The Florida anthropologist

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The Florida anthropologist
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Florida Anthropological Society
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Florida Anthropological Society.
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Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
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periodical ( marcgt )


Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

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University of Florida
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VOLUME 64, NUMBER 2 June 2011


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc., P.O. Box 12563, Pensacola, FL 32591
Subscription is by membership in the Society. Membership is NOT restricted to residents of the State of Florida nor to the United
States of America. Membership may be initiated at any time during the year, and covers the ensuing twelve month period. Dues shall
be payable on the anniversary of the initial dues payment. Members shall receive copies of all publications distributed by the Society
during the 12 months of their membership year. Annual dues are as follows: student $15, individual $30, family $35, institutional $30,
sustaining $100 or more, patron $1000 or more, and benefactor $2500. Foreign subscriptions are an additional $25 U.S, to cover added
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Requests for information on the Society, membership application forms, and notifications of changes of address should be sent to the
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for review should be submitted to the Book Review Editor. Authors please follow The Florida Anthropologist style guide (on-line at in preparing manuscripts for submission to the journal and contact the Editors with specific questions. Submit four (4)
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mail is returned to the Society postage due. The journal is published quarterly in March, June, September, and December of each year.


President: Patty Flynn, P. O. Box 11052 Ft. Lauderdale Fl. 33339 (
First Vice President: Jeffrey T. Moates, FPAN West Central Regional Center, 4202 E. Fowler Ave NEC 116, Tampa FL 33620
Second Vice President: Theresa Schober, 1902 Florrie Court, N. Fort Myers, 33917 (
Corresponding Secretary: Jon-Simon Suarez, 1710 NW 7th St, #304, Gainesville, FL 32609 (
Membership Secretary: Pat Balanzategui, P O Box 1434, Fort Walton Beach, FL 32549-1434 (
Treasurer and RegisteredAgent: Joanne Talley, P.O.Box 788, Hobe Sound, FL 33475 (
Directors at Large: Chris Hardy, 1668 Nantucket Ct., Palm Harbor 34683 (; Sherry Svekis, 406 Woodland
Dr., Sarasota 34234 (; Tommy Abood, 3857 Indian Trail, Suite #403, Destin 32541 (;
Nick McAuliff, 115 Ferdinand Ave, St. Augustine 32080 (
Immediate Past President: Robert J. Austin, P.O. Box 2818, Riverview, FL 33568-2818 (
Newsletter Editor: David Burns, 15128 Springview St., Tampa, FL 33624 (


Co-Editors: Deborah R. Mullins, P.O. Box 12563, Pensacola, FL 32591-2563 (
Andrea P. White, Department of Anthropology, University of New Orleans, 2000 Lakeshore Drive, New Orleans, LA 70148
Book Review Editor: Jeffrey T. Moates, FPAN West Central Regional Center, 4202 E. Fowler Ave NEC 116, Tampa FL 33620
Editorial Assistant: George M. Luer, 3222 Old Oak Drive, Sarasota, FL 34239-5019 (
Technical Assistant: Beth Chambless, SEARCH, Inc., 428 E. Government St., Pensacola, FL 32502, (
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Bulk Mail: Modern Mailers, 877 W Orange Ave., Tallahassee, FL 32310


Albert C. Goodyear; Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208
Jerald T. Milanich, Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611 (
Jeffrey M. Mitchem, Arkansas Archeological Survey, P.O. Box 241, Parkin, AR 72373 (
Nancy Marie White, Department of Anthropology, University of South Florida, Tampa, FL 33620-8100
Robert J. Austin, P.O. Box 2818, Riverview, FL 33568-2818 (

NOTE: In addition to the above Editorial Review Board members, the review comments of others knowledgeable in a manuscript's
subject matter are solicited as part of our peer review process.





Volume 64, Number 2
June 2011 N'vCE 19AI


From the Editors


Gunflints from Fort Brooke:
A Study and Some Hypotheses Regarding Gunflint Procurement
Robert J. Austin

The Textual Archaeology of Seminole Colonization
Philip Colin Hawkins

A Brief Note on Currents, Current Archaeologists, and Ancient Fiber-Tempered Pots
Christopher F. Altes


Florida Anthropological Society 2011 Award Recipients

Abstracts of the Florida Anthropological Society 2011 Meeting

About the Authors


Cover: Artwork celebrating the 63rd annual Florida Anthropological Society meetings held in Orlando in May 2011.
Artwork by Nancy Flynn. Please see the awards and abstracts from the May meeting beginning on page 121.

Published by the
ISSN 0015-3893


Greetings FAS members! In this, our final issue as Co-
Editors, we have a little something sure to interest every
reader. We offer three fantastic articles that move between
historic gunflints, Seminole history, and Caribbean currents.
Also included in this issue are the FAS 2011 Annual Meeting
award recipients and meeting abstracts. If you could not make
the meeting (and even if you attended), please peruse the paper
abstracts for an overview of all the interesting archaeological
research being conducted throughout the state.
Our first author, Robert Austin, loves rocks irrespective
of the archaeological context in which they appear. Starting
this issue with a bang is Austin's study of gunflints from the
Second Seminole War site of Fort Brooke at the mouth of the
Hillsborough River. Surprisingly few comparable research
projects have been written on gunflints in the last two decades
and archaeologists in the Southeast and across the United
States will profit from the original data and hypotheses
presented here. The journal is excited to publish a significant
addition to the gunflint literature. Those interested in learning
more about gunflints used across the Southeast should turn to
Nicholas Honerkamp and Norma Harris' 2005 article "Unfired
Brandon Gunflints from the Presidio Santa Maria de Galve,
Pensacola, Florida" (Historical Archaeology 39(4):95-111).
Readers interested in learning more about the excavations
at Fort Brooke will be pleased to know that a companion
article will be published in the upcoming issue of The Florida
In our second article, historian Philip Hawkins takes
a critical look at Creek settlement in Florida and presents
evidence to support his theory that permanent Creek
colonization occurred sometime after the 1760s. This is in
contrast to Charles Fairbanks' claim, presented in his 1974
Ethnohistorical Report on the Florida Indians (originally
drafted in 1957), that the Creek were establishing permanent
towns in Florida during the first half of the eighteenth century.
Hawkins advances that many Seminole scholars have accepted
Fairbanks' dates for Creek colonization theory unchallenged
and that these erroneous dates have led to other historical and
archaeological inaccuracies. The author acknowledges that
the Creek were conducting hunting trips and war raids into
Florida in the earlier decades of the 1700s, but according to
ethnographic evidence (and lack of contrary archaeological
evidence), they were not establishing permanent communities
that included the full gamut of Creek society supported
by agricultural activities. Hawkins' work should certainly
encourage new debate on the origins of the Seminole people
as well as when the permanent settlement of Florida by the
Creeks occurred.

In our third article, Christopher Altes discusses his
original simulation-analysis of Caribbean Sea currents
in combination with published data on bioarchaeology,
linguistics, and material culture. So doing, Altes suggests
direct linkages between Archaic Period peoples of North,
Central, and South America and the Caribbean via stable and
navigable Caribbean currents. The author demonstrates that
by utilizing these currents indigenous peoples could have
voyaged to Cuba, the Gulf coast, or the lower southeastern
Atlantic coast in as little as a week and a half and without the
potential dangers of hopscotching through the Lesser Antilles.
Unsurprisingly, these same locales have produced the earliest
fiber tempered pottery in North America. While the topic of
cultural connections is not new for the Southeast, Altes does
deliver a sharp poke to one of the slumbering elephants in
the room of New World contact studies and outlines a fresh
methodology for considering mobility across tremendous
natural and anthropogenic landscapes.
Lastly, we have included the conference schedule and
presentation abstracts for the 2011 Florida Anthropological
Society annual meeting. We certainly enjoyed seeing everyone
in Orlando; KUDOS to the host chapter, the Central Florida
Anthropological Society. CFAS did an amazing job organizing
the conference and all of us thank you for it! Aside from how
effortlessly the whole meeting seemed to run, the conference
was very well attended with over fifty presentations, posters,
and exhibits. Lee J. Bloch, Alexis Santos, Jacqueline Silven,
Liz Usherwood, and Michael Waas participated in the student
paper competition and are to be commended for their excellent
contributions. Special compliments to New College of
Florida undergraduate student Lee J. Bloch for his winning
paper, entitled: "On Collaborative Archaeology and the
Decolonization of the Past: Re-Imagining the Lake Jackson/
Okeeheepkee." Lastly, well-earned and heartfelt thanks go
to all the award recipients. Barbara Purdy was honored with
the Ripley P. Bullen Award for her many years of researching
Florida's past and fostering cooperation between avocational
and professional archaeologists. Kathryn Betz (SWFAS),
Matthew Betz (SWFAS), and Jean Lucas (ECAS) were
presented with FAS Certificates of Achievement for their
outstanding service to their local FAS chapter. Congratulations
to you all.
We want to take an opportunity to say thank you and
farewell to State Archaeologist Ryan Wheeler, who is
leaving his position to move to Boston with his family. FAS
members will know that Ryan has not only been a leader in the
protection and study of Florida's archaeological resources, but
that he is also a former Editor of The Florida Anthropologist


VOL. 64(2)


JUNE 2011


and frequent contributor to its pages. Ryan, you will be missed
by all of us! Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research
archaeologist Mary Glowacki will be filling Ryan’s shoes
as the new State Archaeologist for Florida. Dr. Glowacki is
another hard-working champion of Florida heritage and readers
may recognize her as current President of the Panhandle
Archaeological Society in Tallahassee, a chapter of FAS. We
know she will do an outstanding job in her new position.

It is also time for us to say farewell. Over the past five
years it has been a pleasure to serve as Co-Editors of The
Florida Anthropologist. A lot has happened over the course
of our tenure to remind us just how vulnerable Florida’s
archaeological resources are. Specifically, the Deepwater
Horizon incident in the Gulf of Mexico and the drastic
economic downturn have forced many government agencies,
private-for-profit organizations, and voluntary interest groups
to make do with less and to focus on core priorities. More than
ever, we strongly encourage FAS members to continue to push
archaeological and cultural heritage concerns to the forefront
of discussions with your neighbors, your local community
leaders, and with your state and federal officials. Write emails,
show up at community meetings, and in general be a nuisance
in the name of heritage preservation—consider it the ultimate
bipartisan no-brainer!

As this is our last issue as Co-Editors of F4, we would like
to offer our sincere thanks to many FAS Board and Society
members that we have worked alongside; it has truly been
an honor. Unofficial FAS Historian George Luer continues to
amaze us with his vast knowledge of the history of Florida
archaeology and of its Founding Fathers. George has also
been a kind friend with good advice. We would like to give a
huge thank you to all the hardworking FAS Officers behind the
scenes, especially former Membership Secretary Kay Gautier,
current Membership Secretary Pat Balanzategui and Treasurer
Joanne Talley for their good humor and for the tremendous
amount of work they do to keep the journal in your mailbox
and FAS running smoothly. The Editors would also like to
thank red pen aficionados Elizabeth Chambless and Kaitlyn
Brouwer for their help. Thanks ladies! Outgoing FAS President
Robert Austin has been a friend and sounding board from day
one. Bob, as our most reliable question-answerer, joke-maker,
and candid opinion-giver, we thank you greatly! And owe you
beer. Lastly, we would like to thank all of the contributors to the
journal over the last five years, including manuscript authors,
peer-reviewers, Board members, enthusiasts, and critics. Our
service has allowed a truer appreciation for the amount of hard
work it takes to run an all-voluntary organization as large as
FAS and we have benefited from that education. Both of us

have also profited significantly from the opportunity to explore
the intellectual legacy of the Society’s founding members and
early contributors to the journal.

Finally, we are thrilled to introduce Keith Ashley, who
has volunteered to serve as the new Editor of The Florida
Anthropologist. His service will be supported by another
Florida archaeology favorite, Vicki Rolland, who will serve
as Technical Editor for the journal. A native of Florida, Keith
holds degrees in Anthropology from Auburn University (BA),
Florida State University (MA), and the University of Florida
(PhD). Keith is Coordinator of Research at the Archaeology
Laboratory at the University of North Florida in Jacksonville.
His current research explores the involvement of St. Johns
fisher-hunter-gatherers in the broader world of Mississippian
farmers. He is also researching the contact- and mission-period
Mocama (Timucua) of northeastern Florida and southeastern
Georgia. Beyond archaeology, Keith enjoys hanging out with
his wife Angela and their two kids (although now as teenagers
with the ability to drive, they always have other plans). Finally,
when asked about the Florida Anthropological Society,
Keith had this to say: “I’ve always been (and continue to be)
impressed with the Florida Anthropological Society and the
steadfast commitment of its members to Florida archaeology,
as avocational archaeologists, field and laboratory volunteers,
stewards, advocates, educators, and ambassadors genuinely
concerned with the State’s fragile and nonrenewable cultural

Please submit inquiries and manuscripts to:

Keith H. Ashley, Ph.D
Editor, The Florida Anthropologist
Archaeology Laboratory
Department of Sociology and Anthropology
University of North Florida
1 UNF Drive
Jacksonville, FL 32224-2659

Keep those manuscripts rolling in to Keith and Vicki. Enjoy
and take care!

Deb Mullins and Andrea White

Join the Florida Anthropological Society

Florida Anthropological Society memberships:
Student $15 (with a copy of a current student ID)
Regular and Institutional $30
Family $35
Sustaining $100
Patron $1000
Benefactor $2500 or more
Student membership is open to graduate, undergraduate and high school students. A
photocopy of your student ID should accompany payment
Add $25.00 for foreign addresses
The Society publishes journals (The Florida Anthropologist) and newsletters, normally quarterly
and sponsors an annual meeting hosted by a local chapter.

FAS Chapter:

__ I agree to abide by the Code of Ethics of the Florida Anthropological Society.

Florida Anthropological Society
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Membership also available at and dues can be paid via Paypal.


2011 VOL. 64(2)




Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc., P.O. Box 2818, Riverview, FL 33568

Gunflints are common artifacts found at eighteenth-
and early nineteenth-century military sites in Florida and
elsewhere; the archaeological site of Fort Brooke (8HI13)
is no exception. Established in 1824 at the mouth of the
Hillsborough River, the fort and associated cantonment area
served as an important base of operations and supply depot for
the U.S. Army during the Second Seminole War (1835-1842)
(Chamberlain 1968:65). Although much reduced in size and
importance following the war, Fort Brooke remained in the
possession of the U.S. Army until 1883 when the land was
opened up for private sale (Covington 1981:43; McKay 1949).
Located within the urban core of the City of Tampa,
Florida, Fort Brooke has been the focus of several
archaeological investigations, both large and small (e.g.,
Almy and Horvath 2001; Austin and Ballo 1988; Austin and
Hendryx 2009; Grange 1974; Hardin and Thomsen 1984;
Janus Research 1995; Piper and Piper 1980, 1982). Two of the
largest occurred between 1987 and 1988 as the City's Public
Works Department began making plans to build a convention
center and associated parking garage on five city blocks in the
heart of historic Fort Brooke (Figure 1). Piper Archaeological
Research, Inc. (now Janus Research) was contracted by the
City to conduct the necessary cultural resource investigations
as required by City Ordinance 8230-A. These investigations
included mitigative excavations of a prehistoric midden and
cemetery as well as portions of Fort Brooke that were located
within the confines of the proposed development (Austin
1993; Austin et al. 1992). The author served as Co-Principal
Investigator during the project.
This paper presents the results of an analysis of the
gunflints recovered during the Convention Center excavations
of Fort Brooke. Although gunflints often are reported in
excavation and survey reports, detailed analysis is rare. The
47 gunflints recovered during the 1987 and 1988 excavations
are augmented by 9 additional gunflints from other smaller
projects at the site of Fort Brooke and 29 gunflints from
private collections. Together these 85 gunflints provide a
means of characterizing Second Seminole War-era military
gunflints in Florida in terms of use wear, firing position,
associated firearm types, and source of origin. In addition, the
dominance of French gunflints at a post-1800 site contradicts
the historical pattern observed elsewhere in the continental
U.S. and is examined with regard to trade relationships and
ordnance acquisition patterns by the U.S. Army following the
War of 1812.

Brief History of Gunflint Production

Most gunflints found on American military sites are of
either British or French manufacture as these were the two
primary commercial producers of gunflints. The domestic
manufacture of gunflints was authorized by the U.S. Congress
in 1776, but an American gunflint industry never established
itself (B. Lewis 1956:159). Spanish-made gunflints are
restricted to sites of Spanish colonial occupation (e.g., Durst
2009; Villalobos 2003). The Dutch, Germans, and Italians,
among others, manufactured gunspalls and gunflints but these
were not widely used in the United States. Native Americans
also made gunflints from locally available cherts; however,
even among the Indians, European gunflints were preferred
once they became consistently available (Witthoft 1966:22).
Several written descriptions of eighteenth- and
nineteenth-century gunflint production in England and France
are available in the literature (e.g., Barnes 1980[1937];
Citizen Dolomieu 1960 [1796-7]; De Lotbiniere 1980; Gillett-
Laumont 1960; Skertchly 1879; Woodward 1960[1951]) and
these provide some insight into the history and technology of
gunflints. The first gunflints are thought to have been produced
in the Netherlands around 1620 (Witthoft 1966:22), although
this has been questioned by White (1975:67). These early
forms are called spalls or gunspalls because they are simply
large flakes that were struck from a cobble or wedge-shaped
core. Usually the striking platform and bulb of percussion
are clearly visible on the spalls (Figure 2a). Some secondary
flaking may be present at the back or heel area of the spall,
but for the most part the flint was left unmodified (Hamilton
The French were apparently the first to manufacture on a
large scale gunflints from "long flakes" or blades during the
last half of the eighteenth century (De Lotbiniere 1980:154).
The blades were struck from a core by direct percussion using
a specially made steel hammer. The blade was then snapped
into suitably sized pieces and trimmed using a steel chisel set
at an incline and a disc-shaped hammer called a "roulette."

The knapper takes up the blades, one by one, and
propping them against the chisel on the workbench,
gives them a sharp tap with the roulette on the two ends
of each blade [to remove the bulb of percussion at one
end and the feathered margin at the opposite end]...he
then produces, depending on the length of the blade,

VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA AI'rmaopoLoclsT JUNE 2011

VOL. 64(2)


JUNE 2011


Figure 1. Map of Tampa's Central Business District showing the locations of the Tampa Convention Center (1987) and
South Regional Parking Facility (1988) project areas. Also shown are locations of other projects mentioned in the text: A=US
AmeriBank (Austin and Hendryx 2009); B-Quad Block (Piper and Piper 1982); C=Ashley Tower (Hardin and Thomsen

two or perhaps three gunflints. Each of these fragments
is then taken up again for retouching. Placing one
end of the fragment against the top of the chisel, the
knapper guides the roulette with short, rapid blows to
the smooth side of the fragment so that numerous chips
fly in all directions. These chips are produced by the
counterblow, just at the point of contact between the
stone and chisel, and they make the flake scars that
appear on the edges of the gunflints [Schleicher 1910
quoted in Barnes 1980[1937]:161].

The British had been making gunspalls since at least the
mid-seventeenth century (De Lotbiniere 1980; White 1975)
and continued to do so into the early nineteenth century
(Honerkamp and Harris 2005). They did not adopt the blade
technique until sometime during the last quarter of the
eighteenth century (De Lotbiniere 1980:156; White 1975;

Witthoft 1966:32), but when they did, they improved the
technique substantially and were able to eclipse France in the
mass production of gunflints.
The British technique of gunflint production has been
described by Barnes (1960[1937]), De Lobitniere (1980), and
Skertchly (1879). It involved the systematic removal of long,
parallel-sided blades from a prepared core. The blade was then
held at an angle against a steel chisel blade and with a hammer
similar to the French "roulette," the knapper struck the blade
on its central axis, just below the lower edge of the chisel.
The result was an oblique fracture. The blade was then turned
over, placed on the chisel edge at the appropriate distance for
the size of the gunflint required, and with a second blow the
flint was detached from the blade. This process continued
until the blade was exhausted. The resulting gunflints required
no additional trimming other than a quick rasp against the
chisel edge to straighten the striking edge. The method was


2011 VOL. 64(2)


Figure 2. Examples of the main types of gunflints found
at Fort Brooke: A) gunspall; B) round-heel blade; C)
untrimmed blade; D) double-edged blade; E) square-heel

so efficient that British flintknappers were reportedly able to
produce up to 3000 gunflints in a day compared to 500 using
the French method (Skertchly 1879:31; C. Smith 1960:60).

