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Gunflints from Fort Brooke: A study... | |
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Front Cover
Front Cover 1 Front Cover 2 Table of Contents Page 79 Page 80 From the editors Page 81 Page 82 Page 83 Page 84 Gunflints from Fort Brooke: A study and some hypotheses regarding gunflint procurement Page 85 Page 86 Page 87 Page 88 Page 89 Page 90 Page 91 Page 92 Page 93 Page 94 Page 95 Page 96 Page 97 Page 98 Page 99 Page 100 Page 101 Page 102 Page 103 Page 104 Page 105 Page 106 The textual archaeology of Seminole colonization Page 107 Page 108 Page 109 Page 110 Page 111 Page 112 Page 113 Page 114 A brief note on currents, current archaeologists, and ancient fiber-tempered pots Page 115 Page 116 Page 117 Page 118 Page 119 Page 120 Florida Anthropological Society 2011 award recipients Page 121 Page 122 Page 123 Page 124 Abstracts of the Florida Anthropological Society 2011 meeting Page 125 Page 126 Page 127 Page 128 Page 129 Page 130 Page 131 Page 132 Page 133 Page 134 About the authors Page 135 Page 136 Back Matter Back Matter 1 Back Matter 2 Back Cover Back Cover 1 Back Cover 2 |
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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST Published by the FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC. VOLUME 64, NUMBER 2 June 2011 CPER E 78 .F6 F58 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc., P.O. Box 12563, Pensacola, FL 32591 Subscription is by membership in the Society. Membership is NOT restricted to residents of the State of Florida nor to the United States of America. Membership may be initiated at any time during the year, and covers the ensuing twelve month period. Dues shall be payable on the anniversary of the initial dues payment. Members shall receive copies of all publications distributed by the Society during the 12 months of their membership year. Annual dues are as follows: student $15, individual $30, family $35, institutional $30, sustaining $100 or more, patron $1000 or more, and benefactor $2500. Foreign subscriptions are an additional $25 U.S, to cover added postage and handling costs for individual, family, or institutional membership categories. Copies of the journal will only be sent to members with current paid dues. Please contact the Editors for information on recent back issues. Requests for information on the Society, membership application forms, and notifications of changes of address should be sent to the Membership Secretary. Donations should be sent to the Treasurer or may be routed through the Editors to facilitate acknowledgment in subsequent issues of the journal (unless anonymity is requested). Submissions of manuscripts should be sent to the Editors. Publications for review should be submitted to the Book Review Editor. Authors please follow The Florida Anthropologist style guide (on-line at www.fasweb.org) in preparing manuscripts for submission to the journal and contact the Editors with specific questions. Submit four (4) copies for use in peer review. Only one set of original graphics need be submitted. The journal is formatted using Adobe In Design. All manuscripts must be submitted in final form on CD in Microsoft format. Address changes should be made AT LEAST 30 DAYS prior to the mailing of the next issue. The post office will not forward bulk mail nor retain such mail when "temporary hold" orders exist. Such mail is returned to the Society postage due. The journal is published quarterly in March, June, September, and December of each year. OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY President: Patty Flynn, P. O. Box 11052 Ft. Lauderdale Fl. 33339 (pflynn52@gmail.com) First Vice President: Jeffrey T. Moates, FPAN West Central Regional Center, 4202 E. Fowler Ave NEC 116, Tampa FL 33620 (jmoates@cas.usf.edu) Second Vice President: Theresa Schober, 1902 Florrie Court, N. Fort Myers, 33917 (mschober@earthlink.net) Corresponding Secretary: Jon-Simon Suarez, 1710 NW 7th St, #304, Gainesville, FL 32609 (jssone@gmail.com) Membership Secretary: Pat Balanzategui, P O Box 1434, Fort Walton Beach, FL 32549-1434 (wnpbal@cox.net) Treasurer and RegisteredAgent: Joanne Talley, P.O.Box 788, Hobe Sound, FL 33475 (jo@whiticar.com) Directors at Large: Chris Hardy, 1668 Nantucket Ct., Palm Harbor 34683 (kasotagirl@yahoo.com); Sherry Svekis, 406 Woodland Dr., Sarasota 34234 (srobs@me.com); Tommy Abood, 3857 Indian Trail, Suite #403, Destin 32541 (lost.horizon@earthlink.net); Nick McAuliff, 115 Ferdinand Ave, St. Augustine 32080 (nmcauliff@yahoo.com) Immediate Past President: Robert J. Austin, P.O. Box 2818, Riverview, FL 33568-2818 (bob@searchinc.com) Newsletter Editor: David Burns, 15128 Springview St., Tampa, FL 33624 (daveburns@prodigy.net) JOURNAL EDITORIAL STAFF Co-Editors: Deborah R. Mullins, P.O. Box 12563, Pensacola, FL 32591-2563 (dmullins.fl.anthropologist@gmail.com) Andrea P. White, Department of Anthropology, University of New Orleans, 2000 Lakeshore Drive, New Orleans, LA 70148 (awhite.fl.anthropologist@gmail.com) Book Review Editor: Jeffrey T. Moates, FPAN West Central Regional Center, 4202 E. Fowler Ave NEC 116, Tampa FL 33620 (jmoates@cas.usf.edu) Editorial Assistant: George M. Luer, 3222 Old Oak Drive, Sarasota, FL 34239-5019 (geoluer@gmail.com) Technical Assistant: Beth Chambless, SEARCH, Inc., 428 E. Government St., Pensacola, FL 32502, (beth@searchinc.com) Printer: Durra-Print, 717 South Woodward Ave., Tallahassee, FL 32304 Bulk Mail: Modern Mailers, 877 W Orange Ave., Tallahassee, FL 32310 EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD Albert C. Goodyear; Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208 (goodyear@sc.edu) Jerald