship, for
that they designed some sport of fowling as well as fishing.
1 got all things ready as he had directed, and waited the next
morning with the boat washed clean, her ancient and pendants
out, and everything to accommodate his guests. When by-and-by
my patron came on board alone, and told me his guests had put
off going, upon some business that fell out, and ordered me with
the man and boy as usual to go out with the boat and catch them
some fish, for that his friends were to sup at his house; and com-
manded that as soon as I had got some fish, I should bring it home
to his house; all which I prepared to do.
This moment my former notions of deliverance darted into
my thoughts, for now I found I was like to have a little ship at
my command; and my master being gone, I prepared to furnish
myself, not for a fishing business, but for a voyage; though I
knew not, neither did I so much as consider, whither I should
steer; for anywhere to get out of that place was my way.
My first contrivance was to make a pretence to speak to this
Moor, to get something for our subsistence on board; for I told
him we must not presume to eat of our patron's bread. He said
that was true ; so he brought a large basket of rusk or biscuit of
their kind, and three jars with fresh water into the boat. I knew






AND ALSO A SUIT OF CLOTHES.


all the tokens of the triumphant feast they had been making there,
after the victory over their enemies. I saw three skulls, five hands,
and the bones of three or four legs and feet, and abundance of
other parts of the bodies; and Friday, by his signs, made me under-
stand that they brought over four prisoners to feast upon; that
three of them were eaten up, and that he, pointing to himself, was
the fourth: That there had been a great battle between them and
their next king, whose subjects it seems he had been one of; and
that they had taken a great number of prisoners, all which were
carried to several places by those that had taken them in the fight,
in order to feast upon'them, as was done here by these wretches
upon those they brought hither.
I caused Friday to gather all the skulls, bones, flesh, and what-
ever remained, and lay them together on a heap, and make a great
fire upon it, and burn them all to ashes. I found Friday had still
a hankering stomach after some of the flesh, and was still a can-
nibal in his nature: but I discovered so much abhorrence at the
very thoughts of it, and at the least appearance of it, that he durst
not discover it; for I had by some means let him know that I
would kill him if he offered it.
When we had done this, we came back to our castle, and there
I fell to work for my man Friday; and first of all I gave him a
pair of linen drawers, which I had out of the poor gunner's chest
I mentioned, and which I found in the wreck, and which with a
little alteration fitted him very well. Then I made him a jerkin
of goat-skin, as well as my skill would allow, and I was now grown
a tolerable good tailor; and I gave him a cap which I had made
of a hare-skin, very convenient, and fashionable enough; and thus
he was clothed for the present tolerably well, and was mighty well
pleased to see himself almost as well clothed as his master. It is
true, he went awkwardly in these things at first: wearing the
drawers was very awkward to him, and the sleeves of the waistcoat
galled his shoulders and the inside of his arms; but a little eas-
ing them where he complained they hurt him, and using himself
to them, at length he took to them very well.
The next day after I came home to my hutch with him, I began
to consider where I should lodge him; and that I might do well






HOW THE TEACHER IS TAUGHT.


being of God, as the consequence of our nature, yet nothing but
divine revelation can form the knowledge of Jesus Christ, and of
a redemption purchased for us, of a Mediator of the new covenant,-
and of an Intercessor at the footstool of God's throne;-I say,
nothing but a revelation from Heaven can forn these in the soul;
and that, therefore, the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ, I mean the Word of God, and the Spirit of God, promised
for the guide and sanctifier of his people, are the absolutely
necessary instructors of the souls of men in the saving knowledge
of God and the means of salvation.
I therefore diverted the present discourse between me and my
man, rising up hastily, as upon some sudden occasion of going
out; then sending him for something a good way off, I seriously
prayed to God that he would enable me to instruct savingly this
poor savage; assisting, by his Spirit, the heart of the poor ignorant
creature to receive the light of the knowledge of God in Christ,
reconciling him to himself; and would guide me to speak so to him
from the Word of God, as his conscience might be convinced, his
eyes opened, and his soul saved. When he came again to me I
entered into a long discourse with him upon the subject of the
redemption of man by the Saviour of the world, and of the
doctrine of the gospel preached from Heaven; namely, of repent-
ance towards God and faith in our blessed Lord Jesus. I then
explained to himi, as well as I could, why our blessed Redeemer
took not on him the nature of angels, but the seed of Abraham,
and how, for that reason, the fallen angels had no share in the
redemption; that he came only to the lost sheep of the house of
Israel, and the like.
I had, God knows, more sincerity than knowledge in all the
methods I took for this poor creature's instruction; and must
acknowledge, what I believe all that act upon the same principle
will find, that, in laying things open to him, I really informed and
instructed myself in many things that either I did not know or
had not fully considered before, but which occurred naturally to
my mind upon my searching into them for the information of this
poor savage. And I had more affection in my inquiry after things
upon this occasion than ever I felt before; so that whether this






A PLEA FOR WELL-LIVING.


or of any profession to perform the ceremony; nor any pen and
ink or paper to write down a contract of marriage, and have it
signed between them. And I know also, sir, what the Spaniard
governor has told you; I mean of the agreement that he obliged
them to make when they took these women-namely, that they
should choose them out by consent, and keep separately to them;
which, by the way, is nothing of a marriage, no agreement with
the women as wives, but only an agreement among themselves, to
keep them from quarrelling.
But, sir, the essence of the sacrament of matrimony" (so he
called it, being a Roman) consists not only in the mutual consent
of the parties to take one another as man and wife, but in the
formal and legal obligation that there is in the contract to compel
the man and woman at all times to own and acknowledge each
other; obliging the men to abstain from all other women, to engage
in no other contract while these subsist, and on all occasions, as
ability allows, to provide honestly for them and their children; and
to oblige the women to the same, or like conditions, mutatis mutan-
dis, on their side.
"Now, sir," says he, "these men may, when they please, or
when occasion presents, abandon these women, disown their chil-
dren, leave them to perish, and take other women and marry them
whilst these are living." And here he added, with some warmth,
" How, sir, is God honoured in this unlawful liberty? and how
shall a blessing succeed your endeavors in this place, however
good in themselves, and however sincere in your design, while these
men, who at present are your subjects, under your absolute govern-
ment and dominion, are allowed by you to live in open adultery?"
I confess I was struck at the thing itself, but much more with
the convincing arguments he supported it with; for it was certainly
true, that though they had no clergyman upon the spot, yet a
formal contract on both sides, made before witnesses, and confirmed
by any token which they had all agreed to be bound by, though
it had been but breaking a stick between them, engaging the
men to own these women for their wives upon all occasions, and
never to abandon them or their children, and the women to the
same with their husbands, had been an effectual lawful marriage






DEATH OF FRIDAY.


However I called to them not to fire by any means; but we handed
down some deal boards into the boat, and the carpenters presently
set up a kind of fence, like waste boards, to cover them from the
arrows of the savages, if they should shoot again.
About half an hour afterwards they came all up in a body astern
of us, and pretty near us, so near that we could easily discern what
they were, though we could not tell their design. And I easily
found they were some of my old friends, the same sort of savages
that I had been used to engage with; and in a little time more
they rowed a little further out to sea, until they came directly
broadside with us, and then rowed down straight upon us, until they
came so near that they could hear us speak. Upon this I ordered
all my men to keep close, lest they should shoot any more arrows,
and made all our guns ready: but being so near as to be within
hearing, I made Friday go out upon the deck, and call out aloud
to them in his language to know what they meant; which accord-
ingly he did. Whether they understood him or not, that I know
not; but as soon as he had called to them, six of them, who were
in the foremost or nighest boat to us, turned their canoes from us,
and stooping down, showed us their naked backsides; just as if
in English, saving your presence, they had bid us kiss -
Whether this was a defiance or challenge we know not, or whether
it was done in mere contempt, or as a signal to the rest; but im-
mediately Friday cried out they were going to shoot, and unhappily
for him, poor fellow, they let fly about three hundred of their
arrows, and, to my inexpressible grief, killed poor Friday, no other
man being in their sight.
The poor fellow was shot with no less than three arrows, and about
three more fell very near him; such unlucky marksmen they were.
I was so enraged with the loss of my old servant, the companion
of all my sorrows and solitudes, that I immediately ordered five
guns to be loaded with small shot, and four with great, and gave
them such a broadside as they had never heard in their lives before,
to be sure.
They were not above half a cable length off when we fired, and
our gunners took their aim so well that three or four of their canoes
were overset, as we had reason to believe, by one shot only.






WHAT NEXT, AND NEXT?


I showed him all that was sent to me; I told him that next to the
providence of Heaven, which disposes all things, it was owing to
him; and that it now lay on me to reward him, which I would do
a hundredfold. So I first returned to him the 100 moidores
I had received of him, then I sent for a notary, and caused him to
draw up a general release or discharge for the 470 moidores which
he had acknowledged he owed me, in the fullest and firmest manner
possible: after which I caused a procuration to be drawn empower-
ing him to be my receiver of the annual profits of my plantation,
and appointing my partner to account to him, and make the
returns by the usual fleets to him in my name; and a clause in
the end, being a grant of 100 moidores a year to him during his
life out of the effects, and 50 moidores a year to his son after him
for his life. And thus I requited my old man.
I was now to consider which way to steer my course next, and
what to do with the estate that Providence had thus put into my
hands: and indeed I had more care upon my head now than I had
in my silent state of life in the island, where I wanted nothing but
what I had, and had nothing but what I wanted; whereas I had
now a great charge upon me, and my business was how to secure
it. I had never a cave now to hide my money in, nor a place
where it might lie without lock or key until it grew mouldy and
tarnished before anybody would meddle with it. On the contrary,
I knew not where to put it, or whom to trust with it. My old
patron the captain, indeed, was honest, and that was the only
refuge I had.
In the next place, my interest in the Brazils seemed to summon
me thither ; but now I could not tell how to think of going
thither until I had settled my affairs, and left my effects in some
safe hands behind me. At first I thought of my old friend the
widow, who I knew was honest, and would be just to me; but
then she was in years, and but poor, and for aught I knew might
be in debt. So that, in a word, I had no way but to go back to
England myself, and take my effects with me.
It was some months, however, before I resolved upon this; and
therefore, as -I had rewarded the old captain fully and to his satis-
faction, who had been my former benefactor, so I began to think






AN ALARM AND A PURSUIT.


been the cause of all the mischief, and of another that was hurt in
his knee, and put them out of their pain. Then the man that was
not hurt at all came and kneeled down to them, with his two hands
hold up, and made piteous moans to them by gestures and signs
for his life, but could not say one word to them that they could
understand.
However, they signed to him to sit down at the foot of a tree
thereby, and one of the Englishmen, with a piece of rope-twine, which
lie had by great chance in his pocket, tied his two feet fast together
and his two hands behind him; and there they left him, and with
what speed they could made after the other two which were gone
before, fearing they or any more of then should find the way to their
covered place in the woods, where their wives and the few goods they
had left lay. T'lhey came once in sight of the two men, but it was
at a great distance ; however, they had the satisfaction to see then
cross over the valley towards the sea, the quite contrary way from
that which led to their retreat, which they were afraid of; and
being satisfied with that, they went back to the tree where they
left their prisoner, who, as they supposed, was delivered by his
comrades, for he was gone, and the two pieces of rope-yarn with
which they bound him lay just at the foot of the tree.
They were now in as great concern as before, not knowing what
course to take, or how near the enemy might be, or in what
numbers; so they resolved to go away to the place where their
wives were, to see if all was well there, and to make them easy,
who were in fright enough to be sure; for though the savages
were their own country-folk, yet they were most terribly afraid
of them, and perhaps the more for the knowledge they had of
them.
When they came there they found the savages had been in the
wood, and very near that place, but had not found it; for it was
indeed inaccessible by the trees standing so thick, as before, had
not the persons seeking it been directed by those that knew it,
which these did not; they found therefore everything very safe,
only the women in a terrible fright. While they were here they
had the comfort to have seven of the Spaniards come to their
assistance; the other ten, with their servants and old Friday, I







, .- -i '1 | '
T/ n-., 4l, T h wh' t i ;Y.' t .
II`
Sthan in the story of my life. Any one would



















[ety of unhappy circumstances, which few men,
-o. _, n e v ent_.f e,'and aft'er ne'r


"i

,i,,










.la nd, na mely, That what is bred in the bfune
,'i ": --= .... ... .... -"-" '--









might be allowed me to have stohad experience of ever. Any onstage would
middle life, and to know which was most adaptfter thirty-five years' affliction make and man
S' complete hom ely pro verb unhap y i mstanes, wod have thouhtn







that the native propensity to rambling, which I gave an account of
n my .first s eting out into t ae wld have ben e in the bdonean
Sot a ll things, grown oldesh, was nwhever more veit

completely happy: I thsay, after all this, alife. ny one would have thought
"- l, that the native propensity to rambling, ywich I gavears' affliction account of






in my thoughts, should be worn out, the volatile part be fully
evacuated, or at least condensed, and I might at sixty-one years
of age have been a little inclined to stay at home, and have done
venturing life and fortune any more.
Nay, further, the common motive of foreign adventures was taken
away in me; for I had no fortune to make, I had nothing to seek.
If I had gained ten thousand pound, I had been no richer; for I had
already sufficient for me, and for those I had to leave it to: and that






THE OLD MAN'S ADVICE.


no harm, so that I turned short upon him. Well now, seignior,"
said I, and this is the very reason why I would have you carry us
up to Nankin, and not to put back to Macao, or to any other
part of the country where the E'nglish or Dutch ships come. For
be it known to you, seignior, those captains of the English and
Dutch ships are a parcel of rash, proud, insolent fellows, that
neither know what belongs to justice, nor how to behave them-
selves as the laws of God and nature direct. But being proud of
their offices, and not understanding their power, they would act
the murderers to punish robbers; would take upon them to insult
men falsely accused, and determine them guilty without due in-
quiry. And perhaps I may live to call some of them to an account
for it, where they may be taught how justice is to be executed,
and that no man ought to be treated as a criminal until some
evidence may be had of the crime, and that he is the man."
With this I told him that this was the very ship they attacked;
and gave him a full account of the skirmish we had with their
boats, and how foolishly and coward-like they behaved. I told
him all the story of our buying the ship, and how the Dutchmen
served us. I told him the reasons I had to believe that this story
of killing the master by the Malayans was not true; as also the
running away with the ship: but that it was all a fiction of their
own, to suggest that the men were turned pirates; and they
ought to have been sure it was so before they had ventured to
attack us by surprise, and oblige us to resist them; adding, that
they would have the blood of those men whom we killed there in
our just defence to answer for.
The old man was amazed at this relation, and told us we were
very much in the right to go away to the north; and that if he
might advise us, it should be to sell the ship in China, which we
mightverywell do, and buyor build another in the country. "And,"
said he, though you will not get so good a ship, yet you may
get one able enough to carry you and all your goods back again to
Bengal, or anywhere else."
I told him I would take his advice when I came to any port
where I could find a ship for my turn, or get any customer to buy
this. He replied I should meet with customers enough for the






BURNING THE IDOL.


the door. We immediately seized upon him, stopped his mouth,
and tied his hands behind him, and led him to the idol, where we
gagged him that he might not make a noise, tied his feet also
together, and left him on the ground.
Two of us then waited at the door, expecting that another
would come out to see what the matter was; but we waited so
long till the third man came back to us, and then nobody coming
out, we knocked again gently, and immediately out came two
more, and we served them just in the same manner, but were
obliged to go all with them, and lay them down by the idol, some
distance from one another. When going back, we found two more
were come out to the door, and a third stood between them within
the door. We seized the two, and immediately tied them, when
the third stepping back, and crying out, my Scots merchant went
in after him, and taking out a composition we had made, that
would only smoke and stink, he set fire to it, and threw it in
among them. By that time the other Scotsman and my man,
taking charge of the two men who were already bound, and tied
together also by the arm, led them away to the idol, and left
them there, to see if their idol would relieve them, making haste
back to us.
When the fuze we had thrown in had filled the hut with so
much smoke that they were almost suffocated, we then threw in a
small leather bag of another kind, which flamed like a candle, and
following it in, we found there were but four people left, who, it
seems, were two men and two women, and, as we supposed, had
been about some of their diabolic sacrifices. They appeared, in
short, frighted to death, at least so as to sit trembling and stupid,
and not able to speak either, for the smoke.
In a word, we took them, bound them as we had the others, and
all without any noise. I should have said, we brought them out
of the house or hut first; for, indeed, we were not able to bear the
smoke any more than they were. When we had done this, we
carried them all together to the idol. When we came there, we
fell to work with him. And, first, we daubed him all over, and
his robes also, with tar and such other stuff as we had, which was
tallow mixed with brimstone; then we stopped his eyes, ears,






CRUSOE'S LACK OF CLOTHES.


and it was a very great help to me that I had among all the men's
clothes of the ship almost three dozen of shirts. There were also
several thick watch-coats of the seamen's, which were left indeed,
but they were too hot to wear. And though it is true that the
weather was so violently hot that there was no need of clothes, yet
I could not go quite naked: no, though I had been inclined to it,
which I was not, nor could not abide the thoughts of it, though
I was all alone.
The reason why I could not go quite naked was, I could not
bear the heat of the sun so well when quite naked as with some
clothes on; nay, the very heat frequently blistered my skin, where-
as, with a shirt on, the air itself made some motion, and whistling
under that shirt, was twofold cooler than without it. No more
could I ever bring myself to go out in the heat of the sun without
a cap or a hat, the heat of the sun beating with such violence as
it does in that place would give me the headache presently, by
darting so directly on my head without a cap or hat on, so that I
could not bear it, whereas, if I put on my hat, it would presently
go away.
Upon those views I began to consider about putting the few
rags I had, which I called clothes, into some order. I had worn
out all the waistcoats I had, and my business was now to try if I
could not make jackets out of the great watch-coats which I had
by me, and with such other materials as I had; so I set to work
a-tailoring, or rather indeed a-botching, for I made most piteous
work of it. However I made shift to make two or three new
waistcoats, which I hoped would serve me a great while. As for
breeches or drawers, I made but a very sorry shift indeed till
afterward.
I have mentioned that I saved the skins of all the creatures
that I killed-I mean four-footed ones-and I had hung them up
stretched out with sticks in the sun, by which means some of them
were so dry and hard that they were fit for little, but others it
seems were very useful. The first thing I made of these was a
great cap for my head, with the hair on the outside to shoot off
the rain; and this I performed so well, that after this I made me
a suit of clothes wholly of these skins-that is to say, a waistcoat,






WHAT SHALL BE DONE?


on purpose for their deliverance, yet it was impossible for us wil-
fully to change our voyage on this particular account, nor could my
nephew, the captain, answer it to the freighters, with whom he
was under charter-party to pursue his voyage by the way of Brazil;
and all I knew we could do for them was to put ourselves in the
way of meeting with other ships, homeward bound from the West
Indies, and get them passage, if possible, to England or France.
The first part of the proposal was so generous, and kind, they
could not but be very thankful for it; but they were in a very
great consternation, especially the passengers, at the notion of
being carried away to the East Indies; and they then entreated
me, that seeing I was driven so far to the westward before I met
with them, I would at least keep on the same course to the Banks
of Newfoundland, where it was probable I might meet with some
ship or sloop that they might hire to carry them back to Canada,
from whence they came.
I thought this was but a reasonable request on their part, and
therefore I inclined to agree to it; for, indeed, I considered that to
carry this whole company to the East Indies, would not only be an
intolerable severity upon the poor people, but would be ruining
our whole voyage by devouring all our provisions: so I thought
it no breach of charter-party, but what an unforeseen accident made
absolutely necessary to us, and in which no one could say we were
to blame; for the laws of God and nature would have forbid that
we should refuse to take up two boats full of people in such a dis-
tressed condition; and the nature of the thing, as well respecting
ourselves as the poor people, obliged us to set them on shore some-
where or other for their deliverance. So I consented that we
should carry them to Newfoundland, if wind and weather would
permit, and if not, that I would carry them to Martinico in the
West Indies.
The wind continued fresh easterly, but the weather pretty good;
and as the winds had continued in the points between north-east
and south-east a long time, we missed several opportunities of
sending them to France; for we met several ships bound to
Europe, whereof two were French, from St. Christopher's, but they
had been so long beating up against the wind, that they durst take














)R refatre.



O formal introduction is necessary to a book which
for nearly two centuries has been the favourite
of young and old, and which is now ranked, by
common consent, among the classic master-
pieces of English literature.
All then that remains for the Editor to do, is to justify
the appearance of this new edition by pointing out in
what respects it differs from its predecessors.
1st,-It has been carefully printed from the fwi)
edition; though it has not been thought advisable to adopt
the pedantic fashion of reproducing the original ortho-
graphy. We might as well use the old spelling in our
" Authorized Version of the Bible; and we are unable to
see how it can interest any but a very limited class of
students. For the same reason, we have by no means
literally followed the original punctuation, which, perhaps,
was not De Joe's, but his printers'. In all other respects
the present edition is a faithful transcript of the Robinson






CRUSOE'S NARRATIVE.


Some days after this, and after I had been on board the ship
and got all that I could out of her, yet I could not forbear getting
up to the top of a little mountain and looking out to sea. in hopes
of seeing a ship, then fancy at a vast distance I spied a sail, please
myself with the hopes of it, and then after looking steadily till I
was almost blind, lose it quite, and sit down and weep like a
child, and thus increase my misery by my folly.
But having gotten over these things in some measure, and
having settled my household stuff and habitation, made me a table
and a chair, and all as handsome about me as I could, I began to
keep my journal, of which I shall here give you the copy (though
in it will be told all these particulars over again) as long as it
lasted, for, having no more ink, I was forced to leave it off.







Zhe laurnat.

,EPTEMBER 30, 1659. I, poor, miserable
Robinson Crusoe, being shipwrecked during a
dreadful storm in the offing, came on shore on
this dismal unfortunate island, which I called
the Island of Despair, all the.rest of the ship's
company being drowned, and myself almost dead.
All the rest of that day I spent in afflicting myself at the dismal
circumstances I was brought to-namely, I had neither food, house,
clothes, weapon, nor place to fly to, and, in despair of any relief,
saw nothing but death before me-either that I should be devoured
by wild beasts, murdered by savages, or starved to death for want
of food. At the approach of night I slept in a tree for fear of wild
creatures, but slept soundly though it rained all night.
October 1. In the morning I saw, to my great surprise, that the
ship had floated with the high tide, and was driven on shore again
much nearer the island; which as it was some comfort, on one






THE SPANIARD'S STORY.


Their behaviour was to the last degree obliging and courteous, and
yet mixed with a manly, majestic gravity, which very well became
them; and, in short, they had so much more manners than I that
I scarce knew how to receive their civilities, much less how to
return them in kind.
The history of their coming to, and conduct in, the island, after
my going away, is so very remarkable, and has so many incidents
which the former part of my relation will help to understand, and
which will in most of the particulars refer to that account I have
already given, that I cannot but comnnit them with great delight
to the reading of those that come after me.
I shall no longer trouble the story with a relation in the first
person, which will put me to the expense of ten thousand said I's"
and said he's," and he told me's and I told him's," and the
like; but I shall collect the facts historically as near as I can
gather them out of my memory from what they related to me, and
from what I met with in my conversing with them and with the
place.
In order to do this succinctly, and as intelligibly as I can, 1
must go back to the circumstance in which I left the island, and
in which the persons were of whom 1 am to speak. And first, it
is necessary to repeat that I had sent away Friday's father and the
Spaniard, the two whose lives I had rescued from the savages: I
say, I had sent them away in a large canoe to the main, as I then
thought it, to fetch over the Spaniard's companions, whom lie had
left behind him, in order to save them from the like calamity that
lie had been in : and in order to succour them for the present, and
that if possible we might together tind some way for our deliver-
ance afterward.
WhenI 1 sent them away, I had no visible appearance of, or the
least room to hope for, my own deliverance, any more than I had
twenty years before munch less had I any fore-knowledge of what
afterwards happened, I mean of an English ship coming on shore
there to fetch me oit; and it could not but be a very great surprise
to them when they came back, not only to find that I was gone,
but to find three strangers left on the spot, possessed of all that
I had left behind me, which would otherwise have been their own.






SHOULD PRESENTIMENTS BE TRUSTED?


sence of mind enough to do what I might have done; much less
what now, after much consideration and preparation, I might be
able to do. Indeed, after serious thinking of these things, I should
be very melancholy, and sometimes it would last a great while;
but I resolved it at last all into thankfulness to that Providence
which had delivered me from so many unseen dangers, and had kept
me from those mischiefs which I could no way have been the agent
in delivering myself from, because I had not the least notion of any
such thing depending, or the least supposition of it being possible.
This renewed a contemplation which often had come to my
thoughts in former time, when first I began to see the merciful
dispositions of Heaven in the dangers we run through in this life;
How wonderfully we are delivered when we know nothing of it:
how, when we are in a quandary, as we call it, a doubt or hesita-
tion whether to go this way or that way, a secret hint shall direct
us this way when we intended to go that way; nay, when sense,
our own inclination, and perhaps business, has called to go the
other way, yet a strange impression upon the mind, from we know
not what springs, and by we know not what power, shall overrule
us to go this way; and it shall afterwards appear that had we
gone that way which we should have gone, and even to our ima-
gination ought to have gone, we should have been ruined and lost.
Upon these and many like reflections, I afterwards made it a
certain rule with me, that whenever I found those secret hints or
pressings of my mind to doing or not doing anything that pre-
sented, or to going this way or that way, I never failed to obey
the secret dictate, though I knew no other reason for it than that
such a pressure or such a hint hung upon my mind. I could give
many examples of the success of this conduct in the course of my
life, but more especially in the latter part of my inhabiting this
unhappy island, besides many occasions which it is very likely I
might have taken notice of if I.had seen with the same eyes then
that I saw with now. But it is never too late to be wise; and I
cannot but advise all considering men, whose lives are attended
with such extraordinary incidents as mine, or even though not so
extraordinary, not to slight such secret intimations of Providence.
Let them come from what invisible intelligence they will-that I







THE UNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.


none knew but Mrs. Veal and myself that the gown had been scoured.'
To this crushing piece of evidence, it seems that neither Mr. Veal (nor any
other assailant of Mrs. Bargrave) could invent any sufficient reply. One
can almost fancy De Foe chuckling as he concocted the refinements of this
most marvellous narrative.
We pass from the "Apparition of Mrs. Veal" to the poem of Jure
Divino," published on the 20th of July 1706. The reasoning in it, as
Forster says, is better than the poetry; but much of the verse is vigorous,
and its forcible advocacy of constitutional principles made it popular with
large masses of the people. In this, as in other works, De Foe lays claim
to be considered as the real founder of the Moderate Whigs-of the political
party represented at a later period by Fox, Huskisson, Russell, and Grey.
The year 1706 was rendered remarkable in English history by the legis-
lative movement in favour of a union between England and Scotland. As I
have already stated, this was a favourite idea of De Foe's, which he had
pressed upon King William; and it was his good fortune now to be con-
cerned in its realization. By the advice'of the ministers Harley and
Godolphin he was despatched on a mission to Scotland; and he rendered
effectual service in bringing to a successful issue the greatest measure of
statesmanship which for years had been submitted to an English Parliament.
He seems to have gained the esteem and good-will of all the Scotch officials
and illustrious Scotchmen with whom his duties brought him into contact;
and he certainly learned to admire the Scotch character, becoming thence-
forth a warm and vigorous advocate of the Scottish people. The Act of
Union was ratified by the Scotch Parliament on the 16th of January 1707;
by the English, on the 6th of March. Probably no measure ever concluded
between two allied nations has proved more fruitful in the happiest results
for both. Well might De Foe regard with honest pride his share in a
work so noble; and well may both England and Scotland love and honour
the memory, not only of the great novelist, but of the generous and sagacious
politician.
There are few better, and certainly no more interesting, narratives of the
circumstances attending this memorable event than that which is embodied
in De Foe's own History of the Union," published some years afterwards,
and written with unusual care.
In 1708 Harley was dismissed from the Cabinet; but as Godolphin con-
tinued in it, De Foe did not cease to give it his active support, though he
deeply felt the unmerited disgrace in which his liberal patron was involved.
He was at this time specially favoured by the Queen, and was again sent to
Scotland on a particular service, whose details do not seem certainly known
to any of his biographers. Soon afterwards the Godolphin Ministry fell, and
Harley formed an Administration, of which he became the acknowledged
head. De Foe supported him, so far as he approved of his measures, with
characteristic energy; but with equally characteristic honesty, he did not






HONESTY VERSUS DISHONES'I'y.


The other had firearms with them too, but one of the two honest
men, bolder than his comrade, and made desperate by his danger,
told them if they offered to move hand or foot they were dead
iimen, and boldly commanded them to lay down their arms. They
did not indeed lay down their arms, but seeing him so resolute it
brought them to a parley, and they consented to take their wounded
nmaI with them and be gone-aInd indeed it seems the fellow was
wounded sufficiently with the blow. However, they were much
in tlhe wrong, since they had the advantage, that they did not dis-
arm them effectually, as they might have done, and have gone
immediately to the Spaniards and given them an account how
the rogues had treated them ; for the three villains studied nothing
but revenge, and every day gave them some intimation that they
did so.
But not to crowd this part with an account of the lessor part of
their rogueries, such as treading down their corn, shooting three
young kids and a she-goat, which the poor men had got to breed
up tame for their stores; and, in a word, plaguing them night and
day in this manner, it forced the two men to such a desperation,
that they resolved to fight them all three the first time they had a
fair opportunity. In order to this, they resolved to go to the
castle, as they called it, that was my old dwelling, where the three
rogues and the Spaniards all lived together, at that time intending
to have a fair battle, and the Spaniards should stand by to see fair
play. So they got up in the morning before day, and came to the
place, and called the Englishmen by their names, telling a
Spaniard that answered that they wanted to speak with them.
It happened that the day before, two of the Spaniards leaving
been in the woods, had seen one of the two Englishmen, whom, for
distinction, I call the honest men, and he had made a sad com-
plaint to the Spaniards of the barbarous usage they had met with
from their three countrymen, and how they had ruined their
plantation and destroyed their corn that they had laboured so hard
to bring forward, and killed the milch-goat and their three kids,
which was all they had provided for their sustenance; and that if
he and his friends, meaning the Spaniards, did not assist them
again, they should be starved. When the Spaniards came home





HASTY VOWS SOON REPENTED.


think nothing of such a squall of wind as that. But you're but a
fresh-water sailor, Bob. Come, let us make a bowl of punch, and
we'll forget all that. D'ye see what charming weather 'tis now ?"
To make short this sad part of my story, we went the old way of
all sailors. The punch was made, and I was made drunk with it.


THE PUNCH WAS MADE, AND I WAS MADE DRUNK WITH IT."
And in that one night's wickedness I drowned all my repentance,
all my reflections upon my past conduct, and all my resolutions
for my future. In a word, as the sea was returned to its smooth-
ness of surface and settled calmness by the abatement of that
storm, so-the hurry of my thoughts being over, my fears and
apprehensions of being swallowed up by the sea being forgotten,
and the current of my former desires returned-I entirely forgot
the vows and promises that I made in my distress. I found,
indeed, some intervals of reflection, and the serious thoughts did,
as it were, endeavour to return again sometimes; but I shook






A FAMISHED CREW.


then driven away again to the south-east by a strong gale of wind
at north-north-west, the same that blew now; and having no sails
to work the ship with but a main course, and a kind of square sail
upon a jury fore-mast, which they had set up, they could not lie
near the wind, but were endeavouring to stand away for the
Canaries.
But that which was worst of all was, that they were almost
starved for want of provisions, besides the fatigues they had under-
gone; their bread and flesh were quite gone, they had not one
ounce left in the ship, and had had none for eleven days. The only
relief they had was, their water was not all spent, and they had
about half a barrel of flour left; they had sugar enough; some
succades, or sweetmeats, they had at first, but they were devoured;
and they had seven casks of runm.
There was a youth and his mother and a maidservant on board,
who were going passengers, and thinking the ship was ready to
sail, unhappily came on board the evening before the hurricane
began; and having no provisions of their own left, they were in a
more deplorable condition than the rest, for the seamen, being
reduced to such an extreme necessity themselves, had no compas-
sion, we may be sure, for the poor passengers, and they were
indeed in a condition that their misery is very hard to describe.
I had, perhaps, not known this part, if my curiosity had not led
me, the weather being fair and the wind abated, to go on board the
ship. The second mate, who upon this occasion commanded the
ship, had been on board our ship, and lie told me indeed they had
three passengers in the great cabin that were in a deplorable con-
dition : Nay," says he, I believe they are dead, for I have
heard nothing of them for above two days, and I was afraid to
inquire after them," said he, for I had nothing to relieve them
with."
We immediately applied ourselves to give them what relief we
could spare; and, indeed, I had so far overruled things with my
nephew, that 1 would have victualled them, though we had gone
away to Virginia, or any part of the coast of America, to have
supplied ourselves; but there was no necessity for that.
But now they were in a new danger; for they were afraid of
(284) 25






DESCRIPTION OF THE TONGUESES.


in the country, detachments of the garrisons are always sent to see
the travellers safe from station to station.
And thus the governor of Adinskoy, whom I had opportunity
to make a visit to, by means of the Scots merchant who was
acquainted with him, offered us a guard of fifty men, if we thought
there was any danger, to the next station.
I thought long before this, that as we came nearer to Europe
we should find the country better peopled, and the people more
civilized; but I found myself mistaken in both, for we had yet the
nation of the Tongueses to pass through, where we saw the same
tokens of paganism and barbarity, or worse than before, only as
they were conquered by the Muscovites, and entirely reduced, they
were not so dangerous; but for rudeness of manners, idolatry, and
multitheism, no people in the world ever went beyond them.
They are clothed all in skins of beasts, and their houses are built
of the same. You know not a man from a woman, neither by the
ruggedness of their countenances or their clothes; and in the
winter, when the ground is covered with snow, they live under-
ground in houses like vaults, which have cavities going from one
to another.
If the Tartars had their Cham-Chi-Thaungu for a whole village
or country, these had idols in every hut and in every cave; besides,
they worship the stars, the sun, the water, the snow, and in a
word, everything that they do not understand, and they understand
but very little; so that almost every element, every uncommon
thing, sets them a-sacrificing.
But I am no more to describe people than countries, any farther
than my own story comes to be concerned in them. I met with
nothing peculiar to myself in this country, which I reckon was,
from the desert which I spoke of last, at least four hundred miles,
half of it being another desert, which took us up twelve days'
severe travelling, without house, or tree, or bush, but were obliged
again to carry our own provisions, as well water as bread. After
we were out of this desert, and had travelled two days, we came to
Janezay, a Muscovite city or station on the great river Janezay
(Yenisei?). This river they told us parted Europe from Asia, though
our map-makers, as I am told, do not agree to it; however, it is






CRUSOE'S FORTALICE.


had been guilty of, and would swear to be faithful to him in
recovering the ship, and afterwards in carrying her back to
Jamaica, from whence they came. They gave him all the pro-
testations of their sincerity that could be desired, and he was
willing to believe them and spare their lives, which I was not
against; only I obliged him to keep them bound hand and foot
while they were upon the island.
While this was doing, I sent Friday with the captain's mate to
the boat, with orders to secure her and bring away the oars and
sail; which they did. And, by-and-by, three straggling men, that
were (happily for them) parted from the rest, came back upon
hearing the guns fired; and seeing their captain, who before was
their prisoner, now their conqueror, they submitted to be bound
also; and so our victory was complete.
It now remained that the captain and I should inquire into one
another's circumstances. I began first, and told him my whole
history, which he heard with an attention even to amazement;
aind particularly at the wonderful manner of my being furnished
with provisions and ammunition. And, indeed, as my story is a
whole collection of wonders, it affected him deeply. But when
he reflected from thence upon himself, and how I seemed to have
been preserved there on purpose to save his life, the tears ran
down his face, and he could not speak a word more.
After this communication was at an end I carried him and his
two men into my apartment, leading them in just where I came
out, namely, at the top of the house; where I refreshed them with
such provisions as I had, and showed them all the contrivances I
had made during my long, long inhabiting that place.
All I showed them, all I said to them, was perfectly amazing;
but above all, the captain admired my fortification, and how per-
fectly 1 had concealed my retreat with a grove of trees, which,
having been now planted near twenty years, and the trees growing
much faster than in England, was become a little wood, and so
thick, that it was unpassable in any part of it but at that one side
where I had reserved my little winding passage into it. I told
him this was my castle and my residence, but that I had a seat in
the country, as most princes have; whither I could retreat upon






TEACHING THE YOUNG IDEA.