Distinguishing Between French and British Gunflints

Distinguishing between French and British blade
gunflints is accomplished in two ways: by the type of raw
material and by technological and morphological features. Of
these the latter is probably the more reliable because of the
variation inherent in flint materials. Nonetheless a distinction
is often made between French and British flints and when
used in conjunction with other criteria, these can aid in the
identification of the place of origin.
Although other source areas are known to have been
exploited, the raw material preferred by British flintknappers
came primarily from late Cretaceous flint deposits in Suffolk
County particularly in the Brandon area (Durst 2009; Hamilton
and Emery 1988). The typical flint from Brandon is usually
dark gray to black, relatively opaque, and fine to medium
grained. Occasionally light-colored, gray, opaque flints were
also used by the British (Kenmotsu 1990:95). The primary
source areas of French flint were the late Cretaceous deposits
located in the Seine and Marne regions (Durst 2009; Hamilton
and Emery 1988). This flint tends to be light yellow, blond,
or honey-colored with small whitish inclusions, although
other colors ranging from gray to brown to nearly black are
not uncommon (Hamilton and Emery 1988:30). Often there
is a white, chalky cortex adhering to the exterior surface of
the flints. The translucent and very fine-grained French flint
was considered by many soldiers to be superior to British flint
(Noel Hume 1978:220), presumably because of its perceived
reliability in producing the necessary spark.
Technologically, the difference between British and
French gunflints is in the degree of secondary retouch that is
exhibited. The British usually did not modify their gunflints
once a blade segment of the appropriate size had been produced
(Figure 2c), although secondary flaking of the sides of the




gunflint may be exhibited (Figure 2d). The French on the other
hand trimmed all edges except for the striking edge (Figure
2b). The back or heel was often flaked into a rounded, convex
edge resulting in a distinctively shaped gunflint that is called a
round heel or "D-form" (Kenmotsu 1990:98). French gunflints
also tend to be slightly wider than they are long while British
gunflints tend to be longer than they are wide (Hamilton and
Emery 1988:13).
Other styles of gunflints were made by both the French
and the British, but these are rarely found on military sites in
Florida. One variation manufactured by the French and which
may be present is described by Hamilton (1964:56). This is a
square, very thin, and flat gunflint with secondary chipping
on the sides that form a bevel matching the bevels of the heel
and striking edge. Hamilton mentions that he has seen larger
examples in the south that were probably used on muskets. He
estimates that they were made through the end of the flintlock
era (ca. 1860). The French apparently also used a black flint
on occasion and since this thin, flat type is definitely of French
manufacture, its occurrence on black flint can be confused
with a British origin.

Fort Brooke Assemblage

A total of 85 gunflints from Fort Brooke are included in
the analysis (Appendix I). Forty-seven of these were recovered
during the Convention Center project. Most of these (n=43)
came from excavations at what was the future site of the South
Regional Parking Facility (Figure 1), which is believed to
be located where enlisted soldiers and militia bivouacked in
uncovered marquees during the Second Seminole War (Austin
1993). Gunflints were recovered from Second Seminole War-
period strata and features (primarily refuse pits). Dating of these
proveniences was accomplished primarily through South's
(1977) mean ceramic formula and visual bracketing methods,
which indicate a date range of 1824 to 1840 for all but three of
the 19 dated features (Austin 1993:Table 7). This date range
is corroborated by the recovery of an 1835 Liberty half-dime
from a refuse pit (Feature 3) that contained several gunflints
and an 1837 "seated" dime from a charcoal-impregnated lens
within the Fort Brooke-period stratum (Austin 1993:63).
Four gunflints were recovered from excavations at
the Bay Cadillac site in the southeast corer of the Tampa
Convention Center project area (Figure 1). The focus of the
excavation here was on a prehistoric cemetery and overlying
midden (Austin et al. 1992); however, a number of Fort Brooke
artifacts were recovered from the upper levels of the midden.
This area is believed to have been close to Frazer's Redoubt,
a triangular-shaped fortification that was constructed prior to
Additional gunflints from three other projects conducted
within the boundaries of 8HI13 (see Figure 1) also were
included in the analysis. These include three gunflints
recovered from excavation on the USAmeriBank property,
including one from a late 1840s-early 1850s barrel well
(Austin and Hendryx 2009); five gunflints recovered from
three burials at the Fort Brooke cemetery, which is believed
to have been in use between 1824 and 1846 (Hardin 1982);


THE ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ __ FLRIA NHRPOOIS 211VL.642

and one gunflint from a Second Seminole War refuse midden
located on the Ashley Tower property (Hardin and Thomsen
Finally, 29 gunflints from two private collections are
included in this study. Although the provenience information of
these artifacts is not as precise as the professionally excavated
specimens, they have been included in order to increase the
overall sample size.

Gunflint Typology

Five distinct styles of gunflints were defined in the Fort
Brooke assemblage based on differences in manufacturing
techniques: spall; blade, untrimmed; blade, double edged;
blade, square heel; and blade, round heel. These reflect
variations on the three major types of gunflints that are
commonly found at historic sites: spall, blade, and modified
or trimmed blade. A sixth category includes fragments and
heavily reworked forms that cannot be accurately assigned
to one of the other five categories. The six categories are
described below and summarized in Table 1:
Spall: These are wedge-shaped or trapezoidal in cross-
section, display a prominent bulb of percussion on the upper
face, and the heel and lateral margins display secondary flaking
(Figure 2a). Honerkamp and Harris (2005:102) refer to this
type as a "basic spall" and Stone (1971:14-18) places them
in his Series C, Type 1 (Spall) category. Two examples of this
style are present in the Fort Brooke sample. One is made of a
gray homogeneous flint while a second, larger spall is made
from a coarse-textured, dark gray chert containing quartz
sand inclusions that is unsimilar to any of the other gunflint
Blade, untrimmed: These gunflints are made from blades
and are trapezoidal in profile (Figure 2c). They possess
sloping (beveled) side and back surfaces, and a flat to slightly
concave midsection face. Flake scars on the face are oriented
parallel to the bed, or ventral surface of the original blade
blank. These are similar in form to Honerkamp and Harris's
(2005:102) "basic blade" except that their examples exhibit
trimmed margins. Martin (1985:195) adds untrimmed blades
to Stone's original typology and designates them as Series D.
There are three untrimmed blade gunflints in the Fort Brooke
collection. Two of these are made of black flint, and one is
made of honey-colored flint.
Blade, double edged: This style of gunflint is similar
to the untrimmed blade described above, but both side
margins are trimmed and the heel and striking edge remain
untrimmed (Figure 2d; cf. Honerkamp and Harris 2005:102).
This is presumably to enable both the heel and edge to serve
as striking edges. Four examples of this style are present in
the Fort Brooke sample; two are made on gray flint, one on
grayish-brown flint, and one on honey-colored flint.
Blade, square heel: This style of gunflint is similar to
the untrimmed blade described above, but has had three
and sometimes four margins trimmed through secondary
flaking (Figure 2e). The heel is straight or "square" which
distinguishes it from the round-heel variety described below.
This style corresponds to Honerkamp and Harris's (2005:102)

"basic blade." Only three examples of this style are present in
the Fort Brooke assemblage. They are made of dark gray, dark
grayish-brown, and dark olive flint.
Blade, round heel: This style of gunflint also is made
on a prismatic blade. Two lateral margins and the heel have
been trimmed by secondary flaking, with the heel trimmed
into a rounded shape (Figure 2b). They correspond to
Stone's (1971:8-10) Series A, Types 1 and 2 blade gunflints.
Honerkamp and Harris (2005:102) describe modified blades
from the Presidio Santa Maria de Galve cache in Pensacola
and compare them to Stone's Series A, Type 2, although these
square-heel gunflints are not the same as those described by
Stone, which possess a "rounded back heel."
The round-heel style is the most common gunflint at Fort
Brooke; 57 of the 85 gunflints (67%) are this style (Figure
3). Forty-one are made of a translucent honey-colored flint
with light-colored inclusions. The others are made of grayish-
brown flint (6), dark yellowish-brown flint (3), light brown
flint (2), gray flint (3), dark gray flint (1), and dark grayish-
brown flint.
Indeterminate: Two heavily resharpened blade gunflints
and 14 gunflint fragments make up this category. Nine are
made of honey-colored flint, two are made of gray flint, two of
dark gray flint, and one of black flint. The color of two gunflint
fragments could not be accurately determined because they
are heat damaged which has altered their natural colors.

Dimensional Characteristics

Length', width, and thickness measurements were obtained
for all specimens (Appendix I) and a summary of these data is
presented in Table 2. A scatterplot of length and width values
for the 62 complete specimens shows three distinct groupings
(Figure 4). Most of the gunflints cluster near the center of the
graph (B), but a grouping of nine gunflints with low length and
width values is evident (A) and a single large gunspall also is
isolated from the rest of the assemblage (C).
Although the samples of most of the gunflint varieties are
too small to plot their frequency distributions, the round-heel
variety does contain enough examples to do so and the resulting
distributions of lengths and widths are shown in Figure 5.
Although the distribution of gunflints lengths is negatively
skewed towards the larger sizes, there are two possible length
groupings centering around 18.5-19.99 mm and 26-27.49 mm,
with the latter exhibiting a large amount of variation around
its peak. The distribution of width frequencies is even more
strongly skewed with most of the round-heel gunflints narrowly
clustered between 25.5 and 29.99 mm. These distributions are
consistent with the scatterplot in Figure 4 which shows a few
smaller round-heel flints separated from the majority of larger
flints. The wide range of variation in lengths and the narrow
range of widths illustrated by Figure 5 suggest that the B
grouping in Figure 4 contains specimens possessing variable
lengths but relatively consistent widths. This suggests that this
group contains heavily reworked flints along with unworked
and lightly worked specimens.
Several authors have published size ranges for flints
meant to be used in various types of firearms (e.g., B. Lewis


1 102 YOL. 64(2)


Table 1. Classification of Fort Brooke gunflints by type and color.

Figure 3. Examples of gunflints and a lead flint patch from Fort Brooke.

Types g Totals Percents

Spall 1 1 2 2.35
Blade, untrimmed 1 2 3 3.53
Blade, double-edged 1 2 1 4 4.71
Blade, square heel 1___ 1 1 __3 3.53
Blade, round-heel 41 1 3 6 1 3 2 57 67.06
Indeterminate 9 1 2 2 __ 2 16 18.82
Totals 52 3 4 1 8 7 2 1 3 2 2 85 100.00
Percent 61.18 3.53 4.71 1.18 8.24 2.35 9.41 1.18 3.53 2.35 2.35 100.00 --



Table 2. Dimensional data for Fort Brooke gunflints.
Length (mm) Width (mm) Thickness (mm)
__ ypN Range Mean SD N Range Mean SD N Range Mean SD
Spall 2 21.3-30.2 25.7 6.3 2 27.7-35.3 31.5 5.4 2 5.9-12.1 9.0 4.4
Blade, untrimmed 3 18.6-23.0 20.1 2.5 3 17.8-23.7 20.0 3.2 3 4.8-11.0 7.5 3.2
Blade, double-edged 3 25.8-29.9 27.3 2.3 3 26.4-31.2 28.3 2.6 4 5.6-10.0 7.5 2.3
Blade, square heel 3 17.5-18.0 17.8 0.3 3 15.0-17.0 15.8 1.0 2 6.0-7.0 6.5 0.7
Blade, round-heel 54 17.6-33.4 27.0 3.7 50 16.2-30.3 26.7 2.8 55 4.4-11.0 7.4 1.3
Indeterminate 3 20.0-29.9 23.8 5.3 4 22.7-27.6 25.7 2.3 16 4.0-9.0 6.4 1.5

40 c


30 0t\


20 o *
A A x SIpll
0D Blade. untrhmued
o Blade. double edged
15 Blade. square heel
Blde. round heel
x Indeterminate

10 15 20 25 30 35 40
Width (mm)

Figure 4. Scatterplot of length and width values for complete gunflints showing three size groupings (A, B, and C).

1956:160; Skertchly 1879:47-63; Woodward 1960 [1951]:39)
and these are shown in Table 3. The most relevant of these for
comparison to the Fort Brooke data is B. Lewis's reproduction
of the gunflint specifications in the 1849 Ordnance Manual
of the United States Army. These specifications list the
recommended average size (length, width, and thickness) in
inches for muskets, rifles, and pistols along with acceptable
size ranges. These sizes were converted to millimeters and are
compared to the Fort Brooke data in Figure 6. The military
specifications are quite narrow, particularly in terms of width,
so size-range data from all three data sets in Table 3 were
combined and are also shown in Figure 6. In addition to the
larger size ranges, the Skertchly and Woodward gunflint data
provide size ranges for additional firearms, such as pocket
pistols, carbines, and cannons.

Comparison of these size ranges with the Fort Brooke
data reveals that the latter is consistently smaller than
the recommended ranges, particularly in terms of length.
Undoubtedly this is due to the fact that many of the Fort
Brooke gunflints have had their original sizes modified by
use and resharpening. Both of these activities would have
reduced their overall length while width and thickness would
have remained relatively unchanged. C. Smith (1960:48) also
notes that discrepancies between archaeological specimens
and published military standards may be due to a lack of
careful inspection by the U. S. Army when the flints were
imported. It is worth noting that the two round-heel gunflints
that were identified by Hardin (1982:289) as unused, as well
as four gunflints identified by the author as having only minor
evidence of use, all are located at the upper end of the size


1 102 YOL. 64(2)


17-18.49 18.5-19.99 20-21.49 21.5-22.99 23-24.49 24.5-25.99 26-27.49 27.5-28.9 29-30.49 30.5-31.9 32-33.49
Length (mm)

16-16.49 16.5-17.99 18-19.49 19.5-20.99 21-22.49 22.5-23.99 24-25.49 25.5-26.99 27-28.49 28.5-29.99 30-30.49
Width (mm)

Figure 5. Frequency distributions of length (top) and width (bottom) for round-heel gunflints.



THE ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ __ FLRIA NHRPOOIS 211VL.64f

Table 3. Recommended size ranges of gunflints for various firearms.

Firearms Length (mm) Width (mm) Thickness (mm)
1849 U. S. Military Manual Specifications (Lewis 1956:160)
Musket 30.5-38.1 27.5-28.7 6.6-8.4
Rifle 24.6-30.5 20.1-22.4 5.1-7.4
Pistol 23.6-27.7 21.3-23.3 5.3-6.9
Skertchly (1879:48-63)
Musket 33.0 27.9-30.5 7.6-10.2
Carbine 30.5 25.4 6.4
Horse Pistol 25.4-27.9 22.9-25.4 7.6
Pocket Pistol 19.1 16.5 5.1
Woodward (1960 [1951]:39)
Musket 28.6-38.1 31.2-41.3 --
Carbine 28.6-31.2 22.2-25.4 --
Rifle 22.2 22.2 --
Horse Pistol 25.4 19.1-25.4 --
Pocket Pistol 14.3-19.1 7.9-12.7 --
Cannon 44.5-63.0 38.1-57.2 --

40 C

B Musket
................... ^
30 x pal

Pocket Pisl Pistol x In

15 A
.... .......... .......... i _1

1849 Military Specifications
a1 Blade, untrimmed
0 Blade. double edged
:.................................................. "o Blade, square heel
: [ Blade,. round heel
Pocket Pistol x Indeterminate
15 *
................................................... ---- 1849 Military Specifications
............... Lewis, Skcrtchly.,& Woodward
Dimensions Combined
10 1.......
5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45

Width (mm)

Figure 6. Comparison of Fort Brooke gunflint dimensions with 1849 U.S. Army military specifications (B. Lewis 1956) and
the size ranges of flints made for various firearms published in Skertchly (1879) and Woodward (1960 119511).


1 102 Vot. 64(2)


distribution for both length and width, i.e., within or just below
the range for muskets. The outlying large gunspall appears to
have been meant for use in a musket as well.
The intermediate-size gunflints appear to consist of a
mixture of flints used in smaller carbines or rifles, horse pistols,
and perhaps larger musket flints that have been reduced in size
through use and resharpening. Finally, the smallest gunflints
all appear too small to represent anything other than flints
meant for use in pocket pistols, notwithstanding the presence
of obviously used specimens.

Use- Wear Analysis

That the Fort Brooke gunflints represent used rather than
unused specimens is indicated by an examination of their
striking edges. In a study of both modem and archaeological
gunflints, Kenmotsu (1990:107-113) identified four criteria
that indicate whether or not a gunflint has been used.
These include 1) unifacial step flaking on the upper surface
of the striking edge, 2) a striking edge that is stepped in
cross-section, 3) smoothing of the striking edge, and 4) flat
scalar or hinge flakes on the underside of the striking edge.
Utilizing these criteria, all of the Fort Brooke gunflints
were examined microscopically, except for those recovered
from the Fort Brooke cemetery excavation which were not
available for study (although two of the round-heel flints are
described by Hardin [1982:289] as "unused"). Sixty-one of the
remaining 80 gunflints exhibit moderate to heavy use wear on
their primary striking edges; six exhibit minor wear, six are
probable strike-a-lights, and seven are too fragmented to make
a determination.
Thirteen specimens display evidence of having been
rejuvenated by either turning the flint over to use the opposite
side of the face or rotating the flint in the cock to use one or
more alternate margins. Both of these methods of gunflint
rejuvenation were used in the past (Woodward 1960 [1951]:34-
35) and are commonly used by modem flintlock enthusiasts
(Kenmotsu 1990:106). Experiments have verified that turning
the flint over is an effective means of increasing sparking
performance (Hamilton and Emery 1988:143). A third method
of rejuvenation, retouching the striking edge to reestablish the
proper striking angle and straighten edge irregularities, was
observed on 17 specimens.
Some of the gunflints that display only minor or moderate
wear appear to be capable of being used for several more
strikes. According to U. S. military ordnance manuals, a good
flint was expected to last for 50 strikes and flints were issued to
soldiers at 1 per 20 rounds of ammunition (Brown 1983:450;
C. Smith 1960:44). However, the experiments conducted by
Hamilton and Emery (1988) demonstrated a marked decrease
in the performance of gunflints with continued use as measured
by the length of the spark array that results from firing. The
fact that some gunflints were discarded with minor use with
no attempt to rejuvenate them suggests that the soldiers were
concerned with the reliability of the gunflints to provide the
necessary spark and so preferred new, unused edges to those
that were slightly worn or were not of the proper striking
angle. The available supply of gunflints may also have been

a factor in affecting the rate of discard. Since Fort Brooke
was the principal ordnance depot for most of the military forts
and campaigns in south Florida, it would be expected that
the maintenance of firearms, including the examination and
discarding of any gunflints not considered in prime working
condition, would have been a major activity there.
Six gunflints display edge damage and retouch indicating
that they were recycled for use as strike-a-light flints and
a seventh was recovered from the Fort Brooke cemetery
excavation attached to a steel flint (Hardin 1982:289). Evidence
for this type of function includes bifacial edge crushing, edge
rounding, striations, and polish (Moore 2001; Runnels 1994;
Stapert and Johansen 1999). Strike-a-lights produce sparks by
striking a flint against iron or steel which ignites the tinder
to make fire. Continued use of the flint against a fire steel
results in the dulling of the striking edge which may then be
rejuvenated through secondary retouch. The retouch increases
the angle of the striking surface and often produces a concave
edge outline (Moore 2001:73; Runnels 1994:Figures 1-3).
Two gunflints display concave edges with extensive retouch,
three display crushed margins, and a sixth displays steep
retouch along one margin. The best example of a strike-a-light
flint is shown in Figure 7. This specimen displays extensive
crushing and rounding along a concave edge (Figure 8, right).
Another interesting edge damage pattern that was
observed on 11 round-heel specimens and one untrimmed
blade consists of a small notch or concavity in the heel (Figure
3, second row, second from left; third row, two furthest to the
left; see also Hardin 1982:Figure 44a; Laxson 1954:Figure 1).
The interior edges of these notches tend to display crushed
margins indicating that they have been in contact with a
hard, unyielding surface. One of the gunflints from the site
was still contained in its lead patch which is open at the back

Figure 7. Obverse and reverse views of a well worn strike-
a-light flint from Fort Brooke.