T. Milanich, Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611 (jtm@flmnh.ufl.edu) Jeffrey M. Mitchem, Arkansas Archeological Survey, P.O. Box 241, Parkin, AR 72373 (jeffmitchem@juno.com) Nancy Marie White, Department of Anthropology, University of South Florida, Tampa, FL 33620-8100 (nwhite@chumal.cas.usf.edu) Robert J. Austin, P.O. Box 2818, Riverview, FL 33568-2818 (bob@searchinc.com) NOTE: In addition to the above Editorial Review Board members, the review comments of others knowledgeable in a manuscript's subject matter are solicited as part of our peer review process. VISIT FAS ON THE WEB: www.fasweb.org UOFpF LIRPR4V THE FLORIDA A4oLo ANTHROPOLOGIST i Volume 64, Number 2 June 2011 N'vCE 19AI TABLE OF CONTENTS From the Editors ARTICLES Gunflints from Fort Brooke: A Study and Some Hypotheses Regarding Gunflint Procurement Robert J. Austin The Textual Archaeology of Seminole Colonization Philip Colin Hawkins A Brief Note on Currents, Current Archaeologists, and Ancient Fiber-Tempered Pots Christopher F. Altes FAS 2011 ANNUAL MEETING Florida Anthropological Society 2011 Award Recipients Abstracts of the Florida Anthropological Society 2011 Meeting About the Authors Ua 0 0 Cover: Artwork celebrating the 63rd annual Florida Anthropological Society meetings held in Orlando in May 2011. Artwork by Nancy Flynn. Please see the awards and abstracts from the May meeting beginning on page 121. Published by the FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC. ISSN 0015-3893 FROM THE EDITORS Greetings FAS members! In this, our final issue as Co- Editors, we have a little something sure to interest every reader. We offer three fantastic articles that move between historic gunflints, Seminole history, and Caribbean currents. Also included in this issue are the FAS 2011 Annual Meeting award recipients and meeting abstracts. If you could not make the meeting (and even if you attended), please peruse the paper abstracts for an overview of all the interesting archaeological research being conducted throughout the state. Our first author, Robert Austin, loves rocks irrespective of the archaeological context in which they appear. Starting this issue with a bang is Austin's study of gunflints from the Second Seminole War site of Fort Brooke at the mouth of the Hillsborough River. Surprisingly few comparable research projects have been written on gunflints in the last two decades and archaeologists in the Southeast and across the United States will profit from the original data and hypotheses presented here. The journal is excited to publish a significant addition to the gunflint literature. Those interested in learning more about gunflints used across the Southeast should turn to Nicholas Honerkamp and Norma Harris' 2005 article "Unfired Brandon Gunflints from the Presidio Santa Maria de Galve, Pensacola, Florida" (Historical Archaeology 39(4):95-111). Readers interested in learning more about the excavations at Fort Brooke will be pleased to know that a companion article will be published in the upcoming issue of The Florida Anthropologist. In our second article, historian Philip Hawkins takes a critical look at Creek settlement in Florida and presents evidence to support his theory that permanent Creek colonization occurred sometime after the 1760s. This is in contrast to Charles Fairbanks' claim, presented in his 1974 Ethnohistorical Report on the Florida Indians (originally drafted in 1957), that the Creek were establishing permanent towns in Florida during the first half of the eighteenth century. Hawkins advances that many Seminole scholars have accepted Fairbanks' dates for Creek colonization theory unchallenged and that these erroneous dates have led to other historical and archaeological inaccuracies. The author acknowledges that the Creek were conducting hunting trips and war raids into Florida in the earlier decades of the 1700s, but according to ethnographic evidence (and lack of contrary archaeological evidence), they were not establishing permanent communities that included the full gamut of Creek society supported by agricultural activities. Hawkins' work should certainly encourage new debate on the origins of the Seminole people as well as when the permanent settlement of Florida by the Creeks occurred. In our third article, Christopher Altes discusses his original simulation-analysis of Caribbean Sea currents in combination with published data on bioarchaeology, linguistics, and material culture. So doing, Altes suggests direct linkages between Archaic Period peoples of North, Central, and South America and the Caribbean via stable and navigable Caribbean currents. The author demonstrates that by utilizing these currents indigenous peoples could have voyaged to Cuba, the Gulf coast, or the lower southeastern Atlantic coast in as little as a week and a half and without the potential dangers of hopscotching through the Lesser Antilles. Unsurprisingly, these same locales have produced the earliest fiber tempered pottery in North America. While the topic of cultural connections is not new for the Southeast, Altes does deliver a sharp poke to one of the slumbering elephants in the room of New World contact studies and outlines a fresh methodology for considering mobility across tremendous natural and anthropogenic landscapes. Lastly, we have included the conference schedule and presentation abstracts for the 2011 Florida Anthropological Society annual meeting. We certainly enjoyed seeing everyone in Orlando; KUDOS to the host chapter, the Central Florida Anthropological Society. CFAS did an amazing job organizing the conference and all of us thank you for it! Aside from how effortlessly the whole meeting seemed to run, the conference was very well attended with