After I had been two or three days returned to my castle, I
thought that, in order to bring Friday off from his horrid way of
feeding, and from the relish of a cannibal's stomach, I ought to let
him taste other flesh; so I took him out with me one morning to
the woods. I went, indeed, intending to kill a kid out of my own
flock, and bring him home and dress it; but, as I was going, I saw
a she-goat lying down in the shade, and two young kids sitting by
her. I catched hold of Friday. Hold," says I, stand still;" and
made signs to him not to stir. Immediately I presented my piece,
shot, and killed one of the kids. The poor creature, who had at a
distance indeed seen me kill the savage his enemy, but did not
know, or could imagine, how it was done, was sensibly surprised,
trembled, and shook, and looked so amazed, that I thought he
would have sunk down. He did not see the kid I had shot at, or
perceive I had killed it, but ripped up his waistcoat to feel if he
was not wounded, and, as I found, presently thought I was resolved
to kill him ; for he came and kneeled down'to me, and embracing
my knees, said a great many things I did not understand, but I
could easily see that the meaning was to pray me not to kill him.
I soon found a way to convince him that I would do him no
harm, and taking him up by the hand, laughed at him, and pointing
to the kid which I had killed, beckoned him to run and fetch it,
which he did; and while he was wondering and looking to see
how the creature was killed, I loaded my gun again, and by-and-
by I saw a great fowl like a hawk sit upon a tree within shot; so,
to let Friday understand a little what I would do, I called him to
me again, pointing to the fowl, which was indeed a parrot, though
I thought it had been a hawk. I say, pointing to the parrot, and
to my gun, and to the ground under the parrot, to let him see I
would make it fall, I made him understand that I would shoot and
kill that bird. Accordingly I fired, and bade him look, and imme-
diately he saw the parrot fall. He stood like one frighted again,
notwithstanding all I had said to him; and I found he was the
more amazed because he did not see me put anything into the gun,
but thought that there must be some wonderful fund of death and
destruction in that thing, able to kill man, beast, bird, or anything,
near or far off; and the astonishment this created in him was such







UP IN A TREE.


hears me, and cries out, No shoot no shoot Stand still; you
get much laugh." And as the nimble creature ran two feet for
the beast's one, he turned on a sudden on one side of us, and seeing
a great oak-tree fit for his purpose, he beckoned to us to follow;
and doubling his pace, he gets nimbly up the tree, laying his gun
down upon the ground at about five or six yards from the bottom
of the tree.
The bear soon came to the tree, and we followed at a distance.
The first thing lie did he stopped at the gun, smelt it, but let it
lie; and up he scrambles into the tree, climbing like a cat, though
so monstrously heavy. I was amazed at the folly, as I thought it,
of my man, and could not for my life see anything to laugh at yet,
till seeing the bear get up the tree, we all rode nearer to him.
When we came to the tree, there was Friday got out to the small
end of a large limb of the tree, and the bear got about half-way
to him. As soon as the bear got out to that part where the
limb of the tree was weaker, Ha," says lie to us, now you see
me teacher the bear dance." So he falls a jumping and shaking
the bough, at which the bear began to totter, but stood still, and
began to look behind him to see how lie should get back; then,
indeed, we did laugh heartily. But Friday had not done with
him by a great deal. When lie sees him stand still, he calls out to
him again, as if lie had supposed the bear could speak English,
" What I you no come further ? Pray you come further." So he
left jumping and shaking the tree; and the bear, just as if he had
understood what lie said, did come a little further; then he fell a
jumping again, and the bear stopped again.
We thought now was a good time to knock him on the head,
and I called to Friday to stand still and we would shoot the bear.
But lie cried out earnestly, 0 pray! 0 pray I no shoot; me
shoot by and then." lie would have said by-and-by. However,
to shorten the story, Friday danced so much, and the bear stood
so ticklish, that we had laughing enough indeed, but still could
not imagine what the fellow would do: for first we thought he
depended upon shaking the bear off; and we found the bear was
too cunning for that too, for he would not go out far enough to
be thrown down, but clings fast with his great broad claws and





PROVIDING FOR FUTURE DEFENCE.


" ACCORDINGLY I LET MYSELF DOWN INTO THE WATER."


indeed divers pieces of her afterwards did; but those things were
of small use to me.
My thoughts were now wholly employed about securing myself
against either savages, if any should appear, or wild beasts, if any
were in the island; and I had many thoughts of the method how
to do this, and what kind of dwelling to make, whether I should
make me a cave in the earth, or a tent upon the earth. And, in
short, I resolved upon both, the manner and description of which
it may not be improper to give an account of.






HE PREPARES FOR DEFENCE.


That the most I could suggest any danger from was, from any
such casual accidental landing of straggling people from the main,
who, as it was likely, if they were driven hither, were here against
their wills; so they made no stay here, but went off again with all
possible speed, seldom staying one night on shore, lest they should
not have the help of the. tides and daylight back again; and that,
therefore, I had nothing to do but to consider of some safe retreat,
in case I should see any savages land upon the spot.
Now I began sorely to repent that I had dug my cave so large
as to bring a door through again; which door, as I said, came out
beyond where my fortification joined to the rock. Upon maturely
considering this, therefore, I resolved to draw me a second forti-
fication, in the same manner of a semicircle, at a distance from my
wall, just where I had planted a double row of trees about twelve
years before, of which I have made mention. These trees having
been planted so thick before, they wanted but a few piles to be
driven between them that they should be thicker and stronger, and
my wall would be soon finished.
So that I had now a double wall, and my outer wall was
thickened with pieces of timber, old cables, and everything I could
think of to make it strong; having in it seven little holes about as
big as I might put my arm out at. In the inside of this I
thickened my wall to above ten feet thick, with continual bring-
ing earth out of my cave and laying it at the foot of the wall and
walking upon it; and through the seven holes I contrived to plant
the muskets, of which I took notice that I got seven on shore out
of the ship; these, I say, I planted like my cannon, and fitted
them into frames that held them like a carriage, that so I could
fire all the seven guns in two minutes' time. This wall I was
many a weary month in finishing, and yet never thought myself
safe till it was done.
When this was done I stuck all the ground without my wall, for
a great way every way, as full with stakes or sticks of the osier-
like wood, which I found so apt to grow, as they could well stand;
insomuch that I believe I might set in near twenty thousand of
them, leaving a pretty large space between them and my wall, that
I might have room to see an enemy, and they might have no






A PROFITABLE INVESTMENT.


safe you may order the rest the same way, and if it miscarry you
may have the other half to have recourse to for your supply."
This was so wholesome advice, and looked so friendly, that I
could not but be convinced it was the best course I could take; so
I accordingly prepared letters to the gentlewoman with whom I
had left my money, and a procuration to the Portuguese captain,
as he desired.
I wrote the English captain's widow a full account of all my
adventures; my slavery, escape, and how I had met with the
Portuguese captain at sea, the humanity of his behaviour, and in
what condition I was now in, with all other necessary directions
for my supply. And when this honest captain came to Lisbon, he
found means, by some of the English merchants there, to send
over, not the order only, but a full account of my story, to a mer-
chant at London, who represented it effectually to her; whereupon
she not only delivered the money, but out of her own pocket sent
the Portuguese captain a very handsome present for his humanity
and charity to me.
The merchant in London, vesting this hundred pounds in
English goods such as the captain had written for, sent them
directly to him at Lisbon, and he brought them all safe to me to
the Brazils; among which, without my direction-for I was too
young in my business to think of them-he had taken care to
have all sorts of tools, iron-work, and utensils necessary for my
plantation, and which were of great use to me.
When this cargo arrived I thought my fortune made, for I was
surprised with joy of it; and my good steward the captain had
laid out the five pounds, which my friend had sent him for a
present for himself, to purchase and bring me over a servant under
bond for six years' service, and would not accept of any considera-
tion except a little tobacco, which I would have him accept, being
of my own produce.
Neither was this all. But my goods being all English manu-
factures, such as cloth, stuffs, bays, and things particularly valuable
and desirable in the country, I found means to sell them to a very
great advantage; so that I may say I had more than four times
the value" of my first cargo, and was now infinitely beyond my






ATTACKED BY A TURKISH PIRATE.


my friend the captain, under whom also I got a competent
knowledge of the mathematics and the rules of navigation, learned
how to keep an account of the ship's course, take an observation,
and, in short, to understand some things that were needful to be
understood by a sailor. For, as he took delight to introduce me,
I took delight to learn; and, in a word, this voyage made me both
a sailor and a merchant; for I brought home five pounds nine
ounces of gold dust for my adventure, which yielded me in London
at my return almost 300, and this filled me with those aspiring
thoughts which have since so completed my ruin.
Yet even in this voyage I had my misfortunes too, particularly
that I was continually sick, being thrown into a violent calenture
by the excessive heat of the climate, our principal trading being
upon the coast, from the latitude of fifteen degrees north even to
the line itself.
I was now set up for a Guinea trader; and my friend, to my
great misfortune, dying soon after his arrival, I resolved to go the
same voyage again, and I embarked in the same vessel with one
who was his mate in the former voyage, and had now got the
command of the ship. This was the unhappiest voyage that ever
man made; for though I did not carry quite 100 of my new
gained wealth, so that I had 200' left, and which I lodged with
my friend's widow, who was very just to me, yet I fell into
terrible misfortunes in this voyage; and the first was this-namely,
our ship making her course towards the Canary Islands, or rather
between those islands and the African shore, was surprised in the
gray of the morning by a Turkish rover of Sallee, who gave chase
to us with all the sail she could make. We crowded also as much
canvas as our yards would spread or our masts carry to have got
clear; but finding the pirate gained upon us, and would certainly
come up with us in a few hours, we prepared to fight, our ship
having twelve guns and the rogue eighteen. About three in the
afternoon he came up with us, and bringing-to by mistake just
athwart our quarter, instead of athwart our stern, as he intended,
we brought eight of our guns to bear on that side, and poured in
a broadside upon him, which made him sheer off again, after
returning our fire and pouring in also his small shot from near






CRUSOE'S ACTUAL CONDITION.


Then it occurred to me again how well I was furnished for my
subsistence, and what would have been my case if it had not
happened, which was an hundred thousand to one, that the ship
floated from the place where she first struck, and was driven so
near to the shore that I had time to get all those things out of
her. What would have been my case if I had been to have lived
in the condition in which I at first came on shore, without
necessaries of life, or necessaries to supply and procure them?
Particularly, said I aloud (though to myself), what should I have
done without a gun, without ammunition; without any tools to
make anything, or to work with; without clothes, bedding, a tent,
or any manner of covering; and that now I had all these to a
sufficient quantity, and was in a fair way to provide myself in such
a manner, as to live without my gun when my ammunition was
spent; so that I had a tolerable view of subsisting without any
want as long as I lived: for I considered from the beginning how
I would provide for the accidents that might happen, and for the
time that was to come, even not only after my ammunition should
be spent, but even after my health or strength should decay.
I confess I had not entertained any notion of my ammunition
being destroyed at one blast-I mean my powder being blown up
by lightning-and this made the thoughts of it so surprising to
me when it lightened and thundered, as I observed just now.
And now being to enter into a melancholy relation of a scene of
silent life, such perhaps as was never heard of in the world before,
I shall take it from its beginning, and continue it in its order. It
was, by my account, the 30th of September when, in the manner
as above said, I first set foot upon this horrid island, when the sun
being, to us, in its autumnal equinox, was almost just over my
head; for I reckoned myself, by observation, to be in the latitude
Sof 9 degrees 22 minutes north of the line.
After I had been there about ten or twelve days it came into
my thoughts that I should lose my reckoning of time for want of
books and pen and ink, and should even forget the Sabbath
days from the working days; but, to prevent this, I cut it with my
knife upon a large post, in capital letters, and making it into a
great cross, I set it up on the shore where I first landed-namely,






CRUSOE AND HIS MOTHER.


and though, he said, he would not cease to pray for me, yet he
would venture to say to me that, if I did take this foolish step, God
would not bless me, and I would have leisure hereafter to reflect
upon having neglected his counsel when there might be none to
assist in my recovery.
I observed in this last part of his discourse, which was truly
prophetic, though I suppose my father did not know it to be so
himself, I say I saw the tears run down his face very plentifully,
and especially when he spoke of my brother who was killed; and
that when he spoke of my having leisure to repent, and none to
assist me, he was so moved that he broke off the discourse, and
told me his heart was so full he could say no more to me.
I was sincerely affected with this discourse-as indeed who could
be otherwise?-and I resolved not to think of going abroad any
more, but to settle at home according to my father's desire. But,
alas! a few days wore it all off; and, in short, to prevent any of
my father's further importunities, in a few weeks after I resolved
to run quite away from him. However, I did not act so hastily
neither as my first heat of resolution prompted; but I took my
mother, at a time when I thought her a little pleasanter than
ordinary, and told her that my thoughts were so entirely bent
upon seeing the worldthat I should never settle to anything with
resolution enough to go through with it, and my father had better
give me his consent than force me to go without it; that I was
now eighteen years old, which was too late to go apprentice to a
trade, or clerk to an attorney; that I was sure if I did, I should
never serve out my time, and I should certainly run away from
my master before my time was out, and go to sea; and if she
would speak to my father to let me go but one voyage abroad, if
I came home again and did not like it, I would go no more, and I
would promise by a double diligence to recover that time I had
lost.
This. put my mother into a great passion. She told me she
knew it would be to no purpose to speak to my father upon any
such subject; that he knew too well what was my interest to give
his consent to anything 'so much for my hurt, and that she
wondered how I could think of any such thing, after such a






INGENIOUS PRECAUTIONS.


by setting two ladders: one to a part of the rock which was low,
and then broke in, and left room to place another ladder upon
that. So, when the two ladders were taken down, no man living
could come down to me without mischieving himself; and if they
had come down, they were still on the outside of my outer wall.
Thus I took all the measures human prudence could suggest for
my own preservation; and it will be seen at length that they were
not altogether without just reason,.though I foresaw nothing at
that time more than my mere fear suggested to me.
While this was doing, I was not altogether careless of my other
affairs; for I had a great concern upon me for my little herd of
goats. They were not only a present supply to me upon every occa-
sion, and began to be sufficient to me, without the expense of
powder and shot, but also without the fatigue of hunting after
the wild ones; and I was loath to lose the advantage of them,
and to have them all to nurse up over again.
To this purpose, after long consideration, I could think of but
two ways to preserve them: one was, to find another convenient
place to dig a cave under ground, and to drive them into it every
night; and the other was, to enclose two or three little bits of
land, remote from one another, and as much concealed as I could,
where I might keep about half-a-dozen young goats in each place;
so that, if any disaster happened to the flock in general, I might
be able to raise them again with little trouble and time. And
this, though it would require a great deal of time and labour, I
thought was the most rational design.
Accordingly I spent some time to find out the most retired
parts of the island; and I pitched upon one which was as private
indeed as my heart could wish for. It was a little damp piece of
ground in the middle of the hollow and thick woods where, as is
observed, I almost lost myself once before, endeavouring to come
back that way from the eastern part of the island. Here I found
a clear piece of land-near three acres-so surrounded with woods.
that it was almost an enclosure by nature; at least, it did not want
near so much labour to make it so as the other pieces of ground I
had worked so hard at.
I immediately went to work with this piece of ground; and in






THE WORK OF PROVIDENCE.


chance, or, as we lightly say, what pleases God; without so much
as inquiring into the end of Providence in these things, or his
order in governing events in the world. But after I saw barley
grow there, in a climate which I knew was not proper for corn,
and especially that I knew not how it came there, it startled me
strangely, and I began to suggest that God had miraculously
caused this grain to grow without any help of seed sown, and that
it was so directed purely for my sustenance on that wild miserable
place.
This touched my heart a little, and brought tears out of my
eyes; and I began to bless myself that such a prodigy of nature
should happen upon my account. And this was the more strange
to me, because I saw near it still all along by the side of the rock
some other straggling stalks, which proved to be stalks of rice,
and which I knew because I had seen it grow in Africa, when I
was ashore there.
I not only thought these the pure productions of Providence for
my support, but not doubting but that there was more in the.place,
I went all over that part of the island where I had been before,
peering in every corner and under every rock, to see for more of it;
but I could not find any. At last it occurred to my thoughts that
I had shaken a bag of chickens' meat out in that place, and then
the wonder began to cease; and I must confess my religious thank-
fulness to God's providence began to abate too upon the discovering
that all this was nothing but what was common; though I ought
to have been as thankful for so strange and unforeseen providence
as if it had been miraculous: for it was really the work of Pro-
vidence as to me, that should order or appoint that ten or twelve
grains of corn should remain unspoiled (when the rats had destroyed
all the rest), as if it had been dropped from heaven; as also that I
should throw it out in that particular place, where, it being in the
shade of a high rock, it sprang up immediately; whereas, if I had
thrown it anywhere else at that time, it had been burned up and
destroyed.
I carefully saved the ears of this corn, you may be sure, in their
season, which was about the end of June; and laying up every
corn, I resolved to sow them all again, hoping in time to have






ARRIVAL AT ARCHANGEL.


but to attempt it. He answered, if his lord gave him such an order,
he would lose his life if he did not perform it. We soon brought
his lord to give that order, though privately; and we immediately
prepared for the putting it in practice.
And, first, as soon as it began to be dark, we kindled a fire in
our little camp, which we kept burning, and prepared so as to
make it burn all night, that the Tartars might conclude we were
still there. But as soon as it was dark, that is to say, so as we
could see the stars, for our guide would not stir before, having
all our horses and camels ready loaded, we followed our new guide,
who, I soon found, steered himself by the pole, or north star, all
the country being level for a long way.
After we had travelled two hours very hard, it began to be
lighter still; not that it was quite dark all night, but the moon
began to rise, so that, in a word, it was rather lighter than we
wished it to be. By six o'clock the next morning, we were gotten
near forty miles, though the truth is, we almost spoiled our horses.
Here we found a Russian village named Kermazinskoy, where we
rested, and heard nothing of the Kalmuck Tartars that day.
About two hours before night, we set out again, and travelled till
eight the next morning, though not quite so quiet as before; and,
about seven o'clock, we passed a little river called Kirtza, and
came to a good large town inhabited by Russians, and very popu-
lous, called Ozomoys. There we heard that several troops or
hordes of Kalmucks had been abroad upon the desert, but that we
were now completely out of danger of them, which was to our
great satisfaction, you may be sure. Here we were obliged to get
some fresh horses, and having need enough of rest, we stayed five
days; and my partner and I agreed to give the honest Siberian
who brought us thither, the value often pistoles for his conducting us.
In fve days more we came to Veussima, upon the river
Witzogda, and running into the Dwina. We were there, very
happily, near the end of our travels by land, that river being
navigable in seven days' passage to Archangel. From hence we
came to Lawrenskoy, the 3rd of July; and, providing ourselves
with two luggage-boats, and a barge for our own convenience, we
embarked the 7th, and arrived all safe at Archangel the 18th,








THE BETTER PART OF VALOUR. 488

ammunition they had, and retreated towards the place in the wood
where their wives were sent, keeping at a' distance, yet so that
they might see, if possible, which way the savages took.
They had not gone far, but that from a rising ground they could
see the little army of their enemies come on directly to their habi-
tation, and in a moment more could see all their huts and house-
hold stuff flaming up together, to their great grief and mortifica-
tion; for they had a very great loss, to them irretrievable, at least
for some time. They kept their station for a while, till they
found the savages, like wild beasts, spread themselves all over the
place, rummaging every way and every place they could think of
in search for prey, and in particular for the people, of whom it
now plainly appeared they had intelligence.
The two Englishmen seeing this, thinking themselves not secure
where they stood, because, as it was likely some of the wild people
might come that way, so they might come too many together,
thought it proper to make another retreat about half a mile further,
believing, as it afterwards happened, that the further they strolled,
the fewer would be together.
The next halt was at the entrance into a very thick grown part
of the woods, and where an old trunk of a tree stood, which was
hollow and vastly large; and in this tree they both took their
standing, resolving to see there what might offer.
They had not stood there long but two of the savages appeared
running directly that way, as if they had already had notice where
they stood, and were coming up to attack them; and a little way
further they spied three more coming after them, and five more
beyond them, all coming the same way; besides which they saw
seven or eight more at a 'distance, running another way; for, in
a word, they ran every way like sportsmen beating for their game.
The poor men were now in great perplexity whether they should
stand and keep their posture or fly; but after a very short debate with
themselves, they considered that if the savages ranged the country
thus before help came, they might perhaps find out their retreat
in the woods, then all would be lost; so they resolved to- stand
them there: and if they were too many to deal with, then they
would get up to the top of the tree, from whence they doubted






ALWAYS ON THE WATCH.


though it was for my deliverance. I need not repeat the argu-
ments which occurred to me against this, they being the same
mentioned before. But though I had other reasons to offer now-
namely, that those men were enemies to my life, and would devour
me if they could; that it was self-preservation in the highest
degree to deliver myself from this death of a life, and was acting
in my own defence as much as if they were actually assaulting me,
and the like;--I say, though these things argued for it, yet the
thoughts of shedding human blood for my deliverance were very
terrible to me, and such as I could by no means reconcile myself
to a great while.
However, at last, after many secret disputes with myself, and
after great perplexities about it-for all these arguments one way
and another struggled in my head a long time-the eager, prevail-
ing desire of deliverance at length mastered all the rest, and I
resolved, if possible, to get one of those savages into my hands,
cost what it would. My next thing then was to contrive how to
do it; and this, indeed, was very difficult to resolve on. But as
I could pitch upon no probable means for it, so I resolved to put
myself upon the watch to see them when they came on shore, and
leave the rest to the event, taking such measures as the opportunity
should present, let be what, would be.
With these resolutions in my thoughts, I set myself upon the
scout as often as possible ; and indeed so often till I was heartily
tired of it, for it was above a year and half that I waited, and
for great part of that time went out to the west end and to the
south-west corner of the island almost every day to see for canoes,
but none appeared. This was very discouraging, and began to
trouble me much; though I cannot say that it did in this case as
it had done some time before that-namely, wear off the edge of
my desire to the thing. But the longer it seemed to be delayed,
the more eager I was for it: in a word, I was not at first so care-
ful to shun the sight of these savages, and avoid being seen by
them, as I was now eager to be upon them.
Besides, I fancied myself able to manage one, nay, two or three
savages, if I had them, so as to make them entirely slaves to m%
to do whatever I should direct them, and to prevent their being






FRIDAY AND HIS COUNTRYMEN.


Friday as I was before; and I made no doubt but that if Friday
could get back to his own nation again, he would not only forget all
his religion, but all his obligation to me; and would be forward
enough to give his countrymen an account of me, and come back
perhaps with a hundred or two of them, and make a feast upon
me, at which he might be as merry as he used to be with those of
his enemies when they were taken in war.
But I wronged the poor honest creature very much, for which
I was very sorry afterwards. However, as my jealousy increased,
and held me some weeks, I was a little more circumspect, and not
so familiar and kind to him as before; in which I was certainly
in the wrong, too, the honest grateful creature having no thought
about it, but what consisted with the best principles, both as a
religious Christian and as a grateful friend, as appeared afterwards
to my full satisfaction.
While my jealousy of him lasted, you may be sure I was every
day pumping him, to see if he would discover any of the new
thoughts which I suspected were in him; but I found everything
he said was so honest, and so innocent, that I could find nothing
to nourish my suspicion; and, in spite of all my uneasiness, he
made me at last entirely his own again ; nor did he in the least
perceive that I was uneasy, and therefore I could not suspect him
of deceit.
One day walking up the same hill, but the weather being hazy
at sea, so that we could not see the continent, I called to him, and
said, Friday, do not you wish yourself in your own country, your
own nation ?" Yes," he said ; I be much 0 glad to be at my
own nation." "What would you do there?" said I. "Would
you turn wild again, eat men's flesh again, and be a savage as
you were before ? He looked full of concern, and shaking his
head, said, No, no; Friday tell them to live good, tell them to
pray God, tell them to eat corn-bread, cattle-flesh, milk, no eat
man again." Why, then," said I to him, they will kill you."
lie looked grave at that, and then said, No, they no kill me,
they willing love learn." He meant by this, they would be willing
to learn. He added, they learned much of the bearded men that
came in the boat. Then I asked him if he would go back to






CRUSOE'S StATEMENT.


ship at Nankin, and that a Chinese junk would serve me very
well to go back again; and that he would procure me people both
to buy the one and sell the other.
Well but, seignior," says I, as you say they know the ship
so well, I may perhaps, if I follow your measures, be instrumental
to bring some honest innocent man into a terrible broil, and per-
haps to be murdered in cold blood; for wherever they find the
ship they will prove the guilt upon the men by proving this was
the ship, and so innocent men may probably be overpowered and
murdered." Why," says the old man, I will find out a way to
prevent that also; for as I know all those commanders you speak of
very well, and shall see them all as they pass by, I will be sure to
set them to rights in the thing, and let them know that they had
been so much in the wrong: that though the people who were on
board at first might run away with the ship, yet it was not true
that they had turned pirates; and that in particular these were
not the men that first went off with the ship, but innocently
bought her for their trade: and I am persuaded they will so far
believe me as, at least, to act more cautiously for the time to
come." "Well," says I; "and will you deliver one message to
them from me? Yes, I will," says he, if you will give it
under your hand in writing, that I may be able to prove that it
came from you, and not out of my own head." I answered,
" That I would readily give it him under my hand." So I took
a pen, and ink, and paper, and wrote at large the story of assault-
ing me with the longboats, &c.; the pretended reason of it, and
the unjust cruel design of it; and concluded to the commanders,
that they had done what they not only should have been ashamed
of, but also, that if ever they came to England, and I lived to see
them there, they should all pay dearly for it, if the laws of my
country were not grown out of use before I arrived there.
My old pilot read this over and over again, and asked me
several times if I would stand to it? I answered, "I would stand
to it as long as I had anything left in the world; being sensible
that I should one time or other find an opportunity to put it home
to them. But we had no occasion ever to let the pilot carry this
letter; for he never went back again. While these things were






CRUSOE MORALIZES.


constant demand for the growth of all other countries, that there
is a certain vent for the returns, as well as a market abroad, for
the goods carried out.
In short, we made a very good voyage, and I got so much
money by the first adventure, and such an insight into the method
of getting more, that had I been twenty years younger, I should
have been tempted to have stayed here, and sought no further for
making my fortune. But what was all this to a man on the wrong
side of threescore, that was rich enough, and came abroad more in
obedience to a restless desire of seeing the world, than a covetous
desire of getting in it; and indeed I think it is with great justice
that I now call it a restless desire, for it was so. When I was at
home, I was restless to go abroad; and now I was abroad, I was
restless to be at home. I say, what gain was this to me? I was
rich enough, nor had I any uneasy desires about getting more
money, and therefore the profits of the voyage to me were things
of no great force for the prompting me forward to further under-
takings; and I thought that by this voyage I had made no pro-
gress at all, because I was come back, as I might call it, to the
place from whence I came, as to a home; whereas my eye, which,
like that which Solomon speaks of, was never satisfied with seeing,
was still more desirous of wandering and seeing. I was come into
a part of the world which I was never in before, and that part in
particular which I had heard much of, and was resolved to see as
much of as I could, and then I thought I might say I had seen all
the world that was worth seeing.
But my fellow-traveller and I had different notions. I do not
name this to insist upon my own; for I acknowledge his were the
most just, and the most suited to the end of a merchant's life, who,
when he is abroad upon adventures, it is his wisdom to stick to
that as the best thing for him which he is like to get the most
money by. My new friend kept himself to the nature of the thing,
and would have been content to have gone like a carrier's horse
always to the same inn, backward and forward, provided he could,
as he called it, find his account in it. On the other hand, mine
was the notion of a mad rambling boy, that never cares to see a
thing twice over.






ARRIVAL AT TOBOLSKI.


certainly the eastern boundary of the ancient Siberia, which now
makes up a province only of the vast Muscovite empire, but is itself
equal in bigness to the whole empire of Germany.
And yet here I observed ignorance and paganism still prevailed,
except in the Muscovite garrisons. All the country between the
river Oby and the river Janezay is as entirely pagan, and the
people as barbarous, as the remotest of the Tartars; nay, as any
nation, for aught I know, in Asia or America. I also found,
which I observed to the Muscovite governors whom I had oppor-
tunity to converse with, that the poor pagans are not much the
wiser or the nearer Christianity for being under the Muscovite
government; which they acknowledged was true enough; but, as
they said, was none of their business. That if the czar expected
to convert his Siberian, or Tonguese, or Tartar subjects, it should
be done by sending clergymen among them, not soldiers; and they
added, with more sincerity than I expected, that they found it was
not so much the concern of their monarch to make the people
Christians, as it was to make them subjects.
From this river to the great river Oby, we crossed a wild and
uncultivated country. I cannot say it is a barren soil; it is
only barren of people and good management; otherwise it is in
itself a most pleasant, fruitful, and agreeable country. What
inhabitants we found in it are all pagans, except such as are sent
among them from Russia; for this is the country, I mean on both
sides the river Oby, whither the Muscovite criminals, that are not
put to death, are banished, and from whence it is next to impos-
sible they should ever come away.
I have nothing material to say of my particular affairs, till I
came to Tobolski, the capital city of Siberia, where I continued
some time on the following occasion:-
We had been now almost seven months on our journey, and
winter began to come on apace; whereupon my partner and I
called a council about our particular affairs, in which we found it
proper, considering that we were bound for England, and not for
Moscow, to consider how to dispose of ourselves. They told us of
sledges and-reindeer to carry us over the snow in the winter time;
and, indeed, they have such things that it would be incredible to






THOUGHTS UPON GOD.


comfort, no advice." Then I cried out, Lord, be my help; for I
am in great distress."
This was the first prayer, if I may call it so, that I had made for
many years. But I return to my journal.
June 28. Having been somewhat refreshed with the sleep I had
had, and the fit being entirely off, I got up; and though the
fright and terror of my dream was very great, yet I considered that
the fit of the ague would return again the next day, and now was
my time to get something to refresh and support myself when I
should be ill. And the first thing I did, I filled a large square
case-bottle with water, and set it upon my table, in reach of my
bed; and to take off the chill or aguish disposition of the water, I
put about a quarter of a pint of rum into it and mixed them toge-
ther. Then I got me a piece of the goat's flesh and broiled it on
the coals, but could eat very little. I walked about, but was very
weak, and withal very sad and heavy-hearted in the sense of my
miserable condition, dreading the return of my distemper the next
day. At night I made my supper of three of the turtle's eggs,
which I roasted in the ashes, and ate, as we call it, in the shell;
and this was the first bit of meat I had ever asked God's blessing
to, even as I could remember, in my whole life.
After I had eaten I tried to walk, but found myself so weak
that I could hardly carry the gun (for I never went out without
that); so I went but a little way, and sat down upon the ground,
looking out upon the sea, which was just before me, and very calm
and smooth. As I sat here, some such thoughts as these occurred
to me:-
What is this earth and sea of which I have seen so much, whence
is it produced; and what am I and all the other creatures, wild
and tame, human and brutal, whence are we ?
Sure we are all made by some secret Power, who formed the
earth and sea, the air and sky; and who is that?
Then it followed most naturally, It is God that has made it all.
Well, but then it came on strangely, if God has made all these
things, he guides and governs them all, and all things that concern
them; for the Power that could make all things must certainly
have power to guide and direct them.