Figure 8. Edge damage resulting from (left) striking against a frizzen and (right)
use as a strike-a-light flint. Horizontal bars = 1 cm.

Figure 9. Illustration of the firing mechanism for the M1816 standard issue flintlock musket showing the
position of the gunflint heel against the turnscrew.

revealing the heel of the flint with the characteristic notch
indicating that the damage occurred while the flint was in
the cock. Examination of photographs of flintlock rifles, as
well as actual firearms, indicates the source of the damage.
The firing mechanism of a flintlock rifle consists of a cock
which holds the gunflint and a steel frizzen. When the gun is
fired, the cock is released and the gunflint strikes the frizzen
causing a spark to ignite the powder. The flint is set in the cock
by placing it between two metal plates which are tightened

by a connecting turnscrew (Figure 9). The gunflint is placed
in the cock with the heel against the turnscrew. Indeed, De
Lotbiniere (1980:159) states that the steeply beveled, rounded
heel of French gunflints may have enabled a soldier to place
the flint directly in contact with the turnscrew in order to give
better sparking performance, explaining also the hole in the
center of lead and leather flint patches. Repeated impact of the
striking edge of the gunflint against the frizzen would tend to
drive the flint backwards into the turnscrew causing crushing



2011 VOL. 64(2)


of the heel edge. This repeated impact would produce a notch
that conforms to the diameter of the turscrew.

Firing Position

The 1849 Ordnance Manual further recommends that
gunflints should be positioned with the bevel up when fired;
however, as both C. Smith (1960:44) and Woodward (1960
[1951]:34) note, this was not a universal practice. Kenmotsu
(1990) also mentions that many modem flintlock enthusiasts
use their gunflints upside down, in other words with the flat
ventral surface facing upwards. In the Fort Brooke assemblage
it was found that 36 of the 80 analyzed gunflints were used in
this fashion. Evidence of this practice is seen in the location of
the flake scars that result from impact with the frizzen. Since
the action is downwards, impact occurs on the underside of the
flint driving flakes upward. If the flint is used with the ventral
surface up, then use damage should be present on the ventral
surface, as shown in Figure 8, left. Another 22 gunflints were
fired from the recommended dorsal position, 11 displayed
evidence of having been fired from both the dorsal and ventral
positions, and one displayed no evidence ofuse. Firing position
could not be determined for 10 gunflints either because of their
fragmented condition or because they had been extensively
modified by retouch or secondary use as strike-a-light flints.

Origin of Manufacture

Fifty-seven gunflints were determined to be of French
manufacture based on the presence of the rounded heel and
retouched side margins. Forty-one of these were manufactured
from a translucent, honey-colored flint with whitish inclusions,
with the remaining 16 round-heel specimens manufactured
from a variety of different colored flints (see Table 1). In
addition, one small, thin (4.8 mm), double-edged blade is of
honey-colored flint (Figure 3, bottom left) and may be one
of the flat French gunflints noted by Hamilton and described
above. Another square but untrimmed honey-colored flint
also is tentatively identified as French. Nine other broken
gunflints are made of honey-colored flint. Although probably
of French origin, their fragmented condition makes it difficult
to determine this precisely. Most exhibit trimmed edges,
however, making it more likely that they are French rather
than British.
Nine gunflints of likely British manufacture are present
in the assemblage representing three styles: untrimmed,
double-edged, and square heel. There is a wide variety of flint
types among the British flints including black, gray, dark gray,
grayish-brown, dark grayish-brown, and dark olive (Table 1).
The dark grayish-brown flint displays trimming on all four
margins and was recovered from a Fort Brooke burial along
with two unused French flints. Analysis of the skeletal remains
indicates that this individual was probably an Anglo-American
burial (Hardin 1982:286). Two other British-style flints were
recovered from two separate Native American burials; one
dark olive flint was attached via corrosion to a fire steel or
strike-a-light and a dark gray flint was similarly attached to an
iron projectile point (Hardin 1982:286, 289). One additional

broken and heavily worn gunflint made from black flint is
likely British in origin also.
The origin of six gunflints could not be determined
because they are too fragmented to determine the technology
used to manufacture them and the flint material tends to be
non-diagnostic gray or dark gray in color. The origin of the two
spalls also is difficult to determine. The larger spall is made
from a coarse-grained, opaque, dark gray chert with numerous
quartz sand inclusions. The material is unlike any of the flint
varieties associated with the French or British-made gunflints
nor does it resemble the local Tampa Limestone cherts that
outcrop along the Hillsborough River. The smaller spall is
made from a relatively uniform, opaque gray flint. Although
the raw materials are atypical, a likely origin for the spalls
is Britain. The large cache of British-made spalls and blade
flints found at the Presidio Santa Maria de Galve and dated to
sometime after 1795 (Honerkamp and Harris 2005) indicates
that British flintknappers continued to manufacture gunspalls
after the introduction of the blade technique to that country
during the late eighteenth century. Another possibility is
that the spalls were struck from chert cobbles used as ballast,
which would suggest that they were made on site.

Gunflint Procurement during the Second Seminole War

Florida and the French Connection

The preponderance of French gunflints at Fort Brooke
is a pattern found at other Second Seminole War sites in
Florida. Clausen (1970:14) reports that of the 110 gunflints
in the Fort Pierce collection, the "majority" were of French
manufacture. Similarly, 10 of the 15 gunflints recovered
during various investigations at Fort King appear to be of
French manufacture as are 6 of the 11 gunflints pictured
by Baker (1974:Figure 3) from Fort Foster. The samples of
gunflints from other Second Seminole War-era sites are too
small to make definitive conclusions, but when examined in
their entirety, sites of this period (1835-1842) display a much
greater proportion of French and possible French gunflints
than earlier sites, or for that matter, sites associated with the
Seminole Indians, regardless of time period (as is discussed
below). The significance of this is related to previous attempts
at establishing a chronology of gunflint use in the Americas.
Witthoft (1966) proposed a three-stage chronology based
on presumed manufacturing dominance: Dutch (wedge-
shaped or gunspalls), 1650-1770; French (blade flints), 1720-
1820; British (blade flints), 1780+. This chronology has
been shown to be deficient in several ways. White (1975), for
example, has shown that the Dutch did not have a monopoly
on the manufacture of gunspalls and that both the British and
French manufactured them in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. Gunspalls also were made from ballast stones by
British soldiers occupying Fort Frederica in Georgia during
the early eighteenth century and they constituted a significant
proportion of the large cache of British gunflints recovered
from the Presidio Santa Maria de Galve in Pensacola, dated
to sometime between 1795 and 1821 (Honerkamp and Harris



T2011 VO. 64(2)

Table 4. Temporal distribution (percentages) of gunflint types in North America
(Kent 1983:Table 2).

Time Wedge-
Bifacial French English Totals N
Periods Shaped
1625-1650 100 100 11
1650-1675 94 2 4 100 158
1675-1700 55 41 4 100 436
1700-1725 9 84 7 100 162
1725-1750 88 12 100 67
1750-1775 82 18 100 607
1775-1800 56 42 2 100 1324
1800-1825 4 58 38 100 261
1825-1850 8 92 100 89

At the other end of the chronology, the presumed
manufacturing dominance of British gunflints after 1780 is
based on the fact that prior to that time the French held a virtual
monopoly on commercial gunflint production supplying not
only its own military but also those of Britain and America as
well (Hamilton 1960:74, 1980:146; Stone 1971). After 1800,
the use of British gunflints increased, partly due to the more
efficient method of gunflint production developed by British
flintknappers. In addition, Woodward (1960 [1951]:35) cites an
early source that indicates that the French had ceased gunflint
production by 1837, although White (1975:71) indicates the
Dutch imported French gunflints for its military as late as 1817
and Hamilton (1964:56) implies that the French continued
making gunflints up to the close of the flintlock era in the
mid-nineteenth century. Regardless, data from archaeological
sites in North America do support the contention that British-
made gunflints dominated the commercial market after 1800,
(e.g., Hamilton 1960:75-76, 1964:55; Kent 1983:Tables 1, 2).
Kent's (1983) seriation of gunflint data from 29 seventeenth,
eighteenth, and nineteenth-century sites clearly shows this
trend (Table 4).
In Florida, however, this pattern fails to hold, particularly
during the Second Seminole War period. Table 5 provides
gunflint data for 31 Florida sites for which good contextual
data for gunflints are available, including 13 Second Seminole
War-period sites. These data are summarized in Table 6 by 25-
year and 50-year periods.2 For the period 1825-1850, which
included the Second Seminole War, 75% of the recovered
gunflints are identified as French-made. This percentage would
be even higher if quantitative data for the French gunflints
from Fort Pierce could be included; however, these data are
not provided by Clausen in his 1970 report. Even without
these data, the percentage of French gunflints in Florida for
the period 1825-1850 is significantly higher than the 8%
documented by Kent for sites elsewhere in the U.S. during this
same period (Table 4). This break with the general trend is
not limited to Florida or to military sites. Hudson and Hudson
(1972) document a cache of French gunflints from a post-1830
context at a civilian site in New Orleans. Clearly, other factors
besides manufacturing dominance influenced the acquisition
of gunflints in the South.

Historical Factors Influencing Gunflint Procurement

A review of the gunflint literature and American history
texts suggests several possible explanations for this divergent
pattern: functional differences between French and British
gunflints, cost differences, commercial trade agreements,
logistical problems in supplying a remote theater of operation,
and the desire to utilize stockpiles of gunflints left over from
earlier engagements.
The first two explanations are not considered to have
been major determining factors in the purchase of gunflints by
the U.S. Ordnance Department. Although some soldiers may
have preferred French over British gunflints, experimental
tests indicate little difference between them in terms of
consistently producing a reliable spark (Hamilton and Emery
1988). Price certainly could have influenced whether gunflints
were purchased from one or the other country if all other
factors were equal; however, all else was rarely equal in
terms of international trade following the end of the American
Revolution. The period from 1782 to 1815 was characterized
by trade embargos, blockades, tariffs, and privateering as the
newly formed republic became ensnared in the economic
warfare being waged between Britain and France (Cheney
2003; Horsman 1972[1962]; O'Rourke 2006; Potofsky 2002).
Although France was America's principal ally and financial
supporter during the American Revolution, relations between
the two countries cooled as the U.S. tried to reestablish normal
relations with Britain after the war ended.
The French Revolution in 1789, war with Britain (1792-
1797), the Quasi War of 1798, and the Napoleonic Wars
(1799-1815) also hindered France's ability to export its goods
to America (Horsman 1972[1962]:22-23; Potofsky 2002:4-8;
Sage 2007). During the Napoleonic Wars, Britain blockaded
French ports and in response, Napoleon's navy closed off all
European ports in his Continental System hoping to strangle
Britain's economy. According to White (1975:70), citing
French sources, during this period Napoleon banned the
exports of gunflints from France.
In 1807, Britain passed an Orders of Council which
prevented U.S. ships from landing at a European port without
first stopping at a British port (Horsman 1972[1962]:95-96).


1 102 VOL 64(2)

Table 5. Frequencies of gunflints at archaeological sites in Florida.

Site Time Period N ABO GS FR BR IND/ References Comments
"rectangular piece of chipped
flint...not made of traditional
Nocoroco 1605 1 1 Griffin and Smith 1949:356 European flints"
Made of French flint, but unclear if
Fig Springs 1608-1656 2 2 Weisman 1992:142, 143 they are spalls or blades
Six square bifaces with "evidence of
percussion on one edge"; Loucks
suggests that they are possible
Baptizing Spring 1610-1656 7 1 6 Loucks 1979:161, Table 3 gunflint blanks
McEwan 1991:Tables I and 3; Vernon 1 "prism" gunflint; 17 "locally
San Luis de Talimali 1656-1704 21 17 3 1 and McEwan 1990:34, Tables 1-5 made" including 2 ofsilicified coral
Rectangular gunflint from the
mission structure; all three described
Scott Miller 1650-1725 3 3 Smith 1951:124; Smith 1956:57 as "native chert"
1 gunspall made from Florida chert;
17 fragments=9 honey colored, 8
Fort Matanzas, north midden 1742-1763 21 3 9 9 Deagan 1976:78 gray
Fort San Miguel de
Panzaola/Fort of Pensacola 1752-1781 4 1 2 1 Joy 1989:39 1 "French" gunspall, I indeterminate
Goggin et al. 1949:16-17; Fitts Fitts identified these as likely of
Zetrouer A (Seminole) 1760-1780 15 15 2001:87-96 British origin
Spalding's Lower Store 1763-1780 54 2 44 8 Lewis 1969:134-137 2 aboriginal flints
3 very small, heavily retouched,
Tumbull Colonists' House 1768-1777 4 1 3 Moore, personal communication, 2011 reworked flints
Fort Matanzas, west midden 1760-1805 2 1 1 Deagan 1976:85 French flint is heat altered, broken
White-Fox 1768-1777 2 1 1 Moore, personal communication 2011 1 honey, 1 gray spall
Fitts identified these as likely of
British origin. Cites Seaberg (1955)
who describes 3 European flints and
8 aboriginal flints made of local
chert, but these are apparently the
Zetrouer B (Seminole) 1770-1790 11 11 Fitts 2001:87-96 same 11 gunflints analyzed by Fitts.
3 aboriginal flints. Stacey identifies
Panton, Leslie Co. Store 1793-1803 16 3 11 2 Stacy 1967:117-118 the spalls as French-made
Payne's Town (Seminole) 1790-1812 4 2 2 Blakney-Bailey 2008:177 Identifies all four as British-made
Presidio Santa Maria de Galve
(Spanish) 1795-1821 1239 780 459 Honerkamp and Harris 2005:Table 1 cache
Shannon Road Midden 1 possible gunflint core of French
(Leonardi House) 1802-1821 43 1 2 17 11 12 Carlson et al. 2009:299-303 flint; 11 gunflint fragments
U.S. Army Corps of Engineers I dark gray, I black, I honey
Fort San Carlos de Austria 1814or 1818 3 1 2 1992:52 colored
6 fragmented gunflints "chert,
Ximenez-Fatio House 1821-1860 7 1 6 Gaske 1982:137-138 honey-colored flint, and black flint"
Almy and Horvath 2001:11-12; Austin
1993:94-99: Austin and Hendryx
2009:Tables 8 and 9; Hardin
1982:289-290; Hardin and Thomsen 9 UIDs are honey-colored, probably
Ft. Brooke 1824-1850 89 2 61 9 17 1984:22, Table 2; Horvath 1987:4 French, 1 is black, probably British
Ft. Alabama/Ft. Foster 1849 15 6 5 4 Baker 1974:Plate 3, 1996:Appendix B
Ellis et al. 2009:93, Figure 30; Gulf
Archaeology Research Institute
1999:59, Figure 66; Piatek and Hunt
Ft. King 1827-1846 16 0 10 4 2 1989:103
Indian Key 1830-1842 9 1 1 7 Baker 1973:Plate 2
1 definite French-manufactured 1
small probably French, both honey-
Ft. Defiance/Ft. Micanopy 1835-1843 2 2 SEARCH 1997:84. Figure 30 colored
Ft. Heileman 1836-1841 2 1 I Bland et al. 2006:6-20, 6-22 "honey-colored"
Ft. Cooper 1836-1842 3 2 1 Baker 1976:Table 4 2 "aboriginal" flints
1 burned and shattered gunflint,
Fort Dade 1836-1842 4 3 1 Bell 2004:60-61, Figure 22 possibly French
"majority" are blonde-colored,
presumably French: 3 pictured are
Ft. Pierce 1838-1842 110 3 1 106 Clausen 1970:13-14, Figure 11 French, I is British beveled

Ft. Fanning 1838-1843 3 1 3 Bland et al. 2004:51.54
Kennedy-Darling Store 1849 5 1 4 Baker 1983:Plate 6
Identified as "Irish or British". but
Dade County (Seminole) mid-19th C. 1 1 Laxson 1954:116, Figure 1 appears to be French round-heel
Totals 1726 30 878 131 513 174_
KEY: ABO=Aboriginal; GS=Gunspall; BR=British; FR=French; IND/UID=Indetemiinate/Unidentified



THE ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ __ FLRD NHOOOIT21 O. 64(2

Table 6. Temporal distribution (percentages) of gunflint types in Florida (Data from
Table 5).
Periods Aboriginal Gunspalls French English Totals N

1600-1650 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 4
1650-1700 87.0 13.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 23
1700-1750 -- -- -- -- -- --
1750-1775 2.1 67.7 18.8 11.5 100.0 96
1775-1800 10.3 79.3 3.4 6.9 100.0 29
1800-1825 0.1 61.4 1.4 37.1 100.0 1277
1825-1850 1.6 2.4 75.6 20.3 100.0 123

is divided in 50-year increments due to less

NOTE: The period from 1600 to 1750
precise dating of recovery contexts.
In response, the U.S. passed the Non-Importation Act in 1806,
barring British exports to the U.S., followed by the Embargo
Act in 1807, which was prompted largely by the British navy's
attack on the U.S. Naval Vessel Chesapeake and the capture
of four U.S. sailors (Horsman 1972[1962]:123-143). The Act
was repealed in 1809, to be replaced by the Non-Intercourse
Act which allowed trade between the U.S. and everyone
except Britain and France. This effectively kept both British
and French goods from arriving on American shores, although
smuggling of British goods across the U.S.-Canada border
and French goods via Louisiana meant that some goods still
entered the country illegally. Trade with both countries was
resumed when the Non-Intercourse Act was replaced in 1810
with Macon's Bill No. 2 (Horsman 1972[1962]:185). Trade
with Britain was curtailed by the War of 1812, although it
resumed immediately following the end of the war in 1814.
Following the conclusion of the War of 1812, trade
relations with both Britain and France were reestablished,
although the U.S. almost went to war with France during the
1830s over indemnity claims for confiscation and destruction
of United States ships and goods dating back to the Napoleonic
Wars (Blumenthal 1972:73-77). Cooler heads prevailed,
however, and the three countries entered a period of relative
stability and peace. The U.S. Army was reduced in size and
ordnance stocks were considered sufficient for what was
needed to supply a peacetime force (B. Lewis 1956:29). The
U.S. Ordnance Department, established by an Act of Congress
on March 14, 1812, was abolished on May 2, 1821 and
between 1822 and 1835, Congress authorized no purchases of
small arms ammunition or powder until the available stores
had been reduced or depleted (Brown 1983:445; B. Lewis
1956:29, 155-156), although apparently firearms production
continued at the Springfield and Harpers Ferry armories
(Moller 1993:425-426; M. Smith 1977:Table 1).
Congress resurrected the Ordnance Department on April
5, 1832 (Brown 1983:445). When the Second Seminole War
erupted in 1835, the Ordnance Department, in operation
for only three years, faced fiscal and logistical demands in
its efforts to supply a remote theatre of operations (Brown
1983:445, 454). That it sometimes failed in its efforts to do so,
especially during the early years of the war, is documented in
newspaper accounts (e.g., The Courier, December 10, 1835,
cited in Anonymous 1925), as well as the letters and diaries

of officers and enlisted men who participated in that conflict
(e.g., Brooke 1974; Chamberlain 1968:39, 54; Covington

French Gunflints in Florida, Some Hypotheses

From 1782 to 1815, trade between Britain, France, and
the U.S. was constantly in a state of flux. Although firearms,
ammunition, and gunpowder were manufactured in America
(Brown 1983; B. Lewis 1956), an all-important element of
the flintlock ignition system gunflints had to be imported.
Consequently, it is likely that these necessary items were
obtained from whichever foreign market could provide them.
Although Britain may have held commercial dominance in the
gunflint trade after 1800, U.S. embargos and French blockades
of British ports may at times have forced the U.S. armories
and private firearm manufacturers to purchase gunflints from
France, particularly during the War of 1812.
With the onset of the Second Seminole War, the recently
reestablished Ordnance Department, having not actively
purchased large quantities of supplies since the end of the
War of 1812, was faced with supplying U.S. Army regulars
as well as state militias and, at times, settlers, with firearms,
ammunition, and gunflints. Although back on good terms with
Britain, the process of ordering and shipping large quantities
of goods from Europe took several months, and it seems likely
that the Ordnance Department may have initially supplied U.S.
troops destined for Florida using stockpiled materials. Since
there was no trade with Britain during the War of 1812, it also
seems likely that these surplus stocks included a large quantity
of French gunflints. The Ordnance Department, as well as
commanders in the field, may also have looked to private
contractors to supply these and other items (Brown 1983:447-
448, footnote). Both private arms manufacturers and the
national armories at Springfield, Massachusetts and Harpers
Ferry, Virginia would have kept quantities ofgunflints on hand
since they were required to provide flints with each individual
firearm purchased by the military (National Archives, Record
Group 156, Entry 78). With the development of the percussion
cap ignition system in the early 1800s, the French began to
unload its surplus of gunflints on the world market (Witthoft
1966:33). Since the United States did not manufacture its first
muzzle-loading percussion rifle until 18423 (Butler 71:82),


1 102 Vot. 64(2)


it would have been in the market for gunflints to outfit its
standard issue flintlocks. Furthermore, Chamberlain (1968:78)
and Grismer (1950:89) state that Fort Brooke received its
supplies from New Orleans, where Fort Pike was a major
staging area for troops on their way to Florida. According to
Hudson and Hudson (1972:8), many of the gun dealers in New
Orleans were French and some may have sold French-made
gunflints to the U.S. Army.