over fifty presentations, posters, and exhibits. Lee J. Bloch, Alexis Santos, Jacqueline Silven, Liz Usherwood, and Michael Waas participated in the student paper competition and are to be commended for their excellent contributions. Special compliments to New College of Florida undergraduate student Lee J. Bloch for his winning paper, entitled: "On Collaborative Archaeology and the Decolonization of the Past: Re-Imagining the Lake Jackson/ Okeeheepkee." Lastly, well-earned and heartfelt thanks go to all the award recipients. Barbara Purdy was honored with the Ripley P. Bullen Award for her many years of researching Florida's past and fostering cooperation between avocational and professional archaeologists. Kathryn Betz (SWFAS), Matthew Betz (SWFAS), and Jean Lucas (ECAS) were presented with FAS Certificates of Achievement for their outstanding service to their local FAS chapter. Congratulations to you all. We want to take an opportunity to say thank you and farewell to State Archaeologist Ryan Wheeler, who is leaving his position to move to Boston with his family. FAS members will know that Ryan has not only been a leader in the protection and study of Florida's archaeological resources, but that he is also a former Editor of The Florida Anthropologist VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST JUNE 2011 VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST JUNE 2011 THE-- LR A RO and frequent contributor to its pages. Ryan, you will be missed by all of us! Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research archaeologist Mary Glowacki will be filling Ryan's shoes as the new State Archaeologist for Florida. Dr. Glowacki is another hard-working champion of Florida heritage and readers may recognize her as current President of the Panhandle Archaeological Society in Tallahassee, a chapter of FAS. We know she will do an outstanding job in her new position. It is also time for us to say farewell. Over the past five years it has been a pleasure to serve as Co-Editors of The Florida Anthropologist. A lot has happened over the course of our tenure to remind us just how vulnerable Florida's archaeological resources are. Specifically, the Deepwater Horizon incident in the Gulf of Mexico and the drastic economic downturn have forced many government agencies, private-for-profit organizations, and voluntary interest groups to make do with less and to focus on core priorities. More than ever, we strongly encourage FAS members to continue to push archaeological and cultural heritage concerns to the forefront of discussions with your neighbors, your local community leaders, and with your state and federal officials. Write emails, show up at community meetings, and in general be a nuisance in the name of heritage preservation-consider it the ultimate bipartisan no-brainer! As this is our last issue as Co-Editors of FA, we would like to offer our sincere thanks to many FAS Board and Society members that we have worked alongside; it has truly been an honor. Unofficial FAS Historian George Luer continues to amaze us with his vast knowledge of the history of Florida archaeology and of its Founding Fathers. George has also been a kind friend with good advice. We would like to give a huge thank you to all the hardworking FAS Officers behind the scenes, especially former Membership Secretary Kay Gautier, current Membership Secretary Pat Balanzategui and Treasurer Joanne Talley for their good humor and for the tremendous amount of work they do to keep the journal in your mailbox and FAS running smoothly. The Editors would also like to thank red pen aficionados Elizabeth Chambless and Kaitlyn Brouwer for their help. Thanks ladies! Outgoing FAS President Robert Austin has been a friend and sounding board from day one. Bob, as our most reliable question-answerer, joke-maker, and candid opinion-giver, we thank you greatly! And owe you beer. Lastly, we would like to thank all of the contributors to the journal over the last five years, including manuscript authors, peer-reviewers, Board members, enthusiasts, and critics. Our service has allowed a truer appreciation for the amount of hard work it takes to run an all-voluntary organization as large as FAS and we have benefited from that education. Both of us have also profited significantly from the opportunity to explore the intellectual legacy of the Society's founding members and early contributors to the journal. Finally, we are thrilled to introduce Keith Ashley, who has volunteered to serve as the new Editor of The Florida Anthropologist. His service will be supported by another Florida archaeology favorite, Vicki Rolland, who will serve as Technical Editor for the journal. A native of Florida, Keith holds degrees in Anthropology from Auburn University (BA), Florida State University (MA), and the University of Florida (PhD). Keith is Coordinator of Research at the Archaeology Laboratory at the University of North Florida in Jacksonville. His current research explores the involvement of St. Johns fisher-hunter-gatherers in the broader world of Mississippian farmers. He is also researching the contact- and mission-period Mocama (Timucua) of northeastern Florida and southeastern Georgia. Beyond archaeology, Keith enjoys hanging out with his wife Angela and their two kids (although now as teenagers with the ability to drive, they always have other plans). Finally, when asked about the Florida Anthropological Society, Keith had this to say: "I've always been (and continue to be) impressed with the Florida Anthropological Society and the steadfast commitment of its members to Florida archaeology, as avocational archaeologists, field and laboratory volunteers, stewards, advocates, educators, and ambassadors