UT SIM PARATUS. 299

But much less would it be sufficient if his countrymen, whoPire,
as he said, fourteen still alive, should come over. And least of all
would it be sufficient to victual our vessel, if we should build one,
for a voyage to any of the Christian colonies of America. So he
told me he thought it would be more advisable to let him and the
two others dig and cultivate some more land, as much as I could
spare seed to sow; and that we should wait another harvest, that
we might have a supply of corn for his countrymen when they
should come; for want might be a temptation to them to disagree,
or not to think themselves delivered otherwise than out of one
difficultyinto another. You know," says he, "the children of Israel,
though they rejoiced at first for their being delivered out of Egypt,
yet rebelled even against God himself that delivered them, when
they came to want bread in the wilderness."
His caution was so seasonable, and his advice so good, that I
could not but be very well pleased with his proposal,. as well as I
was satisfied with his fidelity. So we fell to digging, all four of us,
as well as the wooden tools we were furnished with permitted;
and in about a month's time, by the end of which it was seed-time,
we had gotten as much land cured and trimmed up as we sowed
twenty-two bushels of barley on and sixteen jars of rice-which
was, in short, all the seed we had to spare: nor, indeed, did we leave
ourselves barley sufficient for our own food for the six months that
we had to expect our crop; that is to say reckoning from the time.
we set our seed aside for sowing, for it is not to be supposed it is
six months in the ground in that country.
Having now society enough, and our number being sufficient to
put us out of fear of the savages if they had come, unless their
number had been very great, we went freely all over the island
wherever we found occasion; and as here we had our escape or
deliverance upon our thoughts, it was impossible, at least
for me, to have the means of it out of mine. To this purpose
I marked out several trees which I thought fit for our work, and I
set Friday and his father to cutting them down; and then I caused
the Spaniard, to whom I imparted my thought on that affair, to
oversee and direct their work. I showed them with what inde-
fatigable pains I had hewed a large tree into single planks, and I






A SULLEN PRISONER.


among such a multitude. There were thirteen or fourteen of their
canoes split and overset in all, and the men all set a-swimming; the
rest, frighted out of their wits, scoured away as fast as they could,
taking but little care to save those whose boats were split or spoiled
with our shot. So I suppose that they were many of them lost.
And our men took one poor fellow swimming for his life, above
an hour after they were all gone.
Our small shot from our cannon must needs kill and wound a
great many; but, in short, we never knew anything how it went
with them, for they fled so fast, that in three hours or thereabouts
we could not see above three or four straggling canoes; nor did we
ever see the rest any more, for a breeze of wind springing up the
same evening, we weighed and set sail for the Brazils.
We had a prisoner, indeed, but the creature was so sullen that
he would neither eat nor speak, and we all fancied he would starve
himself to death. But I took a way to cure him, for I made them
take him and turn him into the longboat, and made him believe
they would toss him into the sea again, and so leave him where
they found him, if he would not speak. Nor would that do; but
they really did throw him into the sea, and came away from
him; and then he followed them, for he swam like a cork, and
called to them in his tongue, though they knew not one word of
what he said. However, at last they took him in again, and then
he began to be more tractable, nor did I ever design they should
drown him.
We were now under sail again; but I was the most disconsolate
creature alive for want of my man Friday, and would have been
very glad to have gone back to the island, to have taken one of the
rest from thence for my occasion, but it could not be; so we went
on. We had one prisoner, as I have said, and 'twas a long while
before we could make him understand anything; but, in time, our
men taught him some English, and he began to be a little tract-
able. Afterwards we inquired what country he came from, but
could make nothing of what he said; for his speech was so odd,
all gutturals, and spoken in the throat in such a hollow, odd manner,
that we could never form a word from him; and we were all of
opinion that they might speak that language as well if they were






SPEAKING A BRISTOL TRADER.


in no passengers for fear of wanting provisions for the voyage, as
well for themselves as for those they should take in; so we wore
obliged to go on. It was about a week after this that we made
the Banks of Newfoundland, where, to shorten my story, we put
all our French people on board a bark, which they hired at sea
there, to put them on shore, and afterward to carry them to France,
if they could get provisions to victual themselves with. When I
say all the French went on shore, I should remember that the
young priest I spoke of, hearing we were bound to the East Indies,
desired to go the voyage with us, and to be set on shore on the
coast of Coromandel, which I readily agreed to, for I wonderfully
liked the man, and had very good reason, as will appear afterward;
also four of the seamen entered themselves on our ship, and proved
very useful fellows.
From hence we directed our course to the West Indies, steering
away south and south by east for about twenty days together,
sometimes little or no wind at all, when we met with another
subject for our humanity to work upon, almost as deplorable as
that before.
It was in the latitude of 27 5' north, and the 19th day of
March 1694-5, when we espied a sail, our course south-east and by
south. We soon perceived it was a largo vessel, and that she bore
up to us, but could not at first know what to make of her, till
after coming a little nearer we found she had lost her maintop-
mast, fore-mast, and boltsprit; and presently she fired a gun as a
signal of distress. The weather was pretty good, wind at north-
north-west, a fresh gale; and we soon came to speak with her.
We found her a ship of Bristol, bound homo from Barbadoes,
but had been blown out of the road at Barbadoes a few days before
she was ready to sail by a terrible hurricane, while the captain
and chief mate were both gone on shore; so that, besides the terror
of the storm, they were but in an indifferent case for good artists
to bring the ship home. They had been already nine weeks at
sea, and had met with another terrible storm after the hurricane
was over, which had blown them quite out of their knowledge to
the westward, and in which they lost their mast, as above. They
told us they expected to have seen the Bahama Islands, but were






CRUSOE AND HIS PARTNER.


the dangers as well of the seas as of the Japanese, who are a false,
cruel, and treacherous people; and then of the Spaniards at the
Philippines, more false, more cruel, and more treacherous than
they.
But to bring this long turn of our affairs to a conclusion, the
first thing we had to do was to consult with the captain of the
ship, and with his men, and know if they were willing to go to
Japan. And while I was doing this, the young man whom, as I
said, my nephew had left with me as my companion for my travels,
came to me and told me that he thought that voyage promised
very fair, and that there was a great prospect of advantage, and he
would be very glad if I undertook it; but that if I would not, and
would give him leave, he would go as a merchant, or how I pleased
to order him; that if ever he came to England, and I was there
and alive, he would render me a faithful account of his success, and
it should be as much mine as I pleased.
I was really loath to part with him, but considering the prospect
of advantage, which was really considerable, and that he' was a
young fellow as likely to do well in it as any I knew, I inclined to
let him go; but first I told him I would consult my partner, and
give him an answer the next day. My partner and I discoursed about
it, and my partner made a most generous offer. He told me, You
know it has been an unlucky ship, and we both resolve not to go
to sea in it again; if your steward," so he called my man, will
venture the voyage, I'll leave my share of the vessel to him, and
let him make his best of it; and if we live to meet in England,
and he meets with success abroad, he shall account for one half of
the profits of the ship's freight to us, the other shall be his own."
If my partner, who was no way concerned with my young man,
made him such an offer, I could do no less than offer him the same;
and all the ship's company being willing to go with him, we made
over half the ship to him in property, and took a writing from him,
obliging him to account for the other; and away he went to Japan.
The Japan merchant proved a very punctual, honest man to him,
protected him at Japan, and got him a license to come on shore,
which the Europeans in general have not lately obtained; paid
him his freight very punctually, sent him to the Philippines loaded







CRUSOE'S ITEMS OF PROPERTY. 887

so if I pleased, but that if I did not, there were ways enough to
secure my right, and immediately to appropriate the profits to my
use. And as there were ships in the river of Lisbon just ready to
go away to Brazil, lie made me enter my name in a public register
with his affidavit, affirming upon oath that I was alive, and that I
was the same person who took up the land for the planting the
said plantation at first.
This being regularly attested by a notary, and a procuration
affixed, he directed me to send it with a letter of his writing to a
merchant of his acquaintance at the place, and then proposed my
staying with him till an account came of the return.
Never anything was more honourable than the proceedings
upon this procuration; for in less than seven months I received a
large packet from the survivors of my trustees the merchants, for
whose account I went to sea, in which were the following particular
letters and papers enclosed.
First, There was the account current of the produce of my farm
or plantation from the year when their fathers had balanced with
my old Portugal captain, being for six years. The balance ap-
peared to be 1174 moidores in my favour.
Secondly, There was the account of four years more while they
kept the effects in their hands, before the Government claimed the
administration, as being the effects of a person not to be found,
which they call civil death; and the balance of this, the value of
the plantation increasing, amounted to 38,892 cruisadoes, which
made 3241 moidores.
Thirdly, There was the Prior of the Augustine's account, who
had received the profits for above fourteen years; but not being to
account for what was disposed to the hospital, very honestly de-
clared he had 872 moidores not distributed, which he acknowledged
to my account; as to the King's part, that refunded nothing.
There was a letter of my partner's, congratulating me very affec-
tionately upon my being alive; giving me an account how the
estate was improved, and what it produced a year, with a particular
of the number of squares or acres that it contained, how planted,
how many slaves there were upon it; and making two and twenty
crosses for blessings, told me he had said so many Ave Marias to






AN INTERVAL OF PEACE.


They seemed sorry at first, and there was no way to come at
them to give them a parting blow; but, upon the whole, were-very
well satisfied to be rid of them.
The poor Englishmen being now twice ruined, and all their im-
provement destroyed, the rest all agreed to come and help them to
rebuild, and to assist them with needful supplies. Their three
countrymen, who were not yet noted for having the least inclina-
tion to any good, yet as soon as they heard of it (for they
living remote eastward knew nothing of the matter until all was
over) came and offered their help and assistance, and did very
friendly work for several days to restore their habitation and make
necessaries for them: and thus, in a little time, they were set
upon their legs again.
About two days after this they had the further satisfaction of
seeing three of the savages' canoes come driving on shore, and at
some distance from them two drowned men; by which they had
reason to believe that they had met with a storm at sea, and had
overset some of them; for it had blown very hard the very night
after they went off.
However, as some might miscarry, so, on the other hand, enough
of them escaped to inform the rest as well of what they had
done as of what had happened to them, and to whet them on to
another enterprise of the same nature; which they, it seems, resolved
to attempt, with sufficient force to carry all before them: for except
what the first man had told them of inhabitants, they could say
little to it of their own knowledge; for they never saw one man,
and the fellow being killed that had affirmed it, they had no other
witness to confirm it to them.
It was five or six months after this before they heard any more
of the savages, in which time our men were in hopes they had
either forgot their former bad luck, or given over the hopes of
better, when on a sudden they were invaded with the most for-
midable fleet, of no less than eight and twenty canoes full of
savages, armed with bows and arrows, great clubs, wooden swords,
and such like engines of war; and they brought such numbers
with them, that, in short, it put all our people into the utmost
consternation.






AT WORK ON THE SHIP.


we desired, we resolved, while we were in this place, to lay her on
shore, take out what heavy things we had on board, which were
not many, and to wash and clean her bottom, and, if possible, to
find out where the leaks were.
Accordingly, j O'tened the ship, and brought all our
guns and other ne side, we tried to bring her
down, that we migm ; but, on second thoughts,
we did not care to lay her dry on ground, neither could we find
out a proper place for it.
The inhabitants, who had never been acquainted with such a
sight, came wondering down to the shore to look at us; and seeing
the ship lie down on her side in such a manner, and heeling in
towards the shore, and not seeing our men, who were at work on
her bottom with stages, and with their boats on the off-side, they
presently concluded that the ship was cast away, and so lay fast
on the ground.
On this supposition they came all about us in two or three hours'
time, with ten or twelve large boats, having some of them eight,
some ten men in a boat, intending, no doubt, to have come on
board and plundered the ship, and if they had found us there, to
have carried us away for slaves to their king, or whatever they
call him, for we knew nothing who was their governor.
When they came up to the ship, and began to row round her,
they discovered us all hard at work on the outside of the ship's
bottom and side; washing, and graving, and stopping, as every
sea-faring man knows how.
They stood for a while gazing at us, and we, who were a little
surprised, could not imagine what their 'design was; but, being
willing to be sure, we took this opportunity to get some of us into
the ship, and others to hand down arms and ammunition to those
that were at work, to defend themselves with if there should be
occasion. And it was no more than need; for in less than a
quarter of an hour's consultation, they agreed, it seemed, that the
ship was really a wreck, that we were all at work endeavouring to
save her, or to save our lives by the help of our boats; and when
we handed our arms into the boats, they concluded, by that
motion, that we were endeavouring to save some of our goods.






326 A GLORIOUS VICTORY "


HiY CAME UP TO THE SHIP ABOUT MIIDNIGHT."

When this was done, and all safe upon deck, the captain
ordered the mate with three men to break into the round-house
where the new rebel captain lay, anil having taken the alarm, was
gotten up, and with two men and a boy had gotten firearms in
their hands ; and when the mate with a crow split open the door,
the new captain and his men fired boldly among them, and wounded
the mate with a musket ball, which broke his arm, and wounded
two more of the men, but killed nobody.
The mate, calling for help, rushed however into the round-house,
wounded as he was, and with his pistol shot the new captain through
the head, the bullet entering at his mouth and came out again
behind one of his ears, so that he never spoke a word; upon which
the rest yielded, and the ship was taken effectually, without any
more lives Just.
As soon as the ship was thus secured, the,captain ordered seven


--~-; j--. 7- ----- ,
F~ il7--


~---
---
!i
'"







INFERIORITY OF THE SEQUEL.


the author had supplied the story out of his invention, they take from it the
improvement which alone recommends that invention to wise and good
men. The injury these men do the proprietor of this work is a practice all
honest men abhor; and he believes he may challenge them to show the
difference between that and robbing on the highway, or breaking open a
house. If they can't show any difference in the crime, they will find it
hard to show any difference in the punishment. And he will answer for it
that nothing shall be wanting on his part to do them justice."
Notwithstanding this ingenious pleading, the public fully understood that
De Fo., and Do Foe alone, was the author and inventor of Robinson
Crusoo," whose popularity became so extensive that aTory pamphleteer, named
Gildon, availed himself of it to secure a reception for his scurrilous attack
on De Foe : The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Mr. D-- De
F- of London. IIosier, who has lived above fifty years by himself, in the
Kingdoms of North and South Britain. The various Shapes he has appeared
in, and the Discoveries lie hias made for the Benefit of his Country. In a
Dialogue between Him, Robinson Crusoe, and his Man Friday. With
remarks, Serious and Comical, upon the Life of Crusoo." But neither
Gildon nor any other assailant could prevent the public from reading and
admiring the narrative of the Solitary in his island fastness, and his later ad-
ventures in many lands; and its reception continued to be so enthusiastic that
De Foe ventured, in August 1720, on once more appearing before the public
under the old familiar colours, drawing, as it were, the moral to the story, in
a book which lie entitled Serious Reflections during the Life and Surpris-
ing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe : With his Vision of the Angelick World."
As the second part was inferior to the first, so was the third inferior to the
second; and it has so entirely dropped out of public favour that I believe to
most readers of Robinson Crusoe its existence is wholly unknown. A
recent biographer asserts that it contains profound thought, great wisdom,
morality of the highest character, an extensive acquaintance with metaphysi-
cal subtleties, and is pervaded with a solemn tone of religious instruction,
doctrinal and practical." I confess that my estimate of it is not so high.
I admit its devout and earnest tone; but in a work of this kind, Do Foe's
plain, homely, matter-of-fact style palls upon the reader; and as his reflec-
tions are neither very deep nor very broad, and do not come to us recom-
mended by any beauty of imagery or subtlety of fancy, I cannot but think the
third part of Robinson Crusoo very dreary reading.
In October 1719. De Foe published The Dumb Philosopher; or, Great
Britain's Wonder,"-an account of an ideal Cornishman, one Dickory Cronko,
who was born dumb, and continued so for fifty-eight years." The subject
seems to have had a peculiar attraction for our author, since, in 1720, he
came before the public with the '" History of the Life and Adventures of Mr.
!)uncan Campbell;" who, however, was not only dumb but deaf. It was
luunidcd on the career of a celebrated fortune-teller of the time, who laid





IGNORANCE OF THE CHINESE.


They have powder, but it is of no strength. They have neither
discipline in the field, exercise to their arms, skill to attack, nor
temper to retreat. And therefore I must confess it seemed strange
to me, when I came home and heard our people say such fine things
of the power, riches, glory, magnificence, and trade of the Chinese;
because I saw and knew that they were a contemptible herd, or
crowd of ignorant, sordid slaves, subjected to a government qualified
only to rule such a people. And in a word (for I am now launched
quite beside my design)-I say, in a word, were not its distance
inconceivably great from Muscovy, and were not the Muscovite
empire almost as rude, impotent, and ill-governed a crowd of slaves
as they, the Czar of Muscovy might with much ease drive them all
out of their country, and conquer them in one campaign. And
had the Czar, who I since hear is a growing prince, and begins to
appear formidable in the world, fallen this way, instead of attack-
ing the warlike Swedes (in which attempt none of the powers of
Europe would have envied or interrupted him), he might by this
time have been Emperor of China, instead of being beaten by the
King of Sweden at Narva, when the latter was not one to six in
number. As their strength and their grandeur, so their naviga-
tion, commerce, and husbandry are imperfect and impotent, com-
pared to the same things in Europe; also their knowledge, their
learning, their skill in the sciences. They have globes and spheres,
and a snatch of the knowledge of the mathematics; but when you
come to inquire into their knowledge, how short-sighted are the
wisest of their students They know nothing of the motion of
the heavenly bodies; and so grossly and absurdly ignorant, that
when the sun is eclipsed, they think it is a great dragon has
assaulted and run away with it, and they fall a clattering with all
the drums and kettles in the country, to fright the monster away,
just as we do to hive a swarm of bees I
As this is the only excursion of this kind which I have made
in all the account I have given of my travels, so I shall make no
more descriptions of countries and people; it is none of my busi-
ness, or any part of my design, but giving an account of my own
adventures, through a life of inimitable wanderings, and a long
variety of changes, which perhaps few that come after me will have






HIS EARLY YEARS AND EDUCATION.


grandson of Daniel Foe, a gentleman of good estate in Northamptonshire,
who kept a pack of hounds. Nothing more than this can be said of Daniel
De Foe's grandfather; of his father some particulars are recorded. That
he was an excellent father," says Mr. Lee,* may be concluded from the
affectionate reverence with which his son alludes to him; that he was pros-
perous is evident from his ability to give that son the best education then
open to Dissenters. No doubt can be entertained that he was a good man,
and a sincere Christian. He had, in all probability, been a constant attend-
ant at his parish church during the ministry of the pious and reverend
Samuel Annesley, LL.D.; and when that divine was ejected, under the Act
of Uniformity, James Foe accompanied his beloved pastor, and became a
Nonconformist. He died about 1706-7, full of years, and the last act re-
corded of him (though not by his son) is his giving a testimonial to the
character of a female domestic who had formerly lived two years in his ser-
vice. He says he should not have recommended her to Mr. Cave, that godly
minister, had not her conversation been becoming the gospel.'"
Under such auspices passed the earliest years of the life of De Foe, and
his mind seems to have been carefully imbued with religious sentiments. He
was a bold, generous, vivacious boy, who, as he himself tells us, never
struck an enemy when he was down. His perseverance was of no ordinary
description, and when the poor Nonconformists had reason to fear that the
Government would deprive them of their printed copies of the Bible, he set
to work on the difficult task of transcribing the Old Testament, and never
abandoned it until he had completed the whole of the Pentateuch.
At the age of fourteen this bright, enthusiastic boy-whom his parents
designated for the ministry-was sent to the celebrated Dissenting Academy
at Newington Green, kept by a ripe scholar and able man, the Rev. Charles
Morton. Here he made rapid progress in the various departments of learn-
ing; and here, too, as his mind developed and his intellect matured, his
moral sense of responsibility grew stronger, so that he was induced to ask
himself whether he was suited for a clerical career, and whether it was suited
for him, replying to both questions in the negative. Nevertheless, he went
through a course of theology, which, in truth, was incumbent on all Mr.
Morton's pupils; he also studied the rudiments of political science; he ac-
quired a satisfactory knowledge of mathematics, logic, natural philosophy,
history, geography; something considerable he knew, too, of Latin, Greek,
Hebrew, French, and Italian; and-not least useful accomplishment-he
learned to write his mother tongue with ease, accuracy, and vigour.
That he profited by his studies at school, and that he afterwards improved
to the uttermost the scanty leisure of a busy life, is abundantly proved by
the variety and erudition of his writings.
Soon after he had completed his education, he was placed in the ware-
house of a wholesale hose-factor, to be instructed, perhaps, in book-keeping
Lee, "Daniel De Foe, his Life," &c., vol i p. 5.





















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az Tori of fh-e fowl ciad. e 'brute"

CO WPER.




T. NELS ON AND S ONS,


ZO.N.VDON, BDEN'VTRGK A D NE. W YO'IK







LAND AT LAST.


northern shore of it-that is to say, the other end of the island
opposite to that which I went out from.
When I had made something more than a league of way by the
help of this current or eddy, I found it was spent, and served me
no further. However, I found that being between the two great
currents, namely, that on the south side, which had hurried me
away, and that on the north, which lay about a league on the
other side : I Bay, between these two, in the wake of the island, I
found the water at least still and running no way; and having still
,a breeze of wind fair for me, I kept on steering directly for the
island, though not making such fresh way as I did before.
About four o'clock in the evening, being then within about a
league of the island, I found the point of the rocks which occa-
sioned this disaster stretching out, as is described before, to the
southward, and casting off the current more southwardly, had of
course made another eddy to the north; and this I found very
strong, but not directly setting the way my course lay, which was
due west, but almost full north. However, having a fresh gale, I
stretched across this eddy slanting north-west, and in about an
hour came within about a mile of the shore, where, it being
smooth water, I soon got to land.
When I was on shore, I fell on my knees and gave God thanks
for my deliverance, resolving to lay aside all thoughts of my
deliverance by my boat; and refreshing myself with such things
as I had, I brought my boat close to the shore in a little cove
that I had spied under some trees, and laid me down to sleep
being quite spent with the'labour and fatigue of the voyage.
I was now at a great loss which way to get home with my boat.
I had run so much hazard, and knew too much the case, to think
of attempting it by the way I went out; and what might be at
the other side (I mean the west side) I knew not, nor had I any mind
to run any more ventures; so I only resolved in the morning to
make my way westward along the shore, and to see if there was
no creek where I might lay up my frigate in safety, so as to have
her again if I wanted her. In about three miles, or thereabout,
coasting the shore, I came to a very good inlet or bay about a
mile over, which narrowed till it came to a very little rivulet or






CRUSOE AND THE WIDOW.


myself over for lost; and as it was, I believe I shall never care to
cross those mountains again. I think I would much rather go a
thousand leagues by sea, though I were sure to meet with a storm
once a week.
I have nothing uncommon to take notice of in my passage
through France, nothing but what other travellers have given an
account of with much more advantage than I can. I travelled
from Toulouse to Paris, and, without any considerable stay, came
to Calais, and landed safe at Dover, the 14th of January, after
having had a severe cold season to travel in.
I was now come to the centre of my travels, and had in a little
time all my new discovered estate safe about me, the bills of
exchange which I brought with me having been very currently
paid.
My principal guide and privy counsellor was my good ancient
widow, who, in gratitude for the money I had sent her, thought
no pains too much or care too great to employ for me; and I
trusted her so entirely with everything that I was perfectly easy as
to the security of my effects; and indeed I was very happy from
my beginning, and now to the end, in the unspotted integrity of
this good gentlewoman.
And now I began to think of leaving my effects with this
woman, and setting out for Lisbon, and so to the Brazils. But
now another scruple came in my way, and that was religion: for
as I had entertained some doubts about the Roman religion, even
while I was abroad, especially in my state of solitude, so I knew
there was no going to the Brazils for me, much less going to settle
there, unless I resolved to embrace the Roman Catholic religion
without any reserve; unless, on the other hand, I resolved to be a
sacrifice to my principles, be a martyr for religion, and die in the
Inquisition. So I resolved to stay at home, and if I could find
means for it, to dispose of my plantation.
To this purpose I wrote to my old friend at Lisbon; who in re-
turn gave me notice that he could easily dispose of it there, but
that if I thought fit to give him leave to offer it in my name to
the two merchants, the survivors of my trustees, who lived in the
Brazils, who must fully understand the value of it, who lived just






IN THE GREAT KARAKATHIE.


our bold Scot that led us directed. He was indeed but a merchant,
but he behaved with that vigour and bravery on this occasion, and
yet with such a cool courage too, that I never saw any man in
action fitter for command. As soon as we came up to them we
fired our pistols in their faces, and then drew, but they fled in the
greatest confusion imaginable. The only stand any of them made
was on our right, where three of them stood, and by signs called
the rest to come back to them, having a kind of scimitar in their
hands, and their bows hanging at their backs. Our brave com-
mander, without asking anybody to follow him, gallops up close to
them, and with his fuzee knocks one of them off his horse, killed
the second with his pistol, and the third ran away; and thus ended
our fight. But we had this misfortune attending it, namely, that
all our mutton that we had in chase got away. We had not a man
killed or hurt; but as for the Tartars, there was about five of them
killed. Who were wounded, we knew not; but this we knew, that
the other party was so frightened with the noise of our guns that
they made off, and never made any attempt upon us.
We were all this while in the Chinese dominion, and therefore
the Tartars were not so bold as afterwards; but in about five days
we entered a vast great wild desert, which held us three days'
and nights' march; and we were obliged to carry our water with
us in great leather bottles, and to encamp all night, just as I have
heard they do in the desert of Arabia.
I asked whose dominion this was in, and they told me this was
a kind of border, that might be called No Man's Land; being a part
of the Great Karakathie, or Grand Tartary, but that, however, it
was all reckoned to China; but that there was no care taken here
to preserve it from the inroads of thieves, and therefore it was
reckoned the worst desert in the whole world-though we were to
go over some much larger.
In passing this wilderness, which I confess was at the first very
frightful to me, we saw two or three times little parties of the
Tartars, but they seemed to be upon their own affairs, and to have
no design upon us; and so, like the man who met the devil, if
they had nothing to say to us, we had nothing to say to them; we
let them go.







A NEW INVASION.


As they came on shore in the evening, and at the eastermost
side of the island, our men had that night to consult and consider
what to do; and, in the first place, knowing that their being
entirely concealed was their only safety before, and would much
more be so now, while the number of their enemies was so great,
they therefore resolved first of all to take down the huts which
were built for the two Englishmen, and drive away their goats to
the old cave; because they supposed the savages would go directly
thither, as soon as it was day, to play the old game over again,
though they did not now land within two leagues of it.
In the next place they drove away all the flock of goats they
had at the old bower, as I called it, which belonged to the Span-
iards; and, in short, left as little appearance of inhabitants any-
where as was possible; and the next morning early they posted
themselves with all their force at tl plantation of the two men,
waiting for their coming. As they guessed, so it happened. These
new invaders, leaving their canoes at the east end of the island,
came ranging along the shore directly towards the place to the
number of two hundred and fifty, as near as our men could judge.
Our army was but small indeed; but that which was worse, they
had not arms for all their number neither. The whole account,
it seems, stood thus. First, as to the men:-
17 Spaniards.
5 Englishmen.
1 Old Friday, or Friday's father.
3 The three slaves taken with the women, who proved very
faithful.
3 Other slaves who lived with the Spaniards.

To arm these they had :-
11 Muskets.
5 Pistols.
3 Fowling-pieces.
5 Muskets or fowling-pieces, which were taken by me from
the mutinous seamen, whom I reduced.
2 Swords.
3 Old Halberds.
To their slaves they did not give either musket or fuzee, but
they had every one a halberd, or a long staff, like a quarterstaff,






COMFORT IN THE LORD.


I---tx=----

THIS WAS TIIE FIKST TIME 1 PLAYED IN AI., IMY LIFE."

But leaving this part, I return to my journal.
My condition began now to be, though not less miserable as to
my way of living, yet much easier to my mind; and my thoughts
being directed, by a constant reading of the Scriptures and praying
to God, to things of a higher nature, I had a great deal of comfort
within, which till now I knew nothing of. Also, as my health and
strength returned, I bestirred myself to furnish myself with every-
thing that I wanted, and make my way of living as regular as I could.
From the 4th of July to the 14th I was chiefly employed in
walking about with my gun in my hand, a little and a little at a






CRUSOE AS CABINET-MAKER.


say, giving over these things, I began to apply myself to accommo-
date my way of living, and to make things as easy to me as I could.
I have already described my habitation, which was a tent under
the side of a rock, surrounded with a strong pale of posts and
cables; but I might now rather call it a wall, for I raised a kind of
wall up against it of turfs, about two feet thick on the outside; and
after some time, I think it was a year and a half, I raised rafters
from it leaning to the rock, and thatched or covered it with
boughs of trees, and such things as I could get to keep out the
rain, which I found at some times of the year very violent.
I have already observed how I brought all my goods into this
pale, and into the cave which I had made behind me; but I must
observe, too, that at first this was a confused heap of goods, which,
as they lay in no order, so they took up all my place. I had no
room to turn myself, so I set myself to enlarge my cave and works
further into the earth; for it was a loose sandy rock, which yielded
easily to the labour I bestowed on it: and so, when I found I
was pretty safe as to beasts of prey, I worked sideways to the
right hand into the rock; and then, turning to the right again,
worked quite out, and made me a door to come out, on the outside
of my pale or fortification.
This gave me not only egress and regress, as it were, a back-way
to my tent and to my storehouse, but gave me room to stow my
goods.
And now I began to apply myself to make such necessary things
as I found I most wanted, as particularly a chair and a table; for
without these I was not able to enjoy the few comforts I had in
the world-I could not write or eat, or do several things with so
much pleasure without a table.
So I went to work; and here I must needs observe, that as
reason is the substance and original of mathematics, so by stating
and squaring everything by season, and by making the most
rational judgment of things, every man may be in time master of
every mechanic art. I had never handled a tool in my'life, and
yet in time, by labour, application, and contrivance, I found at last
that I wanted nothing but I could have made it, especially if I had
had tools; however, I made abundance of things, even without






SELKIRK RETURNS HOME.


mended to Captain Woodes Rogers by Dampier as an excellent seaman, was
immediately engaged as mate. For ten days the two captains remained at
the island, refitting their ships, and collecting supplies of water, fuel, and
fresh meat. On tile 12th, Selkirk bade adieu to the island which had been
his lonely homo for upwards of four years, and to the singular and romantic
life which was to suggest to a man of genius one of the finest and most
popular romances in the English language.
Selkirk served under Captain Woodes Rogers during the whole course of
the expedition, which was distinguished by many stirring incidents of war
and adventure, but does not require to be chronicled in the present memoir.
lie was distinguished by his temperance, gravity, and taciturnity, by a strict
obedience to orders,and an exemplary freedom from what are sometimes called
" season's vices." lie had profited greatly by his prolonged meditations in
his island solitude, and was no longer the wayward youth who had incurred
the consure of kirk-sessions, nor the dissatisfied individual who had pre-
ferred a lonely life on a desert island to the control of a superior.
lie landed at Erith, on the Thames, October 14, 1711, having been absent
from the home country eight years, one month, and three days. On his
arrival, the story of his extraordinary adventures soon got noised abroad,
and caused his company to be solicited by the learned and curious. Having
been introduced to Sir Richard Steele, that accomplished writer described
him and his history in the twenty-sixth number of the Englishman. It
was matter of great curiosity," he says, to hear him, as he is a man of
good sense, give an account of the different revolutions in his own mind in
that long solitude. When I first saw him, 1 thought, even if I had not been
lot into his character and story, I could have discovered that lie had been
much separated from company, from his aspect and gesture. There was a
strong but cheerful seriousness in his look, and a certain disregard to the
ordinary things around him, as if he had been sunk in thought. The man
frequently bewailed his return to the world; which could not, as he said,
with all its enjoyments, restore to him the tranquillity of his solitude."
It was on the still forenoon of a Sabbath-day, in the early spring of 1712,
that Alexander Selkirk knocked at the door of his father's house in Largo.
No one was at home, for it was the hour of divine service. Selkirk, there-
fore, repaired to the church, and with emotions it is impossible to describe.
took his seat in the sanctuary which lie had so often entered in a spirit of
cold indifference. His entrance immediately attracted the general atten-
tion ; for not only was lie a stranger, but richly attired, and wearing an air
of dignified gravity, which in itself compelled notice and demanded respect.
At length his mother recognized him, and forgetting the restraint imposed
by the house of God, selo rushed from her seat, and flung herself into his
arns. The prodigal had returned, and who would not bid him welcome ?

At first, Selkirk appeared calm and happy in the society of his parents







DE FOE IN THE PILLORY.


them characteristically; first, by composing a pamphlet, "The Shortest
Way to Peace and Union," in which the heroic man endeavoured to mediate
between Dissenters on the one hand, and High Churchmen on the other; and,
secondly, by writing his celebrated satire, "A Hymn to the PiHory," in which
a just indignation has almost made him a poet.* Addressing the intended
instrument of his shame, he nobly says :-
"Hail! hieroglyphic State-machine,
Contrived to punish Fancy in;
Men that are men, in thee can feel no pain,
And all thy insignificant disdain.
Contempt, that false new word for shame,
Is, without crime, an empty name;
A shadow to amuse mankind,
But ne'er to fright the wise or well-fixed mind-
Virtue despises human scorn!"
On the 29th of July 1703, the author of this daring hymn was exposed in
the pillory before the Royal Exchange in Cornhill; on the day following,
near the Conduit in Cheapside; and on the 31st, at Temple Bar.t What,
however, was meant for his shame and humiliation proved to be for his great
honour and renown. The multitude felt that the pilloried hero was a man who
had fought steadfastly and bravely their own battles, and instead of loading
him with insults, they greeted him with shouts of welcome. They wreathed
garlands of flowers about the "State-machine," and passed from hand to
hand the rough but manly and vigorous ode in which he had flung defiance
at his oppressors. The people were expected to treat me very ill," he
says, "but it was not so. On the contrary, they were with me, wished
those who had set me there were placed in my room; and expressed their
affections by loud shouts and acclamations when I was taken down."
His persecutors, nevertheless, though foiled in this particular measure of
persecution, were more successful in others. De Foe retired from the pillory
to Newgate, and his long imprisonment was necessarily the ruin of his busi-
ness. He was obliged, at a loss of upwards of 3600, to abandon his large and
prosperous works at Tilbury, and for the support of a wife and six children,
to fall back upon his pen. With a courage which could not be shaken, and
a, perseverance that could not be abated, he plied that pen indefatigably.
He issued a collection of his works, prefixing his portrait to the first volume:
it represents him with a resolute countenance, a massive chin, firm and
well-set mouth, and eyes full of intellect and energy. Meanwhile, a very
Ishmael in politics, he defended himself against the attacks of a cloud of
enemies. Like Harry of the Wynd, in Scott's romance, he fought for his own
hand, and he fought gallantly. Under his heavy and incessant blows, the
stoutest assailant reeled. But he did not confine himself to political pam-
S"Indignatio facit versus."-Horase.
t Every one remembers Pope's paltry allusion to this incident:-
"Earless on high stood unabashed De Foe,
And Tutchin flagrant from the scourge below."






A BEAR'S CHARACTER.


It is easy to suppose that at the noise of Friday's pistol we all
mended our pace, and rode up as fast as the way, which was very
difficult, would give us leave, to see what was the matter. As
soon as we came clear of the trees, which blinded us before, we
saw clearly what had been the case, and how Friday had disengaged
the poor guide, though we did not presently discern what kind of
creature it was he had killed.
But never was a fight managed so hardily and in such a surprising
manner as that which followed between Friday and the bear, which
gave us all (though at first we were surprised and afraid for him)
the greatest diversion imaginable. As the bear is a heavy, clumsy
creature, and does not gallop as the wolf does, which is swift and
light, so he has two particular qualities, which generally are the
rule of his actions. First, as to men, who are not his proper
prey; I say, not his proper prey, because, though I cannot say
what excessive hunger might do, which was now their case, the
ground being all covered with snow; but as to men, he does not
usually attempt them unless they first attack him. On the con-
trary, if you meet him in the woods, if you don't meddle with him
le won't meddle with you. But then you must take care to be
very civil to him, and give him the road; for he is a very nice
gentleman, he won't go a step out of his way for a prince. Nay,
if you are really afraid, your best way is to look another way, and
keep going on; for sometimes if you stop and stand still, and look
steadily at him, he takes it for an affront. But if you throw or
toss anything at him, and it hits him, though it were but a bit of
a stick as big as your finger, he takes it for an affront, and sets all
his other business aside to pursue his revenge; for he will have
satisfaction in point of honour. That is his first quality. The
next is, that if he be once affronted, he will never leave you night
or day till he has his revenge, but follows at a good round rate till
he overtakes you.
My man Friday had delivered our guide, and when we came up
to -him he was helping him off from his horse-for the man was
both hurt and frighted, and indeed the last more than the first-
when, on the sudden, we spied the bear come out of the wood. And
a vast, monstrous one it was, the biggest by far that ever I saw.