In this paper, I have provided a description and analysis
of gunflints from Fort Brooke, a Second Seminole War
military reservation and ordnance depot. The formal and
functional analyses have provided information on the
firearms that were most likely used by the soldiers during the
war, patterns of use, refurbishment, and recycling, and the
identification of countries of manufacture. The Fort Brooke
gunflint assemblage was compared to similar assemblages
from other sites in Florida and the continental U.S. and was
found to contain a significantly greater proportion of French-
made gunflints than expected based on previous efforts to
develop a gunflint chronology. A review of historical events
that occurred during the period from the end of the American
Revolution through the start of the Second Seminole War
offered several potential explanations for this anomaly. Of
these, the two that appear to provide the best explanation are
the use of stockpiled gunflints that had accumulated during
the War of 1812 and the purchase of gunflints from private
contractors in New Orleans. While Britain may have eclipsed
France in the commercial production of gunflints following
1780, French-made flints were in use in Florida (and perhaps
New Orleans) well into the first half of the nineteenth century.
Trade restrictions between the U.S., Britain, and France
brought about by a variety of international wars and economic
conflicts following the American Revolution no doubt affected
from which foreign country the U.S. purchased its gunflints;
U.S. embargos and French blockades of British ports may
have forced the U.S. to purchase gunflints from France during
this period. Following the War of 1812, with Britain and the
U.S. again on friendly terms, there would have been no reason
for British-made gunflints not to have been used during the
Seminole War. However, the military may have had to rely on
existing stockpiles of firearms and ordnance-related materials
or purchase them from private contractors who carried French
merchandise since there had been no purchases of such items
for over a decade and the Ordnance Department had only
recently been resurrected. Additional archival research will
need to be conducted to verify these hypotheses.


1. French gunflint manufacturers measured length along
the axis perpendicular to the face or striking edge of
the gunflint, or parallel to the long axis of the original
blade blank (Stone 1971:7). Length measurements
by archaeologists are made parallel to the face, or

perpendicular to the long axis of the blade. This
convention is followed here as it is common usage and
can be compared to length measurements made by other
2. Gunflint data from sites dating prior to 1750 are
summarized by 50-year increments because of the lack of
more precise dating estimates for the contexts of recovery.
3. Hall's breech-loading percussion carbine was being
issued to the U. S. Calvary in 1833 (Butler 1971:137);
however, this ignition system was not utilized extensively
in Florida during the Second Seminole War. The primary
martial firearm during this conflict was the M1816
flintlock musket, and the U.S. military did not begin
replacing the flintlock with percussion rifles in earnest
until 1840 (Brown 1983:449; Moller 1993:425-426). The
recovery of only a single percussion cap from Second
Seminole War-period contexts during the 1987 and 1988
excavations at Fort Brooke (Austin 1993:103) provides
archaeological verification of the late introduction of
percussion firearms in Florida.


I would like to thank Janice Ballo for conducting research
at the National Archives in Washington, D.C. on gunflint
procurement by the U.S. Army and the Ordnance Department.
She is continuing her research and we hope to resolve soon the
outstanding questions regarding how and why French gunflints
ended up in Florida during the Second Seminole War. Thanks
also to Glen Doran for providing me with a copy of Kay's
1967 Master's thesis on the Panton, Leslie, and Company
trading post site, 8WA9, and to Roger Grange for sending me
copies of gunflint papers from the Conference on Historic Sites
Archaeology. Greg Hendryx and two anonymous reviewers
provided useful comments on an earlier draft of the paper. Brian
Worthington drew the flintlock firing mechanism reproduced as
Figure 9. Brian should not be blamed for the gunflint drawings in
Figure 2; these are solely the fault of the author.

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Academic Press, New York.

Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc. (SEARCH)
1997 An Investigation of Site 8AL42: A Multicomponent
Second Seminole War Site (1836-1843). Report
prepared for the Town of Micanopy. On file, Florida
Division of Historical Resources, Tallahassee.

Stacey, Pheriba Kay
1967 8WA9, A Panton, Leslie, and Company Trading Post
Site: History, Ethnohistory, and Archaeology. M. A.
thesis, Department of Anthropology, Florida State
University, Tallahassee.

Stapert, Dick, and Lykke Johansen
1999 Making Fire in the Stone Age: Flint and Pyrite.
Geologie en Mijnbouw 78:147-164.

Stone, Lyle M.
1971 Gunflints from Eighteenth Century Fort
Michilimackinac Michigan: A Formal Analysis and
Description. Conference on Historic Sites Archaeology
Papers 1971 5:2-34.

United States Army Corps of Engineers
1992 Archaeological Investigations of the Underground
Electrical Utilities and Fort San Carlos de Austria,
Site 8Esl354, Naval Air Station, Pensacola, Florida.
Report prepared for Naval Air Station Pensacola.
On file, Florida Division of Historical Resources,

Vernon, Richard, and Bonnie McEwan
1990 Town Plan and Town Life at Seventeenth Century San
Luis. Florida Archaeological Reports 18, Bureau of
Archaeological Research, Tallahassee.

Villalobos, Carol. R.
2003 A Study of Gunflints from Spanish Colonial Sites. M.
A. thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of
Texas at San Antonio.

White, Stephen W.
1975 On the Origin of Gunspalls. Historical Archaeology

Witthoft, John
1966 A History of Gunflints. Pennsylvania Archaeologist

Woodward, Arthur
1960(1951) Some Notes on Gunflints. Missouri
Archaeologist 22:29-39. Originally published in
Military Collector and Historian 1951.



Appendix I. Gunflint data, Fort Brooke, 8HI13.
L W Th
Specimen No. ( ) ( ) ( ) Material Type Origin Position Comments
(mm) (mm) (mm)
Ventral retouch, lateral notching(?), deep
11-1 17.6 22.2 5.0 Honey Blade, md French Ventral step scar back ventral
15-1 23.4 23.7 7.0 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal
Large scalar scars on ventral surface,
16-1 27.7 29.0 8.0 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal? notch at heel
Very small fragment, broken
21-1* 11.9 25.5 6.9 Honey Indeterminate French? Indeterminate transversely; possibly French
Coarser material, possibly homemade;
41-1 30.2 35.3 12.1 Dark gray Spall Spall NA striking platform and bulb visible
42-1 26.4 28.5 7.0 Honey Blade, rnd French Dorsal Heavy use damage; notch at heel
42-2 26.5 27.5 6.8 Honey Blade, rnd French Ventral
Diagonal fracture at heel, possibly from
44-1 31.2 29.0 7.4 Honey Blade, md French Ventral use
484-1 27.1 23.8 8.1 Honey Blade, rd French Ventral
50-1* 26.6 17.4 9.8 Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate Ventral Heat fractured, crazing lines
Small fragment, retouch on dorsal and
64-2* 16.1 14.5 6.6 Dark gray Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate ventral surfaces
64-3 33.4 28.6 6.9 Honey Blade, rd French Ventral Very small amount of use wear
Ventral retouch; heel steeply retouched,
concave, possibly broken and reshaped;
64-4 21.6 27.4 6.6 Gray Indeterminate Indeterminate Ventral crazing lines
Crazing lines, created fracture off
64-6* 21.1 27.8 5.0 Dark gray Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate working edge; probably French
Very small amount of use wear, crazing
64-7 31.1 26.5 9.0 Gray Blade, rnd French Ventral lines
65-1 22.7 26.0 8.1 Honey Blade, md French Ventral Possible ventral retouch
Two margins broken, retouched; one
75-1 23.0 23.7 11.0 Black Blade, un British Dorsal margin possibly used
95-2 27.5 28.9 5.4 Honey Blade, rnd French Ventral Small notch at heel
115-1 18.6 18.6 4.8 Honey Blade, un French? Ventral Square shape
Ventral retouch back & front, back edge
122-1 25.0 28.7 8.3 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal possibly used, notch at heel
134-1 32.1 29.3 8.5 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal Very small amount of use wear
147-1* 20.0 22.7 6.8 Honey Indeterminate French? Ventral Broken transversely
154-1 29.2 29.2 9.0 Honey Blade, rnd French Dorsal One lateral margin possibly used
219-1* 30.2 13.4 6.0 Honey Blade, md French Ventral Broken in half longitudinally
224-1 27.0 30.1 9.6 Honey Blade, rd French Ventral Possible ventral retouch
243-1 32.1 30.3 8.5 Honey Blade, rnd French Dorsal
243-2* 31.0 15.7 7.4 Honey Blade, rd French Dorsal Broken in half longitudinally
246-1 25.4 25.3 NM Dark gray Blade, md French Dorsal Still in lead patch; notch at heel
Possibly broken & reused; possible use
246-2* 23.3 15.2 4.0 Black Indeterminate British? Dorsal on other margins
Use on retouched lateral margin; notch at
246-3 18.7 17.8 6.6 Black Blade, un British Dorsal heel
Very light ventral damage; possible use
246-4 29.4 28.2 7.5 Honey Blade, rnd French Ventral/Dorsal on dorsal lateral margin
246-5 27.2 24.0 7.1 Honey Blade, md French Ventral Crazing, pot lids; color fire darkened
Angular fragment apparently reused;
251-1* 27.5 18.4 9.0 Honey Indeterminate French? Dorsal notch at possible heel
Heavily used, both ventral lateral edges
255-1 30.5 28.0 7.2 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral and front dorsal
Small area of possible use on one lateral
271-1 27.9 25.9 8.2 Honey Blade, rnd French Ventral margin
Broken transversely; one margin dorsally
retouched, two margins ventrally
283-1* 23.3 13.7 7.8 Honey Indeterminate French? Indeterminate retouched
284-1* 20.0 10.9 5.8 Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate Small, heat fractured fragment
Retouch on lateral margins, not on heel;
294-1* 26.1 25.9 5.6 Gray Blade, dbl British Dorsal heat fractured, crazing lines
Retouch on lateral margins, not on heel;
297-1 26.2 27.3 7.0 Gray Blade, dbl British Dorsal heat fractured, crazing lines
301-1 27.2 28.1 9.0 Honey Blade, md French Ventral
313-1* 23.0 17.1 5.4 Honey Indeterminate French? Ventral/Dorsal Small wedge-shaped fragment
317-1* 12.6 16.0 4.6 Honey Indeterminate French? Dorsal Very small fragment
35-3 26.3 28.8 7.9 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal? Large hinge scars on ventral surface


1 102 VOL. 64(2)

Appendix I, continued. Gunflint data, Fort Brooke, 8HI13.
L W Th
Specimen No.( ( Material Type Origin Position Comments
(mm) (mm) (mm)
Blade, md, Only one margin retouched to form
366-1 24.5 24.9 6.7 Honey atypical French Ventral rounded heel
08027-49.3 19.5 21.8 4.8 Honey Blade, md French Ventral possible strike-a-light
Heavily reworked flint; striking edge
concave with rounding and scarring on
dorsal and ventral surfaces, possible
strike-a-light; both lateral margins have
scarring on ventral surfaces; right ventral
08027-62.04 19.7 16.2 4.4 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral has a notch
08027.66.18.03 29.9 27.8 7.0 Gray blade, md French Dorsal Snap fracture on striking edge
BC284-1 21.3 27.3 7.0 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral Heavily worn; resharpened ventrally
BC480-1 27.5 28.1 8.5 Honey Blade, md French Ventral Heaviest wear on lateral margin
Steep, deep step scars on heel, possible
BC480-2 29.9 27.6 7.0 Honey Indeterminate French? Indeterminate strike-a-light
DG-I 27.2 27.7 8.0 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal
DG-2 29.7 24.9 6.9 Dark grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral
G-001 19.8 20.7 7.7 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal
Dark yellowish-
QB-1 31.0 26.0 11.0 brown Blade, md French NA
QB-2 17.5 15.0 6.0 Dark grayish-brown Blade, sq British Indeterminate Retouch on all four margins, notch at heel
Dark yellowish-
QB-3 30.5 26.0 9.0 brown Blade, md French NA
QB-4 18.0 15.5 7.0 Dark olive Blade, sq British Indeterminate Strike-a-light, found in a fire steel
QB-5 18.0 17.0 NM Dark gray Blade, sq British Indeterminate Attached to corroded iron projectile point
Larger scalar scars on ventral, possible
WW-1 30.4 27.8 8.3 Light brown Blade, md French Dorsal retouch? Cortex on heel
WW-2 27.0 27.4 5.6 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral
WW-3 25.7 20.9 5.8 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral
WW-4 25.8 26.4 7.8 Honey Blade, dbl French? Dorsal
WW-5 29.4 27.6 7.0 Gray Blade, md French Ventral Broken corer of striking edge
Retouched on ventral surface, steep,
WW-6 26.8 28.4 8.1 Honey Blade, md French Ventral regular, notch on left lateral edge
Large, flat flakes on ventral surface;
WW-7 27.4 27.4 8.0 Honey Blade, md French Ventral striking edge at an angle, possibly broken
Striking edge oblique, steep retouch,
steep retouch on ventral also, possible
WW-8 23.7 29.7 9.4 Honey Blade, md French Ventral/Dorsal strike-a-light
Retouched on ventral surface, steep;
WW-9 20.0 30.3 7.2 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral notch at heel; possible strike-a-light
WW-10* 22.3 15.2 6.6 Honey Indeterminate French? Ventral Broken fragment
WW- 11 33.1 29.7 7.4 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal Broken comer of striking edge
WW-12 29.9 31.2 10.0 Grayish-brown Blade, dbl British Ventral/Dorsal Large bulb on ventral surface
WW-13 27.9 27.2 7.6 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral Retouch on ventral
WW-14* 8.6 25.2 6.4 Gray Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate Broken in half. heel only left
Dark yellowish- Broken & retouched on lateral margin:
WW-15 25.7 25.8 7.0 brown Blade, md French Ventral retouch on ventral surface
Large hinge fracture removed a comer of
striking edge: notch at heel on ventral
WW-16* 24.6 27.9 7.7 Honey Blade, md French Ventral? surface
Broken comer on striking edge; retouch
on ventral surface, notch on hell, ventral
WW-17 24.3 26.3 7.2 Honey Blade, md French Ventral surface
Turned over, flat retouch, small notch on
WW-18 28.4 27.2 10.2 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral/Dorsal heel
WW-19 23.0 23.0 5.6 Honey Blade, md French Ventral
WW-20* 26.7 14.0 5.6 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral Retouch on ventral: split longitudinal
WW-21 24.8 26.4 6.6 light brown Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral Notch at heel
WW-22 21.3 27.7 5.9 Gray Spall Spall Ventral Retouch on ventral
Broken heel, partially broken striking
WW-23* 25.5 29.7 5.3 Honey Indeterminate French? Ventral edge
WW-24* 28.6 26.3 8.1 Honey Blade, md French Ventral Oblique fracture
WW-25* 28.7 27.5 7.0 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal Oblique fracture heel to side
Split longitudinally, possible strike-a-
WW-26* 26.6 16.2 5.1 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral light
WW-27 30.3 29.0 NM Honey Blade, md French Ventral In flint patch
Incomplete specimen, NM=Not measurable



Chapters of the Florida Anthropological Society

10 5 9

1. Ancient Ones Archaeological Society of North Central Florida
2902 NW 104" Court, Unit A, Gainesville, FL 32606

2. Archaeological Society of Southern Florida
2495 N.W. 35th Ave., Miami, FL 33142

3. Central Florida Anthropological Society
P.O. Box 947544, Maitland, FL 32794 3

4. Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 1563, Pinellas Park, FL 33780 '

5. Emerald Coast Archaeological Society
c/o Indian Temple Mound Museum 4
139 Miracle Strip Pkwy SE, Fort Walton Beach, 32548

6. Gold Coast Anthropological Society
PO Box 11052, Fort Lauderdale, FL 33339

7. Indian River Anthropological Society 14
3705 S. Tropical Trail, Merritt Island, FL 32952

8. Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy
195 Huntley Oaks Blvd., Lake Placid, FL 33852 16

9. Panhandle Archaeological Society at Tallahassee
P.O. Box 20026, Tallahassee, FL 32316

10. Pensacola Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 13251, Pensacola, FL 32591

11. St. Augustine Archaeological Association
P.O. Box 1301, St. Augustine, FL 32085

12. Southeast Florida Archaeological Society T
P.O Box 2875, Stuart, FL 34995 *

13. Southwest Florida Archaeological Society ..'-
P.O. Box 9965, Naples, FL 34101 .

14. Time Sifters Archaeology Society
P.O. Box 25642, Sarasota, FL 34277

15. Volusia Anthropological Society
P.O. Box 1881, Ormond Beach, FL 32175

16. Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 7797, North Port, FL 34287



180 East Madeira Avenue, Madeira Beach, FL 33708


Half a century has elapsed since a historical archaeologist
named Charles H. Fairbanks (1913-1984) produced the
Ethnohistorical Report on the Florida Indians (drafted
in 1957, but published in 1974). Amongst other claims,
Fairbanks asserted that the first or "proto-Seminoles" were
predominantly Lower Creeks from the Chattahoochee River,
who began settling permanent towns on the Florida peninsula
as early as 1716 or 1750 at the absolute latest. Fairbanks
(1978:166) called this era of settlement the "colonization"
stage of Seminole history (1716-1763), which he described as
"the movement of Creeks-individuals, families, and perhaps
parts of whole towns-into Florida from the area of the
lower Chattahoochee River and from the fall line area of the
Oconee and Ocmulgee rivers in central Georgia." Although
much of Fairbanks's research has come under scrutiny, his
periodization of Creek settlement has become an unchallenged
article of faith that is still reflected in varying degrees in the
scholarship of Jerald Milanich (1980; 1994), Brent Weisman
(1989, 1999, 2000), Richard Sattler (1996), Patrick Riordan
(1996), Patricia Wickman (1999), Colin Calloway (1995),
James Covington (1993), John Missall and Mary Lou Missall
(2004), and others.
When I first began my research into early Seminole
history, I too accepted Fairbanks's theory of "colonization,"
but I also had concerns about the lack of evidence. Fairbanks's
theory was not grounded on archaeological evidence (Fairbanks
1978:167; Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:256). Archaeologists
have reported that the earliest Seminole artifacts date back to
Florida's English period, 1763-1783 (Goggin et al. 1949:23;
Goggin 1998:62; Blakney-Bailey 2004:214). Instead,
Fairbanks developed his theory on scanty textual evidence.
I believed that there must be overlooked documents in the
archives that could fill in the holes and gaps in the existing
paradigm of the so-called "colonization" stage, especially in
the underutilized Spanish archives. However, the more data I
collected and translated the more difficult it became to simply
plug overlooked anecdotes into the existing paradigm. The
pieces did not fit. Under closer scrutiny, I realized Fairbanks
and others repeatedly misidentified parties of seasonal hunters
and warriors from the Chattahoochee River (Lower Creeks) as
permanent towns and villages. The following argues that the
Creeks started building new settlements in Florida decades)
later than previous scholars have maintained.