genuinely concerned with the State's fragile and nonrenewable cultural resources." Please submit inquiries and manuscripts to: Keith H. Ashley, Ph.D Editor, The Florida Anthropologist Archaeology Laboratory Department of Sociology and Anthropology University of North Florida 1 UNF Drive Jacksonville, FL 32224-2659 kashley@unf.edu Keep those manuscripts rolling in to Keith and Vicki. Enjoy and take care! Deb Mullins andAndrea White THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 102 1 Vot. 64(2) Join the Florida Anthropological Society Florida Anthropological Society memberships: Student $15 (with a copy of a current student ID) Regular and Institutional $30 Family $35 Sustaining $100 Patron $1000 Benefactor $2500 or more Student membership is open to graduate, undergraduate and high school students. A photocopy of your student ID should accompany payment Add $25.00 for foreign addresses The Society publishes journals (The Florida Anthropologist) and newsletters, normally quarterly and sponsors an annual meeting hosted by a local chapter. Name: Address: Apt: City: State: ZIP: Telephone: E-mail: FAS Chapter: __ I agree to abide by the Code of Ethics of the Florida Anthropological Society. MAIL TO: Florida Anthropological Society c/o Pat Balanzategui P O Box 1434 Fort Walton Beach, FL 32549-1434 Membership also available at www.fasweb.org and dues can be paid via Paypal. THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2011 VOL. 64(2) Notes: GUNFLINTS FROM FORT BROOKE: A STUDY AND SOME HYPOTHESES REGARDING GUNFLINT PROCUREMENT ROBERT J. AUSTIN Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc., P.O. Box 2818, Riverview, FL 33568 Email: bob@searchinc.com Gunflints are common artifacts found at eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century military sites in Florida and elsewhere; the archaeological site of Fort Brooke (8HI13) is no exception. Established in 1824 at the mouth of the Hillsborough River, the fort and associated cantonment area served as an important base of operations and supply depot for the U.S. Army during the Second Seminole War (1835-1842) (Chamberlain 1968:65). Although much reduced in size and importance following the war, Fort Brooke remained in the possession of the U.S. Army until 1883 when the land was opened up for private sale (Covington 1981:43; McKay 1949). Located within the urban core of the City of Tampa, Florida, Fort Brooke has been the focus of several archaeological investigations, both large and small (e.g., Almy and Horvath 2001; Austin and Ballo 1988; Austin and Hendryx 2009; Grange 1974; Hardin and Thomsen 1984; Janus Research 1995; Piper and Piper 1980, 1982). Two of the largest occurred between 1987 and 1988 as the City's Public Works Department began making plans to build a convention center and associated parking garage on five city blocks in the heart of historic Fort Brooke (Figure 1). Piper Archaeological Research, Inc. (now Janus Research) was contracted by the City to conduct the necessary cultural resource investigations as required by City Ordinance 8230-A. These investigations included mitigative excavations of a prehistoric midden and cemetery as well as portions of Fort Brooke that were located within the confines of the proposed development (Austin 1993; Austin et al. 1992). The author served as Co-Principal Investigator during the project. This paper presents the results of an analysis of the gunflints recovered during the Convention Center excavations of Fort Brooke. Although gunflints often are reported in excavation and survey reports, detailed analysis is rare. The 47 gunflints recovered during the 1987 and 1988 excavations are augmented by 9 additional gunflints from other smaller projects at the site of Fort Brooke and 29 gunflints from private collections. Together these 85 gunflints provide a means of characterizing Second Seminole War-era military gunflints in Florida in terms of use wear, firing position, associated firearm types, and source of origin. In addition, the dominance of French gunflints at a post-1800 site contradicts the historical pattern observed elsewhere in the continental U.S. and is examined with regard to trade relationships and ordnance acquisition patterns by the U.S. Army following the War of 1812. Brief History of Gunflint Production Most gunflints found on American military sites are of either British or French manufacture as these were the two primary commercial producers of gunflints. The domestic manufacture of gunflints was authorized by the U.S. Congress in 1776, but an American gunflint industry never established itself (B. Lewis 1956:159). Spanish-made gunflints are restricted to sites of Spanish colonial occupation (e.g., Durst 2009; Villalobos 2003). The Dutch, Germans, and Italians, among others, manufactured gunspalls and gunflints but these were not widely used in the United States. Native Americans also made gunflints from locally available cherts; however, even among the Indians, European gunflints were preferred once they became consistently available (Witthoft 1966:22). Several written descriptions of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century gunflint production in England and France are available in the literature (e.g., Barnes 1980[1937]; Citizen Dolomieu 1960 [1796-7]; De Lotbiniere 1980; Gillett- Laumont 1960; Skertchly 1879; Woodward 1960[1951]) and these provide some insight into the history and technology of gunflints. The first gunflints are thought to have been produced in the Netherlands around 1620 (Witthoft 1966:22), although this has been questioned by White (1975:67). These early forms are called spalls or gunspalls because they are simply large flakes that were struck from a cobble