A SIGHT OF THE MAINLAND.


boil anything, except a great kettle, which I saved out of the ship
and which was too big for such use as I desired-namely, to make
broth, and stew a bit of meat by itself. The second thing I would
fain have had was a tobacco-pipe, but it was impossible to me to
make one; however I found a contrivance for that too at last.
I employed myself in planting my second row of stakes or piles
and in this wicker-working all the summer or dry season, when
another business took me up more time than it could be imagined I
could spare.
I mentioned before that I had a great mind to see the whole
island, and that I had travelled up the brook, and so on to where
1 built my bower, and where I had an opening quite to the sea on
the other side of the island. I now resolved to travel quite across
to the sea-shore on that side; so taking my gun, a hatchet, and
my dog, and a larger quantity of powder and shot than usual, with
two biscuit cakes, and a great bunch of raisins in my pouch for
my store, I began my journey. When I had passed the vale where
my bower stood as above, I came within view of the sea to the
west, and it being a very clear day I fairly described land, whether
an island or a continent I could not tell; but it lay very high,
extending from the west to the west-south-west at a very great
distance. By my guess it could not be less than fifteen or twenty
leagues off.
I could not tell what part of the world this might be, otherwise
than that I knew it must be part of America, and, as I concluded
by all my observations, must be near the Spanish dominions; and
perhaps was all inhabited by savages, where, if I should have
landed, I had been in a worse condition than I was now; and
therefore I acquiesced in the dispositions of Providence, which I
began now to own and to believe ordered everything for the best;
I say I quieted my mind with this, and left afflicting myself with
fruitless wishes of being there.
Besides, after some pause upon this affair, I considered that if
this land was the Spanish coast, I should certainly, one time or
other, see some vessel pass or repass one way or other; but if not,
then it was the savage coast between the Spanish country and the
Brazils, which are indeed the worst of savages, for they are can-


161 ,







BY PROFESSOR MASSON.


wickedness, and does not feel the least concern for his soul. If a grown
man reads the book in after years, it is to recall the sensations of youth, or
curiously to examine the secret of the unbounded popularity it has enjoyed.
How much this popularity is due to the happy choice of his subject, we may
better estimate when we remember that the popular Robinson Crusoe "
is in reality only a part of the work, and the work itself only one of many
others, not less well executed, from the same hand. No other man in the
world could have drawn so absolutely living a picture of the desert-island
life; but the same man has exercised the same power over more complex
incidents, and the works are little read.

Professor Masson looks upon De Foe as the founder of the modern Fiction.
He was a great reader, he says, and a tolerable scholar, and he may have
taken the hint of his method from the Spanish picaresque novel. On the
whole, however, it was his own robust sense of reality that led him to his
style. There is more of the sly humour of the foreign picaresque novel
(such as Gil Blas) in his representations of English ragamuffin life; there
is nothing of allegory, poetry, or even of didactic purpose; all is hard,
prosaic, and matter-of-fact, as in newspaper paragraphs, or the pages of the
"Newgate Calendar." In reference to his greatest work of fiction, Pro-
fessor Masson adds:-*

FROM PROFESSOR MASSON.
It is a happy accident that the subject of one of his fictions, and that the
earliest on a great scale, was of a kind in treating which his genius in
matter-of-fact necessarily produced the effect of a poem. The conception of
a solitary mariner thrown on an uninhabited island was one as really
belonging to the fact of that time as those which formed the subject of De
Foe's less-read fictions of coarse English life. Dampier and the bucaniers
were roving the South Seas; and there yet remained parts of the land-
surface of the Earth of which man had not taken possession, and on which
sailors were occasionally thrown adrift by the brutality of captains. Seizing'
this text, more especially as offered in the story of Alexander Selkirk, De.
Foe's matchless power of inventing circumstantial incidents made him more
a master even of its poetic capabilities than the rarest poet then living could
have been; and now that, all round our globe, there is not an unknown
island left, we still reserve in our mental charts one such island, with the
sea breaking round it, and we would part any day with two of the heroes
of antiquity rather than with Robinson Crusoe and his man Friday.

Our critical quotations shall conclude with one from De Foe's most brill-
iant biographer :--
SMasson, "British Novelists and their Styles," pp. 96-98.
t Forster, "Historical and Biographical Essays," ii 94-96.





A NOCTURNAL ATTACK.


HAVING DRAWN HIS LITTLE BODY UP TOGETHER UPON A RISING GROUND."

nhich they had a fair opportunity to do; for one of the two English-
men, in whose quarter it was where the fight began, led them
round between the woods and sea-side westward, and then turn-
ing short south, they came so near where the thickest of them
lay, that before they were seen or heard eight of them fired in
among them, and did dreadful execution upon them. In half a
minute more eight others fired after them, pouring in their small
shot in such a quantity that abundance were killed and wounded;
and all this while they were not able to see who hurt them, or
which way to fly.
The Spaniards charged again with the utmost expedition, and
then divided themselves into three bodies, and resolved to fall in
among them all together. They had in each body eight persons
-that is to say, twenty-four, whereof were twenty-two men, and
the two women, who, by the way, fought desperately.
They divided the firearms equally in each party, and so of the
halberds and staves. They would have had the women keep
back, but they said they were resolved to die with their husbands I
Having thus formed their little army, they marched out from
among the trees, and came up to the teeth of the enemy, shout-






CRUSOE FINDS COMFORT;


he was able to deliver me; that if he did not think fit to do it,
it was my unquestioned duty to resign myself absolutely and
entirely to his will; and, on the other hand, it was my duty also
to hope in him, pray to him, and quietly to attend the dictates and
directions of his daily providence.
These thoughts took me up many hours, days, nay, I may say,
weeks and months; and one particular effect of my cogitations on
this occasion I cannot omit-namely, one morning early, lying in .
my bed, and filled with thought about my danger from the appear-
ance of savages, I found it discomposed me very much; upon
which those words of the Scripture came into my thoughts, Call
upon me in the day of trouble, and I will deliver, and thou shalt
glorify me."
Upon this, rising cheerfully out of my bed, my heart was not
only comforted, but I was guided and encouraged to pray earnestly
to God for deliverance. When I had done praying I took up my
Bible, and opening it to read, the first words that presented to me
were, Wait on the Lord, and be of good cheer, and he shall
strengthen thy heart;. wait, I say, on the Lord." It is impossible
to express the comfort this gave me. In answer, I thankfully
laid down the book, and was no more sad-at least, not on that
occasion.
In the middle of these cogitations, apprehensions, and reflections,
it came into my thought one day that all this might be a mere
chimera of my own; and that this foot might be the print of my
own foot when I came on shore from my boat. This cheered me
up a little, too, and I began to persuade myself it was all a de-
lusion; that it was nothing else but my own foot; and why might
not I come that way from the boat as well as I was going that way
to the boat. Again, I considered also that I could by no means tell
for certain where I had trod and where I had not; and that if at
last this was only the print of my own foot, I had played the part
of those fools who strive to make stories of spectres and apparitions,
and then are frighted at them more than anybody.
Now I began to take courage, and to peep abroad again; for I
had not stirred out of my castle for three days and nights, so that
I began to starve for provision; for I had little or nothing within






FRIDAY IN DEMAND.


my native country any more. But since you will honour me,"
says he, with putting me into this work (for which I will pray
for you all the days of my life), I have one humble petition to you,"
said he, besides." What is that? said I. Why," says he,
"it is that you will leave your man Friday with me, to be my in-
terpreter to them, and to assist me; for without some help I
cannot speak to them, or they to me."
I was sensibly troubled at his requesting Friday, because I could
not think of parting with him, and that for many reasons. He
had been the companion of my travels; he was not only faithful to
me, but sincerely affectionate to the last degree, and I had resolved
to do something considerable for him if he outlived me, as it was
probable he would. Then I knew that, as I had bred Friday up to
be a Protestant, it would quite confound him to bring him to embrace
another profession; and he would never, while his eyes were open,
believe that his old master was a heretic, and would be damned;
and this might in the end ruin the poor fellow's principles, and so
turn him to his first idolatry.
However, a sudden thought relieved me in this strait, and it
was this: I told him I could not say that I was willing to part
with Friday on any account whatever, though a work that to him
was of more value than his life ought to be to me of much more
value than the keeping or parting with a servant. But, on the
other hand, I was persuaded that Friday would by no means con-
sent to part with me, and I could not force him to it without his
consent, without manifest injustice, because I had promised and
engaged him to me that he would never leave me unless I put him
away.
He seemed very much concerned at it, for he had no rational
access to these poor people, seeing he did not understand one word
of their language, nor they one word of his. To remove this
difficulty, I told him Friday's father had learned Spanish, which I
found he also understood, and he should serve him for an inter-
preter. So he was much better satisfied, and nothing could per-
suade him but he would stay to endeavour to convert them; but
Providenee gave another, and very happy turn to all this.
I come back now to the first part of his objections. When we came






118 THINGS SAVED, AND THINGS WANTED.

down before; as, in particular, pens, ink, and paper, several parcels
in the captain's, mate's, gunner's, and carpenter's keeping, three or
four compasses, some mathematical instruments, dials, perspectives,
charts, and books of navigation; all which I huddled together,
whether I might want them or no. Also, I found three very good
Bibles, which came to me in my cargo from England, and which
I had packed up among my things; some Portuguese books also,
and among them two or three Popish prayer-books, and several
other books; all which I carefully secured. And I must not forget
that we had in the ship a dog and two cats, of whose eminent
history I may have occasion to say something in its place: for I
carried both the cats with me; and as for the dog, he jumped out
of the ship of himself, and swam on shore to me the day after I
went on shore with my first cargo, and was a trusty servant to me
many years. I wanted nothing that he could fetch me, nor any
company that he could make up to me; I only wanted to have him
talk to me, but that he would not do. As I observed before, I found
pen, ink, and paper, and I husbanded them to the utmost; and I
shall show that, while my ink lasted, I kept things very exact;
but after that was gone I could not, for I could not make any ink
by any means that I could devise.
And this put me in mind that I wanted many things, notwith-
standing all that I had amassed together; and of these, this of ink
was one; as also spade, pick-axe and shovel, to dig or remove the
earth; needles, pins, and thread; as for linen, I soon learned to
want that without much difficulty.
This want of tools made every work I did go on heavily, and it
was near a whole year before I had entirely finished my little pale
or surrounded habitation. The piles or stakes, which were as
heavy as I could well lift, were a long time in cutting and pre-
paring in the woods, and more by far in bringing home; so that I
spent sometimes two days in cutting and bringing home one of
those posts, and a third day in driving it into the ground: for
which purpose I got a heavy piece of wood at first, but at last be-
thought myself of one of the iron crows; which, however, though
I found it, yet it made driving those posts or piles very laborious
and tedious work.







RESCUE OF THE SOLITARY.


running through them, that tumbled into cascades from rock to rock, as the
bottom of the valleys, by the course of the neighboring hills, was at any
time broken into a sudden sharp descent. Some particular spots occurred
in these valleys, where the shade and fragrance of the contiguous woods, the
loftiness of the overhanging rocks, and the transparency and frequent falls
of the neighboring streams, presented scenes of such elegance and dignity
as are but rarely paralleled in any other part of the globe. It is on this
place, perhaps, that the simple productions of unassisted nature may be said
to excel all the fictitious descriptions of the most animated imagination."

In 1708, an expedition against the French and Spanish was equipped by
several merchants of Bristol, consisting of the Duke, of thirty guns, Captain
Woodes Rogers; and the Duchess, of twenty-five guns, Captain Courtney
(afterwards Captain Dover). As they were destined to act in the South
Seas, they carried Dampier as their pilot; a post for which he was well fitted
by his nautical experience. They sailed from Bristol on the 1st of August;
left Cork on the 1st of September; anchored at the island of La Granda, off
the Brazilian coast, on the 18th of November; doubled Cape Horn in
December; and on the 81st of January 1709, came in sight of Juan Fer-
nandez.
Slowly," says Mr. Howell, the vessels rose into view, and Selkirk could
scarcely believe the sight real; for often had he been deceived before. They
gradually approached the island, and he at length ascertained them to be
English. Great was the tumult of passions that rose in his mind; but the
love of home overpowered them all. It was late in the afternoon when they
first came in sight; and lest they should sail again without knowing that
there was a person on the island, he prepared a quantity of wood to burn as
soon as it was dark. He kept his eye fixed upon them until night-fall, and
then kindled his fire, and kept it up until morning dawned. His hopes and
fears having banished all desire for sleep, he employed himself in killing
several goats, and in preparing an entertainment for his expected guests,
knowing how acceptable it would be to them after their long run, with
nothing but salt provisions to live upon."
The next day, about noon, Woodes Rogers sent a boat on shore. The
reader will understand with what delight its approach was observed by the
solitary, and with what eagerness he welcomed his countrymen. He em-
braced them by turns; but at first his excess of joy fettered his voice, and
he could not speak. He had at this time his last shirt upon his back; his
feet and legs were bare; the skins of wild animals partly covered his thighs
and body. His beard was of patriarchal length, and a rough goat's skin
cap crowned his unkempt locks. The first transports of happiness over, his
tongue was loosed; he overwhelmed his visitors with questions, and eagerly
replied to all which they addressed to him. Curiosity satisfied on both sides,
the boat returned to the Duke, taking Selkirk with them, who, being recom-






NARRATIVE OF THE SPANIARDS.


often drive a whole little army before them with those halberds
and sharpened sticks put into the muzzles of their muskets. But
that for all this, they were sometimes surrounded with multitudes,
and in great danger from their arrows, till at last they found the
way to make themselves large targets of wood, which they covered
with skins of wild beasts, whoso names they knew not; and these
covered them from the arrows of the savages: that, notwithstand-
ing these, they were sometimes in great danger, and were once
five of them knocked down together with the clubs of the savages;
which was the time when one of them was taken prisoner-that is
to say, the Spaniard whom I had relieved, that at first they
thought had been killed. But when afterwards they heard he
was taken prisoner, they were under the greatest grief imaginable,
and would willingly have ventured their lives to have rescued
hiim.
They told me that when they were so knocked down, the rest
of their company rescued them, and stood over them, fighting till
they were come to themselves, all but him whom they thought had
been dead; and then they made their way with their halberds and
pieces, standing close together in a line, through a body of above
a thousand savages, beating down all that came in their way, got
the victory over their enemies, but to their great sorrow, because
it was with the loss of their friend; whom the other party, finding
hin alive, carried off with some others, as I gave an account in
my former.
They described most affectionately how they were surprised
with joy at the return of their friend and companion in misery,
whom they thought had been devoured by wild beasts of the worst
kind, namely, by wild men; and yet how more and more they
were surprised with the account ho gave them of his errand, and
that there was a Christian in any place near, much more one
that was able, and had humanity enough to contribute to their
deliverance.
They described how they were astonished at the sight of the
relief I sent them, and at the appearance of loaves of bread-things
they had not seen since their coming to that miserable place; how
often they crossed it and blessed it, as bread sent from Heaven;






ON PRACTICAL CHRISTIANITY.


us, as I shall show afterwards-yet there are some general prin-
ciples in which we both agree, namely, first, that there is a God,
and that this God having given us some stated general rules for our
service and obedience, we ought not willingly and knowingly to
offend him, either by neglecting to do what he has commanded, or
by doing what he has expressly forbidden. And let our different
religions be what they will, this general principle is readily owned
by us all, that the blessing of God does not ordinarily follow a
presumptuous sinning against his command; and every good
Christian will be affectionately concerned to prevent any that are
under his care living in a total neglect of God and his commands.
It is not your men being Protestants, whatever my opinion may be
of such, that discharges me from being concerned for their souls,
and from endeavouring, if it lies before me, that they should live
in as little distance from and enmity with their Maker as possible,
especially if you give me leave to meddle so far in your circuit."
I could not yet imagine what he aimed at, and told him I
granted all he had said, and thanked him that he would so far
concern himself for us; and begged he would explain the par-
ticulars of what he had observed, that, like Joshua, to take his
own parable, I might put away the accursed thing from us.
Why then, sir," says he, I will take the liberty you give me;
and there are three things which, if I am right, must stand in the
way of God's blessing upon your endeavours here, and which I
should rejoice for your sake and their own to see removed. And,
sir," says he, I promise myself that you will fully agree with me in
them all as soon as I name them; especially because I shall con-
vince you that every one of them may with great ease, and very
much to your satisfaction, be remedied."
He gave me no leave to put in any more civilities, but went on.
First, sir," says he, you have here four Englishmen, who have
fetched women from among the savages, and have taken them as their
wives, and have had many children by them all, and yet are not
marriedto them after any stated legal manner, as the laws of God and
man require; and therefore are yet, in the sense of both, no less than
adulterers, and living in adultery. To this, sir," says he, I know
you will object, that there was no clergyman or priest of any kind







ANALYTICAL INDEX.


They prepare to cut off the rebels' retreat,
913. 314,
rThe struggle; aoeuring the prisoners, 814,
315.
TIhe mntlneers' surprise ; anaring the rebels,
310-320,
Their submission, 321-324,
('rusoe as governor: he and the vaptalin
recover the ship, 324-320.
They congratulate eahd other, 327, 32s
Crusoe and the mutineers, 3919, 830
Colonlaing the Island, 331.


Orusoe leaves It, and viitk Lisbon, 38.3 83
His Bratllan plantation, 84, 88,
His Items of property enumerated, 387, W38
What next? 838, 330.
He sets out for home, 340, 841,
His expedition through Spain, 342-384.
Friday and the wolf, 84 -850.
Attacked by wolves, 3I1-$3,.
Crusoe and the widow, 38l.
Ills seven years of repose, 357, 8 i
lie revisits the island, which ie provtila
with a population, 368, 380.


'111F Ftrlh-rURR ADVENTITE.EI OFr RlS itHSO IE.

PARTI~1 THIC SECON11.,


Crtuoo's reatleaosnss, 1tM3
Are there any ghosts? 3i64.
Cruaoc's dream, and its results, 3i65, 3til.
Ills life in the country, and his wileo'
death, 367, 318,.
lie returns to London, 3 i)
Ills old restlessness once mor,, 370.
li le tavs Iuhnglad i, with Frilay, 371
Ills largo, 372.
A ship on tlro, 373, 374.
'he reotue of tile pImiungors, 3i75, 376t,
Their joy derllrbed. 377, 37s,
The young priest. 878, 370
Crumon's gemoroalty, 3SO, 381.
Tihe voyage conmtlined, 381, 3S2.
Another vessel, anld a faoishea d crew, 3S2,
a83.
'I'lThe spu taclo of hungII r rallpitll, 3S1 3iSS
An orlphaln and Ilsi distress, :AS. 380
Off the mouth of the o(iltttltn, 38S1
Friday andl his father, 31h), 391
(In the island once mnroro, 31a2.
The Spana!mrd's story. 31L3 3S)5
Tih breaking out of strife, 8th;
Theo escape of the mutineers, an31
The two Enlgllslunn verrlus the three 30is
400,
'IlThe Spaniards interfr, in Ithe qnarrel, 401.
The birds hIaro 'lo\ n 40I2,
The three do some wild things, 403, 404
They are disarnmed, and a tdeclalon arrived
tt, 40.1
P'tace Is onicludod, 40d.
A fresh alarm is given. 407.
The arrival of tie savages, 40S.
Preparations for dofenoo, 401).
Friday's father sent out as a spy. 410.
A battle; thu victory with tile islanders,
411.


Aln interval of tranlluillty, 412,
Soomo mIeanre of prldenneo, 413, .114.
Thle Indlllian again, 41
Internal dissensions, 411.
\Vill Atkins In a rage, 417.
The mutlneers pardoned, and sent to found
another colony, 417, 418,
They heoomle weary of well-doing. 419.
Thty desire now adventure,, 420,
They return, and tell their story, 41- 4-4,
Thlir now family, 424, 425,
The t hohotee of wives, 420, 427.
Industry et'rrs indolnuce, 48, 49
More savages arrive, 429, 430,
Throo are a1mptiured, and one scalpos, 430,
431.
Tihe two Englialsnun attacked by ifty
savages, 432-434,
Aln eay victory, 435.
An alarm and a pnrault, 4C:6
The savages depart, 437, 438,
tut a asonond invasion take i p plate, 431)
The tug of war, 440-444.
Victory of the Anglo-Spatnards, 444, 44;
CLitting ofi the retreat, 448, 446.
The savage subdued, 447-449.
The colony at peaoe, 440.
A tent of basket-work, 450-45M.
IDolmstie details minutely deserlbod, 452,
Cruasoe discourses with the Spanlards, 4S3,
454,
Their narrative detailed, 465-458,
Settling a oolony; the Inauguration dinner,
48S, 459.
The stores exhibit, 46(Y-462,
The island divided into three colonlis, 40o.
The French eowlesiastl, 4ta.
IIls talk with Crusoe, 404, 4065
Ills various adventures, 465.






A JAPANESE MERCHANT. 571

to venture to sail for the river of Kilam and the city of Nankin.
But providence seemed now more visibly, as I thought, than ever
to concern itself in our affair; and I was encouraged from this very
time to think I should one way or other get out of this tangled
circumstance and be brought home to my own country again, though
I had not the least view of the manner; and when I began some-
times to think of it, could not imagine by what method it was to
be done. Providence, I say, began here to clear up our way a little;
and the first thing that offered was, that our old Portuguese pilot
brought a Japan merchant to us, who began to inquire what goods,
we had; and in the first place, he bought all our opium, and gave
us a very good price for it, paying us in gold by weight; some in
small pieces of their own coin, and some in small wedges of about
ten or eleven ounces each. While we were dealing with him for
our opium, it came into my head that he might perhaps deal with
us for the ship too, and I ordered the interpreter to propose it to
him. He shrunk up his shoulders at it when it was first proposed
to him, but in a few days after he came to me, with one of the
missionary priests for his interpreter, and told me he had a pro-
posal to make to me, and that was this: he had bought a great
quantity of goods of us, when he had no thoughts (or proposals
made to him) of buying the ship, and that, therefore, he had not
money enough to pay for the ship; but if I would let the same
men who were in the ship navigate her, he would hire the ship to
go to Japan, and would send them from thence to the Philippine
Islands with another loading, which he would pay the freight of
before they went from Japan; and that at their return he would
buy the ship. I began to listen to his proposal, and so eager did
my head still run upon rambling, that I could not but begin to
entertain a notion of going myself with him, and to sail from the
Philippine Islands away to e South Seas; and accordingly I
asked the Japan merchant if'he would not hire us to the Philip-
pine islands and discharge us there. He said, No, he could not do
that, for then he could not have the return of his cargo; but he
would discharge us in Japan, he said, at the ship's return. Well,
still I was for taking him at that proposal, and going myself; but
my partner, wiser than myself, persuaded me from it, representing






AN EXTRAORDINARY DREAM.


my pulse beat as high as if I had been in a fever, merely with the
extraordinary fervour of my mind about it-nature, as if I had
been fatigued and exhausted with the very thought of it, threw
me into a sound sleep. One would have thought I should have
dreamed of it; but I did not, nor of anything relating to it. But
I dreamed that as I was going out in the morning as usual from
my castle, I saw upon the shore two canoes and eleven savages
coming to land, and that they brought with them another savage,
whom they were going to kill in order to eat him; when on a
sudden the savage that they were going to kill jumped away and
ran for his life. And I thought in my sleep that he came running
into my little thick grove before my fortification to hide himself;
and that I, seeing him alone, and not perceiving that the others
sought him that way, showed myself to him, and, smiling upon
him, encouraged him : that he kneeled down to me, seeming to
pray me to assist him ; upon which I showed my ladder, made him
go up, and carried him into my cave, and he became my servant:
and that, as soon as I had gotten this man, I said to myself; Now
I may certainly venture to the mainland, for this fellow will serve
me as a pilot, and will tell me what to do, and whither to go for
provisions, and whither not to go for fear of being devoured; what
places to venture into, and what to escape.-I waked with this
thought, and was under such inexpressible impressions of joy at
the prospect of my escape in my dream, that the disappointments
which I felt upon coming to myself and finding it was no more
than a dream were equally extravagant the other way, and threw
me into a very great dejection of spirit.
Upon this, however, I made this conclusion, that my only way
to go about an attempt for an escape was, if possible, to get a
savage into my possession; and, if possible, it should be one of
their prisoners whom they had condemned to be eaten and should
bring thither to kill. But these thoughts still were attended with
this difficulty, that it was impossible to effect this without attack-
ing a whole caravan of them, and killing them all. And this was
not only a very desperate attempt and might miscarry, but, on the
other hand, I had greatly scrupled the lawfulness of it to me; and
my heart trembled at the thoughts of shedding so much blood,






ARE THERE ANY GHOSTS?


I had was visibly increasing; for having no great family, I could
not spend the income of what I had, unless I would set up for an
expensive way of living, such as a great family, servants, equipage,
gaiety, and the like, which were things I had no notion of, or incli-
nation to; so that I had nothing indeed to do but to sit still,.and
fully enjoy what I had got, and see it increase daily upon my hands.
Yet all these things had no effect upon me, or at least not
enough to resist the strong inclination I had to go abroad again,
which hung about me like a chronical distemper; particularly, the
desire of seeing my new plantation in the island, and the colony I
loft there, ran in my head continually. I dreamed of it all night,
and my imagination ran upon it all day; it was uppermost in all
my thoughts, and my fancy worked so steadily and strongly upon
it, that I talked of it in my sleep. In short, nothing could remove
it 'out of my mind; it even broke so violently into all my dis-
courses, that it made my conversation tiresome : for I could talk of
nothing else; all my discourse ran into it, even to impertinence,
and I saw it myself.
I have often heard persons of good judgment say that all the
stir people make in the world about ghosts and apparitions is
owing to the strength of imagination and the powerful operation
of fancy in their minds; that there is no such thing as a spirit ap-
pearing, or a ghost walking, and the like : that people's poring
affectionately upon the past conversation of their deceased friends
so realizes it to them, that they are capable of fancying, upon some
extraordinary circumstances, that they see them, talk to them, and
are answered by them; when, in truth, there is nothing but
shadow and vapour in the thing, and they really know nothing of
the matter.
For my part, I know not to this hour whether there are any
such things as real apparitions, spectres, or walking of people after
they are dead; or whether there is anything in the stories they
tell us of that kind more than the product of vapours, sick minds,
and wandering fancies; but this I know, that my imagination
worked up to such a height, and brought me into such ecstasies
of vapours, or what else I may call it, that I actually supposed
myself oftentimes upon the spot, at my old castle behind the trees;






THE MUTINEERS DISARMED.


head, and giving it a twirl about, sneering in his face, says he to
him, And you, Seignior Jack Spaniard, shall have the same sauce,
if you do not mend your manners." The Spaniard, who though a
quiet civil man, was as brave as a man could be desired to be, and
withal a strong well-made man, looked steadily at him for a good
while, and then, having no weapon in his hand, stepped gravely up
to him, and with one blow of his fist knocked him down, as an ox
is felled with a pole-axe; at which one of the rogues, insolent at
the first, fired his pistol at the Spaniard immediately. He missed
his body indeed, for the bullets went through his hair, but one of
them touched the tip of his ear, and he bled pretty much. The
blood made the Spaniard believe he was more hurt than he really
was, and that put him into some heat: for before, he acted all in a
perfect calm; but now, resolving to go through with his work, he
stooped to take the fellow's musket whom he had knocked down,
and was just going to shoot the man who had fired at him, when
the rest of the Spaniards, being in the cave, came out, and calling
to him not to shoot, they stepped in, secured the other two, and
took their arms from them.
When they were thus disarmed, and found they had made all the
Spaniards their enemies, as well as their own countrymen, they
began to cool, and giving the Spaniards better words, would have
had their arms again. But the Spaniards, considering the feud that
was between them and the other two Englishmen, and that it would
be the best method they could take to keep them from killing one
another, told them they would do them no harm, and if they would
live peaceably, they would be very willing to assist and sociate
with them, as they did before; but that they could not think of
giving them their arms again while they appeared so resolved to
do mischief with them to their own countrymen, and had even
threatened them all to make them their servants.
The rogues were now no more capable to hear reason than to act
reason, and being refused their arms they went raving away and
raging like madmen, threatening what they would do, though they
had no firearms. But the Spaniards, despising their threatening,
told them they should take care how they offered any injury to
their plantation or cattle; for if they did, they would shoot them as





SEED FALLEN ON DRY GROUND.


The rainy season and the dry season began now to appear regu-
lar to me; and I learned to divide them, so as to provide for them
accordingly. But I bought all my experience before I had it;
and this I am going to relate was one of the most discouraging
experiments that I made at all. I have mentioned that I had
saved the few ears of barley and rice which I had so surprisingly
found springing up, as I thought of themselves, and believe there
were about thirty stalks of rice, and about twenty of barley. And
now I thought it a proper time to sow it after the rains, the sun
being in its southern position going from me.
Accordingly I dug up a piece of ground as well as I could with
my wooden spade, and dividing it into two parts, I sowed my
grain; but as I was sowing it casually occurred to my thoughts
that I would not sow it all at first, because I did not know when
was the proper time for it, so I sowed about two-thirds of the
seed, leaving about a handful of each.
It was a great comfort to me afterwards that I did so, for not
one grain of that I sowed this time came to anything; for the dry
months following, the earth having had no rain after the seed was
sown, it had no moisture to assist its growth, and never came up
at all till the wet season had come again, and then it grew as if
it had been but newly sown.
Finding my first seed did not grow, which I easily imagined
was by the drought, I sought for a moister piece of ground to
make another trial in; and I dug up a piece of ground near my new
bower, and sowed the rest of my seed in February, a little before
the vernal equinox; and this having the rainy months of March
and April to water it, sprung up very pleasantly, and yielded a
very good crop. But having part of the seed left only, and not
daring to sow all that I had, I had but a small quantity at last,
my whole crop not amounting to above half a peck of each kind.
But by this experiment I was made master of my business, and
knew exactly when the proper season was to sow; and that I
might expect two seed-times and two harvests every year.
While this corn was growing I made a little discovery, which
was of use to me afterwards. As soon as the rains were over and
the weather began to settle which was about the month of No1






CRUSOE'S NIGHT THOUGHTS.


yet the difference of that price was by no means worth saving at
so great a hazard.
But as this is ordinarily the fate of young heads, so reflection
upon the folly of it is as ordinarily the exercise of more years or
of the dear-bought experience of time. And so it was with me
now. And yet so deep had the mistake taken root in my temper
that I could not satisfy myself in my station, but was continually
poring upon the means and possibility of my escape from this
place. And that I may, with the greater pleasure to the reader,
bring on the remaining part of my-story, it may not be improper
to give some account of my first conceptions on the subject of this
foolish scheme for my escape, and how and upon what foundation
I acted.
I am now to be supposed retired into my castle after my late
voyage to the wreck, my frigate laid up and secured under water
as usual, and my condition restored to what it was before. I had
more wealth, indeed, than I had before, but was not at all the
richer; for I had no more use for it than the Indians of Peru had
before the Spaniards came there.
It was one of the nights in the rainy season in March, the four-
and-twentieth year of my first setting foot in this island of solitari-
ness. I was lying in my bed or hammock awake, very well in
health; had no pain, no distemper, no uneasiness of body; no, nor
any uneasiness of mind, more than ordinary : but could by no
means close my eyes; that is, so as to sleep; no, not a wink all
night long: otherwise that as follows.
It is as impossible as needless to set down the innumerable
crowd of thoughts that whirled through that great thoroughfare of
the brain, the memory, in this night's time. I ran over the whole
history of my life in miniature, or by abridgment, as I may call
it, to my coming to this island, and also of the part of my life
since I came to this island. In my reflections upon the state of
my case since I came on shore on this island, I was comparing the
happy posture of my affairs in the first years of my habitation
here, compared to the life of anxiety, fear, and care which I had
lived ever since I had seen the print of a foot in the sand. Not
that I did not believe the savages had frequented the island even


ia .,..





TWO AGAINST THREE.


S" I-











,S g .i -' .



THEY PULLED UP AN ENCLOSURE THEY HAD MADE,"

plundered everything as completely as a hoard of Tartars would
have done.
The two men were at this juncture gone to find them out, and
had resolved to fight them wherever they had been, though they
were but two to three. So that had they met, there certainly
would have been bloodshed among them, for they were all very
stout resolute fellows, to give them their due.
But Providence took more care to keep them asunder than they
themselves could do to meet; for, as if they had dogged one
another, when the three were gone thither, the two were here;
and afterwards when the two went back to find them, the three
were come to the old habitation again;-we shall see their different
conduct presently. When the three came back, like furious
creatures, flushed with the rage which the work they had been
about had put them into, they came up to the Spaniards and told
them what they had done, by way of scoff and bravado; and one
of them, stepping up to one of the Spaniards, as if they had been a
couple of boys at play, takes hold of his hat, as it was upon his






INSTANCES OF PROVIDENTIAL CARE.


all the while, and might have been several hundreds of them at
times on shore there; but I had never known it, and was incapable
of any apprehensions about it. My satisfaction was perfect, though
my danger was the same; and I was as happy in not knowing my
danger as if I had never really been exposed to it. This furnished
my thoughts with many very profitable reflections, and particularly
this one: How infinitely good that Providence is which has pro-
vided, in its government of mankind, such narrow bounds to his
sight and knowledge of things; and though he walks in the midst
of so many thousand dangers, the sight of which, if discovered to
him, would distract his mind and sink his spirits, he is kept serene
and calm by having the events of things hid from his eyes, and
knowing nothing of the dangers which surround him I
After these thoughts had for some time entertained me, I came
to reflect seriously upon the real danger I had been in for so many
years in this very island, and how I had walked about in the
greatest security and with all possible tranquillity, even when
perhaps nothing but a brow of a hill, a great tree, or the casual
approach of night, had been between me and the worst kind of
destruction; namely, that of falling into the hands of cannibals and
savages, who would have seized on me with the same view as I
did of a goat or a turtle, and have thought it no more a crime to
kill and devour me than I did of a pigeon or a curlew. I would
unjustly slander myself if I should say I was not sincerely thank-
ful to my great Preserver, to whose singular protection I acknow-
ledged, with great humility, that all these unknown deliverances
were due, and without which I must inevitably have fallen into
their merciless hands.
When these thoughts were over, my head was for some time
taken up in considering the nature of these wretched creatures, I
mean, the savages; and how it came to pass in the world that the
wise Governor of all things should give up any of his creatures to
such inhumanity, nay, to something so much below even brutality
itself, as to devour its own kind. But as this ended in some, at
that time fruitless, speculations, it occurred to me to inquire what
part of the world these wretches lived in; how far off the coast
was from whence they came; what they ventured over so far from






A DAILY RECORD.


December 27. Killed a young goat, and lamed another so that
I caught it, and led it home in a string. When I had it home I
bound and splintered up its leg, which was broken. N.B.-I took
such care of it that it lived, and the leg grew well and as strong
as ever; but by my nursing it so long it grew tame, and fed upon
the little green at my door, and would not go away. This was
the first time that I entertained a thought of breeding up some
tame creatures, that I might have food when my powder and shot
was all spent.
December 28, 29, 30. Great heats and no breeze, so that there
was no stirring abroad, except in the evening, for food. This time
I spent in putting all my things in order within doors.
January 1. Very hot still, but I went abroad early and late
with my gun, and lay still in the middle of the day. This even-
ing, going further into the valleys which lie towards the centre
of the island, I found there was plenty of goats, though exceed-
ing shy and hard to come at. However, I resolved to try if I
could not bring my dog to hunt them down.
January 2. Accordingly, the next day I went out with my dog,
and set him upon the goats; but I was mistaken, for they all
faced about upon the dog, and he knew his danger too well, for he
would not come near them.
January 3. I began my fence or wall, which, being still jealous
of my being attacked by somebody, I resolved to make very thick
and strong.
N.B.-This wall being described before, I purposely omit what
was said in the journal. It is sufficient to observe that I was no
less time than from the 3rd of January to the 14th of April work-
ing, finishing, and perfecting this wall, though it was no more than
about twenty-four yards in length, being a half circle from one
place in the rock to another place about eight yards from it; the
door of the cave being in the centre behind it.
All this time I worked very hard, the rains hindering me many
days, nay, sometimes weeks together; but I thought I should never
be perfectly secure till this wall was finished. And it is scarce
credible what inexpressible labour everything was done with,
especially the bringing piles out of the woods and driving them





A PAIR OF WHISKERS.


exp :. L,
not at 111 1:31,111.