The Official Report

Although Fairbanks's report has its flaws, no one should
overlook its significance or the context of its production. Until
the mid-twentieth century, knowledge of the early Seminoles
was incredibly "obscure" (Cline 1974:iii). Early on, John
Swanton ([1922]1998) was one of the few scholars to display
any interest in Seminole history. The era of neglect would end
with the creation of the Indian Claims Commission (ICC).
The Commission was designed in 1946 as a long awaited
outlet for Native American grievances against the United
States government, to "settle once and for all every claim
[Indian tribes] could possibly have" (Lurie 1957, 1978). The
Seminoles held a long series of grievances: the American
military destroyed their homes during the First Seminole War
(1817-1818) and forced them under duress to sign over 30
million acres of Florida land at the 1823 Treaty of Moultrie
Creek. In sum, the Seminoles of Florida and Oklahoma sought
over 47 million dollars plus interest in restitution (Kersey
Suddenly, the history of the Florida Seminoles
transformed from a neglected subject of esoteric inquiry into
a politicized battleground between those who fought for or
against compensating the Seminoles (Cline 1974:i-iii). In
1956, officials at the Department of Justice summoned an
archaeologist named Charles H. Fairbanks. The Department
of Justice promised to facilitate and fund the production of
"an ethnographic report" to be used as evidence against the
Seminoles. The government also requested that Fairbanks
testified as "an expert witness" for the defense team. Fairbanks
agreed and drafted a 300 page manuscript in 1957 that became
known as the Ethnohistorical Report on the Florida Indians
(Fairbanks 1974:2; Fairbanks 1977:1; Cline 1974:iii; Weisman
Contemporaries were unconvinced by Fairbanks's
periodization of Creek colonization. William Sturtevant
(1958:27) acknowledged that "Fairbanks has investigated
Seminole origins and Seminole history through the Treaty
of Moultrie Creek (1823) more thoroughly than has ever
been done before." Nevertheless, Sturtevant did not believe
the report was definitive. He insisted that "our knowledge of
Seminole history is still inadequate... We need to know more
of the dates and circumstances of the earliest Muskogean
immigrations into Florida" (Sturtevant (1958: 30). Howard
Cline (1974:v) insisted that "the Indians had to be pinned


VOL. 64(2)


JUNE 2011


down in space as well as time." Despite the apparent problems
and initial criticism, a scholarly consensus slowly emerged
whereby scholars seem to have felt more comfortable citing
the official report rather than challenging it.


It is my contention that scholars have conflated, or
rather inflated, references to seasonal Creek hunting parties
in Florida into permanent Creek towns. The Lower Creeks
were not nomadic hunters and gatherers. On the contrary, the
Lower Creeks lived in permanent agricultural towns (talwas)
along the Chattahoochee River (Hahn 2004; Blakney-Bailey
2007:91-95, 218). Although Creek towns were hardly uniform,
there were enough similarities for us to crudely generalize.
The typical Creek town consisted of a square ground, a town
house, a chunkey ground, and a communal plantation (Piker
2004:112-115; Blakney-Bailey 2007:218). As an agricultural
people, much of their daily lives were shaped by seasonal
cycles. They planted during the spring and harvested during
the summer. Such agricultural activities were important social
affairs, in which participation was "the Indian law" (Adair
1775:430). During the planting season, "if any person absent
himself above 2 days, the Chief and Counsell [would] send
the warriors who Pillage his house of such things as they can
find" (Naime 1988:34). Attendance at the summer harvest was
even more essential, because the harvest marked the birth of
a new year and was accompanied by a vital ceremony known
as Busk or the Green Corn Ceremony. "Even if the nation has
not assembled through the year," wrote an eighteenth-century
observer, "they assemble at this time" (Von Reck 1990:49).
Despite the importance of the town, most able-bodied men
would leave their communities in the hands of the women,
children, elderly, and a few gun bearing men to engage in
commercial hunting and/or warfare. Many hunters turned
towards Florida, where the demise of the mission system west
of the St. Johns River created an ecological revolution that
transformed the peninsula into a commercial hunter's paradise
that the Creeks claimed by right of conquest (Pena 1949:14;
Covington 1968:346). The major hunt occurred during the fall
and winter, but there was another hunting season in between
planting and harvesting (Taitt 1961:560). However, at the
advent of the planting and harvesting seasons, Creek hunters
in Florida would abruptly abandon their pursuits and return to
their homes on the Chattahoochee River (Braund 1993:67).
Such was the cycle, and if eighteenth-century observers
provided reliable ethnographic information, we can also
assume that there were negative consequences for those who
broke the cycle (Hawkins 2009).
Thus, I would argue that Florida would not become "home"
until the Creeks in Florida started building communities,
planting crops, and celebrating the Green Corn Ceremony. Such
an approach has led me to pay close attention to certain details
when analyzing archival material. Are there any references to
a Creek presence in Florida during the planting and harvesting
season? Do they mention the presence of women, children, and
the elderly? Do they describe habitations? Do the documents
refer to the Creek presence in Florida as actual settlements or

do they only refer to hunters and warriors? Lastly, I do not
mean to dismiss everything occurring before the actual Creek
settlement of Florida as insignificant. On the contrary, such
processes of hunting and war paved the way for the actual
settlement of Florida in the 1760s.

The Settlement of Apalachee?

Fairbanks argued that the "virtual" destruction of
Florida's indigenous population by 1710 created a "void" that
allowed for the Creek settlement of Florida. The catalyst for
settlement occurred after the Yamasee War of 1715, during
which the Yamasee, Creeks, and many others rose up against
South Carolina, but ultimately failed. Fear of British reprisal
inspired the Lower Creeks to retreat to the Chattahoochee
River, and Fairbanks believed that this same fear inspired
bands of the Lower Creeks to move to Florida beginning in
1716 (1974:97-98; 1978:166). He cited the report of a Spanish
Lieutenant named Diego Pena, who made an expedition to the
Chattahoochee River in 1716 to invite the Lower Creeks to
colonize the depopulated Apalachee region near present-day
Tallahassee, Florida. The Spaniards planned to rebuild fort
San Marcos de Apalachee, and they hoped that the Creeks
would resettle nearby. Fairbanks (1974:135) asserted that such
recruiting efforts were "apparently with some success."
Although a number of Lower Creeks appeared interested
in moving to Apalachee (Pena 1952:134), the Creek
colonization project never actually materialized, because the
natives realized that the Spaniards could not protect them
from a British reprisal; the Spaniards at San Marcos could
hardly feed themselves, and they began beseeching their
Creek guests for food. The natives became disillusioned, and
the Creek colonization project fell apart (TePaske 1964:204-
05; Covington 1993:10). At one point in the report, Fairbanks
(1974:107) conceded that "there is little exact information
as to just how successful the Spanish were in attracting
Creeks to Florida." Such efforts were apparently "not
immediately successful" (Fairbanks (1974:107). Nevertheless,
contemporary scholars continue to insist without foundation
that the Creeks were colonizing Florida in the early-eighteenth
century (Milanich 1994:xvi; Riordan 1996:6; Sattler 1996:44-
45; Weisman 1989:37; Weisman 2000:302).

The Settlement of Alachua?

Fairbanks entertained the possibility that the first wave of
Creeks settled not in the Apalachee region, but at the Alachua
savanna near moder-day Gainesville during the War of
Jenkins's Ear in the late 1730s and 1740s (1974:129, 135).
He also entertained the possibility that if the Creeks did not
establish permanent settlements during the War of Jenkins's
Ear, they must have "returned during the next decade to take
up permanent homes" (Fairbanks 1974:124). In the end,
Fairbanks (1974:132) confidently concluded: "It is clear that
the proto-Seminole were in possession of Apalachee and
Alachua from at least 1750 onward." Although some scholars
have disputed the existence of settlements of Apalachee in
1750 (Sturtevant 1971:102; Covington 1993:16), no one

2011 VOL. 64(2)


to my knowledge has ever challenged Fairbanks's assertion
about Alachua being colonized by "at least 1750 onward"
(Covington 1968:348; Sturtevant 1971:102; Cline 1974:30,
69; Calloway 1995:249-50).
Having already examined the seasonality of Florida
hunting, let us now explore its spatial dimensions. Those who
traveled to Florida by land often used the old highway that
connected St. Augustine to Fort San Marcos de Apalachee.
Hunters, typically associated with the Lower Creek town
of Oconee (Bartram 1988:307), would often frequent a spot
about 115 kilometers away from St. Augustine called La Chud
or Alachua or at the nearby ghost town of Santa Fe (Candler
1906:429; De Leon 1756; Palacio y Valenzuela 1761). The
area was home to the Hacienda de La Chua, once the largest
supplier of fresh beef in all of Florida, but since its destruction
in the early-eighteenth century at the hands of the Creeks and
their allies (Baker 1993:82), the cattle roamed the lands as
they pleased (Pena 1949:14). Creek hunters also claimed these
cattle by right of conquest (De Leon 1957:257; Solis 1754).
In the words of Father Juan Joseph Solana (1991:546), the
Creeks considered such lands to be "their ranches as hunters."
Keeping distant "ranches" was an ideal arrangement since the
eighteenth-century Creeks generally abhorred cattle around
their settlements (Braund 1993:76).
It is likely that many Creek warriors learned ofAlachua's
animal wealth during the War of Jenkins's Ear (1739-1748)
(Lane 1975:446). Fairbanks believed that this knowledge
may have inspired the Creeks to immediately start forming
communities in the area. He cited a 1738 report from Spanish
cattlemen, who noted camps of hostile Creek horse thieves in
the area. Based offthis, Fairbanks concluded: "These scattered
references indicate that the Creeks were in 1738 beginning the
settlement of the Alachua Prairie" (1974:120). Fairbanks was
correct to note the presence of Creeks in the Alachua region
around 1740, but he was mistaken in equating this seasonal
presence with Creek settlement. Furthermore, it would have
been counterintuitive for Creeks move their families from the
safety of the Chattahoochee River to settle in the middle of
a warzone. Nevertheless, scholars continue to insist that the
Creeks were actually settling the Alachua savanna around
1740 despite the lack of evidence (Sturtevant 1971:102; Cline
1974; Covington 1993:5; Hahn 2004:236).
The assertion that Creeks settled the Alachua savanna in
the year 1750 is based on the writings of numerous nineteenth-
century authors (Sprague 1848:18; Giddings 1858:3; Brinton
1859:145; Davidson 1889:117). Few people have questioned
how those writers came to such a conclusion. This author
maintains that the importance of the year 1750 can be traced
back to an account written by George I.F. Clarke dated July 1,
1822. It is important to recognize that Clarke never ascribed
his source of information, but that did not prohibit him from
describing events taking place nearly three-quarters of a
century ago in questionably vivid and melodramatic terms.
Clarke (1838) wrote: "About the year 1750, a chief appeared
among the Seminoles, named Secoffee, who pitched his head
quarters at Alachua." Secoffee was a famous Creek chief, but
he had nothing to do with the settlement of Alachua. Clarke
misidentified the Cowkeeper or Ahaya of Oconee as Secoffee

(Porter 1949; Riordan 1996). Much of the information in
Clarke's melodramatic narration is of the same unsubstantiated
tenor, and the Clarke account has plagued the study of the early
Seminoles ever since the Florida Herald (1838) published it
for a mass audience during the Second Seminole War. Since
then, nineteenth-century historians have plagiarized Clarke's
account almost word for word, giving the repetitive nature of
the account the illusion of verity (Sprague 1848:18; Giddings
1858:3; Brinton 1859:145; Davidson 1889:117). In short, such
a problematic account is not the most solid spot to ground
a theory of settlement, especially when Clarke admittedly
estimated the year 1750.

New Settlements

After mining the Spanish archives, I uncovered no
evidence of a permanent Creek settlement in Florida prior to
the 1760s. Instead, what I found were frequent references to
seasonal caserias or hunting parties from the Chattahoochee
River that "continually come down from their towns in small
troops of hunters" during the hunting season (Palacio 1759).
They would show up on Spanish radar and vanish "with the
anxiety of obtaining fish and game" (Feliu 1763). Given the
seasonal presence of Creeks in Florida, it is no wonder that
a resident of St. Augustine named Antonio Muono passed
through the interior of Florida on his way to attend the Lower
Creek harvest ceremony in 1754 without finding any of the
alleged settlements that Fairbanks insisted existed along that
road (1974:133). Instead, Muono "arrived at the fort of San
Marcos [de Apalachee] without having encountered a single
Indian on the road" (Muono 1754). If Fairbanks was correct,
Lorenzo de Leon should have arrived at a permanent village
at Santa Fe in 1756 (Fairbanks 1974: 148). Instead, Lorenzo
de Leon reported back that "I did not encounter any person"
(De Leon 1756).
When the Creeks settled in Florida, beginning in the early
1760s, the Spaniards at St. Augustine began referring to the
popular hunting spots of Santa Fe and Alachua as pueblos or
towns (Palacio y Valenzuela 1761; Feliu 1763). I would argue
that these were not towns in the full sense of the term, because
during certain seasons they would completely vanish "with the
anxiety of obtaining fish and game" (Feliu 1763). Although
scholars can debate about the essence of the Creek talwa, most
would agree that every Creek town worthy of the name was
still populated by women, children, the elderly, and a few gun
bearing men even during the hunting season. I would suggest
that these so-called "pueblos" would develop into stationary
talwas in the fullest sense following the departure of the
Spaniards and the arrival of the English after 1763.
The documentary evidence is quite explicit that the
Creeks established new settlements in Florida around the time
of the transfer of La Florida from the Spanish to the British
in 1763. Chief Tonaby admittedly built a "new village" in the
Apalachee Old Fields shortly after the Spaniards departed
from Fort San Marcos (Boyd and Latorre 1953:110-111). John
Gerar William De Brahm (1971:228), the surveyor general of
East Florida, described the Florida Creeks as recent settlers,
who established "towns lately built to the West and South




of Saint Augustine." The English recorded Alachua in 1764
(Ogilvie 1764; Stuart 1764a). According to English estimates,
there were about 130 Creek gunmen living in the area (Stuart
1764b). This was news to General Thomas Gage (1764),
who admitted that the Alachua settlement was "never before
Mentioned to me." Denys Rolle visited the Alachua settlement
of the mid-1760s. In contrast to the elaborate two-storied
homes described by William Bartram (1988:168) in the 1770s,
Rolle (1977:48, 50, 53) described Alachua as being composed
of"hutts." Such a description suggests that Alachua was a new
talwa under construction.


In the end, archaeologists have not uncovered
archaeological evidence of a permanent Creek presence in
Florida prior to the 1760s for reasons apart from their diligent
efforts in the field. The bulk of historical evidence suggests that
permanent Creek communities in Florida did not exist until the
1760s. What existed were seasonal hunting parties, who tended
to leave few artifacts for archaeologists to unearth. Throughout
this work I have critiqued the existing scholarly consensus
that has inhibited our understanding of the Seminoles for too
long, but I do not have the audacity to replace one consensus
with another. Countless research opportunities continue to
exist in early Seminole history. I can only hope that in time
a growing partnership between historians and archaeologists
will elucidate this confused matter of Creek settlement and
early Seminole history.


1. By focusing exclusively on the existence or nonexistence
of permanent Creek settlements in Florida this paper
leaves many important issues untouched. For those
curious about learning more, I'd like to direct the reader
to my thesis entitled Creek Schism: Seminole Genesis


Much of the present work first appeared in fragments in
my master's thesis at the University of South Florida entitled
Creek Schism: Seminole Genesis Revisited (2009). I would
like to give special thanks to my advisor, John Belohlavek.
An earlier version of this paper was read at the 2009 meeting
of the Florida Historical Society. I would like to thank Sherry
Johnson, the chairperson of my session, for her questions and
comments. I would also like to thank John Worth, Steven
Hahn, and Joshua Piker for their helpful correspondence.

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A Video on florida's Native peoples

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To obtain copies please send $20 (includes shipping and handling) to
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The presence of fiber-tempered pottery in different parts
of the southeastern United States and the suggestion of linkage
among these early pottery traditions is not a new idea (Bullen
1972; Ford 1966). In a review of early American pottery, Betty
Jane Meggers (2010:38) argues that early pottery from Florida
and Georgia is related to Ecuadoran traditions, suggesting that
similar design elements link the two. Meggers' discussion
and accompanying graphic (2010:39) neglect to discuss how
such dispersal could have occurred. This type of diffusionistic
argument is generally regarded as not perfectly fitting the
data (Oyuela-Caycedo and Bonzani 2005) and dismissive of
the ingenuity of local groups. I suggest that material culture,
bioarchaeological data, and the natural sea currents do provide
evidence for a Caribbean connection, and I believe the Greater
Antilles are a vital element for our understanding of the fiber-
tempered pottery sequence in the New World.