or wedge-shaped core. Usually the striking platform and bulb of percussion are clearly visible on the spalls (Figure 2a). Some secondary flaking may be present at the back or heel area of the spall, but for the most part the flint was left unmodified (Hamilton 1964:52). The French were apparently the first to manufacture on a large scale gunflints from "long flakes" or blades during the last half of the eighteenth century (De Lotbiniere 1980:154). The blades were struck from a core by direct percussion using a specially made steel hammer. The blade was then snapped into suitably sized pieces and trimmed using a steel chisel set at an incline and a disc-shaped hammer called a "roulette." The knapper takes up the blades, one by one, and propping them against the chisel on the workbench, gives them a sharp tap with the roulette on the two ends of each blade [to remove the bulb of percussion at one end and the feathered margin at the opposite end]...he then produces, depending on the length of the blade, VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA AI'rmaopoLoclsT JUNE 2011 VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST JUNE 2011 THE LORIA ATHROOLOGST 011 OL. 4(2 Figure 1. Map of Tampa's Central Business District showing the locations of the Tampa Convention Center (1987) and South Regional Parking Facility (1988) project areas. Also shown are locations of other projects mentioned in the text: A=US AmeriBank (Austin and Hendryx 2009); B-Quad Block (Piper and Piper 1982); C=Ashley Tower (Hardin and Thomsen 1984). two or perhaps three gunflints. Each of these fragments is then taken up again for retouching. Placing one end of the fragment against the top of the chisel, the knapper guides the roulette with short, rapid blows to the smooth side of the fragment so that numerous chips fly in all directions. These chips are produced by the counterblow, just at the point of contact between the stone and chisel, and they make the flake scars that appear on the edges of the gunflints [Schleicher 1910 quoted in Barnes 1980[1937]:161]. The British had been making gunspalls since at least the mid-seventeenth century (De Lotbiniere 1980; White 1975) and continued to do so into the early nineteenth century (Honerkamp and Harris 2005). They did not adopt the blade technique until sometime during the last quarter of the eighteenth century (De Lotbiniere 1980:156; White 1975; Witthoft 1966:32), but when they did, they improved the technique substantially and were able to eclipse France in the mass production of gunflints. The British technique of gunflint production has been described by Barnes (1960[1937]), De Lobitniere (1980), and Skertchly (1879). It involved the systematic removal of long, parallel-sided blades from a prepared core. The blade was then held at an angle against a steel chisel blade and with a hammer similar to the French "roulette," the knapper struck the blade on its central axis, just below the lower edge of the chisel. The result was an oblique fracture. The blade was then turned over, placed on the chisel edge at the appropriate distance for the size of the gunflint required, and with a second blow the flint was detached from the blade. This process continued until the blade was exhausted. The resulting gunflints required no additional trimming other than a quick rasp against the chisel edge to straighten the striking edge. The method was THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2011 VOL. 64(2) FORT BROOKE GUNFLINTS Figure 2. Examples of the main types of gunflints found at Fort Brooke: A) gunspall; B) round-heel blade; C) untrimmed blade; D) double-edged blade; E) square-heel blade. so efficient that British flintknappers were reportedly able to produce up to 3000 gunflints in a day compared to 500 using the French method (Skertchly 1879:31; C. Smith 1960:60). Distinguishing Between French and British Gunflints Distinguishing between French and British blade gunflints is accomplished in two ways: by the type of raw material and by technological and morphological features. Of these the latter is probably the more reliable because of the variation inherent in flint materials. Nonetheless a distinction is often made between French and British flints and when used in conjunction with other criteria, these can aid in the identification of the place of origin. Although other source areas are known to have been exploited, the raw material preferred by British flintknappers came primarily from late Cretaceous flint deposits in Suffolk County particularly in the Brandon area (Durst 2009; Hamilton and Emery 1988). The typical flint from Brandon is usually dark gray to black, relatively opaque, and fine to medium grained. Occasionally light-colored, gray, opaque flints were also used by the British (Kenmotsu 1990:95). The primary source areas of French flint were the late Cretaceous deposits located in the Seine and Marne regions (Durst 2009; Hamilton and Emery 1988). This flint tends to be light yellow, blond, or honey-colored with small whitish inclusions, although other colors ranging from gray to brown to nearly black are not uncommon (Hamilton and Emery 1988:30). Often there is a white, chalky cortex adhering to the exterior surface of the flints. The translucent and very fine-grained French flint was considered by many soldiers to be superior to British flint (Noel Hume 1978:220), presumably because of its perceived reliability in producing the necessary spark. Technologically, the difference between British and French gunflints is in the degree of secondary retouch that is exhibited. The British usually did not modify their gunflints once a blade segment of the appropriate size had been produced (Figure 2c), although