.itli I I I r',-n -, .
degr.-,- - O.- I
equinox. My
beard I had once suffered to grow till it was about a quarter of a
yard long; but as I had both scissors and razors sufficient, I had
cut it pretty short, except what grew on my upper lip, which I
had trimmed into a large pair of Mohammedan whiskers, such as I
have seen worn by some Turks whom I saw at Sallee; for the
Moors did not wear such, though the Turks did. Of these
moustaches or whiskers I will not say they were long enough to
hang my hat upon them ; but they were of a length and shape


I~
3Rll






A GALLANT DEFENCE.


two hundred men which he had on board. However, we had not
a man touched, all our men keeping close. He prepared to attack
us again, and we to defend ourselves; but laying us on board the
next time upon our other quarter, he entered sixty men upon our









/', ,, 'I





., ,1 1




I -











deckh, wh. imnme.rlin il f,.1 l Ht -I
cuttnri: ann ha.li thlIe 1.-;
and rigging. We plied them
with small-shot, half-pikes, powder-chests, and such like, and
cleared our deck of them twice. However, to cut short this
melancholy part of our story, our ship being disabled, and three
of our men killed and eight wounded, we were obliged to yield,






BENT ON NEW ADVENTURES.


to it, such as, particularly, the piece of monstrous cruelty of
wounding a poor slave, because he did not, or perhaps cguld not,
understand to do what he was directed; and to wodnd him in such
a manner as, no question, made him a cripple all his life; and in
a place where no surgeon or medicine could be had for his cure:
and what was still worse, the murderous intent, or, to do justice
to the crime, the intentional murder, for such to be sure it was, as
was afterwards the formed design they all laid to murder the
Spaniards in cold blood, and in their sleep.
But I leave observing, and return to the story. The three
fellows came down to the Spaniards one morning, and in very
humble terms desired to be admitted to speak with them. The
Spaniards very readily heard what they had to say, which was
this: That they were tired of living in the manner they did;
that they were not handy enough to make the necessaries they
wanted; and that, having no help, they found they should be
starved. But if the Spaniards would give them leave to take one
of the canoes which they came over in, and give them arms and
ammunition, proportioned for their defence, they would go over to
the main, and seek their fortune, and so deliver them from the
trouble of supplying them with any other provisions.
The Spaniards were glad enough to be rid of them, but yet
very honestly represented to them the certain destruction they
were running into; told them they had suffered such hardships
upon that very spot; that they could, without any spirit of pro-
phecy, tell them that they would be starved, or be murdered, and
bade them consider of it.
The men replied audaciously, they should be starved if they
stayed here, for they could not work, and would not work; and
they could but be starved abroad; and if they were murdered,
there was an end of them, they had no wives or children to cry after
them; and in short, insisted importunately upon their demand,
declaring that they would go, whether they would give them any
arms or no.
The Spaniards told them, with great kindness, that if they were
resolved to go, they should not go like naked men, and be in no
condition to defend themselves; and that though they could ill






A COASTING VOYAGE.


he had shot, like a hare, but different in colour and longer legs.
However, we were very glad of it, and it was very good meat; but
the great joy that poor Xury came with, was to tell me he had
found good water and seen no wild men.
But we found afterwards that we need not take such pains for
water, for a little higher up the creek where we were, we found the
water fresh when the tide was out, which flowed but a little way
up. So we filled our jars, and feasted on the hare we had killed,
and prepared to go on our way, having seen no footsteps of any
human creature in that part of the country.
As I had been one voyage to this coast before, I knew very well
that the islands of the Canaries, and the Cape de Verd islands also,
lay not far off from the coast. But as I had no instruments to take
an observation to know what latitude we were in, and did not
exactly know, or at least remember, what latitude they were in,
I knew not where to look for them, or when to stand off to sea
towards them; otherwise I might now easily have found some of
these islands. But my hope was, that if I stood along this coast
till I came to that part where the English traded, I should find
some of their vessels upon their usual design of trade, that would
relieve and take us in.
By the best of my calculation, that place where I now was must
be that country which, lying between the Emperor of Morocco's
dominions and the negroes, lies waste and uninhabited, except by
wild beasts-the negroes having abandoned it and gone further
south, for fear of the Moors; and the Moors not thinking it worth
inhabiting, by reason of its barrenness. And, indeed, both forsaking
it because of the prodigious number of tigers, lions, leopards, and
other furious creatures which harbour there; so that the Moors
use it for their hunting only, where they go like an army, two or
three thousand men at a time. And, indeed, for near a hundred
miles together upon this coast, we saw nothing but a waste unin-
habited country by day, and heard nothing but howlings and roar-
ing of wild beasts by night.
Once or twice in the day-time, I thought I saw the Pico of
Teneriffe, being the high top of the mountain of Teneriffe in the
Canaries; and had a great mind to venture out in hopes of reach-






DANCER OF EXCESSIVE JOY.


and the next moment be tearing his hair, or pulling his clothes
to pieces and stamping them under his feet, like a mad man;, and
a few moments after that we should have him all in tears, then
sick, then swooning; and had not immediate help been had, would
in a few moments more have been dead. And thus it was, not with
one or two, or ten or twenty, but with the greatest part of them;
and if I remember right, our surgeon was obliged to let above
thirty of them blood.
There were two priests among them, one an old man, and the
other a young man ; and that which was strangest was that the
oldest man was the worst. As soon as he set his foot on board our
ship, and saw himself safe, he dropped down stone-dead, not the
least sign of life could be perceived in him. Our surgeon imme-
diately applied proper remedies to recover him, and was the only
man in the ship that believed he was not dead. At length he
opened a vein in his arm, having first chafed and rubbed the part
so as to warm it as much as possible. Upon this, the blood, which
only dropped at first, flowed something freely; in three minutes
after the ian opened his eyes; and about a quarter of an hour
after that, he spoke, grew better, and in a little time quite well.
After the blood was stopped, he walked about and told us he was
perfectly well, took a dram of cordial which the surgeon gave him,
and was what we called come to himself. About a quarter of an
hour after, they came running into the cabin to the surgeon, who
was bleeding a French woman that had fainted, and told him the
priest was gone stark mad. It seems he had begun to revolve the
change of his circumstance, and again this put him into an ecstasy
of joy ; his spirits whirled about faster than the vessels could con-
voy them, the blood grew hot and feverish, and the man was as
fit for Bedlam as any creature that ever was in it. The surgeon
would not bleed him again in that condition, but gave him some-
thing to doze and put him to sleep, which after some time operated
upon him, and he waked the next morning perfectly composed and
well.
The younger priest behaved with great command of his passions,
and was really an example of a serious, well-governed mind. At his
first coming on board the ship, he threw himself flat on his face,







18 A PLEA FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.

and incisive, and shrewd though it
is, it lacks the elements of genuine
poetry.*
King William deeply felt the value
of the service which De Foe had ren-
dered him. He sent for him to the
B palace; received him with marked
kindness; employed him in con-
S fidential commissions; and from
that time accorded him free access
0. to his cabinet. In these inter-
S: views the great questions of the
day were frankly discussed, and
especially that all-important ques-
tion, the union of England and
.- :- Scotland. On this point De Foe
pressed the King closely: "It shall
be done." said William, but 'not
PORTRAIT OF KING WILLIAM IIL
yet."
Cheered and encouraged by the royal confidence, De Foe resumed his pen
with more energy than ever. In the limits to which we are confined it
would be impossible to record even the titles of the numerous forcible and
well-reasoned pamphlets produced by his indefatigable industry. It is a
significant mark of the fulness of his mind and the versatility of his intellect
that not one of them is below mediocrity, while many rise far above it. The
most interesting and the ablest of those which appeared prior to the death
of William is the celebrated pamphlet entitled The Original Power of the
Collective Body of the People of England. Examined and Asserted. With
a Double Dedication to the King and to the Parliament." Mr. Chalmers
rightly says of it, Every lover of liberty must be pleased with the perusal
of a treatise which vies with Mr. Locke's famous tract in power of reasoning,
and is superior to it in the graces of style." Mr. Forster, a still more com-
petent judge, describes it as distinguished for its plain and nervous diction.
The grounds of popular representation, he says, are so happily condensed
and so clearly stated in it, that it became the text-book of political disput-
ants from the days of the expulsion of Walpole and of Wilkes to those of
the Reform Bill. It may be briefly described, he continues, as a demonstra.
In this composition the satire was strong, powerful, and manly, upbraiding the
English Tories for their unreasonable prejudice against foreigners; the rather that there
were so many nations blended in the mass now called Englishmen. The verse was rough
and mistuned, for De Foe never seems to have possessed an ear for the melody of language,
whether in prose or verse. But though wanting 'the long resounding verse and energy
divine' of Dryden, he had often masculine expressions and happy turns of thought not
unworthy of the author of Absalom and Achitophel, though, upon the whole, his style
seems rather to have been formed on that of Hall, Oldham, and the elder satirists."-
Sir Walter Scott, "Biographies: Daniel De Foe (edit. 1847) p. 397.






BEFORE THE STRUGGLE.


a gun, and saw her make a waft with her ancient, as a signal for
the boat to come on board; but no boat stirred; and they fired
several times, making other signals for the boat.
At last, when all their signals and firings proved fruitless, and
they found the boat did not stir, we saw them, by the help of my
glasses, hoist another boat out, and row towards the shore; and
we found as they approached that there was no less than ten men
in her, and that they had firearms with them.
As the ship lay almost two leagues from the shore, we had a
full view of them as they came, and a plain sight of the men, even
of their faces; because the tide having set them a little to the east
of the other boat, they rowed up under shore to come to the same
place where the other had landed, and where the boat lay.
By this means, I say, we had a full view of them, and the
captain knew the persons and characters of all the men in the
boat, of whom he said that there were three very honest fellows,
who, he was sure, were led into this conspiracy by the rest, being
overpowered and frighted.
But that as for the boatswain, who it seems was the chief
officer among them, and all the rest, they were as outrageous as any
of the ship's crew, and were no doubt made desperate in their new
enterprise; and terribly apprehensive he was that they would be
too powerful for us.
I smiled at him, and told him that men in our circumstances
were past the operation of fear: that seeing almost every condi-
tion that could be was better than that which we were supposed
to be in, we ought to expect that the consequence, whether death
or life, would be sure to be a deliverance. I asked him what he
thought of the circumstances of my life, and whether a deliverance
were not worth venturing for ? And where, sir," said I, is your
belief of my being preserved here on purpose to save your life,
which elevated you a little while ago ? For my part," said I, there
seems to be but one thing amiss in all the prospect of it." What's
that?" says he. Why," said I, 'tis that, as you say, there are
three or four honest fellows among them, which should be spared.
Had they been all of the wicked part of the crew, I should have
thought God's providence had singled them out to deliver them






618 CRUSOE'S PROPOSAL TO HIS FRIEND.


castle at Moscow. However, it came into my thought, that I
might certainly be made an instrument to procure the escape of
this excellent person, and that whatever hazard I ran, I would
certainly try if I could carry him off. Upon this I took an occa-
sion one evening to tell him my thoughts: I represented to him
that it was very easy for me to carry him away, there being no
guard over him in the country, and as I was not going to Moscow,
but to Archangel, and that I went in the nature of a caravan, by
which I was not obliged to lie in the stationary towns in the
desert, but could encamp every night where I would, we might
easily pass uninterrupted to Archangel, where I would immediately
secure him on board an English or Dutch ship, and carry him off
safe along with me; and as to his subsistence, and other particulars,
it should be my care till he could better supply himself.
He heard me very attentively, and looked earnestly on me all
the while I spoke. Nay, I could see in his very face that what I
said put his spirits into an exceeding ferment; his colour frequently
changed, his eyes looked red, and his heart fluttered, that it might
be even perceived in his countenance; nor could he immediately
answer me when I had done, and, as it were, expected what he would
say to it; but after he had paused a little le embraced me, and
said, How unhappy are we, unguarded creatures as we are, that even
our greatest acts of friendship are made snares to us, and we are
made tempters of one another I My dear friend," said he, your
offer is so sincere, has such kindness in it, is so disinterested in
itself, and is so calculated for my advantage, that I must have very
little knowledge of the world, if I did not both wonder at it, and
acknowledge the obligation I have upon me to you for it: but did
you believe I was sincere in what I have so often said to you of my
contempt of the world ? Did you believe I spoke my very soul to
you, and that I had really obtained that degree of felicity here,
that had placed me above all that the world could give me, or do
for me ? Did you believe I was sincere, when I told you I would
not go back, if I was recalled even to all that once I was in the
court, with the favour of the czar, my master? Did you believe
me, my friend, to be an honest man, or did you think me to be a
boasting hypocrite ? Here he stopped, as if he would hear what






CRUSOE'S INTERFERENCE


had fallen down in the fire, and was very much burned before she
could get out again; and two or three of the men had cuts in their
backs and thighs from our men pursuing; and another was shot
through the body, and died while I was there.
I would fain have learned what the occasion of all this was; but
I could not understand one word they said, though by signs I per-
ceived that some of them knew not what was the occasion them-
selves. I was so terrified in my thoughts at this outrageous
attempt, that I could not stay there, but went back to my own
men, and resolved to go into the middle of the town through the
fire, or whatever might be in the way, and put an end to it, cost what
it would. Accordingly, as soon as I came back to my men I told
them my resolution, and commanded them to follow me; when
in the very moment came four of our men, with the boatswain at
their head, roving over the heaps of bodies they had killed, all
covered with blood and dust, as if they wanted more people to
massacre, when our men hallooed to them as loud as they could
halloo; and with much ado one of them made them hear, so that
they knew who we were, and came up to us.
As soon as the boatswain saw us he set up a halloo like a shout
of triumph, for, as he thought, more help having come; and with-
out bearing to hear me, Captain," says he, noble captain, I am
glad you are come. We have not half done yet, villanous hell-
hound dogs! I'll kill as many of them as poor Tom has hairs
upon his head. We have sworn to spare none of them; we'll root
out the very nation of them from the earth." And thus he ran on,
out of breath too with action, and would not give us leave to speak
a word.
At last, raising my voice that I might silence him a little,
"Barbarous dog," said I, "what are you doing? I won't have
one creature touched more, upon pain of death. I charge you,
upon your life, to stop your hands, and stand still here, or you are
a dead man this minute."
Why, sir," says he, do you know what you do, or what they
have done? If you want a reason for what we have done, come
hither." And with that he showed me the poor fellow hanging
with his throat cut.






TRAVELLING IN MUSCOVY.


Some leagues to the north of this river there are several consider-
able rivers, whose streams run as due north as the Yamour runs
east; and these are all found to join their waters with the great
river Tartarus, named so from the northernmost nations of the
Mongul Tartars, who, the Chinese say, were the first Tartars in
the world; and who, as our geographers allege, are the Gog and
Magog mentioned in sacred story.
These rivers running all northward, as well as all the other rivers
I am yet to speak of, make it evident that the Northern Ocean
bounds the land also on that side; so that it does not seem rational
in the least to think that the land can extend itself to join with
America on that side, or that there is not a communication between
the Northern and the Eastern Ocean. But of this I shall say no
more; it was my observation at that time, and therefore I take
notice of it in this place. We now advanced from the river
Arguna by easy and moderate journeys, and were very visibly
obliged to the care the Czar of Muscovy has taken to have cities
and towns built in as many places as are possible to place them,
where his soldiers keep garrison, something like the stationary
soldiers placed by the Romans in the remotest countries of their
empire, some of which I had read particularly were placed in
Britain for the security of commerce, and for the lodging travellers;
and thus it was here; for wherever we came, though at these towns
and stations the garrisons and governor were Russians and pro-
fessed Christians, yet the inhabitants of the country were mere
pagans, sacrificing to idols, and worshipping the sun, moon, and
stars, or all the host of heaven: and not only so, but were, of all
the heathens and pagans that ever I met with, the most barbarous,
except only that they did not eat man's flesh, as our savages of
America did.
Some instances of this we met with in the country between
Arguna, where we enter the Muscovite dominions, and a city of
Tartars and Russians together, called Norstinskoy; in which is a
continued desert or forest, which cost us twenty days to travel over
it. In a village near the last of those places, I had the curiosity
to go and see their way of living, which is most brutish and uni
sufferable. They had, I suppose, a great sacrifice that day; f6or






A NEW MODE OF CALCULATION.


Friday. They run one, two, three, and me, and make go in the
canoe; my nation have no canoe that time.
Master. Well, Friday, and what does your nation do with the
men they take; do they carry them away and eat them, as these
did ?
Friday. Yes; my nation eat mans too, eat all up.
Master. Where do they carry them ?
Friday. Go to other place where they think.
Master. Do they come hither?
Friday. Yes, yes, they come hither; come other else place.
Master. Have you been here with them ?
Friday. Yes, I been here (points to the north-west side of the
island, which it seems was their side).
By this I understood that my man Friday had formerly been
among the savages who used to come on shore on the further part
of the island on the same man-eating occasions that he was now
brought for. And some time after, when I took the courage to carry
him to that side, being the same I formerly mentioned, he pre-
sently knew the place, and told me he was there once when they
ate up twenty men, two women, and one child. IIe could not tell
twenty in English; but he numbered them by laying so many
stones on a row, and pointing to me to tell them over.
I have told this passage because it introduces what follows ; that,
after I had had this discourse with him, I asked him how far it
was from our island to the shore, and whether the canoes were not
often lost? He told me there was no danger, no canoes ever lost;
but that, after a little way out to the sea, there was a current, and
a wind, always one way in the morning, the other in the after-
noon.
This I understood to be no more than the sets of the tide, as
going out, or coming in. But I afterwards understood it was
occasioned by the great draught and reflux of the mighty river
Orinoco, in the mouth or the gulf of which river, as I found after-
wards, our island lay; and this land which I perceived to the west
and north-west was the great island Trinidad, on the north point
of the mouth of the river. I asked Friday a thousand questions
about the country, the inhabitants, the sea, the coast, and what






BY W. CALDWELL ROSCOE


rather bore 'us in other novels, are all to the purpose; for there is a real
point in putting such a story in the mouth of the sufferer, and in giving us
for the time an illusory belief in his reality. When we add that the whole
book shows the freshness of a writer employed on his first novel-though at
the mature age of fifty-eight--seeing in it an allegory of his own experiences
embodied in the scenes which most interested his imagination, we see some
reasons why "Robinson Crusoe" should hold a distinct rank by itself
amongst his works.
To have pleased all the boys in Europe for nearly a hundred and fifty years
is, after all, a remarkable feat.

This, indeed, is the best panegyric that can be pronounced upon De Foe's
most celebrated fiction. It has been unapproached for a century and a half
as a boy's book, and still holds its own in the face of a thousand competitors.
Of all its imitators, The Swiss Family Robinson" alone has drawn near to
it in popularity, though the two, so far as their literary character is con-
cerned, remain separated long intervallo.
The following able estimate, by William Caldwell Roscoe,* will probably
be new to most of my readers:-

FROM W. CALDWELL ROSCOE.
It would be to impugn the verdict of all mankind to say that Robinson
Crusoe was not a great work of genius. It is a work of genius-a most
remarkable one-but of a low order of genius. The universal admiration it
has obtained may be the admiration of men; but it is founded on the liking
of boys. Few educated men or women would care to read it for the first
time after the age of five-and-twenty. Even Lamb could say it only holds
its place by tough prescription." The boy revels in it. It furnishes him
with food for his imagination in the very direction in which, of all others, it
loves to occupy itself. It is not that he cares for Robinson Crusoe-that
dull, ingenious, seafaring creature, with his strange mixture of cowardice
and boldness, his unleavened, coarsely sagacious, mechanic nature, his keen
trade-instincts, and his rude religious experiences. Thb boy becomes his
own Robinson Crusoe. It is little Tom Smith himself, curled up in a
remote corner of the playground, who makes those troublesome voyages on
the raft, and rejoices over the goods he saves from the wreck; who contrives
his palisades and twisted cables to protect his cave; clothes himself so
quaintly in goat skins; is terrified at the savages; and rejoices in his
jurisdiction over the docile Friday, who, he thinks, would be better than a
dog, and almost as good as a pony. He does not care a farthing about
Crusoe as a separate person from himself. This is one reason why he
rejects the religious reflections as a strange and undesirable element in a
work otherwise so fascinating. He cannot enter into Crusoe's sense of
W. Caldwell Roscoe, "Poems and Essays," ii. 237, 238.






AN INGENIOUS DEVICE.


together under a tree to consider of it. Had they thought fit to
have gone to sleep there, as the other party of them had done, they
had done the job for us; but they were too full of apprehensions of
danger to venture to go to sleep, though they could not tell what
the danger was they had to fear neither.
The captain made a very just proposal to me upon this consulta-
tion of theirs, namely, that perhaps they would all fire a volley
again, to endeavour to make their fellows hear, and that we should
all sally upon them just at the juncture when their pieces were all
discharged, and they would certainly yield, and we should have
them without bloodshed. I liked the proposal, provided it was
done while we were near enough to come up to them before they
could load their pieces again.
But this event did not happen, and we lay still a long time very
irresolute what course to take. At length I told them there would
be nothing to be done in my opinion till night, and then, if they
did not return to the boat, perhaps we might find a way to get
between them and the shore, and so might use some stratagem
with them in the boat to get them on shore.
We waited a great while, though very impatient for their re-
moving; and were very uneasy when, after long consultations, we
saw them start all up and march down toward the sea. It seems
they had such dreadful apprehensions upon them of the danger of
the place, that they resolved to go on board the ship again, give
their companions over for lost, and so go on with their intended
voyage with the ship.
As soon as I perceived them go toward the shore, I imagined it
to be, as it really was, that they had given over their search, and
were for going back again; and the captain, as soon as I told him
my thoughts, was ready to sink at the apprehensions of it; but I
presently thought of a stratagem to fetch them back again, and
which answered my end to a tittle.
I'ordered Friday and the captain's mate to go over the little
creek westward, towards the place where the savages came on shore
when Friday was rescued; and as soon as they came to a little
rising ground, at about half a mile distance, I bade them halloo
as loud as they could, and wait till they found the seamen heard






SIGNS OF MUTINY.


the thing, but that he could do nothing in it until he had spoken
to me about it. He used some arguments with them to show
them the unreasonableness and injustice of the thing : but it was
all in vain; they swore and shook hands round before his face
that they would go all on shore, unless he would engage to them
not to suffer me to come any more on board the ship.
This was a hard article upon him, who knew his obligation to
me, and did not know how I might take it. So he began to talk
cavalierly to them; told them that I was a very considerable
owner of the ship, and that in justice he could not put me out of
my own house; that this was next door to serving me as the
famous pirate Kid had done, who made the mutiny in a ship, set
the captain on shore on an uninhabited island, and ran away with
the ship; that let them go into what ship they would, if ever they
came to England again, it would cost them dear; that the ship
was mine, and that he could not put me out of it; and that he
would'rather lose the ship, and the voyage too, than disoblige
me so much; so they might do as they pleased: however, he would
go on shore, and talk with me on shore; and invited the boatswain
to go with him, and perhaps they might accommodate the matter
with me.
But they all rejected the proposal, and said they would have
nothing to do with me any more, neither on board nor on shore,
and if I came on board they would all go on shore. Well," said
the captain, if you are all of this mind, let me go on shore, and
talk with him." So away he came to me with this account, a
little after the message had been brought to me from the cock-
swain.
I was very glad to see my nephew, I must confess; for I was
not without apprehensions that they would confine him by violence,
set sail, and run away with the ship, and then I had been stripped
naked in a remote country, and nothing to help myself; in short,
I had been in a worse case than when I was all alone in the
island.
But they had not come that length, it seems, to my great satis-
faction; and when my nephew told me what they had said to him,
and how they had sworn, and shook hands, that they would one


586






NEEDLESS PRECAUTIONS.


for him, and yet be perfectly easy myself, I made a little tent for
him in the vacant place between my two fortifications, in the inside
of the last, and in the outside of the first. And as there was a
door or entrance there into my cave, I made a formal framed door-
case, and a door to it of boards, and set it up in the passage, a little
within the entrance; and causing the door to open on the inside,
I barred it up in the night, taking in my ladders too; so that
Friday could no way come at me in the inside of my innermost
wall without making so much noise in getting over, that it musl
needs waken me. For my first wall had now a complete roof over
it of long poles covering all my tent, and leaning up to the side of
the hill, which was again laid cross with smaller sticks instead of
laths, and then thatched over a great thickness with the rice
straw, which was strong like reeds; and at the hole or place which
was left to go in or out by the ladder, I had placed a kind of trap-
door, which, if it had been attempted on the outside, would not
have opened at all, but would have fallen down and made a great
noise; and as to weapons, I took them all in to my side every
night.
But I needed none of all this precaution; for never man had a
more faithful, loving, sincere servant than Friday was to me;
without passions, sullenness, or designs, perfectly obliged and
engaged; his very affections were tied to me, like those of a child
to a father, and I daresay he would have sacrificed his life for
the saving mine upon any occasion whatsoever. The many testi-
monies he gave me of this, put it out of doubt, and soon convinced
me that I needed to use no precautions as to my safety on his
account.
This frequently gave me occasion to observe, and that with
wonder, that however it had pleased God, in his providence, ind
in the government of the works of his hands, to take from so great
a part of the world of his creatures the best uses to which their
faculties and the powers of their souls are adapted; yet that he has
bestowed upon them the same powers, the same reason, the same
affections, the same sentiments of kindness and obligation, the
same passions and resentments of wrongs, the same sense of grati-
tude sincerity, fidelity, and all the capacities of doing good and


262






AND THE THOUGHTS JT SUGGESTED.


I wished heartily now for my Spaniard, and the savage that was
gone with him, or that I had any way to have come undiscovered
within shot of them, that I might have rescued the three men, for
I saw no firearms they had among them; but it fell out to my
mind another way.
After I had observed the outrageous usage of the three men by
the insolent seamen, I observed the fellows run scattering about
the land, as if they wanted to see the country. I observed that
the three other men had liberty to go also where they pleased;
but they sat down all three upon the ground, very pensive, and
looked like men in despair.
This put me in mind of the first time when I came on shore
and began to look about me; how I gave myself over for lost;
how wildly I looked round me; what dreadful apprehensions I
had; and how I lodged in the tree all night for fear of being
devoured by wild beasts.
As I knew nothing that night of the supply I was to receive by
the providential driving of the ship nearer the land by the storms
and tide, by which I have since been so long nourished and sup-
ported; so these three poor desolate men knew nothing how
certain of deliverance and supply they were, how near it was to
them, and how effectually and really they were in a condition of
safety, at the same time that they thought themselves lost, and
their case desperate.
So little do we see before us in the world, and so much reason
have we to depend cheerfully upon the great Maker of the world,
that he does not leave his creatures so absolutely destitute, but that
in the worst circumstances they have always something to be
thankful for, and sometimes are nearer their deliverance than they
imagine; nay, are even brought to their deliverance by the means
by which they seem to be brought to their destruction.
It was just at the top of high-water when these people came on
shore, and while partly they stood parleying with the prisoners they
brought, and partly while they rambled about to see what kind
of a place they were in, they had carelessly stayed till the tide was
spent, and the water was ebbed considerably away, leaving their
boat aground.






HIS VARIOUS RESOURCES.


ever I had occasion to be absent from my chief seat, I took up my
country habitation.
Adjoining to this I had my enclosures for my cattle, that is to
say, my goats; and as I had taken an inconceivable deal of pains
to fence and enclose this ground, so I was so uneasy to see it kept
entire, lest the goats should break through, that I never left off
till with infinite labour I had stuck the outside of the hedge so
full of small stakes, and so near to one another, that it was rather
a pale than a hedge, and there was scarce room to put a hand
through between them; which, afterwards, when those stakes grew,
as they all did in the next rainy season, made the enclosure strong
like a wall; indeed, stronger than any wall.
This will testify for me that I was not idle, and that I spared
no pains to bring to pass whatever appeared necessary for my coni-
fortable support; for I considered the keeping up a breed of tame
creatures thus at my hand would be a living magazine of flesh,
milk, butter, and cheese for me as long as I lived in the place, if
it were to be forty years; and that keeping them in my reach
depended entirely upon my perfecting my enclosures to such a
degree that I might be sure of keeping them together ; which by
this method, indeed, I so effectually secured, that when these little
stakes began to grow, I had planted them so very thick I was
forced to pull some of them up again.
In this place, also, I had my grapes growing, which I princi-
pally depended on for my winter store of raisins; and which I
never failed to preserve very carefully, as the best and most agree-
able dainty of my whole diet; and, indeed, they were not agree-
able only, but physical, wholesome, nourishing, and refreshing to
the last degree.
As this was also about half way between my other habitation
and the place where I had laid up my boat, I generally stayed and
lay here in my way thither; for I used frequently to visit my
boat, and I kept all things about or belonging to her in very good
order. Sometimes I went out in her to divert myself; but no
more hazardous voyages would I go, nor scarce ever above a
stone's cast or two from the shore, I was so apprehensive of being
hurried out of my knowledge again by the currents, or winds, or
12s4) 14







A SPANISH ROBINSON CRUSOE.


of ships which had been wrecked on these shoals, afforded nourishment for
his fuel; and lest sudden showers should extinguish his fire, he made a
little covering like a small hut with the shells of the largest turtles or
tortoises that he had killed, taking great care that his fire should not go
out. In the space of two months, and sooner, he was as unprovided of all
things as he was at first; for with the great rains, heat, and moisture of that
climate, his provisions were corrupted; and the great heat of the sun was
so violent on him, having neither clothes to cover him nor shadow for
shelter, that when he was, as it were, broiled in the sun, he had no remedy
but to run into the sea. In this misery and care he passed three years,
during which time he saw several ships at sea and often made his smoke;
but none turned out of their way to see what it meant, for fear of those
shelves and sands which wary pilots avoid with all imaginable circumspec-
tion; so that the poor wretch, despairing of all manner of relief, esteemed it
a mercy for him to die, and arrive at that period which could only put an
end to his miseries. And being exposed in this manner to all weathers, the
hair of his body grew in that manner that he was covered all over with
bristles, the hair of his head and beard reaching to his waist, that he
appeared like some wild and savage creature.
At the end of three years Serrano was strangely surprised with the
appearance of a man on his island, whose ship had the night before been
cast away upon these sands, and had saved himself on the plank of a vessel.
So soon as it was day he espied the smoke, and, imagining where it was,
made towards it. So soon as they saw each other, it is hard to say which
was the most amazed. Serrano imagined that it was the devil who came
in the shape of a man to tempt him to despair. The new-comer believed
Serrano to be the devil in his own proper shape and figure, being covered
over with hair and beard; in fine, they were both afraid, flying one from
the other. Peter Serrano cried out as he ran,' Jesus, Jesus, deliver me from
the devil 1' The other, hearing this, took courage, and returning again to
him, called out, Brother, brother, don't fly from me, for I am a Christian
as thou art!' and because he saw that Serrano still ran from him, he
repeated the credo, or apostles' creed, in words aloud; which, when Serrano
heard, he knew it was no devil would recite those words, and thereupon
gave a stop to his flight, and returning to him, with great kindness they
embraced each other with sighs and tears, lamenting their sad estate with-
out any hopes of deliverance. Serrano, supposing that his guest wanted
refreshment, entertained him with such provisions as his miserable life
afforded; and having a little comforted each other, they began to recount
the manner and occasion of their sad disasters. Then, for the better govern-
ment in their way of living, they designed their hours of day and night to
certain services. Such a time was appointed to kill fish for eating; such
hours for gathering sea-weeds, fish-bones, and other matters which the sea
threw up, to maintain their constant fire; and especial care they had to






A VISIT TO THE WRECK.


up over my head for shade, another large pot full of fresh water,
and about two dozen of my small loaves, or barley cakes, more
than before, with a bottle of goat's milk, and a cheese: all which,
with great labour and sweat, I brought to my boat; and praying
to God to direct my voyage, I put out, and rowing or paddling the
canoe along the shore, I came at last to the utmost point of the
island on that side-namely, north-east. And now I was to
launch out into the ocean, and either to venture, or not to venture.
I looked on the rapid currents which ran constantly on both sides
of the island, at a distance, and which were very terrible to me,
from the remembrance of the hazard I had been in before, and my
heart began to fail me; for I foresaw that if I was driven into
either of those currents, I should be carried a vast way out to sea,
and perhaps out of my reach or sight of the island again; and that
then, as my boat was but small, if any little gale of wind should
rise, I should be inevitably lost.
These thoughts so oppressed my mind, that I began to give over
my enterprise, and having hauled my boat into a little creek on the
shore, I stepped out, and sat me down upon a little rising bit of
ground, very pensive and anxious, between fear and desire about
my voyage; when, as I was musing, I could perceive that the tide
was turned and the flood come on, upon which my going was for
so many hours impracticable. Upon this, presently it occurred to
me that I should go up to the highest piece of ground I could
find, and observe, if I could, how the sets of the tide or currents
lay when the flood came in, that I might judge whether, if I was
driven one way out, I might not expect to be driven another way
home, with the same rapidness of the currents. This thought was
no sooner in my head, but I cast my eye upon a little hill, which
sufficiently overlooked the sea both ways, and from whence I had
a clear view of the currents, or sets of the tide, and which way I
was to guide myself in my return. Here I found that as the cur-
rent of the ebb set out close by the south point of the island, so the
current of the flood set in close by the shore of the north side, and
that I had nothing to do but to keep to the north of the island in
my return, and I should do well enough.
Encouraged with this observation, I resolved the next morning






ANOTHER ATTACK,


made a full stop, being terrified as well with the noise as with the
fire. Four of them being shot into the head dropped, several others
were wounded, and went bleeding off, as we could see by the snow.
I found they stopped, but did not immediately retreat; whereupon
remembering that I had been told that the fiercest creatures were
terrified at the voice of a man, I caused all our company to halloo
as loud as we could; and I found the notion not altogether
mistaken, for upon our shout they began to retire and turn
about. Then I ordered a second volley to be fired in their rear,
which put them to the gallop, and away they went to the
woods.
This gave us leisure to charge our pieces again, and that we
might lose no time, we kept going; but we had but little more
than loaded our fusees, and put ourselves into a readiness, when
we heard a terrible noise in the same wood on our left, only that
it was further onward the same way we were to go.
The night was coming on, and the light began to be dusky,
which made it worse on our side; but the noise increasing, we could
easily perceive that it was the howling and yelling of those hellish
creatures; and on a sudden we perceived two or three troops of
wolves, one on our left, one behind us, and one on our front; so
that we seemed to be surrounded with them. However, as they
did not fall upon us, we kept our way forward as fast as we could
make our horses go, which, the way being very rough, was only a
good large trot; and in this manner we came in view of the
entrance of a wood through which we were to pass at the further
side of the plain; but we were greatly surprised when, coming
nearer the lane or pass, we saw a confused number of wolves stand-
ing just at the entrance.
On a sudden, at another opening of the wood, we heard the
noise of a gun; and looking that way, out rushed a horse with a
saddle and a bridle on him, flying like the wind, and sixteen or
seventeen wolves after him, full speed; indeed, the horse had
the heels of them, but as we supposed that he could not hold it
at that rate, we doubted not but they would get up with him at
last, and no question but they did.
But here we had a most horrible sight; for riding up to the






AMBITION BAFFLES ITS OWN AIMS.


t


SIT COST ME NEARLY THREE WEEKS MORE TO CLEAR TIlE INSIDE."


pains ;--but who grudge pains that have their deliverance in view ?
But when this was worked through, and this difficulty managed,
it was still much at one; for I could no more stir the canoe than I
could the other boat.
Then I measured the distance of ground, and resolved to cut a
dock or canal to bring the water up to the canoe, seeing I could
not bring the canoe down to the water. Well, I began this work,
and when I began to enter into it, and calculate how deep it was
to be dug, how broad, how the stuff to be thrown out, I found,
that by the number of hands I had, being none but my own, it
must have been ten or twelve years before I should have gone
through with it; for the shore lay high, so that at the upper end
it must have been at least twenty feet deep. So at length, though
with great reluctancy, I gave this attempt over also.
This grieved me heartily; and now I saw, though too late, the
folly of beginning a work before we count the cost, and before we
judge rightly of our own strength to go through with it.
In the middle of this work I finished my fourth year in this
place, and kept my anniversary with the same devotion, and with






SUCCESS OF THE TWO WARRIORS.