Current and Historic Thoughts

As recently as twenty years ago (Fiedel 1992; Walthall
1990), the lack of early pottery in the Caribbean was used
as an argument against diffusionistic or migratory models
of the spread of fiber-tempered pottery from South to North
America. Despite dismissal of Pre-Arawakan pottery in the
Caribbean (Rouse 1948, 1992), more recent evaluations of the
phenomenon (Keegan and Rodriguez Ramos 2007; Rodriguez
Ramos et al. 2008; Samson 2010) indicate that so-called
Archaic or Lithic Age inhabitants of the Greater Antilles had
a long tradition of ceramic production. Rodriguez Ramos et
al. (2008) document Pre-Arawakan pottery primarily in Cuba
and the Dominican Republic. Curiously, the earliest dates
cited in Cuba are from Cayo Jorajuria (2160 B.C., 1810 B.C.,
and 1920 B.C., from Jouravleva 2002:36'), on the western end
of the island (Figure 1). This pottery includes fiber-tempered
varieties, something generally absent in later (Arawakan, post-
500 B.C.) Saladoid and Ostionoid ceramics.
The southeastern United States has long claimed the
oldest pottery in North America. This fiber-tempered pottery
appears to have originated in south Georgia, and is mostly
found in Florida, Georgia, the Carolinas, and Alabama.
Though such pots would likely disintegrate in colder climes
(Reid 1984; Skibo et al. 1989), fiber-tempered pottery is
easier to manufacture and lighter than pottery made with
pastes containing predominantly mineral inclusions, making
it ideal for mobile groups (Skibo et al. 1989). We tend to

assume that mobile hunter-gatherers would not have pottery,
as ceramic technologies are linked to the Neolithic Revolution
(Pratt 1999). Our assumptions about "Archaic" populations
are currently changing, as ongoing work in the Southeast
(Kidder and Sassaman 2009) and Caribbean (Colten et al.
2009) challenge previously-held beliefs. For example, recent
research suggests the "Archaic" people in the Caribbean
significantly altered their environments and planted non-
indigenous vegetation (Newsome 2005) as well as cultigens
from the mainland such as maize and beans (Ramos Rodriguez
and Jimenez 2006). Similarly, Jamie Waggoner (2009) found
suggestions of directed burning to promote plant growth in the
Archaic Southeast.
Recent research in South America has uncovered an
ancient fiber-tempered pottery tradition. Augusto Oyuela-
Caycedo documented fiber-tempered pottery at San Jacinto 1
which has been dated to approximately 5000 cal B.P. (Oyuela-
Caycedo and Bonzani 2005) and Anna Roosevelt (1998) found
pottery in contexts which date to over 7000 B.P. at Taperinha
and Pedra Pintada. Roosevelt (1998:198) provocatively
suggests that some archaeologists in South America may
have withheld dates that did not fit within established cultural
history schemes.
Given the discussion above, the South American and
Caribbean connection is likely missed, in part, due to
the emerging separate professional literatures in the late
twentieth century (when was the last time you saw an article
about Florida in Latin American Antiquity or the Journal of
Caribbean Archaeology?). Though we may pass each other in
corridors, both hallways and survey, rarely do we put all of
the pieces together. These pages are not intended as a final
word on this research, but as a note that might encourage
further and more meaningful dialog between researchers
in South America, the Caribbean, Florida, and the greater
Southeast. Due to politics, the ongoing processes of regional
specialization, and the professionalization of archaeology, few
archaeologists have participated in field work in the Southeast,
the Caribbean, and South America, especially when compared
to previous generations. The gentlemen antiquarians and early
professional archaeologists (Fewkes and Mason through Rouse
and the Bullens) were not limited by national boundaries or
regional specialization.
Connections between South America and Cuba have
been previously documented, though generally in terms of
the origins of pottery styles/culture conflatedd in the accepted


VOL. 64(2)

JUNE 2011



-4600 BP

Approximate dates and areas discussed.

Cayo Jorajuria
-4200 BP

r 200

Sources: Sassaman 2004,
Jouravleva 2002, Oyuela-Caycedo and B(

San Jacinto 1
-6940 BP

Figure 1. Site locale and associated dates for ceramic production by Archaic or Lithic Age inhabitants of the Greater

Rouese-ian culture history) and high status artifacts. Cooper
et al. (2008) link metal objects from Cuban contact-period
contexts to South America, though these items could be from
"down the line" trading. Richard T. Callaghan (2003) suggests
direct trade may have been faster and safer than trips through
the Lesser Antilles, particularly if the so-called Caribs of the
Lesser Antilles truly were hostile toward their neighbors. In a
similar vein to these pages, Callaghan (2001, 2003) has been
employing computer simulations to discuss possible origin
points for various migratory waves. In brief, Callaghan (2003)
sees northern South America as a likely origin for the expressly
preceramic inhabitants of the Greater Antilles, citing both
computer simulation of voyages and artifactual similarities,
primarily in lithic technologies. Additionally, Callaghan (2001)
asserts that, based on historically documented drift voyages, a
reasonable time out on the open water was presumed to be four
to five weeks with a 10% loss of starting population.

Proposing a Current(s) Model

In all honesty, this project began as an experiment in a
method. I was attempting to model simple particle flow; that is,
"message in a bottle" movement of vessels following currents.
This was intended as a first step in a more robust program

of tracing possible migration routes through the Caribbean as
part of a larger project which attempts to conceptualize the
movement of people beyond the boundaries of the sites we
can excavate. The germ of this particular case study comes
from interactions with Dr. Kenneth Sassaman and Dr. Augusto
Oyuela-Caycedo, and their generous sharing of respective
experiences with Stallings Island and San Jacinto pottery
The analysis presented here was conceptualized in
IDRISI Taiga and ESRI ArcMap 9.3, and completed using
ArcMap with the Spatial Analyst extension. The model uses
rasters2 (gridded data) and outputs data in shapefiles3 (lines)
and data tables. In the base data, each cell is a single degree
of longitude and latitude, approximately 67 miles. This is an
admittedly coarse scale, but appropriate for the geographical
proportions discussed here. The data come from ongoing
research conducted at the Rosenstiel School of Marine
and Atmospheric Science at the University of Miami, the
Cooperative Institute for Marine and Atmospheric Studies, and
the National Oceanographic Partnership Program (Mariano et
al. 1995). Using data from the Coast Guard and the National
Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, the product
describes how worldwide currents flow in terms of both
direction and magnitude. The data are provided as delimited


2011 VOL. 64(2)


text, which can be readily converted into rasters using any
remote sensing or GIS software, though some trigonometry is
required to produce a direction raster.
It should be noted that the data were slightly modified,
as the original delimited text tables did not include any area
which falls in the same degree of longitude or latitude as land.
Simple raster math placed a slight current in these locations,
in order to allow the model to begin on land. The consequence
of this, of course, is that the model no longer would allow
the tracked path to end on land. This odd artifact of the data
is easily interpreted, i.e. when the path approaches land then
veers away, this is the result of the manually added current.
The resulting model does not have the stochastic variability
experienced on the open seas, but does provide a general
model of current flow. Armed with direction and magnitude
rasters, the end result of this work is that the flow of currents
in and out of the Caribbean can be visualized and employed in
GIS-based models (Figure 2).
The resultant model is fairly simple and can be
conceptually reduced to the metaphor of a message in a
bottle. When the bottle is thrown into the sea the currents
control where it ends up: there is no steering or attempt to
reach land. The simulation is not meant to reflect all of the
possibilities in a world inhabited by active agents, only to offer
a glimpse of the affordances provided within the Caribbean

basin. In the simplified model, the initial seed is subjected
to direction and speed of the first cell, with steps and course
alterations every one-half cell, or every 17 miles. After each
leg, the next direction and speed are calculated based on
the current cell. The result is a linear shapefile (vector) with
the speed, direction, and elapsed time of each step recorded
to the ancillary data. As the resulting modeled journey does
not include any agent modeling, it is safe to assume this is
an extraordinarily conservative depiction of traveling in the
precontact Caribbean; even the most unhurried paddling
(averaging 8 km per hour above the current speed) would
significantly reduce the travel time. This would allow people
in a canoe to reach Cuba from Columbia in a little over nine
and a half days (Figure 3). Still a daunting voyage, no doubt,
but well less than the four to five week drift voyages cited as
survivable by Callaghan (2001). It is worth noting that slight
deviations in the current or paddling result in the simulation
reaching landfall in Louisiana, an observation that may offer
a connection to the early fiber-tempered wares found in this
region (Webb 1968).
The particle flow model links directly Columbia to Cuba,
bypassing the Yucatan or potential "down the line" trading
through the generally presumed "safer" passage through the
Lesser Antilles. If coupled with a model of the visible sphere of
the Greater Antilles (Torres and Rodriguez Ramos 2008), the

1 W

4 r *L .

A 1 P .
AK ** 4

S 200 kV A -

Source: Mariano et al 1995

Figure 2. GIS-based model of the flow of currents in and out of the Caribbean.

Caribbean Currents

meters per second

i 0.018400- 0.027400

A 0.027401 0.049400

A 0.049401 0.089200

A 0.089201 0.168309

0.168310- 0.375986

k V V -* V k F -I

_d -
,W -V -o4 A
' q '4
W q.

'" N'' N' ', b
4< A . k -"i-t -q N' -,

.4 .^ . J V N'

__ o



Modeled Travel

Time in Days

m 0-3


- 7-9

- 10-12

-- 13-15


,v 200


Figure 3. Based on presented data, canoe travel to Cuba from C

target area would be conceivably much larger. The important
note here is that the model does not stop in southeastern or
southwestern Florida, but instead leads directly to the part
of the Southeast where Sassaman (2004) places the origin of
fiber-tempered pottery in North America.
All of this supports the recently published data suggesting
genetic links between the prehistoric populations of Florida,
Cuba, and northern South America. Dental morphological
traits link Florida and northwestern South America, and
differentiate these regions from the Ceramic Age (Arawakan)
Caribbean populations (Coppa et al. 2008). The shape and size
of various cranial features link populations in northwestern
South America, Cuba, and Florida (Ross and Ubelaker 2010),
again forming significant data clusters separate from the rest
of the Caribbean. Finally, isotopic bone signatures initially
regarded as outliers, or even errors, suggest at least one
possible natal Caribbean Islander in an Archaic period burial
mound in Florida (Bryan Tucker, personal communication


Previous research has cited a lack of evidence for the
Amazon as a potential origin for fiber-tempered pottery coming
in to North America (Hoopes 1994). However, linguistic
analysis suggests that the Timucua people of northeast Florida

:olumbia would take just over nine days.

arrived there via northwestern South America, or at least
indicates a significant contact between these two regions at
3000-2500 B.C. (Granberry 1993). I hope that the simulation
analysis of Caribbean currents presented above, together
with published linguistic and bioarchaeological data, provide
suggestions that such connections are possible. This is not to
discount the notion that the southeastern United States or Cuba
were cultural "hearths" (sensu Hoopes 1994; Reid 1984) for
the invention of pottery. And I do not mean to suggest that
the indigenous people of either region lacked the creativity
or intelligence to develop such ceramic technologies on their
own (which would be a most uncreative and unintelligent
suggestion). Rather than suggest that people lacked creativity,
I believe these data suggest that the Archaic peoples of the
Americas (North, South, and Central) and in the Caribbean
engaged in long-distance travel and trade that indicates a
complexity and understanding of the world rarely ascribed
to hunter-gathers. Some of the "Stone Age" inhabitants of
the Americas, in fact, apparently traveled and were more
knowledgeable of the world than many of the archaeologists
who study them.


1. These dates are presented uncalibrated, as the authors do
not report the material, uncertainty, and sample numbers.



2011 VOL. 64(2)


2. A raster is a file type which uses cells to hold and analyze
data, and can be expressed in terms of pixels
3. A shapefile is a file type with a set geometry (point, line,
polygon) and can be expressed as a vector.


I need to thank the people who reviewed this paper,
encouraged me, or provided information. A limited list would
be Deborah Mullins, Joost Morsink, William Keegan, Betsy
Carlson, Josh Torres, Kenneth Sassaman, Augusto Oyuela-
Caycedo, Bryan Tucker, Kristina Ballard, and the reviewers.

References Cited

Bullen, Ripley
1972 The Orange Period of Peninsular Florida. In Fiber
Tempered Pottery in Southeastern United States
and Northern Columbia: Its Origins, Context,
and Significance, edited by Ripley P. Bullen and
James Stoltman. Florida Anthropological Society
Publications, Number 6.

Callaghan, Richard T.
2001 Ceramic Age Seafaring and Interaction Potential
in the Antilles: A Computer Simulation. Current
Anthropology 42(2):308-313.
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Colten, Roger H., Elizabeth Terese Newman, and Brian
2009 Pre-Ceramic Faunal Exploitation at the Las Obas
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Coppa, Alfredo, Andrea Cucina, Menno L. P. Hoogland,
Michaela Lucci, Fernando Luna Calderon, Raphael G. A. M.
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2008. New Evidence of Two Different Migratory Waves
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Corinne L., Menno L.P. Hoogland, and Annelou L.
van Gijn (eds.), pp 195-213. University of Alabama
Press, Tuscaloosa.

Cooper, Jago, Marcos Martin6n-Torres, and Roberto Valcdrcel
2008 American Gold and European Bress: Metal Objects
and Indigenous Values in the Cemetery of El Chorro
de Maita, Cuba. In Crossing the Borders, edited
by Corinne L. Hofman, Menno L. Hoogland, and
Annelou L. van Gijn, pp. 35-42. The University of
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Fiedel, Stuart J.
1992 Prehistory of the Americas. Cambridge University
Press, New York.

Ford, James A.
1966 Early Formative Cultures in Georgia and Florida.
American Antiquity 31(6):781-799

Granberry, Julian
1993 A Grammar andDictionary ofthe Timucua Language.
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Jouravleva, I.
2002 Origen de la alfareria de las comunidades
protoagroalfareras de la region central de Cuba. El
Caribe Arqueol6gico 6:35-43.

Hoopes, John W.
1994 Ford Revisited: A Critical Review of the Chronology
and Relationships of the Earliest Ceramic Complexes
in the New Word, 6000-1500 B.C. Journal of World
Prehistory 8(1):1-49.

Keegan, William F. and Reniel Rodriguez Ramos
2007 The Archaic Origins of the Taino: Avoid the -an. In
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Caribbean Archaeology, edited by Basil Reid, pp.
211-217. University of the West Indies, Trinidad-

Kidder, Tristram R. and Kenneth Sassaman
2009 The View from the Southeast. In Archaic Societies:
Diversity and Complexity Across the Midcontinent,
edited by T. Emerson, D. McElrath, and A. Fortier,
pp. 667-694. State University of New York Press,

Mariano, A.J., E.H. Ryan, B.D. Perkins and S.Smithers,
1995 The Mariano Global Surface Velocity Analysis 1.0.
USCG Report CG-D-34-95

Meggers, Betty Jane
2010 Prehistoric America: an ecological perspective.
Trasaction Publishers, New Brunswick, New Jersey.

Newsome, Lee Ann
2005 Archaeobotanical Analysis of Soil and Sediment
Core Samples. In Paleoenvironmental Investigations
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Oyuela-Caycedo, Augusto and Renee M. Bonzani
2005. San Jacinto 1. A Historical Ecological Approach to
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1984 Fire and Ice: New evidence for the production and
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2008 The Pre-Arawak Pottery Horizon in the Antilles:
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2006 Interacciones multivectoriales en el circum-
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2010 A Morphometric Approach to Taino Biological
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2009 Footprints on the landscape: the historical ecology
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1990 Prehistoric Indians of the Southeast: Archaeology
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1968 The Extent and Content of Poverty Point Culture.
American Antiquity 33(3):297-321


2011 VOL. 64(2)


Editors' Note: This year, a Lazarus Award and an Arthur Lee FAS Chapter Award were not presented.

Barbara Purdy and FAS President Bob Austin.



Dr. Barbara A. Purdy was honored with the prestigious
Ripley P. Bullen Memorial Award at the FAS 63rd Annual
Meeting in Orlando. She was nominated by the Central Gulf
Coast Archaeological Society (CGCAS).
FAS President Robert Austin presented a plaque to Dr.
Purdy "for promoting cooperation among avocational and
professional archaeologists and for outstanding research in
Florida Archaeology, May 7, 2011."
Dr. Purdy is renowned for her outstanding research in
Florida Archaeology, especially chipped stone technology,
wetsites, and dugout canoes. She taught at the University of
Florida for more than 20 years and inspired and encouraged
many students of Florida Archaeology. She has served as
principal investigator for many projects in Florida, plus others
in Arizona, Idaho, and Washington. She has presented papers
at many national and international meetings. She has won
teaching awards and is a recipient of many grants.
Dr. Purdy received her doctorate from the University
of Florida's Department of Anthropology in 1971, and then
joined the faculty. Her husband, "Hank" Purdy, was a professor
of plant pathology at the University of Florida. During her
teaching career, and since her retirement, Dr. Purdy has been a
very active archaeologist.

Dr. Purdy's dissertation focused on chipped stone
technology, andsheproducedmanypublications about"lithics."
Her research expanded to include wooden artifacts, especially
Florida dugout canoes, and she began active investigations of
Florida wetsites, such as at Hontoon Island and Lake Monroe
along the St. Johns River. She assembled much of her wetsite
research in a book, The Art and Archaeology of Florida '
Wetlands (1991). She also organized conferences on wetsite
archaeology in 1986 and 1999, producing publications such as
Wet Site Archaeology (1988).
Dr. Purdy regularly gives presentations to FAS chapters
as well as other archaeological groups, and offers advice to
serious amateurs. Her desire to educate the interested public
on the correct way to do archaeology culminated in her book
on archaeological field methods, How To do Archaeology
the Right Way (1996). Two of her other books are geared for
the general public, Indian Art of Ancient Florida (1996) and
Florida s People During the Last Ice Age (2008).
Dr. Purdy has worked closely with avocational
archaeologists such as Ben Waller, Alvin Hendrix, Paul Lien,
Robert Knight, and Don Munroe. She has encouraged their
participation in recovering Florida's past, while stressing the
importance of accurate documentation and preservation.
Dr. Purdy's friendship with Alvin Hendrix, an early river
diver and artifact collector, is indicative of this relationship.
Alvin amassed a large collection from rivers across north-
central Florida. He maintained provenience on his finds and


VOL. 64(2)


JUNE 2011


recovered broken as well as complete specimens (artifacts,
fossils, and historic material). The Hendrix Collection is
significant, and many of the artifacts featured in Dr. Purdy's
book, Florida's Prehistoric Stone Technology (1981), are from
the Hendrix Collection.
Largely as a result of his friendship with Dr. Purdy, Alvin
Hendrix eventually donated most of his collection to be used
for education and research. The Silver River Museum, in
Ocala, now curates over 16,000 objects collected by Hendrix,
which date to the entire span of human habitation in Florida.
Dr. Purdy continues to send researchers the Silver River
Museum to study the collection and she is as active as ever.
Many of these items are on permanent display and are viewed
by more than 10,000 students annually.
Dr. Purdy has made significant contributions to our
knowledge of Florida Archaeology and to the good relationship
between professional and avocational archaeologists in our

Selected Sources by Dr. Barbara A. Purdy

Purdy, Barbara A.
1971a Investigations Concerning the Thermal Alteration of
Silica Minerals: An Archaeological Approach. Ph.D.
dissertation, Department ofAnthropology, University
of Florida, Gainesville.
1971b The Importance of Quarry Sites. Science and
Archaeology, November-December. Stafford,
1971c Thermal Alteration of Silica Minerals: An
Archaeological Approach. Science 173:322-325.
(with H. K. Brooks)
1973 Temporal and Spatial Distribution of Bone Points
in the State of Florida. The Florida Anthropologist
1974a The Key Marco Florida Collection: Experiment and
Reflection. American Antiquity 39(1):105-109.
1974b Investigations Concerning the Thermal Alteration
of Silica Minerals: An Archaeological Approach.
Tebiwa 17:37-66. Pocatello, Idaho.
1975a Fractures for the Archaeologist. In Making and Using
Stone Tools. World Anthropology Series, Mouton
Press, The Hague.
1975b The Senator Edwards Chipped Stone Workshop Site
(8-Mr-122), Marion County, Florida: A Preliminary
Report of Investigations. The Florida Anthropologist
1977 The York Site (8-A1-480), Alachua County, Florida:
Observations on Aboriginal Use of Chert. The
Florida Anthropologist 30:3-8.
1978 A Progress Report on the Florida Wooden Artifact
Project. The Florida Anthropologist 31:128-129.