secondary flaking of the sides of the 0i09 iLf 2, D E gunflint may be exhibited (Figure 2d). The French on the other hand trimmed all edges except for the striking edge (Figure 2b). The back or heel was often flaked into a rounded, convex edge resulting in a distinctively shaped gunflint that is called a round heel or "D-form" (Kenmotsu 1990:98). French gunflints also tend to be slightly wider than they are long while British gunflints tend to be longer than they are wide (Hamilton and Emery 1988:13). Other styles of gunflints were made by both the French and the British, but these are rarely found on military sites in Florida. One variation manufactured by the French and which may be present is described by Hamilton (1964:56). This is a square, very thin, and flat gunflint with secondary chipping on the sides that form a bevel matching the bevels of the heel and striking edge. Hamilton mentions that he has seen larger examples in the south that were probably used on muskets. He estimates that they were made through the end of the flintlock era (ca. 1860). The French apparently also used a black flint on occasion and since this thin, flat type is definitely of French manufacture, its occurrence on black flint can be confused with a British origin. Fort Brooke Assemblage A total of 85 gunflints from Fort Brooke are included in the analysis (Appendix I). Forty-seven of these were recovered during the Convention Center project. Most of these (n=43) came from excavations at what was the future site of the South Regional Parking Facility (Figure 1), which is believed to be located where enlisted soldiers and militia bivouacked in uncovered marquees during the Second Seminole War (Austin 1993). Gunflints were recovered from Second Seminole War- period strata and features (primarily refuse pits). Dating of these proveniences was accomplished primarily through South's (1977) mean ceramic formula and visual bracketing methods, which indicate a date range of 1824 to 1840 for all but three of the 19 dated features (Austin 1993:Table 7). This date range is corroborated by the recovery of an 1835 Liberty half-dime from a refuse pit (Feature 3) that contained several gunflints and an 1837 "seated" dime from a charcoal-impregnated lens within the Fort Brooke-period stratum (Austin 1993:63). Four gunflints were recovered from excavations at the Bay Cadillac site in the southeast corer of the Tampa Convention Center project area (Figure 1). The focus of the excavation here was on a prehistoric cemetery and overlying midden (Austin et al. 1992); however, a number of Fort Brooke artifacts were recovered from the upper levels of the midden. This area is believed to have been close to Frazer's Redoubt, a triangular-shaped fortification that was constructed prior to 1836. Additional gunflints from three other projects conducted within the boundaries of 8HI13 (see Figure 1) also were included in the analysis. These include three gunflints recovered from excavation on the USAmeriBank property, including one from a late 1840s-early 1850s barrel well (Austin and Hendryx 2009); five gunflints recovered from three burials at the Fort Brooke cemetery, which is believed to have been in use between 1824 and 1846 (Hardin 1982); AUSTIN THE ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ __ FLRIA NHRPOOIS 211VL.642 and one gunflint from a Second Seminole War refuse midden located on the Ashley Tower property (Hardin and Thomsen 1984). Finally, 29 gunflints from two private collections are included in this study. Although the provenience information of these artifacts is not as precise as the professionally excavated specimens, they have been included in order to increase the overall sample size. Gunflint Typology Five distinct styles of gunflints were defined in the Fort Brooke assemblage based on differences in manufacturing techniques: spall; blade, untrimmed; blade, double edged; blade, square heel; and blade, round heel. These reflect variations on the three major types of gunflints that are commonly found at historic sites: spall, blade, and modified or trimmed blade. A sixth category includes fragments and heavily reworked forms that cannot be accurately assigned to one of the other five categories. The six categories are described below and summarized in Table 1: Spall: These are wedge-shaped or trapezoidal in cross- section, display a prominent bulb of percussion on the upper face, and the heel and lateral margins display secondary flaking (Figure 2a). Honerkamp and Harris (2005:102) refer to this type as a "basic spall" and Stone (1971:14-18) places them in his Series C, Type 1 (Spall) category. Two examples of this style are present in the Fort Brooke sample. One is made of a gray homogeneous flint while a second, larger spall is made from a coarse-textured, dark gray chert containing quartz sand inclusions that is unsimilar to any of the other gunflint materials. Blade, untrimmed: These gunflints are made from blades and are trapezoidal in profile (Figure 2c). They possess sloping (beveled) side and back surfaces, and a flat to slightly concave midsection face. Flake scars on the face are oriented parallel to the bed, or ventral surface of the original blade blank. These are similar in form to Honerkamp and Harris's (2005:102) "basic blade" except that their examples exhibit trimmed margins. Martin (1985:195) adds untrimmed blades to Stone's original typology and designates them as Series D. There are three untrimmed blade gunflints in the Fort Brooke collection. Two of these are made of black flint, and one is made of honey-colored flint. Blade, double edged: This style of gunflint is similar to the untrimmed blade described above, but both side margins are trimmed