Friday. And as our pieces were now loaded with what I caJled
swan-shot, or small pistol bullets, we found only two drop; but so
many were wounded, that they ran about yelling and screaming,
like mad creatures, all bloody and miserably wounded, most of


'-


THEY RAN ABOUT YELLING AND SCREAMING, LIKE MAD CREATURES."

them; whereof three more fell quickly after, though not quite
dead.
Now, Friday," says I, laying down the discharged pieces, and
taking up the musket which was yet loaded, follow me," says I;
which he did, with a great deal of courage. Upon which I rushed
out of the wood and showed myself, and Friday close at my foot.
As soon as I perceived they saw me, I shouted as loud as I could,
and bade Friday do so too; and running as fast as I could,-which,
by the way, was not very fast, being laden with arms as I was,-


,- %^






GOING TO SEA.


found the said Alexander gripping both her father and her husband, and
she labouring to loose his hands from her husband's head and breast, her
husband fled out of doors, and she followed him, and called back again,
' You false loon, will you murder your father and my husband both ?' where-
upon he followed her to the door; but whether he beat her or not, she
was in so great confusion, she cannot say distinctly, but ever since she hath
a sore pain in her head.
The same day, Andrew Selcraig called, compared, but said nothing to
purpose in the aforesaid business. This business is delayed until the next
session until further inquiry be made.
November 29.-Alexander Selcraig, scandalous for contention and dis-
agreeing with his brothers, called, compared, and being questioned con-
cerning the tumult that was in his house, whereof he was said to be the
occasion, he confessed that, he having taken a drink of salt water out of a
can, his younger brother Andrew laughing at him for it, he did beat him
twice with a staff. He confessed also that he had spoken very ill words
concerning his brother, and particularly he challenged his elder brother
John to a combat, as he called it, of dry neifs (fists), ells then, he said, he
would not even care to do it now, which afterwards he did refuse and
regrate (recall?); moreover he said several things, whereupon the session
appointed him to compear before the face of the congregation for his scandal-
ous carriage.
November 80.-Alexander Selcraig, according to the session's appoint-
ment, compared before the pulpit, and made acknowledgment of his sin in
disagreeing with his brothers; and was rebuked in the face of the congrega-
tion for it, and promised amendment in the strength of the Lord, and so
was dismissed."

In the following spring, the ever-restless Selkirk once more quitted the
scene of his youthful follies, and sailed for England, with the view of en-
gaging himself on board some ship destined to cruise against the Spanish
possessions in the South Seas. Here he fell in with Captain Dampier, the
well-known seaman, whose circumnavigation of the globe had secured him
a lasting reputation, and whose narrative of his adventures is written with a
force and a simplicity of style, and an accuracy of observation, which will
ever be found pleasing. England was then at war with Spain; and Dampier,
who was well acquainted with the American coast, proposed the equipment
of an expedition to act against the Spanish in a quarter of the world where
they were necessarily weakest. His design was, to sail up the river Plata
as far as Buenos Ayres, and capture two or three Spanish galleons which
were usually stationed there. If the prizes proved equal in value to what
he expected, he would return to England; otherwise, he would double Cape
Horn, enter the Pacific, and cruise off the coast of Peru for the Valdivia
ships, which conveyed great quantities of gold to Lima. But should this





A NEW PROJECT.


SI QUICKLY LEARNED HIM TO KNOW HIS OWN NAME"
but an assistant to my work; for now, as I said, I had a great
employment upon my hands, as follows-namely, I had long
studied by some means or other to make myself some earthen
vessels, which indeed I wanted sorely, but knew not where to
come at them. However, considering the heat of the climate, I
did not doubt but if I could find out any such clay, I might botch
up some pot as might, being dried in the sun, be hard enough and
strong enough to bear handling, and to hold anything that was
dry and required to be kept so. And as this was necessary in the
preparing corn, meal, &c., which was the thing I was upon, I
resolved to make some as large as I could, and fit only to stand
like jars to hold what should be put into them.





THE THREE CONFEDERATES.


of them merrily told them, if they were ground-landlords, he hoped,
if they built tenements upon their land and made improvements,
they would, according to the custom of landlords, grant them a
long lease, and bid them go fetch a scrivener to draw the writings.
One of the three, swearing and raging, told them they should see
they were not in jest; and going to a little place at a distance,
where the honest men had made a fire to dress their victuals, he
takes a firebrand and claps it, to the outside of their hut, and very
fairly set it on fire;
and it would have
been all burned ," '
down in a few
minutes, if one of
the two had not '
ran to the fellow,
thrust him away,
and trod the fire -
out with his feet,
and that not with-
out some difficulty
too. ,
The fellow was' '
in such a rage at
the honest man's s
thrusting him a-
way, that he re- HE TRODE THE FIRE OUT WITH HI1 FEET, AND THAT
NOT WITHOUT SOME DIFFICULTY."
turned upon him
with a pole he had in his hand, and, had not the man avoided
the blow very nimbly, and run into the hut, he had ended his
days at once. His comrade, seeing the danger they were both in,
ran in after him; and immediately they came both out with their
muskets, and the man that was first struck at with the pole
knocked the fellow down, that had begun the quarrel, with the
stock of his musket, and that before the other two could come to
help him; and then, seeing the rest come at them, they stood to-
gether, and presenting the other ends of their pieces to them, bade
them stand off.
(28s) 26






RESCUE OF CREW AND PASSENGERS.


the air; and immediately, that is to say, in a few minutes, all
the fire was out, that is to say, the rest of the ship sunk. This
was a terrible, and indeed an afflicting sight, for the sake of the
poor men, who, I concluded, must be either all destroyed in the
ship, or be in the utmost distress in their boat in the middle of the
ocean, which at present, by reason it was dark, I could not see.
However, to direct them as well as I could, I caused lights to be
hung out in all the parts of the ship where we could, and which
we had lanterns for, and kept firing guns all night long, letting
them know by this that there was a ship not far off.
About eight o'clock in the morning we discovered the ship's
boats by the help of our perspective glasses, and found there were
two of them, both thronged with people, and deep in the water.
We perceived they rowed, the wind being against them, that they
saw our ship, and did their utmost to make us see them.
We immediately spread our ancient to let them know we saw
them, and hung a waft out as a signal for them to come on board,
and then made more sail, standing directly to them. In little
more than half an hour we came up with them, and in a word,
took them all in, being no less than sixty-four men, women, and
children; for there were a great many passengers. -
Upon the whole, we found it was a French merchant ship of
three hundred tons, homeward bound from Quebec, in the river of
Canada. The master gave us a long account of the distress of his
ship; how the fire began in the steerage, by the negligence of the
steersman; but on his crying out for help, was, as everybody
thought, entirely put out, when they found that some sparks of
the first fire had gotten into some part of the ship so difficult
to come at that they could not effectually quench it, till, getting in
between the timbers, and within the ceiling of the ship, it pro-
ceeded into the hold, and mastered all the skill and all the applica-
tion they were able to exert.
They had no more to do then but to get into their boats, which,
to their great comfort, were pretty large, being their long-boat,
and a great shallop, besides a small skiff, which was of no great
service to them, other than to get some fresh water and provisions
into her after they had secured their lives from the fire. They






CRUSOE AND HIS CONFUSION. 559

"Well," said I, Seignior Portuguese, but that is not our busi-
ness now. The great question is, if you can carry us up to the
city of Nankin, from whence we can travel to Pekin afterwards."
Yes," he said, he could do so very well, and that there was a
great Dutch ship gone by that way just before." This gave me a
little shock; a Dutch ship was now our terror, and we had much
rather have met the devil, at least if he had not come in too
frightful a figure; and we depended upon it that a Dutch ship
would be our destruction, for we were in no condition to fight them;
all the ships they trade with into those parts being of great bur-
den and of much greater force than we were.
The old man found me a little confused, and under some con-
cern when he named a Dutch ship, and said to me, Sir, you
need be under no apprehensions of the Dutch, I suppose they are
not now at war with your nation." No," says I, that's true; but
I know not what liberties men may take when they are out of the
reach of the law." Why," says he, "you are no pirates, what
need you fear? They will not meddle with peaceable merchants,
sure."
If I had any blood in my body that did not fly up into my face
at that word, it was hindered by some stop in the vessels appointed
by Nature to prevent it; for it put me into the greatest disorder
and confusion imaginable. Nor was it possible for me to conceal
it so, but that the old man easily perceived it.
Sir," says he, I find you are in some disorder in your
thoughts at my talk; pray be pleased to go which way you think
fit, and depend upon it I'll do you all the service I can." Why,
seignior," said I, it is true I am a little unsettled in my resolu-
tion at this time whither to go in particular; and I am something
more so for what you said about pirates. I hope there are no
pirates in these seas; we are but in an ill condition to meet with
them, for you see we have but a small force, and but very weakly
manned."
0 sir," says he, do not be concerned; I do not know that
there have been any pirates in these seas these fifteen years, except
one which was seen, as I hear, in the Bay of Siam about a month
since; but you may be assured she is gone to the southward. Nor
(284) 36






ITS COMPARATIVE USELESSNESS.


I mean, that was within my view. And the guide of our caravan,
who had been extolling it for the wonder of the world, was mighty
eager to hear my opinion of it. I told him it was a most excel-
lent thing to keep off the Tartars; which he happened not to
understand as I meant it, and so took it for a compliment. But
the old pilot laughed. 0 Seignior Inglese," says he, you speak
in colours." "In colours," said I; "what do you mean by
that? Why, you speak what looks white this way, and black
that way; gay one way, and dull another way. You tell him it is
a good wall to keep out Tartars. You tell me by that, it is good
for nothing but to keep out Tartars, or it will keep out none
but Tartars. I understand you, Seignior Inglese, I understand
you," says he; "but Seignior Chinese understood you his own
way."
Well," says I, seignior, do you think it would stand out an
army of our country people, with a good train of artillery; or our
engineers, with two companies of miners; would not they batter
it down in ten days, that an army might enter in battalia, or blow
it up in the air, foundation and all, that there should be no sign
of it left?" "Ah, ah," says he, "I know that." The Chinese
wanted mightily to know what I said, and I gave him leave to
tell him a few days after, for he was then almost out of their
country, and he was to leave us in a little'time afterward; but
when he knew what I had said, he was dumb all the rest of the
way, and we heard no more of his fine story of the Chinese power
and greatness, while he stayed.
After we had passed this mighty nothing called a wall, some-
thing like the Picts' wall, and so famous in Northumberland, and
built by the Romans, we began to find the country thinly in-
habited, and the people rather confined to live in fortified towns
and cities, as being subject to the inroads and depredations of the
Tartars, who rob in great armies, and therefore are not to be
resisted by the naked inhabitants of an open country.
And here I began to find the necessity of keeping together in a
caravan as we travelled, for we saw several troops of Tartars roving
about; but when I came to see them distinctly, I wondered more
that the Chinese empire could be conquered by such contemptible





CRUSOE'S REMARKABLE DAYS. 187

after I did make a just improvement of these things, I went away
and was no more sad.
I had now been here so long that many things which I brought
on shore for my help were either quite gone or very much wasted
and near spent.
My ink, as I observed, had been gone for some time, all but a
very little, which I eked out with water a little and a little till
it was so pale it scarce left any appearance of black upon the paper.
As long as it lasted I made use of it to minute down the days of
the month on which any remarkable thing happened to me, and
first by casting up times past. I remember that there was a
strange concurrence of days in the various providence which befel
me, and which, if I had been superstitiously inclined to observe
days as fatal or fortunate, I might have had reason to have looked
upon with a great deal of curiosity.
First, I had observed that the same day that I broke away from
my father and my friends, and ran away to Hull, in order to go
to sea, the same day afterwards I was taken by the Sallee man-of-
war, and made a slave.
The same day of the year that I escaped out of the wreck of
that ship in Yarmouth Roads, that same day-year afterwards I
made my escape from Sallee in the boat.
The same day of the year I was born on-namely, the 30th of
September-that same day I had my life so miraculously saved
twenty-six years after, when I was cast ashore on this island, so
that my wicked life and my solitary life began both on a day.
The next thing to my ink's being wasted was that of my bread
-I mean the biscuit which I brought out of the ship. This I had
husbanded to the last degree, allowing myself but one cake of
bread a day for above a year, and yet I was quite without bread
for near a year before I got any corn of my own; and great reason
I had to be thankful that I had any at all, the getting it being,
as has been already observed, next to miraculous.
My clothes began to decay too mightily. As to linen, I had
none a good while, except some checkered shirts which I found
in the chests of the other seamen, and which I carefully preserved,
because many times I could bear no other clothes on than a shirt;






CRUSOE'S STRANGE GUESTS.


prostrating himself in thankfulness for his deliverance: in which I
unhappily and unseasonably disturbed him, really thinking he had
been in a swoon; but he spake calmly, thanked me, told me he
was giving God thanks for his deliverance, and begged me to leave
him a few moments, and that next to his Maker he would give me
thanks also.
I was heartily sorry that I disturbed him, and not only left
him, but kept others from interrupting him also. He continued
in that posture about three minutes, or little more, after I left
him, then came to me, as he had -said he would, and with a great
deal of seriousness and affection, but with tears in his eyes, thanked
me that had, under God, given him and so many miserable crea-
tures their lives. I told him I had no room to move him to thank
God for it, rather than me; but I added, that it was nothing but
what reason and humanity dictated to all men, and that we had as
much reason as he to give thanks to God, who had blessed us so
tar as to make us the instruments of his mercy to so many of his
creatures.
After this, the young priest applied himself to his country-folks;
laboured to compose them, persuaded, entreated, argued, reasoned
with them, and did his utmost to keep them within the exercise
of their reason; and with some he had success, though others were
for a time out of all government of themselves.
I cannot help committing this to writing, as perhaps it may be
useful to those into whose hands it may fall, for the guiding them-
selves in all the extravagances of their passion; for if an excess of
joy can carry men out to such a length beyond the reach of their
reason, what will not the extravagances of anger, rage, and a pro-
voked mind, carry us to? And, indeed, here I saw reason for
keeping an exceeding watch over our passions of every kind, as
well those of joy and satisfaction, as those of sorrow and anger.
We were something disordered by these extravagances among
our new guests for the first day; but when they had been retired,
lodgings provided for them as well as our ship would allow, and
they had slept heartily, as most of them did, they were quite
another sort of people the next day.
Nothing of good manners or civil acknowledgments for the







ALONE ON THE ISLAND.


At first he not unnaturally suffered from a severe dejection of spirit. He
never tasted food until compelled by hunger, but sat on a projecting rock,
with his eyes fixed on the wide blue sea, as if in expectation of the return
of his comrades. But by degrees this lethargic melancholy wore off; and
though his days were rendered heavy by the oppressive sense of solitude
which weighed upon him, and his nights disturbed by the startling sounds
of trees and rocks crashing down from the distant heights, he began to gain
a sense of self-reliance, and a spirit of patient endurance. His early training
under religious parents proved, too, of great advantage, and he recalled the
lessons of God's goodness and watchful providence which he had learned in
his youth, but for many years had neglected or despised. As winter
approached, he felt the necessity of providing himself with some shelter
against the weather, and this still further roused him from his despondency,
for work is a constant source of cheerfulness and courage. He erected a
couple of huts with the wood of the pimento-tree, and roofed them with a
kind of grass that grows to the height of seven or eight feet upon the plains
and valley slopes, and produces a straw resembling that of oats. One was
much larger than the other, and situated near a spacious wood. This he
made his sleeping-room, and in it lie erected a rough kind of bed, covered
with goats' skins. lie also used it as a chapel, or oratory; and every night
and morning lie sung a psalm, read a portion of Scripture, and prayed
devoutly.
His smaller hut was his kitchen. Its fittings" were necessarily rude,
for they wore of his own manufacture ; but they answered his purpose as
well as a more costly equipment. Around his dwelling he kept a flock of
goats, remarkably tame. which he captured when young, and lamed, so as
to diminish their speed without injuring their health. These formed his
reserve," to be drawn upon in case of illness, or any unforeseen accident.
For present supplies, he caught his goats by sheer speed of foot.
lie occasionally amused himself by cutting upon the trees his name, and
the date when he was left on the island; evidently with the hope, that when
lie should have terminated his solitary life, some future navigator might
learn, from these rude memorials, that Alexander Selkirk had lived and died
upon the island. On Lord Anson's visit to Juan Fernandez, however, in
1741, he was unable to find one of those names or dates upon any of the
trees.
The following description of the island is from the pen of Lord Anson's
chaplain, who wrote the published narrative of that illustrious seaman's
circumnavigation of the world:-
"The woods 'which covered most of the steepest hills were free from all
bushes and underwood, and offered an easy passage through every part of
them; and the irregularities of the hills and precipices in the northern part
of tlhe island necessarily traced, by their various combinations, a great
number of romantic valleys, most of which had a stream of the clearest water






604 DESTRUCTION OF CHAM-CHI-THAUNGU.

and mouth full of gunpowder; and then we wrapped up a great
piece of wild-fire in his bonnet; and then, sticking all the com-
bustibles we had brought with us upon him, we looked about to
see if we could find anything else to help to burn him, when my
man remembered that by the tent or hut where the men were
there lay a heap of dry forage, whether straw or rushes I do not
remember. Away he and one of the Scotsmen ran, and fetched
their arms full of that. When we had done this, we took all our
prisoners, and brought them, having untied their feet aud un-
gagged their mouths, and made them stand up, and set them just
before their monstrous idol, and then set fire to the whole.
We stayed by it a quarter of an hour, or thereabouts, till the
powder in the eyes, and mouth, and ears of the idol blew up, and,
we could perceive, had split and deformed the shape; and, in a
word, till we saw it burn into a mere block or log of wood : and
then, setting the dry forage to it, we found it would be quite
consumed, when we began to think of going away. But the
Scotsman said, "No, we must not go; for these poor deluded
wretches will all throw themselves into the fire, and burn them-
selves with the idol." So we resolved to stay till the forage was
burned down too, and then we came away and left them.
In the morning we appeared among our fellow-travellers, ex-
ceedingly busy in getting ready for our journey; nor could any man
suggest that we had been anywhere but in our beds, as travellers
might be supposed to be, to fit themselves for the fatigue of that
day's journey.
But it did not end so. The next day came a great multitude
of the country-people, not only of this village, but of a hundred
more, for ought I know, to the town-gates, and, in a most out-
rageous manner, demanded satisfaction of the Russian governor
for the insulting their priests, and burning their great Cham-Chi-
Thaungu; such a hard name they gave the monstrous creature they
worshipped. The people of Nortsinskoy were, at first, in a great
consternation ; for they said, the Tartars were no less than thirty
thousand, and that in a few days more would be one hundred
thousand strong.
The Russian governor sent out messengers to appease them, and





A FAMISHED WOMAN.


another nature, and far beyond the rest; for as first the ship's
company had so little for themselves, it was but too true that they
had at first kept them very low, and at last totally neglected them;
so that for six or seven days, it might be said, they had really had
no food at all, and for several days before very little. The poor
mother, who, as the men reported, was a woman of good sense
and good breeding, had spared all she could get so affectionately
for her son, that at last she entirely sank under it. And when


.- _==

THE MATE ENDEAVOURED TO GET SOME OF THE BROTH INTO HER MOUTH."

the mate of our ship went in, she sat upon the floor or deck, with
her back up against the sides, between two chairs, which were
lashed fast, and her head sunk in between her shoulders like .a
corpse, though not quite dead. My mate said all he could to
revive and encourage her, and with a spoon put some broth into
her mouth. She opened her lips and lifted up one hand, but could
not speak; yet she understood what he said, and made signs to
him, intimating that it was too late for her, but pointed to






QUESTIONING ONE'S OWN HEART.


If so, nothing can happen in the great circuit of his works, either
without his knowledge or appointment.
And if nothing happens without his knowledge, he knows that
I am here, and am in this dreadful condition; and if nothing
happens without his appointment, he has appointed all this to
befall me.
Nothing occurred to my thoughts to contradict any of these con-
clusions; and therefore it rested upon me with the greater force,
that it must needs be that God had appointed all this to befall me;
that I was brought to this miserable circumstance by his direction,
he having the sole power, not of me only, but of everything that
happened in the world. Immediately it followed,-
Why has God done this to me ? What have I done to be thus
used ?
My conscience presently checked me in that inquiry, as if I had
blasphemed, and methought it spoke to me like a voice : Wretch I
dost thou ask what thou hast done? Look back upon a dreadful
mis-spent life, and ask thyself what thou hast not done I Ask,
Why is it that thou wert not long ago destroyed ? Why wert
thou not drowned in Yarmouth Roads ? killed in the fight when
the ship was taken by the Sallee man-of-war? devoured by the
wild beasts on the coast of Africa? or, drowned here, when all the
crew perished but thyself? Dost thou ask, What have I done?
I was struck dumb with these reflections, as one astonished, and
had not a word to say-no, not to answer to myself; but rose up
pensive and sad, walked back to my retreat, and went up over my
wall, as if I had been going to bed; but my thoughts were sadly
disturbed, and I had no inclination to sleep; so I sat down in my
chair, and lighted my lamp, for it began to be dark. Now as the
apprehension of the return of my distemper terrified me very much,
it occurred to my thought that the Brazilians take no physic but
their tobacco for almost all distemp'ers; and I had a piece of a roll
of tobacco in one of the chests, which was quite cured, and some
also that was green and not quite cured.
I went, directed by Heaven no doubt; for in this chest I found
a cure both for soul and body. I opened the chest and found
what I looked for, namely, the tobacco; and as the few books I had






A CHINA WAREHOUSE.


the world beside. I was very importunate to know what it was.
At last he told me it was a gentleman's house built all with China
ware. Well," says I, are not the materials of their building
the product of their own country; and so is all China ware, is it
not?" No, no," says he; I mean it is an house all made of
China ware, such as you call it in England; or, as it is called in
our country, porcelain." Well," says I, such a thing may be.
How big is it? Can we carry it in a box upon a camel? If
we can, we will buy it." Upon a camel!" says the old pilot,
holding up both his hands; "why, there is a family of thirty
people in it."
I was then curious indeed to see it; and when I came to it, it
was nothing but this: it was a timber house, or a house built, as
we call it in England, with lath and plaster, but all the plastering
was really China ware; that is to say, it was plastered with the
earth that makes China ware.
The outside, which the sun shone hot upon, was glazed, and
looked very well, perfectly white, and painted with blue figures, as
the large China ware in England is painted, and hard, as if it had
been burned. As to the inside, all the walls, instead of wainscot,
were lined up with hardened and painted tiles, like the little square
tiles we call galley-tiles in England, all made of the finest China;
and the figures exceeding fine indeed, with extraordinary variety
of colours mixed with gold, many tiles making but one figure,
but joined so artificially, the mortar being made of the same earth,
that it was very hard to see where the tiles met. The floors of
the room were of the same composition, and as hard as the
earthern floors we have in use in several parts of England,
especially Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, &c., as
hard as a stone, and smooth, but not burned and painted, except
some smaller rooms, like closets, which were all, as it were, paved
with the same tile. The ceiling and, in a word, all the plastering
work in the whole house were of the same earth; and after all, the
roof was covered with tiles of the same, but of a deep shining
black.
This was a China warehouse indeed, truly and literally to be
called so; and had I not been upon the journey, I could have






A NOVEL ADVENTURE.


was to signify that the next morning at sun-rising they would
bring some for them; and accordinglythe next morning they brought
down five women and eleven men, and gave them to the English-
men to carry with them on their voyage, just as we would bring
so many cows and oxen down to a seaport town, to victual a ship.
As brutish and barbarous as these fellows were at home, their
stomachs turned at this sight, and they did not know what to do;
to refuse the prisoners would have been the highest affront to the
savage gentry that offered them; and what to do with them they
knew not. However, upon some debates, they resolved to accept
of them; and in return they gave the savages that brought them
one of their hatchets, an old key, a knife, and six or seven of their
bullets, which, though they did not understand, they seemed
extremely pleased with. And then tying the poor creatures' hands
behind them, they (the people) dragged the poor prisoners into the
boat for our men.
The Englishmen were obliged to come away as soon as they had
them, or else they that gave them this noble present would cer-
tainly have expected that they should have gone to work with
them, have killed two or three of them the next morning, and
perhaps have invited the donors to dinner.
But having taken their leave with all the respects and thanks
that could well pass between people where on either side they
understood not one word they could say, they put off with their
boat, and came back towards the first island, where, when they
arrived, they set eight of their prisoners at liberty, there being too
many of them for their occasion.
In their voyage, they endeavoured to have some communication
with their prisoners, but it was impossible to make them under-
stand anything; nothing they could say to them, or give them, or do
for them,but was looked upon as going about to murder them. They
first of all unbound them; but the poor creatures screamed at that,
especially the women, as if they had just felt the knife at their
throats, for they immediately concluded they were unbound on
purpose to be killed.
If they gave them anything to eat, it was the same thing; then
they concluded it was for fear they should sink in flesh, and so not






SUBMISSION OF THE MUTINEERS.


and say to the captain, Captain, the commander calls for you."
And presently the captain replied, Tell his excellency I am just
a-coming." This more perfectly amused them; and they all be-
lieved that the commander was just by with his fifty men.
Upon the captain's coming to me I told him my project for
seizing the ship, which he liked of wonderfully well, and resolved
to put it in execution the next morning.
But in order to execute it with more art, and secure of success, I
told him we must divide the prisoners, and that he should go and
take Atkins and two more of the worst of them, and send them
pinioned to the cave where the others lay. This was committed
to Friday and the two men who came on shore with the captain.
They conveyed them to the cave, as to a prison; and it was in-
deed a dismal place, especially to men in their condition.
The other I ordered to my bower, as I called it, of which I
have given a full description; and as it was fenced in, and they
pinioned, the place was secure enough, considering they were upon
their behaviour.
To these in the morning I sent the captain, who was to enter
into a parley with them; in a word, to try them, and tell me
whether he thought they might be trusted or no to go on board
and surprise the ship. He talked to them of the injury done him,
of the condition they were brought to; and that though the
governor had given them quarter for their lives as to the present
action, yet that if they were sent to England they would all be
hanged in chains, to be sure; but that if they would join in so
just an attempt as to recover the ship, he would have the'governor's
engagement for their pardon.
Any one may guess how readily such a proposal would be
accepted by men in their condition. They fell down on their
knees to the captain, and promised, with the deepest imprecations,
that they would be faithful to him to the last drop, and that they
should owe their lives to him, and would go with him all over'the
world; that they would own him for a father to them as long as
they lived.
"Well," says the captain, I must go and tell the governor what
you say, and see what I can do to bring him to consenhto it." So






A DESPERATE ENCOUNTER.


PLANTED JUST BEHIND SMALL THICKET
OF BUSHES."


killed by the gods with thunder and
lightning, and could see nobody that
hurt them; but William Atkins staying
to load again, discovered the cheat.
Some of the savages, who were at a dis-
tance, spying them, came upon them
behind, and though Atkins and his men fired at them also, two or
three times, and killed about twenty, retiring as fast as they could,
yet they wounded Atkins himself, and killed one of his fellow
Englishmen with their arrows, as they did afterwards one Spaniard,
and one of the Indian slaves who came with the women. This
slave was a most gallant fellow, and fought most desperately, kill-
ing five of them with his own hand, having no weapon but one
of the armed staves and a hatchet.






CRUSOE IN SAFETY.


returned again immediately, I must have been strangled in the
water; but I recovered a little before the return of the waves,
and seeing I should be covered again with the water, I resolved
to hold fast by a piece of the rock, and so to hold my breath, if
possible, till the wave went back. Now as the waves were not
so high as at first, being near land, I held my hold till the wave
abated, and then fetched another run, which brought me so near
the shore, that the next wave, though it went over me, yet did not
so swallow me up as to carry me away; and the next run I took f
got to the mainland, where, to my great comfort, I clambered up
the cliffs of the shore and sat me down upon the grass, free from
danger, and quite out of the reach of the water.


.




SWAS now landed, and safe on shore, and began
to look up and thank God that my life was
saved in a case wherein there was some minutes
before scarce any room to hope. I believe it
is impossible to express to the life what the
ecstasies and transports of the soul are when
it is so saved, as I may say, out of the very
grave; and I do not wonder now at that custom, namely, that
when a malefactor, who has the halter about his neck, is tied up,
and just going to be turned off, and has a reprieve brought to him
-I say, I do not wonder that they bring a surgeon with it, to let
him bleed that very moment they tell him of it, that the surprise
may not drive the animal spirits from the heart and overwhelm
him:
"For sudden joys, like griefs, confound at first."

I walked about on the shore lifting up my hands, and my whole
being, as I may say, wrapped up in the contemplation or my
deliverance, making a thousand gestures and motions which I

















DANIEL DE FOE:

t aiograpKD.




CHAPTER I.

HIS EARLY YEARS.

"N the preface to the third part of his immortal fiction (" Serious
Reflections on Morals and Religion "), Daniel De Foe bids the
reader trace a parallelism between the fiction and the biography
of its author. There is a man alive, he says, and well known
too, the actions of whose life are the first subject of these volumes,
and to whom all or most part of the story most directly alludes;
this, he adds, may be depended upon for truth. In a word,
there's not a circumstance in the imaginary story but has its just allusion to
a real story, and chimes part for part, and step for step, with the inimitable
"Life of Robinson Crusoe."
Notwithstanding this assertion, I am inclined to think that much of the
pretended allegory was an after-thought of De Foe's, and that between his
active career and that of the solitary in the wave-washed island there exists
no more resemblance than between Macedon and Monmouth in Fluellen's
famous comparison. We may see, perhaps, some degree of likeness in the
loneliness of De Foe in the world which he buffeted so stoutly, and Jhe caged
condition of the castaway may remind us of his creator's imprisonment; but
we refuse to carry the allegory any further, or to identify every incident in
the romance with every event in the real life. For the rest, De Foe was a
greater, a braver, and a more self-controlled man than Robinson Crusoe,"
as the following brief biographical sketch will, I hope, abundantly prove.

Daniel Defoe, or De Foe, was born in the parish of St. Giles, Oripplegate,
in 1660; the son of James Foe, citizen and butcher, of London; and the





CRUSOE'S HAPPY DISCOVERY.


"IN I RUSHED AGAIN, WITH THE STICK FLAMING IN MY HAND."


I was now recovered from my surprise, and began to look round
me, when I found the cave was but very small; that is to say, it
might be about twelve feet over, but in no manner of shape, either
round or square, no hands having ever been employed in making
it but those of mere Nature. I observed also that there was a
place at the further side of it that went in further, but was so low
that it required me to creep upon my hands and knees to go into
it, and whither I went I knew not. So, having no candle, I gave






A THEOLOGICAL INSTRUCTOR.


dwelt, to speak to him. I asked him if ever he went thither to
speak to him ? lie said, "No, they never went that were young
iimen;" none went thither but the old men, whom he called their
Oowokakee-that is, as I made him explain to me, their religious,
or clergy; and that they went to say 0 (so he called saying prayers),
and then came back and told them what Benamuckee said. By
this I observed that there is priestcraft even amongst the most
blinded ignorant pagans in the world; and the policy of making a
secret religion, in order to preserve the veneration of the people to
the clergy, is not only to be found in the Roman, but perhaps
among all religions in the world, even among the most brutish and
barbarous savages.
I endeavoured to clear up this fraud to my man Friday, and told
him that the pretence of their old men going up to the mountains
to say 0 to their god Benamuckee was a cheat, and their bringing
word from thence what he said was much more so; that if they
met with any answer, or spoke with any one there, it must be with
an evil spirit. And then I entered into a long discourse with him
about the devil-the original of him, his rebellion against God, his
enmity to man, the reason of it, his setting himself up in the dark
parts of the world to be worshipped instead of God, and as God;
and the many stratagems he made use of to delude mankind to
their ruin-how he had a secret access to our passions, and to our
affections, to adapt his snares so to our inclinations as to cause us
even to be our own tempters, and to run upon our destruction by
our own choice.
I found it was not so easy to imprint right notions in his mind
about the devil as it was about the being of a God. Nature
assisted all my arguments to evidence to him even the necessity of
a great first Cause and overruling governing Power, a secret direct-
ing Providence, and of the equity and justice of paying homage to
him that made us, and the like. But there appeared nothing of
all this in the notion of an evil spirit, of his original, his being,
his nature, and, above all, of his inclination to do evil, and to
draw us in to do so too; and the poor creature puzzled me once
in such a manner, by a question merely natural and innocent, that
I scarce knew what to say to him. I had been talking a great
18






184 NO LOT SO ILL BUT IT MIGHT BE WORSE.

had been in my case, for I possessed infinitely more than I knew
what to do with. I had no room for desire, except it was of things
which I had not, and they were but trifles, though indeed of great
use to me. I had, as I hinted before, a parcel of money, as well
gold as silver, about thirty-six pounds sterling. Alas! there the
nasty, sorry, useless stuff lay; I had no manner of business for it:
and I often thought with myself that I would have given a handful
of it for a gross of tobacco pipes, or for a hand-mill to grind my
corn; nay, I would have given it all for sixpenny-worth of turnip
and carrot seed out of England, or for a handful of pease and beans
and a bottle of ink. As it was, I had not the least advantage by
it or benefit from it, but there it lay in a drawer, and grew mouldy
with the damp of the cave in the wet season; and if I had had the
drawer full of diamonds it had been the same case, and they had
been of no manner of value to me, because of no use.
I had now brought my state of life to be much easier in itself
than it was at first, and much easier to my mind, as well as to my
body. I frequently sat down to my meat with thankfulness, and
admired the hand of God's providence, which had thus spread my
table in the wilderness. I learned to look more upon the bright
side of my condition and less upon the dark side, and to consider
what I enjoyed rather than what I wanted; and this gave me
sometimes such secret comforts that I cannot express them, and
which I take notice of here to put those discontented people in
mind of it who cannot enjoy comfortably what God has given them
because they see and covet something that he has not given them.
All our discontents about what we want appeared to me to spring
from the want of thankfulness for what we have.
Another reflection was of great use to me, and doubtless would
be so to any one that should fall into such distress as mine was.
and this was, to compare my present condition with what I at first
expected it should be, nay, with what it would certainly have been
if the good providence of God had not wonderfully ordered the ship
to be cast up nearer to the shore, where I not only could come at
her, but could bring what I got out of her to the shore, for my
relief and comfort; without which I had wanted for tools to work,
weapons for defence, or gunpowder and shot for getting my food.