1979 An Evaluation of Wet Site Resources of Florida. The
Florida Anthropologist 32:104-113.
1980 The Chipped Stone Tool Industry of Florida's
Preceramic Archaic. Archaeology of Eastern North
America 8:105-124. (with Laurie M. Beach)
1981 a Florida's Prehistoric Stone Technology. University
Presses of Florida, Gainesville.
1981b Investigations into the Use of Chert Outcrops by
Prehistoric Floridians: The Container Corporation of
America Site. The Florida Anthropologist 34:90-108.
1982 Survey, Recovery and Treatment of Wooden Artifacts
in Florida. Proceedings of the ICOM Waterlogged
Wood Working Group Conference, edited by D.
W. Grattan and J. C. McCawley, pp. 159-169.
International Council of Museums (ICOM), Ottawa.
1985 Significance of Archaeological Wet Sites: A Florida
Example. National Geographic Research 1(4):564-
569. (with Lee A. Newsom)
1987 Investigations at Hontoon Island (8Vo202),
An Archaeological Wetsite in Volusia County,
Florida, assembled by Barbara A. Purdy. Florida
Anthropological Society Publication Number 13,
1988a Wet Site Archaeology, edited by Barbara A. Purdy
and Elise V. Le Compte. The Telford Press, Caldwell,
New Jersey.
1988b American Indians After A.D. 1492: A Case Study of
Forced Culture Change. American Anthropologist
1988c Piston Corers: Equipment, Technique, and
Applications to Archaeology. The Florida
Anthropologist 41:381-392.
1990a Florida Canoes: A Maritime Heritage from the Past.
The Florida Anthropologist 43:164-180. (with Lee A.
1990b Chronology of Cultivation in Peninsular Florida:
Prehistoric or Historic. Southeastern Archaeology
1991 The Art and Archaeology ofFlorida 's Wetlands. CRC
Press, Boca Raton.
1994 Excavations in Water-Saturated Deposits at Lake
Monroe, Volusia County, Florida: An Overview. The
Florida Anthropologist 47:326-332.
1996 Indian Art of Ancient Florida. University Press of
Florida, Gainesville.
1996 How to do Archaeology the Right Way. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.
2008 Florida's People During the Last Ice Age. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.

2011 VOL. 64(2)



Individual FAS chapters honor members for outstanding
service. This year, FAS President Robert Austin presented

Matthew Betz accepts his certificate from FAS President
Bob Austin.

Kathryn Betz accepts her certificate from FAS President
Bob Austin.

Southwest Florida Archaeological Society (SWFAS)


Katie Betz joining SWFAS was like a cool breeze on a
hot day. She is one of those wonderful members who routinely
volunteer. Realizing her abilities, SWFAS quickly made
her an officer. She became Recording Secretary, providing
professional meeting minutes to keep us straight. Katie took
a lead role in SWFAS, serving as a host for the 2010 FAS
Annual Meeting. In addition to her organizational skills, she
also is fun to work with.
Katie has a degree in English from the University of
Florida and has worked in the marketing and communications
fields. She volunteers in adult education at her church and has
gained an interest in archaeology from her husband, Matt.
She has participated in many SWFAS activities and she has
volunteered in archaeology digs in the British Isles.


Matt Betz's archaeology expertise and willingness to get
involved would be important in any community. Matt is a self-
starter, who is active in various archaeological and historical
projects. He is not afraid of work. We appreciate his service to
Matthew Betz, M.A., RPA, is currently a Project
Archaeologist for Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc.
(SEARCH). Matt's B.A. is from the University of Florida,
and his M.A. degree in archaeology and historic preservation
is from the University of Leicester, UK. His thesis was titled
"Native American Decorated Ceramics in the Glades Period
of Southwest Florida: Analysis and Discussion of Their
Usefulness in Defining a Chronology for Native American
Sites in Southwest Florida from 500 B.C.-1500 A.D. "
Before joining SEARCH, he was an archaeologist for
the Archaeological and Historical Conservancy, working in
southwest Florida. Matt has volunteered during three different
dig seasons at the Vindolanda Roman Fort on Hadrian's Wall
in Northumberland, UK. Being a Naples native, he has a
special interest in southwest Florida archaeology and history,
especially the pioneer families of Rookery Bay and the Ten
Thousand Islands.


Emerald Coast Archaeological Society (ECAS)


ECAS is proud to recognize Jean Lucas for her tireless
dedication to Florida Archaeology and the ECAS Chapter.
Jean was a charter member of ECAS, helping to establish the
chapter's solid foundation during its 9-year history. Over the
years, Jean has served on the ECAS Board in several positions,
including President.
All ECAS members especially appreciate Jean's work
as Lab Director. She assumed the enormous responsibility
of cleaning, sorting, identifying, and curating artifacts,
and her meticulous paperwork earned her the reputation of
"perfectionist." Serving as ECAS Chapter Representative,
Jean faithfully attended FAS Board meetings, always giving
a detailed quarterly report on the Chapter's activities. Jean
recently stepped down as Chapter Representative after many
years of dedicated service.
Jean's outreach service to the community includes her
close relationship with the Indian Temple Mound Museum, the
Baker Block Museum, and the Heritage Museum of Northwest
Florida, to name a few. Jean also served as the ECAS
Representative with the Panhandle Historic Preservation
Alliance. In 2008, Jean generously gave her time to travel to
south Florida to help another FAS chapter organize and plan
an excavation. She helped them with necessary paperwork
and professional standards of conduct, as stated ini the FAS
Bylaws. ECAS thanks Jean Lucas for her dedicated service,
always giving her time, talent, and resources.


1 102 YOL. 64(2


The Mocama Indian Village of Sarabay: More than a Dot
on a Map

May 1, 2012 marks the 450" anniversary of "first contact"
between French Huguenots and the Mocama-speaking
Timucua ofFlorida. In anticipation of this event, the University
of North Florida (UNF) is attempting to reconstruct the social
landscape of late 161 century northeastern Florida. This entails
locating contact-era native villages, which also were the scene
of post-1587 missionization efforts by the Spanish. This paper
discusses the results of archaeological testing at the Armellino
site (8Du633) on Big Talbot Island, which we propose is the
location of the Mocama village of Sarabay.

Fire in the Hammock! Investigating the effects of
prescribed burning on cultural resources in South Florida

Prescribed burning is a common land management technique
that has a long history in south Florida. Despite the widely
acknowledged environmental benefits of this practice
assessments as to the potential effects on cultural resources
have largely been anecdotal. In order to address this issue the
Seminole Tribe of Florida Tribal Historic Preservation Office
is undertaking comprehensive investigations to quantitatively
assess the effects of prescribed burning on cultural resources
located on the Brighton and Big Cypress Seminole Indian
Reservations. Preliminary results of this research will
be presented and discussed for their significance to land
management strategies.

Beyond the Town Walls: Identifying an 18th Century
Canary Islander Site in St. Augustine

Ethnic diversity is one of the hallmarks of St. Augustine's
colonial history, with various European, Native American,
and African groups documented in governmental and church
records. One group that has been overlooked is the Canary
Islanders, brought over in the mid 1700s to fill the labor
vacuum caused by a dwindling Native American population.
Recent excavations by the City of St. Augustine's Archaeology
Program have uncovered what may constitute the material
assemblage associated with a Canary Islander household.
Contrasting this assemblage with similarly dated assemblages
from other locations within the colonial city provides clues as
to how this group integrated into St. Augustine society.

On Collaborative Archaeology and the Decolonization of
the Past: Re-Imagining the Lake Jackson/Okeeheepkee

Recent scholarship in decolonizing anthropology bridges the
highly politicized divide between Native and anthropological
understandings of the past. As a result, Indigenous ways of
knowing have begun to transform archaeological traditions.
This presentation discusses collaborative, community-based
research undertaken with a Muskogean community focusing
on the Lake Jackson site. This community's oral histories
and other enduring traditions are considered in conjunction
with archaeological methods and theory. The objective is
to develop a nuanced understanding of the past from across
multiple positionalities and to transform the social relations in
which knowledge is and can be produced.

The Cades Pond/Weeden Island and Alachua Cultures:
A Re-evaluation of Their Geographicand Temporal
Bounaries with Data from Sites in Marion County, Florida

Previous study of the Cades Pond/Weeden Island and Alachua
cultures of northern Florida have suggested that these cultures
were temporally and geographically distinct, with each group
using different types of sites even within the same region and
separated temporally from each other. However, data from
recently tested and excavated sites in Marion County, Florida
suggest a need for a re-evaluation of the geographic and
temporal boundaries of both cultures. The results of testing
and excavation at several sites in Marion County are discussed,
and conclusions and avenues for future research are presented.


VOL. 64(2)

JUNE 2011



Vegetation Changes During the Last Deglacial and Early
Holocene: A Record from Little Salt Spring Florida

A high-resolution, 7000-year-long pollen record of vegetation
change spanning the Younger Dryas and Early Holocene is
presented based on the recent analysis of an 8.2 m sediment
core collected in 1990 from the bottom of Little Salt Spring
(8S018). Previous paleohydrological reconstructions based
on C- and O- isotopes indicate that LSS is sensitive to past
deglacial climate and sea level changes. In general, the
vegetation response at LSS indicates an abrupt onset of a
cooler Younger Dryas followed by, based on ostracode isotopic
records, a warmer and a relatively stable Early Holocene.
LSS paleoenvironmental records have potential to explicate
human response to abrupt climate variability during the Late
Paleoindian and Early Archaic stages in the SE US. (Poster)

Trees Traveling Through Time: Investigations at a Tree
Island Site in Everglades National Park

The Coptic Camp Site (8DA1085) is a heavily impacted black
earth midden on a hardwood tree island in the Everglades
National Park. In the spring of 2010 an investigation was
undertaken by the Ibis Field School of the University of
Miami to assess the extent of this archaeological site in the
East Everglades Addition of the park. Investigations included
topographical mapping, surface collections, as well as
shovel tests and limited test excavations. The analysis and
interpretation of the recovered artifacts and faunal remains
presented in this paper contribute to a better understanding of
the prehistoric archaeology of tree islands and their ancient
inhabitants and provide critical data for park managers to
inform restoration planning.

Highlands County's Contribution to the Knowledge Base
of Florida's Prehistoric Canoes

This poster reports on a canoe recovered by a landowner
from Lake Francis in Highlands County, FL. The authors
investigated this canoe and probed the lake bottom in the area
surrounding the initial discovery for additional fragments.
This canoe is morphologically consistent with the Type 1
canoe variant as defined by Newsom and Purdy (1990). AMS

analysis of wood samples collected from this specimen show
a date range of 1220 1280 CE. This date range is concurrent
with the primary occupation at the Blueberry site (8HG678),
a significant Belle Glade village site located within 5 miles of
the canoe discovery. (Poster)

Lithic Functional Analysis at the Blueberry Site (8HG678)

The lithic assemblage reported in this paper was recovered
during Phase I and II excavation at the Blueberry Site
(8HG678) in Highlands County, Fl. This site represents a
multi-component site which temporally spans the Archaic
through European contact. This paper seeks to explain the
function of the lithic assemblage relative to the overall site.
Further, this paper will analyze the assemblage as a means to
provide insight into reduction patterns as well as regional trade
and interaction.

Archaic Bone Tools from the St. Johns River Basin:
Microwear and Manufacture Traces

This presentation explores patterns in bone tool use and
production. I report the results from analysis of 500 Archaic
Period artifacts from six sites in the St. Johns River Basin.
Statistical tests indicate that use-wear is patterned by tool
morphology. Tool cross-section, base form, shaft form, and tip
form have significant relationships with wear location, wear
depth, and wear direction. Overall, bone tool reforms and
debitage illustrate a consistent manufacture sequence. But,
analysis of manufacture traces shows Archaic groups had
localized production preferences within the St. Johns River
Basin. Toolmakers made choices during manufacture, and
results of their choices influenced tool function. This research
shows that it is possible for archaeologists to connect tool
shapes with prehistoric tool uses.

State of the State: Local Archaeological Protection and

What is the current state of local archaeological protection
and preservation in Florida? With 59 of Florida's 471 units
of local government certified under the National Historic
Preservation Act, how can the archaeological community
- both professional and amateur get involved in the local
decision-making process? This poster identifies key elements

2011 VOL. 64(2)


in local protection of archaeological sites and proposes ways
that we can take part in our own community's land-use
decision-making processes. (Poster)

Searching for a World: Evidence of a St. Johns II Village
in Fernandina Beach, Florida

Old Town Fernandina is known as a historical site. However,
we argue that human occupation of the location continued for
over 1000 years. Our analysis of area collections, as well as
ongoing excavations, point to a significant native settlement
within Old Town. At the UNF Archaeology Lab, our research
focus is the St. Johns II culture (AD 900-1250) signified
by the dominance of plain and check-stamped pottery. In
our presentation, we will report preliminary findings of our
analysis to make a case for a village and tie it to the broader
St. Johns regional network.

An Anthropological Examination of a Historic Cemetery
in Northeastern Florida

This poster is a presentation of our continuing research
into a historic cemetery at the United Methodist Church in
Middleburg, Florida dating from the 1850s. We are exploring
the differences and similarities in headstones across families,
the significance of headstone orientation, and the patterns and
variations in child burials. Another goal is to produce a full-
scale map of the cemetery that can be used for further research
and serve as a resource for the community. We will collect
quantitative and qualitative data using pedestrian survey,
photography, GIS, a total station for mapping, and GPR to
locate possible unmarked graves. (Poster)

Site Formation, Chronology, and Monument Construction
at the Thornhill Lake Complex

This paper will discuss the nature and timing of site formation
at the Thornhill Lake site during the Thornhill Lake Phase
of Mount Taylor, (5600-4500 cal. B.P.). Particular emphasis
will be given to issues related to monumentality during this
time period, notably continuity and change in the location
of mounding events and their character. Interpretations of
continuities and disjunctures will also be presented.

"They Don't Move Here for Disney World": Growing up
in Florida Junior Tennis

Florida is an international mecca for the highest level of
competitive junior tennis players and coaches. My current
dissertation fieldwork focuses on the experiences of (pre)
adolescent players, their parents, and their coaches over an
18-month period in the Sarasota/Bradenton area. My research
is concerned with how children build identity in competitive
environments and learn discipline through embodiment and
ritual practice. I use intensive participant observation and
experiential methods as I train with the players, in-depth
qualitative interviews, and an autoethnographic approach as I
was once a high-level competitive player and coach. (Poster)

The Use of Stone and Coral Ballast Aboard 16th-Century
Spanish Ships

In this paper, I will discuss what is known about the stone and
coral ballast recovered from the 1559 shipwrecks associated
with the Tristan de Luna colonial expedition (Emanuel Point
I and II). Previous studies of stone ballast collected from
these ships have revealed a connection to the Canary Islands
and Spain. Expanding the search for potential sources into
the Caribbean using both geologic analyses and historical
documents will reveal more information about the practices
surrounding ballast acquisition and treatment.

Archaic Transformations in the Middle St. Johns River
Valley: New Insights from Ongoing Work at Silver Glen
Run's Locus B

Traditional views of the Archaic as an extended period
of cultural stasis lacking the historical dynamism of both
preceding and subsequent eras are no longer tenable given
current archaeological knowledge. This paper discusses the
results of recent fieldwork at the Silver Glen Run complex in
northeastern Florida that reveals at least three major transitions
in use of the site and suggests an increasingly dynamic
picture of the region's Late Archaic history. Stratigraphic and
artifactual data from one area of the complex are presented
that link these transitions to a shift from practices of everyday
living to more overtly ceremonial activities.

School's Out Forever: Archaeological Investigations of the
site of Orange County's Oldest Surviving Schoolhouse

Alice Cooper could not have said it better: "no more pencils,
no more books, no more teachers' dirty looks." The 1890
Windermere School is currently Orange County's oldest
surviving schoolhouse and only one of six in Florida listed
on the National Register of Historic Places predating 1900.


In September of 2010, the Town of Windermere approached
the Central Florida Anthropological Society to conduct an
archaeological survey of the school site with an emphasis
on public archaeology. When the results of the survey did
not meet expectations of a small citizen's group who were
concerned about the Town's plans for relocating the structure,
problems arose that gave literal meaning to Cooper's lyrics:
"Out for Summer, out for Fall; we might not go back at all".
This paper will discuss the highlights of the survey's findings
in the context of Windermere's long history of community
conflict and the subsequent contentious debates that followed.

The Greatest Act of Optimism: Teaching Florida's
Schoolchildren the Importance of Cultural Resources

The Florida Public Archaeology Network (FPAN) educates
students and teachers about the importance of cultural
resources in our state, specifically focusing where archaeology
and Florida history are included in curricula and New
Generation Sunshine State Standards (NGSSS). Network staff
gives presentations in classrooms, develops and distributes
support material for educators, and conducts teacher training.
Recently we gathered information on what students were
learning from their 6" grade archaeology unit and what
educators thought of the BeyondArtifacts resource book. This
presentation will also discuss FPAN's future plans for teaching
archaeology and Florida history to a k-12 audience.

Rollin' on the River: Archaeotourism on the Wakulla River

In recent years there has been a surge of eco-based tourism in
Wakulla County, Florida, touting the rich and vast ecosystems
and natural areas within the county. Many local tour guides
conduct regular paddling tours on the river that center on the
ecological and natural aspects, however, there were no tours
available that focused on the cultural aspects associated with
the Wakulla River. This paper discusses the necessary steps and
challenges associated with developing an "archaeoheritage"
tour of the Wakulla River.

"This Other Eden, Demi-Paradise": What Archaeology
Revealed about Aspirations and Reality in a Rural Early
20th Century Central Florida Community

In 1893, a promotional supplement to the Orange County
Reporter, described Oakland as "made up of the very best
elements of society." But did the way the citizens viewed
themselves and their status as consumers match the artifacts
used and discarded in daily life? Tied to the railroad and
agriculture, their choices were dictated by economic means

and access to consumer goods, but has archaeology also
revealed a preference for items secretly enjoyed away from
the scrutiny of the neighbors? The number of table wares and
ceramics recovered from this site were far outnumbered by
beer, whiskey, wine, patent medicine and high-alcohol extract
bottles. Ongoing research into the daily lives of these citizens
has drawn a lively picture of settler families, primarily from
other southern states, and primarily attracted to "all advantages
that any other section of Florida offers, and...many which no
other locality in the State can furnish."

Apalachee Identity on the Gulf Coast Frontier

This paper synthesizes ethnohistorical and material evidence
of changing demonstrations of eighteenth-century Apalachee
identity. After 1704 attacks by the British and their Native
American allies, the Apalachee fled their homeland to French
Mobile, Creek areas, as well as Spanish Pensacola and St.
Augustine. Other conflicts, particularly the Yamasee War,
also affected the maintenance of communities and traditions.
Extensive documentary work, in addition to evidence from
Creek, French, and Spanish sites, will illustrate various shifting
social strategies that responded to and shaped particular
colonial events and structures.

Down by the River: The Maritime History and Archaeology
of Chattahoochee, FL

This paper will focus on Chattahoochee's maritime cultural
landscape, wedding the town's maritime history and
archaeology. Chattahoochee is a community in northern
Florida, where present-day Lake Seminole meets the
Apalachicola River. The town was once a center of industry
and commerce, as steamboats and barges plied the river,
importing goods from parts further north and exporting gravel
from the local quarry. As an abandonment area, the river bank
displays a variety of watercraft which lend character to the
town of Chattahoochee.

Digital Documentation of a Weeden Island Ceramic
Assemblage from Kolomoki

This preliminary work explores the use of digital technology
to promote the preservation, storage, and sharing of
archaeological information. With the use ofa NextEngine three-
dimensional laser scanner, inexpensive and free software, and
high-resolution digital photography, we are creating a virtual
collection of ceramic assemblages. The ceramics come from
the Kolomoki site, which is located in southwestern Georgia
and is the largest Weeden Island site in the region. We believe
that our methods are effective at recording and preserving data,


1 102 Vot. 64(2)


while remaining affordable. Benefits of digital data include
enhanced analyses, easy accessibility by other researchers,
and easy incorporation into educational settings.

Early through Middle Archaic Design Elements on
Artifacts from Little Salt Spring

Underwater Excavations in the basin of Little Salt Spring
by the University of Miami since 1992 have recovered
artifacts made from bone, wood, and shell with artistic design
elements from contexts associated with Early Archaic through
Middle Archaic periods. An analysis of these artifacts will be
presented, with their relative and absolute dates, and compared
with regional design traditions.