and the heel and striking edge remain untrimmed (Figure 2d; cf. Honerkamp and Harris 2005:102). This is presumably to enable both the heel and edge to serve as striking edges. Four examples of this style are present in the Fort Brooke sample; two are made on gray flint, one on grayish-brown flint, and one on honey-colored flint. Blade, square heel: This style of gunflint is similar to the untrimmed blade described above, but has had three and sometimes four margins trimmed through secondary flaking (Figure 2e). The heel is straight or "square" which distinguishes it from the round-heel variety described below. This style corresponds to Honerkamp and Harris's (2005:102) "basic blade." Only three examples of this style are present in the Fort Brooke assemblage. They are made of dark gray, dark grayish-brown, and dark olive flint. Blade, round heel: This style of gunflint also is made on a prismatic blade. Two lateral margins and the heel have been trimmed by secondary flaking, with the heel trimmed into a rounded shape (Figure 2b). They correspond to Stone's (1971:8-10) Series A, Types 1 and 2 blade gunflints. Honerkamp and Harris (2005:102) describe modified blades from the Presidio Santa Maria de Galve cache in Pensacola and compare them to Stone's Series A, Type 2, although these square-heel gunflints are not the same as those described by Stone, which possess a "rounded back heel." The round-heel style is the most common gunflint at Fort Brooke; 57 of the 85 gunflints (67%) are this style (Figure 3). Forty-one are made of a translucent honey-colored flint with light-colored inclusions. The others are made of grayish- brown flint (6), dark yellowish-brown flint (3), light brown flint (2), gray flint (3), dark gray flint (1), and dark grayish- brown flint. Indeterminate: Two heavily resharpened blade gunflints and 14 gunflint fragments make up this category. Nine are made of honey-colored flint, two are made of gray flint, two of dark gray flint, and one of black flint. The color of two gunflint fragments could not be accurately determined because they are heat damaged which has altered their natural colors. Dimensional Characteristics Length', width, and thickness measurements were obtained for all specimens (Appendix I) and a summary of these data is presented in Table 2. A scatterplot of length and width values for the 62 complete specimens shows three distinct groupings (Figure 4). Most of the gunflints cluster near the center of the graph (B), but a grouping of nine gunflints with low length and width values is evident (A) and a single large gunspall also is isolated from the rest of the assemblage (C). Although the samples of most of the gunflint varieties are too small to plot their frequency distributions, the round-heel variety does contain enough examples to do so and the resulting distributions of lengths and widths are shown in Figure 5. Although the distribution of gunflints lengths is negatively skewed towards the larger sizes, there are two possible length groupings centering around 18.5-19.99 mm and 26-27.49 mm, with the latter exhibiting a large amount of variation around its peak. The distribution of width frequencies is even more strongly skewed with most of the round-heel gunflints narrowly clustered between 25.5 and 29.99 mm. These distributions are consistent with the scatterplot in Figure 4 which shows a few smaller round-heel flints separated from the majority of larger flints. The wide range of variation in lengths and the narrow range of widths illustrated by Figure 5 suggest that the B grouping in Figure 4 contains specimens possessing variable lengths but relatively consistent widths. This suggests that this group contains heavily reworked flints along with unworked and lightly worked specimens. Several authors have published size ranges for flints meant to be used in various types of firearms (e.g., B. Lewis THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 1 102 YOL. 64(2) AUSTIN FORT BRooI~ GUNFLINTS Table 1. Classification of Fort Brooke gunflints by type and color. Figure 3. Examples of gunflints and a lead flint patch from Fort Brooke. Types g Totals Percents Spall 1 1 2 2.35 Blade, untrimmed 1 2 3 3.53 Blade, double-edged 1 2 1 4 4.71 Blade, square heel 1___ 1 1 __3 3.53 Blade, round-heel 41 1 3 6 1 3 2 57 67.06 Indeterminate 9 1 2 2 __ 2 16 18.82 Totals 52 3 4 1 8 7 2 1 3 2 2 85 100.00 Percent 61.18 3.53 4.71 1.18 8.24 2.35 9.41 1.18 3.53 2.35 2.35 100.00 -- AUSTIN FORT BROOKE GUNFLINTS Table 2. Dimensional data for Fort Brooke gunflints. Length (mm) Width (mm) Thickness (mm) __ ypN Range Mean SD N Range Mean SD N Range Mean SD Spall 2 21.3-30.2 25.7 6.3 2 27.7-35.3 31.5 5.4 2 5.9-12.1 9.0 4.4 Blade, untrimmed 3 18.6-23.0 20.1 2.5 3 17.8-23.7 20.0 3.2 3 4.8-11.0 7.5 3.2 Blade, double-edged 3 25.8-29.9 27.3 2.3 3 26.4-31.2 28.3 2.6 4 5.6-10.0 7.5 2.3 Blade, square heel 3 17.5-18.0 17.8 0.3 3 15.0-17.0 15.8 1.0 2 6.0-7.0 6.5 0.7 Blade, round-heel 54 17.6-33.4 27.0 3.7 50 16.2-30.3 26.7 2.8 55 4.4-11.0 7.4 1.3 Indeterminate 3 20.0-29.9 23.8 5.3 4 22.7-27.6 25.7 2.3 16 4.0-9.0 6.4 1.5 40 c 35 B ** 30 0t\ 25 20 o * A A x SIpll 0D Blade. untrhmued o Blade. double edged 15 Blade. square heel Blde. round heel x Indeterminate 10 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Width (mm) Figure 4. Scatterplot of length and width values for complete gunflints showing three size groupings (A, B, and C). 