MISTAKEN FOR A PIRATE.


I, and not yourself, what moves you to tell it me ? "I am
moved," says he, "by the imminent danger you are in, and, for
aught I see, you have no knowledge of it." I know no danger I
am in," said I, but that my ship is leaky, and I cannot find it out;
but I purpose to lay her a-ground to morrow to see if I can find
it." But, sir," says he," leaky or not leaky, find it or not find it,
you will be wiser than to lay your ship on shore to-morrow, when
you hear what I have to say to you. Do you know, sir," said he,
" the town of Cambodia lies about fifteen leagues up this river,
and there are two large English ships about five leagues on this
side, and three Dutch? Well," said I, "and what is that to
me? "Why, sir," said he, "is it for a man that is upon such
adventures as you are upon, to come into a port and not examine
first what ships there are there, and whether he is able to deal
with them ? I suppose you do not think you are a match for them?"
I was amused very much at his discourse, but not amazed at
it, for I could not conceive what he meant. I turned short upon
him, and said, Sir, I wish you would explain yourself. I can-
not imagine what reason I have to be afraid of any company of
English ships or Dutch ships. I am no interloper; what can they
have to say to me? "
He looked like a man half angry, half pleased, and pausing a
while, but smiling, Well, sir," said he, if you think yourself
secure, you must take your chance. I am sorrow your fate should
blind you against good advice. But assure yourself, if you do not
put to sea immediately, you will the very next tide be attacked by
five longboats full of men; and perhaps, if you are taken, you'll be
hanged for a pirate, and the particulars be examined afterwards.
I thought, sir," added he, I should have met with a better re-
ception than this for doing you a piece of service of such imnport-
ance." I can never be ungrateful," said I, for any service,
or to any man that offers me any kindness; but it is past my
comprehension," said I, "what they should have such a design
upon me for. However, since you say there is no time to be lost,
and that there is some villanous design in hand against me, I'll
go on board this minute and put to sea immediately, if my men
can stop the leak, or if we can swim without stopping it. But,






A STERN CHASE.


life, and the ship, and the lives of all the men in her, we will
leave the rest to you."
I consented to this readily, and went immediately on board, and
the two men with me. As soon as I came to the ship's side, my
partner, who was on board, came out on the quarter-deck, and
called to me with a great deal of joy, 0 ho 1 0 ho I we have
stopped the leak I we have stopped the leak I " Say you so,"
said I; "thank God but weigh the anchor immediately."
" Weigh!" says he, "what do you mean by that? What is the
matter?" says he. "Ask no questions," says I, "but all hands
to work, and weigh without losing a minute." He was surprised;
but, however, he called the captain, and he immediately ordered
the anchor to be got up. And though the tide was not quite done,
yet a little land breeze blowing, we stood out to sea. Then I
called him into the cabin and told him the story at large, and we
called in the men and they told us the rest of it. But as it took
us up a great deal of time, so before we had done, a seaman comes
to the cabin door, and calls out to us that the captain bade him tell
us we were chased. Chased," said I, by whom, and by what ? "
" By five sloops or boats," says the fellow, "full of men." Very
well," said I, then it is apparent there is something in it." In
the next place I ordered all our men to be called up, and told them
that there was a design to seize the ship, and take us for pirates;
and asked them if they would stand by us and by one another ?
The men answered cheerfully, that one and all they would live and
die with us. Then I asked the captain what way he thought best
for us to manage the fight with them, for resist them I was re-
solved we would, and that to the last drop. He said readily that
the way was to keep them off with our great shot as long as we
could, and then to fire at them with our small arms as long as we
could; but when neither of these would do any longer, we should
retire to our close quarters; perhaps they had not material to
break open our bulkheads, or get in upon us.
The gunner had, in the meantime, order to bring two guns to
bear fore and aft out of the steerage, to clear the deck, and load
them with musket-bullets, and small pieces of old iron, and what
next came to hand, and thus we made ready for fight; but all this






THE NEW BOATMAN.


them. He smiled at that, and told me he could not swim so far.
I told him I would make a canoe for him. He told me he would
go if I would go with him. "I go I says I; why, they will
eat me if I come there." No, no," says he; me make they no
cat you; me make they much love you." He meant he would
tell them how I had killed his enemies, and saved his life, and so
he would make them love me. Then he told me as well as he
could how kind they were to seventeen white men, or bearded
men, as he called them, who came on shore there in distress.
From this time, I confess, I had a mind to venture over, and see
if I could possibly join with these bearded men, who, I made no
doubt, were Spaniards or Portuguese; not doubting but, if I could,
we might find some method to escape from thence, being upon the
continent, and a good company together, better than I could from
an island forty miles off the shore and alone without help. So,
after some days, I took Friday to work again, by way of discourse,
and told him I would give him a boat to go back to his own
nation; and accordingly I carried him to my frigate, which lay on
the other side of the island, and having cleared it of water, for I
always kept it sunk in the water, brought it out, showed it him,
and we both went into it.
I found he was a most dexterous fellow at managing it, would
make it go almost as swift and fast again as I could. So when he
was in, I said to him, "Well now, Friday, shall we go to your
nation ?" He looked very dull at my saying so; which it seems
was because he thought the boat too small to go so far. I told
him then I had a bigger. So the next day I went to the place
where the first boat lay which I had made, but which I could not
get into water. He said that was big enough. But then, as I
had taken no care of it, and it had lain two or three and twenty
years there, the sun had split and dried it, that it was in a manner
rotten. Friday told me such a boat would do very well, and would
carry "much enough vittle, drink, bread;" that was his way of
talking.
Upon the whole, I was by this time so fixed upon my design of
going over with him to the continent, that I told him we would
go and make one as big as that, and he should go home in it. He






BUILDING A BOWER.


creatures thereabouts which had done this, but what they were I
knew not.
However, as I found that there was no laying them up on heaps,
and no carrying them away in a sack, but that one way they would
be destroyed, and the other way they would be crushed with their
own weight, I took another course; for I gathered a large quantity
of the grapes, and hung them up upon the out branches of the
trees, that they might cure and dry in the sun; and as for the
limes and lemons, I carried as many back as I could well stand
under.
When I came home from this journey I contemplated with great
pleasure the fruitfulness of that valley and the pleasantness of the
situation, the security from storms on that side the water, and the
wood, and concluded that I had pitched upon a place to fix my
abode which .was by far the worst part of the country. Upon the
whole I began to consider of removing my habitation, and to look
out for a place equally safe as where I now was situate, if possible,
in that pleasant fruitful part of the island.
This thought ran long in my head, and I was exceeding fond
of it for some time, the pleasantness of the place tempting me;
but when I came to a nearer view of it, and to consider that I was
now by the sea-side, where it was at least possible that something
might happen to my advantage, and by the same ill fate that
brought me hither might bring some other unhappy wretches to
the same place; and though it was scarce probable that any such
thing should ever happen, yet to enclose myself among the hills
and woods, in the centre of the island, was to anticipate my bond-
age, and to render such an affair not only improbable but impos-
sible; and that, therefore, I ought not by any means to remove.
However, I was so enamoured of this place, that I spent much
of my time there for the whole remaining part of the month of
July; and though, upon second thoughts, I resolved as above, not
to remove, yet I built me a little kind of a bower, and surrounded
it at a distance with a strong fence, being a double hedge, as high as
I could reach, well staked, and filled between with brushwood; and
here I lay very secure, sometimes two or three nights together,
always going over it with a ladder as before; so that I fancied






A PRIEST ON RELIGION.


ism to the Christian religion; but how does this comfort you,
while these people are in your account out of the pale *of the
Catholic Church, without which you believe there is no salvation;
so that you esteem these but heretics, and for other reasons, as
effectually lost as the pagans themselves.
To this he answered with abundance of candour and Christian
charity thus: Sir, I ama Catholic of the Roman Church, and
a priest of the Order of St. Benedict, and I embrace all the
principles of the Roman faith; but yet, if you will believe me, and
that I do not speak in compliment to you, or in respect to myI ir-
cumstances and your civilities; I say, nevertheless, I do not look
upon you who call yourselves Reformed without some charity. I
dare not say, though I know it is our opinion in general; I say, I
dare not say that you cannot be saved. I will by no means limit
the mercy of Christ so far as to think that he cannot receive you
into the bosom of his Church in a manner to us unperceivable, and
which it is impossible for us to know; and I hope you have the
same charity.for us. I pray daily for your being all restored to
Christ's Church, by whatsoever methods he, who is all-wise, is
pleased to direct. In the meantime, sure you will allow it to
consist with me, as a Roman, to distinguish far between a Pro-
testant and a pagan; between one that calls on Jesus Christ,
though in a way which I do not think is according to the true
faith, and a savage, a barbarian, that knows no God, no Christ, no
Redeemer; and if you are not within the pale of the Catholic
Church, we hope you are nearer being restored to it than those
that know nothing of God or his Church. And I rejoice, therefore,
when I see this poor man, whom you say has been a profligate and
almost a murderer, kneel down and pray to Jesus Christ, as we
suppose he did; though not fully enlightened, believing that God,'
from whom every such work proceeds, will sensibly touch his
heart, and bring him to the further knowledge of that truth in his
own time; and if God shall influence this poor man to convert and
instruct the poor ignorant savage his wife, I can never believe that
he shall be cast away himself. And have I not reason then to
rejoice the nearer any are brought to the knowledge of Christ,
though they may not be brought quite home into the bosom of the






AN UNFORTUNATE PURCHASE


ing my sword (for they are arrant cowards); but a second, coming
upon my left, gave me a blow on the head, which I never felt till
afterward, and wondered, when I came to myself, what was the
matter with me, and where I was, for he laid me flat on the
ground. But my never-failing old pilot, the Portuguese (so Pro-
vidence, unlooked-for, directs dbliverances from dangers, which to
us are unforeseen), had a pistol in his pocket, which I knew nothing
of, nor the Tartars either: if they had, I suppose they would
not have attacked us; but cowards are always boldest when there
is no danger.
The old man, seeing me down, with a bold heart stepped up to
the fellow that had struck me, and laid hold of his arm with one
hand, and pulling him down by main force a little towards him
with the other, shot him into the head, and laid him dead upon
the spot; he then immediately stepped up to him who had
stopped us, as I said, and before he could come forward again (for
it was all done, as it were, in a moment), made a blow at him with
a scimitar which he always wore, but, missing the man, cut his
horse into the side of his head, cut one of his ears off by the root,
and a great slice down the side of his face. The poor beast, en-
raged with the wound, was no more to be governed by his rider,
though the fellow sat well enough too, but away he flew, and
carried him quite out of the pilot's reach; and, at some distance,
rising up upon his hind-legs, threw down the Tartar, and fell upon
him.
In this interval the poor Chinese came in who had lost the
camel, but he had no weapon; however, seeing the Tartar down,
and his horse fallen upon him, away he runs to him, and seizing
upon an ugly, ill-favoured weapon he had by his side, something
like a pole-axe, but not a pole-axe either, he wrenched it from
him, and made shift to knock his Tartarian brains out with it.
But my old man had the third Tartar to deal with still; and,
seeing he did not fly as he expected, nor come on to fight him as
he apprehended, but stand stock still, the old man stood still too,
and falls to work with his tackle to charge his pistol again; but
as soon as the Tartar saw the pistol, whether he supposed it to
be the same or another I know not, but away he scoured, and
(284) 38






SIR WALTER SCOTT'S CRITICISM


out of sight. Robinson, for example, never hears anything more of his elder
brother, who enters Lockhart's Dragoons in the beginning of the work, and
who, in any common romance, would certainly have appeared before the
conclusion. We lose sight at once and for ever of the interesting Xury;
and the whole earlier adventures of our voyager vanish, not to be recalled
to our recollection by the subsequent course of the story. His father-the
good old merchant of Hull-all the other persons who have been originally
active in the drama-vanish from the scene, and appear not again.
Our friend Robinson, thereafter, in the course of his roving and restless
life, is at length thrown upon his desert island-a situation in which, exist-
ing as a solitary being, he became an example of what the unassisted
energies of an individual of the human race can perform; and the author
has, with wonderful exactness, described him as acting and thinking pre-
cisely as such a man must have thought and acted in such an extra-
ordinary situation.
Pathos is not De Foe's general characteristic; he had too little delicacy
of mind: when it comes, it comes uncalled, and is created by the circum-
stances, not sought for by the author. The excess, for instance, of the
natural longing for human society which Crusoe manifests while on board
of the stranded Spanish vessel, by falling into a sort of agony, as he repeated
the words, "Oh, that but one man had been saved!-oh, that there had
been but one! is in the highest degree pathetic. The agonizing reflections
of the solitary, when he is in danger of being driven to sea in his rash
attempt to circumnavigate his island, are also affecting.
In like manner we may remark, that De Foe's genius did not approach
the grand or terrific. The battles, which he is fond of describing, are told
with the indifference of an old bucanier, and probably in the very way in
which he may have heard them recited by the actors. His goblins, too, are
generally a commonplace sort of spirits, that bring with them very little of
supernatural terror: and yet the fine incident of the print of the naked foot
on the sand, with Robinson Crusoe's terrors in consequence, never fails to
leave a powerful impression upon the reader.
The supposed situation of his hero was peculiarly favourable to the cir-
cumstantial style of De Foe. Robinson Crusoe was placed in a condition
where it was natural that the slightest event should make an impression on
him; and De Foe was not an author who would leave the slightest event
untold. When he mentions that two shoes were driven ashore, and adds
that they were not neighbours, we feel it to be an incident of importance to
the solitary......
The continuation of Robinson Crusoe's history, after he obtains the society
of his man Friday, is less philosophical than that which turns our thoughts
upon the efforts which a solitary individual may make for extending his
own comforts in the melancholy situation in which he is placed, and upon
the natural reflections suggested by the progress of his own mind. The






THE FRENZY OF MURDER.


killed, and, as we thought, one or two more lay in the heap among
the fire. In short, there were such instances of a rage altogether
barbarous,.and of a fury something beyond what was human, that
we thought it impossible our men could be guilty of it, or if they
were the authors of it, we thought they ought to be every one of
them put to the worst of deaths. But this was not all: we saw
the fire increased forward, and the cry went on just as the fire
went on; so that we were in the utmost confusion. We advanced
a little way further, and behold, to our astonishment, three women
naked, and crying in a most dreadful manner, came flying, as if
they had indeed had wings, and after them sixteen or seventeen
men, natives, in the same terror and consternation, with three of
our English butchers, for I can call them no better, in their
rear; who, when they could not overtake them, fired in among
them, and one that was killed by their shot fell down in our sight.
When the rest saw us, believing us to be their enemies, and that
we would murder them as well as those that pursued them, they
set up a most dreadful shriek, especially the women; and two of
them fell down as if already dead with the fright.
My very soul shrank within me, and my blood ran chill in my
veins, when I saw this; and I believe, had the three English
sailors that pursued them come on, I had made our men kill them
all. However, we took some ways to let the poor flying creatures
know that we would not hurt them, and immediately they came
up to us, and kneeling down, with their hands lifted up, made
piteous lamentation to us to save them, which we let them know
we would; whereupon they crept all together in a huddle close
behind us, as for protection. I left my men drawn up together,
and charged them to hurt nobody, but if possible to get at some
of our people, and see what devil it was possessed them, and what
they intended to do; and, in a word, to command them off, as-
suring them that if they stayed till daylight, they would have an
hundred thousand men about their ears. I say I left them and
went among those flying people, taking only two of our men with
me; and there was indeed a piteous spectacle among them. Some
of them had their feet terribly burned with trampling and running
through the fire, others their hands burned. One of the women














Original titless of obinson Qtrauoe."


" THE Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of
York, Mariner; Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone, on an unin-
habited Island on the Coast of America, near the Mouth of the Great River
of Oroonoque; Having been Cast on Shore by Shipwreck, wherein all the
Men perished but Himself. With an Account how he was at last Strangely
delivered by Pyrates. Written by Himself. London. Printed for W.
Taylor, at the Ship, in Paternoster Row." (1st Edition, 25 April, 1719.)


The Further Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. Being the Second and
Last Part of his Life, and of the Strange Surprizing Accounts of his Travels
round Three Parts of the Globe. Written by Himself. To which is added
a Map of the World, in which is Delineated the Voyages of Robinson Crusoe.
London. Printed for W. Taylor, at the Ship, in Paternoster Row." (1st
Edition, 20 August, 1719.)


Serious Reflections during the Life and Surprizing Adventures of
Robinson Crusoe. With his Vision of the Angelick World. Written by
Himself. London. Printed for W. Taylor, at the Ship, in Paternoster
Row." (1st Edition, 6 August, 1720.)






BEATING TO THE SOUTHWARD.


not hit him on the head. However, I took up the second piece
immediately; and though he began to move off, fired again, and
shot him into the head, and had the pleasure to see him drop, and
make but little noise, but lie struggling for life. Then Xury took
heart, and would have me let him go on shore. Well, go," said I.
So the boy jumped into the water, and taking a little gun in one
hand, swam to shore with the other hand, and coming close to the
creature, put the muzzle of the piece to his ear, and shot him into
the head again, which despatched him quite.
This was game indeed to us, but this was no food; and I was
very sorry to lose three charges of powder and shot upon a creature
that was good for nothing to us. However, Xury said he would
have some of him; so he comes on board, and asked me to give him
the hatchet. For what, Xury? said I. "Me cut off his head,"
said he. However, Xury could not cut off his head; but he cut off
a foot and brought it with him-and it was a monstrous great one.
I bethought myself, however, that perhaps the skin of him might
one way or other be of some value to us; and I resolved to take
off his skin if I could. So Xury and I went to work with him;
but Xury was much the better workman at it-for I knew very ill
how to do it. Indeed, it took us up both the whole day; but at
last we got off the hide of him, and spreading it on the top of our
cabin, the sun effectually dried it in two days' time, and it after-
wards served me to lie upon.
After this stop we made on to the southward'continually for ten
or twelve days, living very sparing on our provisions, which began
to abate very much, and going no oftener into the shore than we
were obliged to for fresh water. My design in this was to make
the river Gambia or Senegal-that is to say, anywhere about the
Cape de Verd, where I was in hopes to meet with some European
ship; and if I did not, I knew not what course I had to take, but
to seek out for the islands or perish there among the negroes.
I knew that all the ships from Europe-which sailed either to the
coast of Guinea, or to Brazil, or to the East Indies-made this
cape or those islands; and in a word, I put the whole of my fortune
upon this single point, either that I must meet with some ship or
must perish.
;284) 6






A SHIP ON FIRE.


bad weather happened on this first setting out, which made the
voyage longer than I expected it at first: and I, who had never made
but one voyage (namely, my first voyage to Guinea) in which I
might be said to come back again as the voyage was at first
designed, began to think the same ill fate still attended me, and
that I was born never to be contented with being on shore, and yet
to be always unfortunate at sea.
Contrary winds first put us to the northward, and we were
obliged to put in at Galway in Ireland, where we lay wind-bound
two and twenty days. But we had this satisfaction with the dis-
aster, that provisions were here exceeding cheap, and in the utmost
plenty; so that while we lay here we never touched the ship's
stores, but rather added to them; also I took in several live hogs,
and two cows, and calves, which I resolved, if I had a good
passage, to put on shore in my island; but we found occasion to
dispose otherwise of them.
We set out the 5th February from Ireland, and had a very fair
gale of wind for some days. As I remember, it might be about
the 20th of February, in the evening late, when the mate, having
the watch, came into the round-house and told ps he saw a flash
of fire and heard a gun fired; and while he was telling us of it, a
boy came in and told us the boatswain heard another. This made
us all run out upon the quarter-deck, where, for a while, we heard
nothing; but in a few minutes we saw a very great light, and
found that there was some very terrible fire at a distance. Im-
mediately we had recourse to our reckonings, in which we all
agreed that there could be no land that way in which the fire
showed itself, no, not for five hundred leagues, for it appeared at
west-north-west. Upon this we concluded it must be some ship
on fire at sea; and as, by our hearing the noise of guns just before,
we concluded it could not be far off, we stood directly towards it,
and were presently satisfied we should discover it, because the
further we sailed the greater the light appeared, though the weather
being hazy, we could not perceive anything but the light for a while.
In about half an hour's sailing, the wind being fair for us, though
not much of it, and the weather clearing up a little, we could plainly
discern that it was a great ship on fire in the middle of the sea.






CRUSOE TO THE RESCUE.


quarter of a mile from me, and, as I thought, out of sight of any
of the rest.
Upon this I resolved to discover myself to them, and learn
something of their condition. Immediately I marched in the
figure as above, my man Friday at a good distance behind me, as
formidable for his arms as I, but not making quite so staring a
spectre-like figure as I did.
I came as near them undiscovered as I could, and then, before
any of them saw me, I called aloud to them in Spanish, What are
ye, gentlemen?"
They started up at the noise, but were ten times more con-
founded when they saw me, and the uncouth figure that I made.
They made no answer at all, but I thought I perceived them just
going to fly from me, when I spoke to them in English. Gentle-
men," said I, do not be surprised at me; perhaps you may have
a friend near you when you did not expect it."-" He must be
sent directly from heaven then," said one of them very gravely to
ine, and pulling off his hat at the same time to me, for our con-
dition is past the help of man."-" All help is from heaven, sir,"
said I; but can you put a stranger in the way how to help you,
for you seem to me to be in some great distress? I saw you when
you landed; and when you seemed to make applications to the
brutes that came with you, I saw one of them lift up his sword to
kill you."
The poor man, with tears running down his face, and trembling,
looking like one astonished, returned, Am I talking to God or
man? Is it a real man or an angel?"-" Be in no fear about
that, sir," said I; if God had sent an angel to relieve you, he
would have come better clothed, and armed after another manner
than you see me in. Pray lay aside your fears; I am a man, an
Englishman, and disposed to assist you, you see. I have one
servant only; we have arms and ammunition; tell us freely. Can
we serve you? What is your case?"
"Our case," said he, "sir, is too long to tell you while our
murderers are so near; but in short, sir, I was commander of that
ship; my men have mutinied against me; they have been hardly
prevailed on not to murder me, and at last have set me on shore






A SURVEY OF THE ISLAND.


time, as a man that was gathering up his strength after a fit of
sickness; for it was hardly to be imagined how low I was, and to
what weakness I was reduced. The application which I made use
of was perfectly new, and perhaps what had never, cured an ague
before, neither can I recommend it to any one to practise, by this
experiment; and though it did carry off the fit, yet it rather con-
tributed to weakening me, for I had frequent convulsions in my
nerves and limbs for some time.
I learned from it also this in particular, that being abroad in the
rainy season was the most pernicious thing to my health that could
be, especially in those rains which came attended with storms
and hurricanes of wind; for as the rain which came in the dry
season was always most accompanied with such storms, so I found
that rain was much more dangerous than the rain which fell in
September and October.
I had been now in this unhappy island above ten months; all
possibility of deliverance from this condition seemed to be entirely
taken from me, and I firmly believed that no human shape had ever
set foot upon that place. Having now secured my habitation, as I
thought, fully to my mind, I had a great desire to make a more
perfect discovery of the island, and to see what other productions I
might find which I yet knew nothing of.
It was the 15th of July that I began to take a more particular
survey of the island itself. I went up the creek first, where, as I
hinted, I brought my rafts on shore. I found, after I came about
two miles up, that the tide did not flow any higher, and that it
\\as no more than a little brook of running water, and very fresh
and good; but this being the dry season, there was hardly any
water in some parts of it, at least not enough to run in any stream,
so as it could be perceived. On the bank of this brook I found
many pleasant savannas, or meadows, plain, smooth, and covered
with grass; and on the rising parts' of them, next to the higher
grounds, where the water, as it might be supposed, never over-
flowed, I found a great deal of tobacco, green, and growing to a
great and very strong stalk. There were divers other plants which
I had no notion of, or understanding about, and might perhaps
have virtues of their own, which I could not find out.






A SECOND COLONY FOUNDED.


cattle belonging to the society, they should die without mercy, and
they would shoot them wherever they could find them.
The governor, a man of great humanity, musing upon the sen-
tence, considered a little upon it, and turning to the two honest
Englishmen, said, Hold, you must reflect that it will be long ere
they can raise corn and cattle of their own, and they must not
starve. We must therefore allow them provisions." So he caused
to be added, that they should have a proportion of corn given to
them to last them eight months, and for seed to sow, by which
time they might be supposed to raise some of their own ; that they
should have six milch-goats, four he-goats, and six kids given
them, as well for present subsistence as for a store; and that they
should have tools given them for their work in the fields, such as
six hatchets, an axe, a saw, and the like: but they should have
none of these tools or provisions unless they would swear solemnly
that they would not hurt or injure any of the Spaniards with them,
or of their fellow-Englishmen.
Thus they dismissed them the society, and turned them out to
shift for themselves. They went away sullen and refractory, as
neither contented to go away nor to stay; but as there was no
remedy they went, pretending to go and choose a place where they
would settle themselves to plant and live by themselves, and some
provisions were given them, but no weapons.
About four or five days after, they came again for some victuals,
and gave the governor an account where they had pitched their
tents, and marked themselves out an habitation and plantation;
and it was a very convenient place indeed, on the remotest part of
the island, north-cast, much about the place where I landed in my
first voyage when I was driven out to sea, the Lord knows whither,
in my attempt to surround the island.
Here they built themselves two handsome huts, and contrived
them in a manner like my first habitation, being close under the
side of a hill, having some trees growing already on three sides of
it, so that by planting others it would be very easily covered from
the sight, unless narrowly searched for. They desired some dried
goat skins for beds and covering, which were given them: and
upon giving their words that they would not disturb the rest, or





THE GREAT CANAL.


I BEGAN TO TALK WITH HIM ABOUT CARRYING US TO THE
GULF OF NANKIN."

Not being able to put the old man out of his talk, of which he
was very opinionated or conceited, I told him we were gentlemen
as well as merchants, and that we had a mind to go and see the
great city of Pekin, and the famous court of the monarch of
China. "Why, then," says the old man, "you should go to
Ningpo, where, by the river which runs into the sea there, you
may go up within five leagues of the Great Canal." This canal is
a navigable river, which goes through the heart of all that vast
empire of China, crosses all the rivers, passes some considerable
hills by the help of sluices and gates, and goes up to the city of
Pekin; being in length near two hundred and seventy leagues.






INFLUENCE OF'FEAR.


joyful, and I may say thankful, when I set my foot safe on shore,
resolving, and my partner too, that if it was possible to dispose of
ourselves and effects any other way, though not every way to our
satisfaction, we would never set one foot on board that unhappy
vessel more; and, indeed, I must acknowledge, that of all the
circumstances of life that ever I had any experience of, nothing
makes mankind so completely miserable as that of being in constant
fear. Well does the Scripture say, "The fear of man bringeth a
snare:" it is a life of death, and the mind is so entirely suppressed
by it, that it is capable of no relief; the animal spirits sink, and
all the vigour of nature, which usually supports men under other
afflictions, and is present to them in the greatest exigencies, fails
them here.
Nor did it fail of its usual operations upon the fancy, by height-
ening every danger, representing the English and Dutch captains
to be men incapable of hearing reason, or of distinguishing be-
tween honest men and rogues; or between a story calculated for
our own turn, made out of nothing, on purpose to deceive, and a
true genuine account of our whole voyage, progress, and design.
For we might many ways have convinced any reasonable creature
that we were not pirates: the goods we had on board, the course
we steered, our frankly showing ourselves, and entering into such
and such ports; and even our very manner, the force we had, the
number of men, the few arms, little ammunition, short provisions;
all these would have served to convince any men that we were no
pirates. The opium, and other goods we had on hoard, would
make it appear the ship had been at Bengal. The Dutchmen,
who, it was said, had the names of all the men that were in the
ship, might easily see that we were a mixture of English, Portu-
guese, and Indians, and but two Dutchmen on board. These,
and many other particular circumstances, might have made it
evident to the understanding of any commander, whose hands we
might fall into, that we were no pirates.
But fear, that blind, useless passion, worked another way, and
threw us into the vapours; it bewildered our understandings, and set
the imagination at work to form a thousand terrible things that
perhaps might never happen. We first supposed, as indeed every-






DISPOSAL OF THE INDIANS.


perfectly reformed, exceeding pious and religious, and, as far as I
may be allowed to speak positively in such a case, I verily believe
was a true sincere penitent.
He divided things so justly, and so much to everyone's satis-
faction, that they only desired one general writing under my hand
for the whole, which I caused to be drawn up and signed and
sealed to them, setting out the bounds and situation of every
man's plantation, and testifying that I gave them thereby severally
a right to the whole possession and inheritance of the respective
plantations or farms, with their improvements, to them and their
heirs, reserving all the rest of the island as my own property, and
a certain rent for every particular plantation after eleven years, if
I, or any one from me or in my name, came to demand it, pro-
ducing an attested copy of the same writing.
As to the government and laws among them, I told them I was
not capable of giving them better rules than they were able to give
themselves; only made them promise me to live in love and good
neighbourhood with one another. And so I prepared to leave
them.
One thing I must not omit, and this is, that being now settled
in a kind of commonwealth among themselves, and having much
business in hand, it was but odd to have seven and thirty Indians
live in a nook of the island independent, and indeed unemployed;
for excepting the providing themselves food, which they had dif-
ficulty enough in too, sometimes, they had no manner of business
or property to manage. I proposed, therefore, to the governor
Spaniard that le should go to them, with Friday's father, and
propose to them to remove, and either plant for themselves or take
them into their several families as servants, to be maintained for
their labour, but without being absolute slaves; for I would not
admit them to make them slaves by force by any means, because
they had their liberty given them by capitulation, and, as it were,
articles of surrender, which they ought not to break.
They most willingly embraced the proposal, and came all very
cheerfully along with him; so we allotted them land and planta-
tions, which three or four accepted of, but all the rest chose to be
employed as servants in the several families we had settled. And






THE WRECK ASHORE.


When I came down to the ship I found it strangely removed.
The forecastle, which lay before buried in sand, was heaved up
at least six feet; and the stern, which was broken to pieces and
parted from the rest by the force of the sea soon after I had left
rummaging her, was tossed, as it were, up and cast on one side; and
the sand was thrown so high on that side next her stern, that
whereas there was a great place of water before, so that I could not
come within a quarter of a mile of the wreck without swimming,
I could now walk quite up to her when the tide was out. I was
surprised with this at first, but soon concluded it must be done
by the earthquake. And as by this violence the ship was more
broken open than formerly, so many things came daily on shore
which the sea had loosened, and which the winds and water rolled
by degrees to the land.
This wholly diverted my thoughts from the design of removing
my habitation; and I busied myself mightily, that day especially, in
searching whether I could make any way into the ship; but I found
nothing was to be expected of that kind, for that all the inside of
the ship was choked up with sand. However, as I had learned not
to despair of anything, I resolved to pull everything to pieces that
I could of the ship, concluding that everything I could get from
her would be of some use or other to me.
May 3. I began with my saw, and cut a piece of a beam through,
which I thought held some of the upper part or quarter-deck
together; and when I had cut it through, I cleared away the sand
as well as I could from the side which lay highest; but the tide
coming in, I was obliged to give over for that time.
May 4. I went a-fishing, but caught not one fish that I durst
eat of, till I was weary of my sport; when just going to leave off,
I caught a young dolphin. I had made me a long line of some
rope yarn, but I had no hooks, yet I frequently caught fish enough,
as much as I cared to eat; all which I dried in the sun, and ate
them dry.
May 5. Worked on the wreck, cut another beam asunder, and
brought three great fir planks off from the decks, which I tied
together, and made swim on shore when the tide of flood came on.
May 6. Worked on the wreck, got several iron bolts out of her,







THE FIRST ENGLISH REVIEW."


phlets. With a remarkable versatility, he discussed the deepest theological
questions; he wrote against a proposed censorship of the press; he advocated
the claims of authors to a protection of their copyright; he compiled a
wonderfully graphic account of the Great Storm of 1704; and finally, in
the February of that year he began his famous Review.
This was a complete novelty in English literature, and may be regarded
as the true precursor of some celebrated periodicals of the present day. It
was at first a quarto sheet, published weekly, at the price of a penny. After
the fourth number it was reduced to half a sheet, but printed in closer type
and in double columns, and sold for twopence. After the eighth number it was
published twice a week, on Tuesdays and Saturdays. In due time monthly
supplements were issued, and finally it appeared on Tuesdays, Thursdays,
and Saturdays. So it continued, written solely by De Foe, for nine years
(February 19, 1704, to June 11, 1713).
Such was its form. Its contents were of the most miscellaneous description.
It dealt largely with politics, but scarcely less largely with morals. It com-
bined both public and personal questions; it corrected the vices, it ridiculed
the follies of the age. As a general indication of its character, we may
summarize the contents of the first volume, omitting those of a political
cast.*
It condemns the prevalent practice of excessive drinking; it ridicules the
not less prevalent practice of excessive swearing; it censures the laxity
which had crept into the relations of married life; it denounces in no measured
terms the licentiousness of the stage; it discusses the various questions
affecting trade and pauperism; it inveighs against the mania for gambling
speculations; and it boldly reprobates the barbarous custom of duelling.
All these widely different topics are treated by De Foe unaided, and
the sagacity and vigour evident in every article fill the reader with
wonder at the man's genius, industry, and multifarious information. The
machinery he adopted for the discussion of non-political matters was a so-
called Scandal Club," organized to receive complaints and to decide upon
them. It acted in the following manner:-" A gentleman appears before the
club, and complains of his wife. She is a bad wife; he cannot exactly tell
why. There is a long examination, proving nothing; when suddenly a
member of the club begs pardon for the question, and asks if his worship
was a good husband. His worship, greatly surprised at such a question, is
again at a loss to answer. Whereupon the club pass these resolutions:-
1. That most women that are bad wives are made so by bad husbands.
2. That this society will hear no complaints against a virtuous bad wife,
from a vicious good husband. 8. That he that has a bad wife, and can't
find the reason of it in her, 'tis ten to one that he finds it in himself. And
the decision finally is, that the gentleman is to go home, and be a good
husband for at least three months; after which, if his wife is still uncured,
John Forster, "Biographical Essays," ii. 55, 56.