High, Medium, or Low: The Use of LiDAR in Determining
Probability Zones, Ground Disturbance, and the
Distribution of Archaeological Sites in South Florida's
Tree Island Hammocks

Light Detection and Ranging (LiDAR) data is a relatively
new technology that has only recently been incorporated into
archaeological methodology. This methodology, however,
has not attempted to employ LiDAR as a tool to solve key
archaeological problems relating to probability zones and
the distribution of sites. This research will demonstrate how
LiDAR may effectively be employed to document highly
accurate elevations, fluctuations in these elevations, and ground
disturbance within the areas in question. The information
obtained from LiDAR allows more accurate determinations
of probability zones in an area as well as the further study of
elevation changes within particular sites.

Report on Test Unit Excavations at Little Bradford and
Cat Islands

This paper will present the results of test unit excavations at
Little Bradford and Cat Islands. These two islands, located on
the northern Gulf Coast at the mouth of the Suwannee River,
have preserved cultural remains ranging from the Deptford
through Weeden Island periods and are experiencing significant
erosion that threatens these important archaeological resources.
Midden composition at these two sites is of particular interest
in that it may provide information about human-environmental
interactions in the past. This project represents one component
of a long-term research project that will encompass the Cedar
Keys and Lower Suwannee National Wildlife Refuges.

Archaeology-It's Out There!: Lessons Learned from a
Civic Tourism Approach to Archaeology Outreach

Civic Tourism capitalizes on the maxim that good places to
live make for good places to visit. The more a community
invests in that which makes it unique, the more the quality of
life improves, thus leading to a raised quality of experience for
visitors to our state. To this end FPAN's Northeast Regional
Center took Florida Archaeology Month outside. Our
Archaeology: It's Out There! programs aimed to get people
out in nature-via bike, hike, and yoga-to augment places of
meaning and the meaning of place in northeast Florida.

Don't Call It a Frisbee: Encounters in Disc Golf and Public
Archaeology at Maximo Park, St. Petersburg

Beginning in 2009, a group of Pinellas County citizens voiced
concerns to the St. Petersburg Parks Department and the
Tocobaga Disc Golf Club about the 18 hole disc golf course
located at Maximo Park and its impact on the Maximo Beach
Park Archaeological Site (8PI31). From the outset, the groups
asked archaeologists to weigh in on issues affecting the site
and to offer recommendations to help ensure site protection
and preservation. As a result of these less-than-predictable
interactions, the groups compromised, developed a plan that
keeps future impact low, and have taken significant steps to
invest in a new, proactive approach to resource management
at Maximo Park.

Going Through the Grocer's Garbage: Historical
Archaeology and Consumer Choice in Early Oakland

As Central Florida began to be occupied by white settlers
in the 19a century, Oakland emerged as a thriving pioneer
community. Located on the southern shore of Lake Apopka,
Oakland quickly grew into an early social and economic
hub for Orange County through the establishment of an
opera house, train depots, citrus packing plants and other
progressive amenities and industries. In 2009, the Central
Florida Anthropological Society, along with student volunteers
from Valencia Community College and the University of
Central Florida, initiated archaeological investigations of the
site of the Hartsfield House, a structure originally built as an


institutional facility by the Orange Belt Railroad Company
and later served as a residence for town grocer and one-time
mayor, J.O. Brock. Preliminary analysis of the Hartsfield
House assemblage investigates consumer choice in Oakland
and will serve as a comparison with other projects in the west
Orange County area.

Middens, Monuments, and the Great Shell Heap

Beginning in 2009, the Laboratory of Southeastern
Archaeology at the University of Florida began a long-term
archaeological project on a 47-km stretch of the Gulf Coast
on the Lower Suwannee and Cedar Key National Wildlife
Refuges. Preliminary investigations of the islands in the Shell
Mount Tract at the south end of the study area have revealed
extensive Woodland era occupations and an anthropogenic
landscape in which deposits of marine shell are common above
and below ground, in middens as well as in monuments. This
presentation will discuss findings to-date, and the direction of
future research.

An Anthropological Study of High School American
History Curriculum Content

This paper is an anthropological examination of curriculum
content. It is based on a thorough reading ofa Florida-approved
high schoolAmerican history textbook (TheAmerican Republic
Since 1877) and an analysis of the text's representations of
race, class, and gender. While the textbook frequently includes
the history of underrepresented groups, it pays more attention
to governmental initiatives than to grassroots movements
and community leaders. Understanding such depictions of
history is central to the creation of successful public outreach
programs because one must know the public's knowledge base
to change how the public understands the past.

A Comparative Analysis of Belle Glade and Fort Center
Mortuary Complexes

When interpreting the archaeological record, researchers must
use care not to downplay the roles of culture and environment.
This is especially true when dealing with human remains.
Archaeologists and physical anthropologists acknowledge
that taphonomy plays a role in determining accumulation and
preservation of remains. This study examines the preservation
rate of human femora from two Native American Belle Glade
Culture sites: Belle Glade and Fort Center. By comparing
the two sites, I show that cultural practices and environment
significantly affect the preservation of human remains.

New Pathways to Old Places: Improving Heritage Tourism
with Location-based Social Media

As mobile devices become the primary vehicle for accessing
digital media, location-based social media continues to rise
in popularity. This paper explores how mobile apps, such as
Foursquare, Gowalla and SCVNGR, can be used to facilitate
public archaeology and to increase visitation and interaction
with heritage tourism sites.

Why is Harry Truman on this Whiskey Bottle?
Archaeological Analysis of an Early 20th Century Bottle
Dump from the Driftwood Neighborhood, Pinellas County,

During the summer and fall of 2010, FPAN staff and USF
volunteers conducted a systematic shovel test survey of the
Driftwood Neighborhood in Pinellas County, Florida. In an area
identified by Driftwood residents as the location of a 1920's
era speak-easy, archaeologists uncovered a historic bottle
dump. This paper focuses on the identification and analysis
of this feature in order to determine whether the deposit was
associated with an illicit 1920's era drinking facility. Through
the identification of bottle production techniques, maker's
marks, and brands this assemblage will shed light on the habits
of the original residents of this area.

Integrated LiDAR and Total Station Mapping of the Fort
Center Site (8GL13)

The Fort Center site (8GL 13), on the banks of Fisheating Creek
near Lake Okeechobee, is a large complex of earthen mounds,
ditches, and embankments with occupations dating from the
late archaic to Seminole War periods. The site was previously
mapped and excavated by William Sears. In the summer of
2010, new investigations were conducted, including mapping,
geophysical survey, and limited excavations. We present the
results of the mapping, which integrated publically-accessible
LiDAR data and targeted total station survey.

A Hard Chine: Structural Investigations of Steamboats
and Barges at Chattahoochee Landing


2011 VOL. 64(2)


Vessels at Chattahoochee Landing, investigated by the Bureau
of Archaeological Research in late 2010, exemplify 19th
and 20th century working river watercraft including several
barges, three sternwheelers, and a tug. These vessel types
represent activities on the river relating to the transportation of
freight, passenger service, and dredging activities. This paper
explores what the archaeological evidence reveals about each
vessel; the role of historical sources, local informants, and
archaeological evidence in site identification; and how boat
builders used very different construction approaches to create
a box-like hull shape that was well-adapted to navigate the
challenges of a river system.

One that C.B. Moore Missed: Grave Robber Mound, Fort
George Island, Jacksonville, Fl

In the 1960s, local avocational archaeologists explored
the interior of a late pre-Contact period burial mound-
appropriately named Grave Robber Mound (8DU140).
Field techniques were less than desirable, but importantly,
recovered burial goods including large columella shell beads
and a copper axe, remained in the area. The gentleman who
conserved the artifacts has allowed us access to the objects,
presented here as unrecorded primary data. The artifacts are
very distinctive, either in scale or non-local material, to items
recovered at other local mounds. The styles and classes of
materials strongly suggest the interaction of ideas and goods
with interior southeastern centers.

Re-thinking Diaspora and Displacement: New Perspectives
on Archaeology and Anthropology from Florida's Kingsley

Slavery was a fundamental part of European economic
development of the Americas. Slave plantations were a
development-related resettlement that spanned centuries.
The practice of slavery in Florida in particular was further
complicated by cycles of military conflict and political
instability. The processes of social reconstruction in historic
slave plantations have parallels to contemporary development
and conflict related displacements. The objectives of this
research are to gain better understanding of processes
of social reconstruction during such resettlements. This
research critically examines archaeological approaches to
diaspora, integrating archaeology of Kingsley Plantation
with contemporary anthropology on social transformation,
migration, and displacement.

Remembering Rye Village

In the late 1800's, a community called Rye on the headwaters
of the Manatee River was growing at a steady pace with more
than 200 inhabitants at its peak. Today, all that remains is a
cemetery with 8 grave makers. Rye is one example of many
settlements in U.S. history that have been largely erased from
common knowledge and the landscape. After conducting
a non-intrusive visual survey, documentary research and
mapping Rye, we now have an idea of its size, where structures
stood, why it was settled, what life was like and why it faded
from existence.

Why We Think Certain Mount Taylor Shell Mounds Were

The shells of freshwater snails and bivalves began to
accumulate at many locations in the middle St. Johns River
valley of northeast Florida as early as 7000 years ago.
Although many such accumulations are arguably the output
of meals consumed by people of Mount Taylor cultural
affiliation, some deposits were structured in ways that suggest
ritual mounding. The evidence from Hontoon Dead Creek
Mound (8VO214) and Live Oak Mound (8VO41) is especially
compelling. Locations of human interment elsewhere in the
region substantiate the claim that shell and other media were
sometimes mounded for purposes beyond refuse disposal.

Patient Self-Care and Yoga Practice

This paper explores the relationship between consistent, long-
term yogic practice and the attitudes towards/acceptance of
complementary and alternative medicine (CAM), and how this
affects healthcare seeking behavior. My 2010 ethnographic
research at a South Florida yoga center reveals that this
association was not as direct as may be expected. Although all
interviewed were open to the idea of CAM, there were a variety
of ways individuals were navigating and integrating CAM,
including varying viewpoints on the matter. In conjunction
with some previous anthropological research, individual
navigation of yoga, other CAM and western biomedicine was
ultimately fueled by individual self-care strategies.

Spanish and Mexican Indian Artifacts from the Emanuel
Point Shipwrecks

In this paper, I will discuss the provenance of selected artifacts
from the 1559 TristAn de Luna shipwrecks through chemical
characterization and historical research. Excavation and
laboratory analysis of the two ships (Emanuel Point I and II)
have identified a number of artifacts from the Emanuel Point
Shipwrecks that are believed to have been made in Mexico


and Spain. By employing Instrumental Neutron Activation
Analysis and Mass Spectrometry it may be possible to source
these artifacts to either Spain or Mexico based on chemical
composition and determine if these methods are suitable for
characterizing 452-year-old waterlogged artifacts.

FaunalAnalysis from the Thornhill Lake Midden (8VO60):
A Spatial Approach

Though animal bone assemblages representing behavior during
the middle Archaic have been considered repeatedly along the
St. Johns River and presented an excellent understanding of
the animal resources focused on by native populations, there is
often a trend towards presenting the assemblage as a conflated
site signature. Examination of materials collected from specific
areas along 8V060 coupled with associated radio carbon dates
allows for closer intra-site examination of the way in which
the midden's progenitors deposited the remains across the
landscape. The variation and nature of these remains shows
that 8V060 was not a homogenous midden that rose on the
landscape, but the result of varied focused activities.

"Our Remedies Oft in Ourselves Do Lie" : The Human
History of Lake Apopka and the Anthropogenic Forces of
Its Decline

Lake Apopka, located west of Orlando, was one of the most
productive lakes in the Southeastern United States. Historically
it supported many indigenous people prior to the arrival of the
first white settlers in the mid-1800's, with its huge populations
of game fish, alligators and turtles. During the early 20" century
it became a very popular fishery with a whole industry built
to support it, including a hotel and 29 fish camps. Beginning
in 1898 with the opening of a navigational canal from Lake
Apopka to Lake Beauclair, which permanently lowered lake
levels by almost four feet, the lake has seen major impacts
from the expanding populations around the lake. The major
damage was done by massive truck farms which replaced the
20,000-acre marsh on the north shore, but impacts including
sewage effluent, urban runoff and many poor management
activities, led to the major ecological crash in the mid to
late 1950's. A review of this history will include the values
of citizen advocacy and public education in initiation of the
restoration process which is on-going.

Testing for the Mission of Santa Cruz de Guadalquini

This paper presents the results from four field seasons (2005-
2009) at the Cedar Point Site (8DU81) on Black Hammock
Island, Florida. Archaeological survey and testing have defined
the probable location of the relocated Mocama mission of San

Buenaventura de Guadalquini de Santa Cruz (ca. 1685-1696).
This paper is an overview of the evidence for the mission. The
excavations are a joint undertaking between the University of
North Florida's Archaeological Laboratory staff, students, and
the National Park Service's Timucua Historic and Ecological
Preserve's personnel.

Testing for the Mission of Santa Cruz de Guadalquini

This paper presents the results from four field seasons (2005-
2009) at the Cedar Point Site (8DU81) on Black Hammock
Island, Florida. Archaeological survey and testing have defined
the probable location of the relocated Mocama mission of San
Buenaventura de Guadalquini de Santa Cruz (ca. 1685-1696).
This paper is an overview of the evidence for the mission. The
excavations are a joint undertaking between the University of
North Florida's Archaeological Laboratory staff, students, and
the National Park Service's Timucua Historic and Ecological
Preserve's personnel.

Non-Destructive Elemental Analysis of Ceramics and
Other Materials: Case Studies in Florida and Elsewhere

Major and trace element analysis of archaeological materials
such as ceramics are often used to address issues about trade
and contact. The recent use of non-destructive portable
X-ray fluorescence spectrometers has rapidly produced data
for thousands of samples, at low cost, with analyses done
in museums, laboratories, and in the field. The case studies
presented here include different southeastern US pre-contact
ceramic types (e.g. St. Johns, Fort Walton, Weeden Island,
Swift Creek, Poverty Point/Elliott's Point clay balls), lithic
materials (e.g. greenstone, muscovite), and metal artifacts.
The results strongly support certain hypotheses that have been
made about long-distance cultural connections. (Poster)

A Reanalysis of the Negro Fort (1814-1816): A Beacon of
Hope on the Florida Frontier

Hidden in the backwoods of the Apalachicola National Forest,
all that remains of the Negro Fort's existence is a few divots in
the earth and a couple historical references. Destroyed in 1816,
the Negro Fort, also known as Fort Blout and the Prospect
Bluffs Fort, was a British-constructed military base during
the War of 1812, maintained by a multi-ethnic community
composed of African Americans, Native Americans, and
European Americans. As an important site in military history,
it has garnered attention from War of 1812 and First Seminole
War scholars, but very little archaeological research has
occurred on the site, destroyed in a US military action in
1816. Stephen Poe of Florida State University conducted


2011 VOL. 64(2)


a full-scale excavation at the site in 1960. However, since
that the initial excavation, few have paid attention to the site
reports. Historical sources assert upwards to a thousand people
lived around the fort; yet, as anthropologists, we know little of
the community that developed on the Apalachicola River. In
this paper, I attempt to reconstruct the cultural landscape of
the fort, highlighting the daily lives of the individuals who
lived there.

The Unconquered People: The Case for Seminole Ethno-
genesis in the Myakka River Valley

The history of the Myakka River Valley is haunted by the
ghosts of the silenced past. For over 10,000 years, the Myakka
River and its tributaries have been a source of life for the native
peoples who have called it their home. This was no different in
the 18th and 19th centuries when the peoples who coalesced
into the Seminoles inhabited this region. In this paper I will
argue for the possibility that Seminole ethnogenesis occurred
in the context of the Myakka River Valley and its tributaries
through an exploration of the archaeology of the Seminoles
in this region.

Swift Creek Paddle Designs from the Florida Gulf Coast:
Patterns and Prospects

Swift Creek Complicated Stamped pottery preserves the
impressions of carved wooden paddles that are valuable
evidence in studies of social interaction and population
mobility, and also provide a rare glimpse into Woodland
period worldview and symbolic representation. With these
potentials in mind, dozens of nearly complete designs have
been reconstructed from Swift Creek Complicated Stamped
pottery collected from sites on the Florida Gulf Coast. We
present these newly recorded designs, discuss trends in design
elements and their execution, and note design similarities and
matches between sites on the Gulf Coast and beyond.

"To Be or Not to Be": Orlando Regional Archaeology-
Past, Present and Future

This paper will present a review of some of the archaeological
activities that have taken place in the Greater Orlando area
from the late 19th century to the present. As over 1 million
residents currently reside throughout Greater Orlando
and millions more visit the area every year, agricultural,
residential and commercial development activities over
the last several decades have had a significant impact on
altering the region's cultural and natural landscape. To better
understand and attempt to resolve the problems associated
with these activities, a program of applied anthropology has

been developed through collaborations with area residents and
students, and local nonprofit and governmental organizations.
I will discuss some of the current archaeological research
initiatives taking place in conjunction with the Central Florida
Anthropological Society, Valencia Community College, the
Florida Public Archaeology Network East Central Region
and student volunteers enrolled at the University of Central
Florida. I will conclude by presenting information on potential
future projects in the region.

Florida Archaeology Month 2011-Florida Archaeobotany:
Native People-Native Plants

This year's Florida Archaeology Month Poster theme
is on Native Plants-Native People. Williams and Ruhl,
Archaeobotanists, will bring a few of the types of items and
concepts displayed on the poster to the meeting in an effort
to bring the poster to life for the FAS members and the role
archaeobotany plays in Florida archaeology. Please stop by
the table to see ancient and modem comparative seeds, wood
carvings, and demonstrations. (Poster-Exhibit)


An Endowment to

Support production of
The Florida Anthropologist,
the scholarly journal published quarterly by
the Florida Anthropological Society since 1948.

Donations are now being accepted from
individuals, corporations, and foundations.

Inquiries and gifts can be directed to:

The Editor
The Florida Anthropologist
Archaeology Laboratory
Department of Sociology and Anthropology
University of North Florida
1 UNF Drive
Jacksonville, FL 32224-2659

The Florida Anthropological Society is a non-profit organization under section 501(c)(3) of the Internal
Revenue Code. Contributions are tax-deductible as provided by section 170 of the code.

0 3 I I III


About the Authors:

Christopher F Altes is a graduate student at the University of Florida and an archaeologist with Southeastern Archaeologi-
cal Research, Inc.

Robert J. Austin is Vice President and Principal Investigator at Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc. He obtained his
Ph.D. from the University of Florida and developed his interest in Seminole War forts, and especially Fort Brooke, while
conducting archaeological surveys and excavations in downtown Tampa during the 1980s.

Philip Colin Hawkins studied early American history at the University of South Florida. He was awarded Best Americana
Paper at the Phi Alpha Theta Regional Conference, Gainesville, Florida, 2008 for a paper entitled "New World Sodom:
Biblical Tales of Conquest and Acculturation." Hawkins completed his master's thesis entitled Creek Schism: Seminole
Genesis Revisited and received a Master's Degree in history in 2009. Hawkins is currently involved in the art, music, and
intellectual movements in Saint Petersburg, Florida. He plans to pursue his interest in history and culture at a doctoral level.


PENSACOLA, FL 32591-2563



Volume 64, Number 2
June 2011



Gunflints from Fort Brooke:
A Study and Some Hypotheses Regarding Gunflint Procurement
Robert J. Austin

The Textual Archaeology of Seminole Colonization
Philip Colin Hawkins

A Brief Note on Currents, Current Archaeologists, and Ancient Fiber-Tempered Pots
Christopher F. Altes


Florida Anthropological Society 2011 Award Recipients

Abstracts of the Florida Anthropological Society 2011 Meeting

Copyright 2011 by the
ISSN 0015-3893

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