ENGLISH AND SPANIARDS.


at night, and they were all at supper, he took the freedom to
reprove the three Englishmen, though in very gentle and mannerly
terms, and asked them, How they could be so cruel, they being
harmless inoffensive fellows, and that they were only putting them-
selves in a way to subsist by their labour, and that it had cost
them a great deal of pains to bring things to such perfection as
they had ?"
One of the Englishmen returned very briskly, What had they
to do there ? That they came on shore without leave, and they
should not plant or build upon the island; it was none of their
ground." Why," says the Spaniard, very calmly, Seignior
Inglese, they must not starve." The Englishman replied like a
true rough-hewn Tarpaulin, They might starve......they should
not plant nor build." But what must they do, then, seignior?"
said the Spaniard. Another of the brutes returned, Do ......
They should be servants, and work for them." But how can
you expect that of them?" says the Spaniard, that are not
bought with your money; you have no right to make them ser-
vants." The Englishman answered, The island was theirs, the
governor had given it to them, and no man had anything to do
there but themselves;" and with that swore by his Maker that
they would go and burn all their new huts, they should build none
upon their land."
Why, seignior," says the Spaniard, by the same rule we must
be your servants too." Ah," says the bold dog, "and so you
shall, too, before we have done with you;" mixing two or three
oaths in the proper intervals of his speech. The Spaniard only
smiled at that, and made him no answer. However, this little
discourse had heated them, and starting up, one says to the
other (I think it was he they called Will Atkins), "Come,
Jack, let us go and have t'other brush with them; we'll demolish
their castle, I'll warrant you, they shall plant no colony in our
dominions."
Uponqthis they went all trooping away, with every man a gun, a
pistol, and a sword, and muttered some insolent things among
themselves of what they would do to the Spaniards too, when
opportunity offered; but the Spaniards, it seems, did not so per-






DEPARTURE FROM TOBOLSKI.


which I sold the greatest part here, and the rest afterwards at Arch-
angel, for a much better price than I could have done at London;
and my partner, who was sensible of the profit, and whose business
more particularly than mine was merchandize, was mightily pleased
with our stay, on account of the traffic we made here.
It was the beginning of June when I left this remote place, a
city, I believe, little heard of in the world; and, indeed, it is so
far out of the road of commerce that I know not how it should be
much talked of. We were now come to a very small caravan,
being only thirty-two horses and camels in all; and all of them
passed for mine, though my new guest was proprietor of eleven of
them. It was most natural, also, that I should take more servants
with me than I had before; and the young lord passed for my
steward. What great man I passed for myself I know not, neither
did it concern me to inquire. We had here the worst and the
largest desert to pass over that we met with in all the journey.
Indeed, I call it the worst, because the way was very deep in
some places and very uneven in others. The best we had to say
for it was, that we thought we had no troops of Tartars and
robbers to fear, and that they never came on this side the Oby, or,
at least, but very seldom; but we found it otherwise.
My young lord had with him a faithful Muscovite servant, or
rather a Siberian servant, who was perfectly acquainted with the
country, and led us by private roads, that we avoided coming into
the principal towns and cities upon the great road, such as Tumen,
Soly-Kamskoi, and several others; because the Muscovite garrisons
which are kept there are very curious and strict in their observa-
tion upon travellers, and searching lest any of the banished persons
of note should make their escape that way into Muscovy. But by
this means, as we were kept out of the cities, so our whole journey
was a desert, and we were obliged to encamp and lie in our tents
when we might have had very good accommodation in the cities
on the way. This the young lord was so sensible of, that he
would not allow us to lie abroad, when we came to several cities
on the way, but lay abroad himself with his servant in the woods,
and met us always at the appointed places.
We were just entered Europe, having passed the river Kama,






A SECOND VISIT TO THE WRECK.


However, as well as I could, I barricaded myself round with the
chests and boards that I had brought on shore, and made a kind of
hut for that night's lodging. As for food, I yet saw not which
way to supply myself, except that I had seen two or three crea-
tures like hares run out of the wood where I shot the fowl.
I now began to consider that I might yet get a great many
things out of the ship which would be useful to me, and particu-
larly some of the rigging and sails, and such other things as might
come to land; and I resolved to make another voyage on board
the vessel, if possible; and as I knew that the first storm that
blew must necessarily break her all in pieces, I resolved to set all
other things apart, until I got everything out of the ship that I
could get. Then I called a council-that is to say, in my thoughts
-whether I should take back the raft; but this appeared imprac-
ticable. So I resolved to go as before, when the tide was down;
and I did so, only that I stripped before I went from my hut,
having nothing on but a checkered shirt, and a pair of linen
drawers, and a pair of pumps on my feet. I got on board the ship
as before, and prepared a second raft; and having had experience of
the first, I neither made this so unwieldy nor loaded it so hard,
but yet I brought away several things very useful to me. As first,
in the carpenter's stores, I found two or three bags full of nails and
spikes, a great screw-jack, a dozen or two of hatchets, and, above
all, that most useful thing called a grind-stone. All these I secured
together, with several things belonging to the gunner, particularly
two or three iron crows, and two barrels of musket-bullets, seven
muskets, and another fowling-piece, with some small quantity of
powder more, a large bag full of small shot, and a great roll of
sheet lead. But this last was. so heavy I could not hoist it up to
get it over the ship's side.
Besides these things, I took all the men's clothes that I could
find, and a spare fore-topsail, a hammock and some bedding; and
with this I loaded my second raft, and brought them all safe on
shore, to my very great comfort.
I was under some apprehensions during my absence from the
land that at least my provisions might be devoured on shore ; but
when I came back I found no sign of any visitor, only there sat a






PAYING THEM WITH PITCH.


Two of the enemy's men entered the boat just where this fellow
stood, being in the fore-sheets; he immediately saluted them with
a ladle-full of the stuff, boiling hot, which so burned and scalded
them, being half naked, that they roared out like two bulls, and
enraged with the fire, leaped both into the sea. The carpenter
saw it, and cried out, Wull done, Jack! give them some more of
it;" and stepping forward himself, takes one of their mops, and dip-
ping it in the pitch-pot, he and his man threw it among them so
plentifully, that, in short, of all the men in the three boats, there
was not one that was not scalded and burned with it in a most
frightful and pitiful manner, and made such a howling and crying
that I never heard a worse noise, and indeed nothing like it: for
it is worth observing that though pain naturally makes all people
cry out, yet every nation has a particular way of exclamation and
making noises, as different from one another as their speech. I
cannot give the noise these creatures made a better name than
howling, nor a name more proper to the tone of it; for I never
heard anything more like the noise of the wolves, which, as I have
said, I heard howl in the forest on the frontiers of Lauguedoc.
I was never pleased with a victory better in my life; not only
as it was a perfect surprise to me, and that our danger was imminent
before, but as we got this victory without any bloodshed, except of
that man the fellow killed with his naked hands, and which I was
very much concerned at; for I was sick of killing such poor savage
wretches, even though it was in my own defence, knowing they
came on errands which they thought just, and knew no better.
And though it may be a just thing, because necessary, for there
is no necessary wickedness in nature, yet I thought it was a sad
life, in which we must be always obliged to be killing our fellow-
creatures to preserve our own; and indeed I think so still, and I
would even now suffer a great deal, rather than I would take away
the life even of the person injuring me. And I believe all consider-
ing people, who know the value of life, would be of my opinion; at
least they would, if they entered seriously into the consideration
of it.
But to return to my story. All the while this was doing, my
partner and I, who managed the rest of the men on board, had with






TRADING IN NEGROES.


part of my story. You may suppose that having now lived almost
four years in the Brazils, and beginning to thrive and prosper very
well upon my plantation, I had not only learned the'language, but
had contracted acquaintance and friendship axhong my fellow-
planters, as well as among the merchants at St. Salvadore, which was
our port; and that, in my discourses among them, I had frequently
given them an account of my two voyages to the coast of Guinea,
the manner of trading with the negroes there, and how easy it was
to purchase -upon the coast for trifles-such as beads, toys, knives,
scissors, hatchets, bits of glass, and the like-not only gold dust,
Guinea grains, elephants' teeth, &c., but negroes for the service of
the Brazils in great numbers.
They listened always very attentively to my discourses on these
heads, but especially to that part which related to the buying of
negroes; which was a trade at that time not only not far entered
into, but, as far as it was, had been carried on by the assiento, or
permission of the Kings of Spain and Portugal, and engrossed in
the public; so that few negroes were brought, and those excessively
dear.
It happened, being in company with some merchants and planters
of my acquaintance, and talking of those things very earnestly,
three of them came to me the next morning, and told me they
had been musing very much upon what I had discoursed with
them of the last night, and they came to make a secret proposal
to me. And after enjoining me secrecy, they told me that they
had a mind to fit out a ship to go to Guinea; that they had all
plantations as well as I, and were straitened for nothing so much
as servants; that as it was a trade that could not be carried on,
because they could not publicly sell the negroes when they came
home, so they desired to make but one voyage, to bring the
negroes on shore privately, and divide them among their own
plantations; and, in a word, the question was, whether I would
go their supercargo in the ship to manage the trading part upon
the coast of Guinea. And they offered me that I should have
my equal share of the negroes, without providing any part of the
stock.
This was a fair proposal, it must be confessed, had it been made






A DANGEROUS PASS.


coming backward till he got into the body of the tree.. Then with
the same hinder end foremost, he comes down the tree, grasping it
with his claws, and moving one foot at a time, very leisurely. At
this juncture, and just before he could set his hind feet upon the
ground, Friday stepped up close to him, clapped the muzzle of his
piece into his ear, and shot him dead as a stone.
Then the rogue turned about to see if we did not laugh, and
when lie saw we were pleased by our looks, he falls a laughing
himself very loud. So we kill hear in my country," says Friday.
" So you kill them I says I. Why, you have no guns." No,"
says he; no gun, but shoot, great much long arrow.
This was indeed a good diversion to us; but we were still in a
wild place, and our guide very much hurt, and what to do we
hardly knew. The howling of wolves ran much in my head; and
indeed, except the noise I once heard on the shore of Africa, of
which I have said something already, I never heard anything that
filled me with so much horror.
These things and the approach of night called us off, or else, as
Friday would have had us, we should certainly have taken the
skin of this monstrous creature off, which was worth saving; but
we had three leagues to go, and our guide hastened us, so we left
him, and went forward on our journey.
The ground was still covered with snow, though not so deep
and dangerous as on the mountains; and the ravenous creatures,
as we heard afterwards, were come down to the forest and plain
country, pressed by hunger to seek for food; and had done a great
deal of mischief in the villages, where they surprised the country
people, killed a great many of their sheep and horses, and some
people too.
We had one dangerous place to pass, which our guide told us,
if there were any more wolves in the country, we should find them
tlere; and this was in a small plain surrounded with woods on
every side, and a long narrow defile or lane, which we were to
pass to get through the wood, and then we should come to the
village where we were to lodge.
It was within half an hour of sunset when we entered the first
wood, and a little after sunset when we came into the plain. We





WEARY OF WELL-DOING. 410

Injure any of their plantations, they gave them hatchets and what
other tools they could spare; some pease, barley, and rice for sowing;
and, in a word, anything they wanted, but arms and ammunition.
They lived in this separate condition about six months, and had
gotten in their first harvest, though the quantity was but small,
the parcel of land they had planted being but little; for, indeed,
having all their plantation to form, they had a great deal of work
upon their hands. And when they came to make boards, and pots,
and such things, they were quite out of their element, and could
make nothing of it; and when the rainy season came on, for want
of a cave in the earth they could not keep their grain dry, and it
was in great danger of spoiling. And this humbled them much;
so they came and begged the Spaniards to help them, which they
very readily did, and in four days worked a great hole in the side
of the hill for them, big enough to secure their corn and other
things from the rain. But it was but a poor place at best com-
pared to mine, and especially as mine was then, for the Spaniards
had greatly enlarged it and made several new apartments in it.
About three quarters of a year after this separation, a new frolic
took these rogues, which, together with the former villany they
had committed, brought mischief enough upon them, and had very
near been the ruin of the whole colony. The three new sociates
began, it seems, to be weary of the laborious life they led, and
that without hope of bettering their circumstances; and a whim
took them, that they would make a voyage to the continent from
whence the savages came, and would try if they could not seize
upon some prisoners among the natives there, and bring them home,
so to make them do the laborious part of their work for them.
The project was not so preposterous, if they had gone no further;
but they did nothing, and proposed nothing, but had either mis-
chief in the design or mischief in the event. And if I may give
my opinion, they seemed to be under a blast from Heaven; for if
we will not allow a visible curse to pursue visible crimes, how
shall we reconcile the events of things with the Divine justice ? It
was, certainly, an apparent vengeance on their crime of mutiny and
piracy that brought them to the state they were in; and as they
showed not the least remorse for the crime, but added new villanies






A POSSIBLE DANGER.


fled, as I thought, from all the world, and consequently slept
secure in the night, which otherwise I could not have done; though,
as it appeared afterwards, there was no need of all this caution from
the enemies that I apprehended danger from.
Into this fence or fortress, with infinite labour, I carried all my
riches, all my provisions, ammunition, and stores, of which you
have the account above. And I made me a large tent, which, to
preserve me from the rains that in one part of the year are very
violent there, I made double-namely, one smaller tent within, and
one larger tent above it, and covered the uppermost with a large
tarpaulin which I had saved among the sails.
And now I lay no more for a while in the bed which I had
brought on shore, but in a hammock; which was indeed a very good
one, and belonged to the mate of the ship.
Into this tent I brought all my provisions and everything that
would spoil by the wet; and having thus enclosed all my goods I
made up the entrance, which till now I had left open, and so passed
and repassed, as I said, by a short ladder.
When I had done this, I began to work my way into the rock,
and bringing all the earth and stones that I dug down out through
my tent, I laid them up within my fence in the nature of a terrace,
that so it raised the ground within about a foot and a half; and
thus I made me a cave just behind my tent, which served me like
a cellar to my house.
It cost me much labour and many days before all these things
were brought to perfection, and therefore I must go back to some
other things which took up some of my thoughts. At the same
time it happened after I had laid my scheme for the setting up my
tent, and making the cave, that a storm of rain falling from a thick
dark cloud, a sudden flash of lightning happened, and after that a
great clap of thunder, as is naturally the effect of it. I was not
so much surprised with the lightning as I was with a thought
which darted into my mind as swift as the lightning itself-Oh,
my powder My very heart sunk within me when I thought that
at one blast all my powder might be destroyed, on which not my
defence only, but the providing me food, as I thought, entirely
depended. I was nothing near so anxious about my own danger,






THE INAUGURATION DINNER.


merit to be valued and trusted; and they most heartily embraced
the occasion of giving me this assurance, that they would never
have any interest separate from one another.
Upon these frank and open declarations of friendship, we ap-
pointed the next day to dine all together; and indeed we made a
splendid feast. I caused the ship's cook and his mate to come on


" INDEED WE MADE A SPLENDID FEAST "


shore and dress our dinner, and the old cook's mate we had on
shore assisted. We brought on shore six pieces of good beef, and
four pieces of pork out of the ship's provision, with our punch-
bowl and materials to fill it; and, in particular, gave them ten
bottles of French claret, and ten bottles of English beer-things that
neither the Spaniards nor the Englishmen had tasted for many
years; and which, it may be supposed, they were exceeding
glad of.






CRUSOE'S CONJECTURES.


current; and getting up there, the weather by this time being
perfectly clear, I could plainly see, to my great sorrow, the wreck
of a ship cast away in the night upon those concealed rocks which
I found when I was out in my boat; and which rocks, as they
checked the violence of the stream, and made a kind of counter-
stream or eddy, were the occasion of my recovering from the most
desperate hopeless condition that ever I had been in in all my life.
Thus, what is one man's safety is another man's destruction;
for it seems these men, whoever they were, being out of their
knowledge, and the rocks being wholly under water, had been
driven upon them in the night, the wind blowing hard at east and
cast-north-east. Had they seen the island, as I must necessarily
suppose they did not, they must, as I thought, have endeavoured
to have saved themselves on shore by the help of their boat. But
their firing of guns for help, especially when they saw, as I
imagined, my fire, filled me with many thoughts. First, I
imagined that upon seeing my light they might have put them-
selves into their boat, and have endeavoured to make the shore; but
that the sea going very high, they might have been cast away.
Other times I imagined that they might have lost their boat
before, as might be the case many ways, as particularly by the
breaking of the sea upon their ship, which many times obliges
men to stave or take in pieces their boat, and sometimes to throw
it overboard with their own hands. Other times I imagined they
had some other ship or ships in company, who, upon the signals of
distress they had made, had taken them up and carried them off.
Other whiles I fancied they were all gone off to sea in their boat,
and being hurried away by the current that I had been formerly
in, were carried out into the great ocean, where there was nothing
but misery and perishing, and that perhaps they might by this
time think of starving, and of being in a condition to eat one
another.
As all these were but conjectures at best, so in the condition I
was in I could do no more than look on upon the misery of the
poor men and pity them; which had still this good effect on my
side, that it gave me more and more cause to give thanks to God,
who had so happily and comfortably provided for me in my desolate






HIS FURTHER PRECAUTIONS.


this I did, I went and removed my boat, which I had on the other
side the island, and carried it down to the east end of the whole
island, where I ran it into a little cove which I found under some
high rocks, and where I knew, by reason of the currents, the
savages durst not, at least would not, come with their boats upon
any account whatsoever.
With my boat I carried away everything that I had left there
belonging to her, though not necessary for the bare going thither-
namely, a mast and sail which I had made for her, and a thing like
an anchor, but indeed which could not be called either anchor or
grapling-however, it was the best I could make of its kind. All
these I removed, that there might not be the least shadow of any
discovery, or any appearance of any boat or of any human habi-
tation upon the island.
Besides this, I kept myself, as I said, more retired than ever,
and seldom went from my cell, other than upon my constant
employment-namely, to milk my she-goats and manage my little
flock in the wood; which, as it was quite on the other part of the
island, was quite out of danger; for certain it is, that those savage
people who sometimes haunted this island, never came with any
thoughts of finding anything here, and consequently never wan-
dered off from the coast. And I doubt not but they might have been
several times on shore after my apprehensions of them had made
me cautious as well as before; and, indeed, I looked back with
some horror upon the thoughts of what my condition would have
been, if I had chopped upon them, and been discovered before that,
when naked and unarmed, except with one gun, and that loaded
often only with small shot. I walked everywhere peeping and
peeping about the island to see what I could get;-what a sur-
prise should I have been in, if, when I discovered the print of a
man's foot, I had instead of that seen fifteen or twenty savages,
and found them pursuing me, and, by tlhe swiftness of their run-
ning, no possibility of my escaping them !
The thoughts of this sometimes sank my very soul within me,
and distressed my mind so much that I could not soon recover it,
to think what I should have done, and how I not only should not
have been able to resist them, but even should not have had pre-






BETTER IN MIND AND BODY.


saved lay there too, I took out one of.the Bibles which I men-
tioned before, and which to this time I had not found leisure, or
so much as inclination to look into-I say, I took it out, and
brought both that and the tobacco with me to the table.
What use to make of the tobacco I knew not, as to my distem-
per, or whether it was good for it or no; but I tried several
experiments with it, as if I was resolved it should hit one way or
other. I first took a piece of a leaf and chewed it in my mouth,
which indeed at first almost stupified my brain, the tobacco being
green and strong and that I had not been much used to it; then
I took some and steeped it an hour or two in some rum, and
resolved to take a dose of it when I lay down; and lastly, I burned
some upon a pan of coals, and held my nose close over the smoke
rf it as long as I could bear it, as well for the heat as almost for
suffocation.
In the interval of this operation, I took up the Bible and began
to read; but my head was too much disturbed with the tobacco to
bear reading, at least that time. Only, having opened the book
casually, the first words that occurred to me were these, Call
upon me in the day of trouble: I will deliver thee, and thou shalt
glorify me."
The words were very apt to my case, and made some impres-
sion upon my thoughts at the time of reading them, though not
so much as they did afterwards; for, as for being delivered, the
word had no sound, as I may say, to me; the thing was so remote,
so impossible in my apprehension of things, that I began to say as
the children of Israel did, when they were promised flesh to eat,
" Can God spread a table in the wilderness?" so I began to say,
Can God himself deliver me from this place? and as it was not for
many years that any hope appeared, this prevailed very often upon
my thoughts; but, however, the words made a great impression
upon me, and I mused upon them very often. It grew now late,
and the tobacco had, as I said, dozed my head so much that I in-
clined to sleep; so I left my lamp burning in the cave lest I
should want anything in the night, and went to bed: but, before
I lay down, I did what I never had done in all my life-I kneeled
down and prayed to God to fulfil the promise to me, that if I called






IN A TERRIBLE FOREST.


which, in these parts, is the boundary between Europe and Asia,
and the first city on the European side was called Soly-Kamskoi,
which is as much as to say, the great city, on the river Kama.
And here we thought to have seen some evident alteration in the
people, their manners, their habits, their religion, and their busi-
ness. But we were mistaken; for as we had a vast desert to pass,
which, by relation, is near seven hundred miles long in some
places, but not above two hundred miles over where we passed it,
so, till we came past that horrible place, we found very little dif-
ference between that country and the Mogul Tartary; the people
mostly pagans, and little better than the savages of America, their
houses and towns full of idols, and their way of living wholly
barbarous, except in the cities as above, and the villages near
them, where there are Christians, as they call themselves, of the
Greek Church, but have their religion mingled with so many
relics of superstition, that it is scarce to be known in some places
from mere sorcery and witchcraft.
In passing this forest, I thought indeed we must, after all our
dangers were in our imagination escaped, as before, have been
plundered and robbed, and perhaps murdered, by a troop of thieves.
Of what country they were, whether the roving bands of the Os-
tiachi, a kind of Tartars or wild people on the bank of the Oby, and
ranged thus far; or whether they were the sable-hunters of
Siberia, I am yet at a loss to know ; but they were all on horse-
back, carried bows and arrows, and were at first about five and
forty in number. They came so near to us, as within about two
musket shot, and, asking no questions, they surrounded us with
their horses, and looked very earnestly upon us twice. At length
they placed themselves just in our way, upon which we drew up
in a little line before our camels, being not above sixteen men in
all; and being drawn up thus, we halted, and sent out the Sibe-
rian servant, who attended his lord, to see who they were. His
master was the more willing to let him go, because he was not a
little apprehensive that they were a Siberian troop sent out after
him. The man came up near them with a flag of truce, and
called them; but though he spoke several of their languages of
dialects, or languages rather, he could not understand a word they
(284) 40






A FORMID)AB1LE FIGURE.


They had loft two men in the boat, who, as I found afterwards,
having drunk a little too much brandy, fell asleep; however, one
of them waking sooner than the other, and finding the boat too
fast aground for him to stir it, hallooed for the rest who were
straggling about, upon which they all soon came to the boat; but
it was past all their strength to launch her, the boat being very
heavy, and the shore on that sido being a soft oozy sand, almost
like a quicksand
In this condition, like true seamen, who are perhaps the least of
all mankind given to forethought, they gave it over, and away
they strolled about the country again; and I heard one of them
say aloud to another, calling them off from the boat, "Why, let
her alone, Jack, can't ye; she will float next tide;"-by which I
was fully confirmen t in the min inquiry of what countrymen they
Wvere.
All this while I kept myself very close, not once daring to stir
out of my castle any further than to my place of observation near
the top of the hill; and very glad I was to think how well it was
fortified. I know it was no less than ten hours before the boat
could be on float again, and by that time it would be dark, and I
might be at more liberty to see their motions, and to hear their
discourse, if they had any.
In the meantime I fitted myself up for a battle as before; though
with more caution, knowing I had to do with another kind of
enemy than I had at first. 1 ordered Friday also, whom I had
made an excellent marksman with his gun, to load himself with
arms. I took myself my two fowling-pieces, and I gave him three
muskets. My figure indeed was very force: I had my formidable
goat-skin coat on, with the great cap I have mentioned, a naked
sword by m y side, two pistols in my belt, and a gun upon each
shoulder.
It was my design, as I said above, not to have made any attempt
till it was dark; but about two o'clock, being the heat of the day,
I found that in short they were all gone straggling into the woods,
and, as I thought, were laid down to sleep. The three poor dis-
tressed men, too anxious for their condition to get any sleep, were,
however, set down under the shelter of a great tree, at about a






YEARNING AFTER SOCIETY.


barley about twenty bushels, and of the rice as much or more;
insomuch that now I resolved to begin to use it freely, for my
bread had been quite gone a great while. Also I resolved to see
what quantity would be sufficient for me a whole year, and to sow
but once a year.
Upon the whole, I found that the forty bushels of barley and
rice was much more than I could consume in a year, so I resolved
to sow just the same quantity every year that I sowed the last,
in hopes that such a quantity would fully provide me with
bread, &c.
All the while these things were doing you may be sure my
thoughts ran many times upon the prospect of land which I had
seen from the other side of the island; and I was not without
secret wishes that I were on shore there, fancying the seeing the
mainland, and in an inhabited country I might find some way or
other to convey myself further, and perhaps at last find some means
of escape.
But all this while I made no allowance for the dangers of such
a condition, and how I might fall into the hands of savages, and
perhaps such as I might have reason to think far worse than the
lions and tigers of Africa. That if I once came into their power,
I should run a hazard more than a thousand to one of being killed,
and perhaps of being eaten; for I had heard that the people of
the Caribbean coasts were cannibals, or man-eaters ; and I knew by
the latitude that I could not be far off from that shore: that
suppose they were not cannibals, yet that they might kill me, as
many Europeans who had fallen into their hands had been served,
even when they had been ten or twenty together, much more I
that was but one, and could make little or no defence: all these
things, I say, which I ought to have considered well of, and did
cast up in my thoughts afterwards, yet took up none of my appre-
hensions at first; but my head ran mightily upon the thought of
getting over to the shore.
Now I wished for my boy Xury and the long-boat with the
shoulder-of-mutton-sail, with which I had sailed above a thousand
miles on the coast of Africa; but this was in vain. Then I
thought I would go and look at our ship's boat, which, as I have


178







A SATIRE MISUNDERSTOOD.


was honestly and conscientiously a Dissenter, and he could not refrain from
coming forward at the call of duty to awaken the eyes of his brethren to
their dangerous position. He knew that argument or expostulation or en-
treaty in such a crisis would be of little value, and therefore he determined
to resort to the weapon of irony. He wrote and published-without his name,
of course-his "Shortest Way with the Dissenters," in which he gravely
recommended, as the only effectual method of dealing with them, their
extermination. "'Tis in vain," he writes, "to trifle in this matter. We
can never enjoy a settled, uninterrupted union in this nation, till the spirit
ofWhiggism, faction, and schism, is melted down like the old money. Here
is the opportunity to secure the Church, and destroy her enemies. I do not
prescribe fire and fagot, but Delenda est Carthago. They are to be rooted out
of this nation, if ever we will live in peace or serve God. The light foolish
handling of them by fines is their glory and advantage. If the gallows
instead of the computer, and the galleys instead of the fines, were the reward
of going to a conventicle, there would not be so many sufferers."
So ably and so seriously was this piece of bitter sarcasm written, that at
first the whole nation was taken in; Dissenters went wild with apprehen-
sion. Jacobites and High Churchmen with delight. Then, all of a sudden,
people awoke to the author's true intention. It was discovered that that
author was a Dissenter, and that his satire was directed against the advocates
of conformity. A loud cry for vengeance immediately went up to heaven;
and, to the disgrace of the Dissenters, they joined in it. They had been
deceived, and in a fit of cowardly fury they turned upon the man who had
deceived them, though the deception was wholly intended for their advantage.
The House of Commons took up the matter. The tract was declared a
libel, and ordered to be burned by the hands of the common hangman. The
Government was advised to prosecute its author. When he saw what a terrible
storm was rising De Foe fled; but a reward of 50 was offered for his appre-
hension. In the proclamation in the "London Gazette," he was described
as a middle-sized, spare man, about forty years old, of a brown complexion,
but wears a wig; a hooked nose. a sharp chin, gray eyes, and a large mole
near his month." At first he escaped detection. The Government then
flung into prison the printer and the bookseller, and De Foe immediately sur-
rendered himself. He would allow no man to suffer the consequences of any
action of his; for this he was too brave, too manly, and too honourable. He
surrendered; was imprisoned; was indicted at the Old Bailey in July 1703;
was entangled by a promise of royal mercy into an admission of the libel;
was declared guilty; and sentenced to pay a fine of 500 marks, to stand
three times in the pillory, to be imprisoned during the Queen's pleasure,
and to find sureties for good behaviour for seven years. Such was the ini-
quitous sentence which power pronounced ypon a man for daring to be
wittier than his fellows !
Twenty days were allowed him to prepare for the pillory. He occupied






PRACTICE MAKES PERFECT.


ran with the same force against the shore at the east as it passed
by it on the other, I might run the same risk of being driven
down the stream, and carried by the island, as I had been before
of being carried away from it; so with these thoughts I contented
myself to be without any boat, though it had been the product of
so many months' labour to make it, and of so many more to get it
unto the seil.
In this government of my temper I remained near a year-lived
a very sedate, retired life, as you may well suppose; and my
thoughts being very much composed as to my condition, and fully
comforted in resigning myself to the dispositions of Providence, I
thought I lived really very happily in all things, except that of
society.
I improved myself in this time in all the mechanic exercises
which my necessities put me upon applying myself to, and I
believe could, upon occasion, make a very good carpenter,
especially considering how few tools I had.
Besides this, I arrived at an unexpected perfection in my
earthenware, and contrived well enough to make them with a
wheel, which I found infinitely easier and better; because I made
things round and shapeable, which before were filthy things indeed
to look upon. But I think I was never more vain of my own
performance, or more joyful for anything I found out, than for my
being able to make a tobacco-pipe. And though it was a very
ugly clumsy thing when it was done, and only burned red like
other earthenware, yet, as it was hard and firm, and would draw
the smoke, I was exceedingly comforted with it; for I had been
always used to smoke, and there were pipes in the ship, but I
forgot them at first, not knowing that there was tobacco in the
island; and afterwards, when I searched the ship again, I could
not come at any pipes at all.
In my wicker ware, also, I improved much, and made abundance
of necessary baskets, as well as my invention showed me. Though
not very handsome, yet they were such as were very handy and
convenient for my laying things up in, or fetching things home in.
For example, if I killed a goat abroad, I could hang it up in a
tree, flay it, and dress it, and cut it in pieces, and bring it home






ARGUMENTS PRO AND CON.


her up; and not only so, but when I carried the old one with me
upon my shoulders, the kid followed me quite to my enclosure:
upon which I laid down the dam and took the kid in my arms,
and carried it over my pale, in hopes to have bred it up tame; but
it would not eat, so I was forced to kill it and eat it myself. These
two supplied me with flesh a great while, for I ate sparingly, and
saved my provisions (my bread especially) as much as possibly I
could.
Having now fixed my habitation, I found it absolutely necessary
to provide a place to make a fire in, and fuel to burn; and what I
did for that, as also how I enlarged my cave and what conveniences
I made, I shall give a full account of in its place. But I must
first give some little account of myself and of my thoughts about
living, which it may well be supposed were not a few.
I had a dismal prospect of my condition;' for as I was not cast
away upon that island without being driven, as is said, by a violent
storm quite out of the course of our intended voyage, and a great
way, namely, some hundreds of leagues, out of the ordinary course
of the trade of mankind, I had great reason to consider it as a
determination of Heaven that in this desolate place and in this
desolate manner I should end my life. The tears would run plenti-
fully down my face when I made these reflections; and sometimes
I would expostulate with myself why Providence should thus com-
pletely ruin its creatures and render them so absolutely miserable,
so without help abandoned, so entirely depressed, that it could
hardly be rational to be thankful for such a life.
But something always returned swift upon me to check these
thoughts and to reprove me; and particularly one day, walking
with my gun in my hand by the sea-side, I was very pensive upon
the subject of my present condition, when reason, as it were, ex-
postulated with me the other way, thus: Well, you are in a deso- .
late condition it is true, but pray remember, where are the rest of
you ? Did not you come eleven of you into the boat,-where are
the ten? Why were not they saved and you lost? Why were
you singled out ? Is it better to be here or there ?-and then I
pointed to the sea. All evils are to be considered with the good
that is in them, and with what worse attends them.






AN ARGUMENT FOR CONTENTMENT.


as much comfort as ever before; for by a constant study and serious
application of the Word of God, and by the assistance of his grace,
I gained a different knowledge from what I had before. I enter-
tained different notions of things. I looked now upon the world
as a thing remote, which I had nothing to do with, no expectation
from, and indeed no desires about: in a word, I had nothing indeed
to do with it, nor was ever like to have. So I thought it looked
as we may perhaps look upon it hereafter-namely, as a place I
had lived in, but was come out of it; and well might I say, as
Father Abraham to Dives, Between me and thee is a great gulf
fixed."
In the first place, I was removed from all the wickedness of the
world here; I had neither the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eye,
nor the pride of life. I had nothing to covet, for I had all that I
was now capable of enjoying. I was lord of the whole manor; or,
if I pleased, I might call myself king or emperor over the whole
country which I had possession of. There were no rivals; I had
no competitor, none to dispute sovereignty or command with me.
I might have raised ship-loadings of corn, but I had no use for it;
so I let as little grow as I thought enough for my occasion. I had
tortoise or turtles enough; but now and then one was as much as
I could put to any use. I had timber enough to have built a fleet
of ships. I had grapes enough to have made wine, or to have cured
into raisins, to have loaded that fleet when they had been built.
But all I could make use of was all that was valuable. I had
enough to eat and to supply my wants, and what was all the rest
to me ? If I killed more flesh than I could eat, the dog must eat
it, or the vermin. If I sowed more corn than I could eat, it must
be spoiled. The trees that I cut down were lying to rot on the
ground; I could make no more use of them than for fuel, and that
I had no occasion for but to dress my food.
In a word, the nature and experience of things dictated to me,
upon just reflection, that all the good things of this world are no
further good to us than they are for our use; and that whatever
we may heap up indeed to give others, we enjoy just as much as
we can use, and no more. The most covetous griping miser in
the world would have been cured of the vice of covetousness if he





162 CRUSOE ON A TOUR.































I CAME WITHIN VIEW OF THE SEA TO THE WEST."

nibals, or men-eaters, and fail not to murder and devour all the
human bodies that fall into their hands.
With these considerations I walked very leisurely forward. I
found that side of the island where I now was much pleasanter
than mine; the open or savanna fields sweet, adorned with flowers
and grass, and full of very fine woods. I saw abundance of parrots,
and fain I would have caught one, if possible, to have kept it to
be tame, and taught it to speak to me. I did, after some pains-
-- - .-- "2"





























be tame, and taught it to speak to me. I did, after some pains-






324 CRUSOE AS GOVERNOR.

he brought me an account of the temper he found them in, and
that he verily believed they would be faithful.
However, that we might be very secure, I told him he should
go back again, and choose out five of them, and tell them they
might see that he did not want men, that he would take out five
of them to be his assistants, and that the governor would keep the
other two, and the three that were sent prisoners to the castle (my
cave) as hostages, for the fidelity of those five; and that if they
proved unfaithful in the execution, the five hostages should be
hanged in chains alive upon the shore.
This looked severe, and convinced them that the governor was
in earnest. However, they had no way left them but to accept it;
and it was now the business of the prisoners, as much as of the
captain, to persuade the other five to do their duty.
Our strength was now thus ordered for the expedition: 1. The
captain, his mate, and passenger; 2. Then the two prisoners of
the first gang, to whom, having their characters from the captain,
I had given their liberty, and trusted them with arms; 3. The
other two whom I had kept till now in my apartment pinioned, but
upon the captain's motion had now released; 4. These five released
at last: so that they were twelve in all, besides five we kept
prisoners in the cave for hostages.
I asked the captain if he was willing to venture with these hands
on board the ship; for as for me and my man Friday, I did not
think it was proper for us to stir, having seven men left behind,
and it was employment enough for us to keep them asunder and
supply them with victuals.
As to the five in the cave, I resolved to keep them fast, but
Friday went in twice a day to them to supply them with neces-
saries; and I made the other two carry provisions to a certain
distance, where Friday was to take it.
When I showed myself to the two hostages, it was with the
captain, who told them I was the person the governor had ordered
to loo