1956:160; Skertchly 1879:47-63; Woodward 1960 [1951]:39) and these are shown in Table 3. The most relevant of these for comparison to the Fort Brooke data is B. Lewis's reproduction of the gunflint specifications in the 1849 Ordnance Manual of the United States Army. These specifications list the recommended average size (length, width, and thickness) in inches for muskets, rifles, and pistols along with acceptable size ranges. These sizes were converted to millimeters and are compared to the Fort Brooke data in Figure 6. The military specifications are quite narrow, particularly in terms of width, so size-range data from all three data sets in Table 3 were combined and are also shown in Figure 6. In addition to the larger size ranges, the Skertchly and Woodward gunflint data provide size ranges for additional firearms, such as pocket pistols, carbines, and cannons. Comparison of these size ranges with the Fort Brooke data reveals that the latter is consistently smaller than the recommended ranges, particularly in terms of length. Undoubtedly this is due to the fact that many of the Fort Brooke gunflints have had their original sizes modified by use and resharpening. Both of these activities would have reduced their overall length while width and thickness would have remained relatively unchanged. C. Smith (1960:48) also notes that discrepancies between archaeological specimens and published military standards may be due to a lack of careful inspection by the U. S. Army when the flints were imported. It is worth noting that the two round-heel gunflints that were identified by Hardin (1982:289) as unused, as well as four gunflints identified by the author as having only minor evidence of use, all are located at the upper end of the size THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 1 102 YOL. 64(2) AUSTIN FORT BROOKE GUNFLINTS 17-18.49 18.5-19.99 20-21.49 21.5-22.99 23-24.49 24.5-25.99 26-27.49 27.5-28.9 29-30.49 30.5-31.9 32-33.49 Length (mm) 16-16.49 16.5-17.99 18-19.49 19.5-20.99 21-22.49 22.5-23.99 24-25.49 25.5-26.99 27-28.49 28.5-29.99 30-30.49 Width (mm) Figure 5. Frequency distributions of length (top) and width (bottom) for round-heel gunflints. FORT BROOKE GUNFLINTS AUSTIN THE ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ __ FLRIA NHRPOOIS 211VL.64f Table 3. Recommended size ranges of gunflints for various firearms. Firearms Length (mm) Width (mm) Thickness (mm) 1849 U. S. Military Manual Specifications (Lewis 1956:160) Musket 30.5-38.1 27.5-28.7 6.6-8.4 Rifle 24.6-30.5 20.1-22.4 5.1-7.4 Pistol 23.6-27.7 21.3-23.3 5.3-6.9 Skertchly (1879:48-63) Musket 33.0 27.9-30.5 7.6-10.2 Carbine 30.5 25.4 6.4 Horse Pistol 25.4-27.9 22.9-25.4 7.6 Pocket Pistol 19.1 16.5 5.1 Woodward (1960 [1951]:39) Musket 28.6-38.1 31.2-41.3 -- Carbine 28.6-31.2 22.2-25.4 -- Rifle 22.2 22.2 -- Horse Pistol 25.4 19.1-25.4 -- Pocket Pistol 14.3-19.1 7.9-12.7 -- Cannon 44.5-63.0 38.1-57.2 -- 40 C 35 B Musket * ................... ^ 30 x pal Pocket Pisl Pistol x In 15 A .... .......... .......... i _1 1849 Military Specifications a1 Blade, untrimmed 0 Blade. double edged :.................................................. "o Blade, square heel : [ Blade,. round heel Pocket Pistol x Indeterminate 15 * ................................................... ---- 1849 Military Specifications ............... Lewis, Skcrtchly.,& Woodward Dimensions Combined 10 1....... 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 Width (mm) Figure 6. Comparison of Fort Brooke gunflint dimensions with 1849 U.S. Army military specifications (B. Lewis 1956) and the size ranges of flints made for various firearms published in Skertchly (1879) and Woodward (1960 119511). THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 1 102 Vot. 64(2) AUSTIN FORT BROOKE GUNFLINTS distribution for both length and width, i.e., within or just below the range for muskets. The outlying large gunspall appears to have been meant for use in a musket as well. The intermediate-size gunflints appear to consist of a mixture of flints used in smaller carbines or rifles, horse pistols, and perhaps larger musket flints that have been reduced in size through use and resharpening. Finally, the smallest gunflints all appear too small to represent anything other than flints meant for use in pocket pistols, notwithstanding the presence of obviously used specimens. Use- Wear Analysis That the Fort Brooke gunflints represent used rather than unused specimens is indicated by an examination of their striking edges. In a study of both modem and archaeological gunflints, Kenmotsu (1990:107-113) identified four criteria that indicate whether or not a gunflint has been used. These include 1) unifacial step flaking on the upper surface of the striking edge, 2) a striking edge that is stepped in cross-section, 3) smoothing of the striking edge, and 4) flat scalar or hinge flakes on the underside of the striking edge. Utilizing these criteria, all of the Fort Brooke gunflints were examined microscopically, except for those recovered from the Fort Brooke cemetery excavation which were not available for study (although two of the round-heel flints are described by Hardin [1982:289] as "unused"). Sixty-one of the remaining 80 gunflints exhibit moderate to heavy use wear on their primary striking edges; six exhibit minor wear, six are probable strike-a-lights, and seven are too fragmented to make a determination. Thirteen specimens display evidence of having been rejuvenated by either turning the flint over to use the opposite side of the face or rotating the flint in the cock to use one or more alternate margins. Both of these methods of gunflint rejuvenation were used in the past (Woodward 1960 [1951]:34- 35) and are commonly used by modem flintlock enthusiasts (Kenmotsu 1990:106). Experiments have verified that turning the flint over is an effective means of increasing sparking performance (Hamilton and Emery 1988:143). A third method of rejuvenation, retouching the striking edge to reestablish the proper striking angle and straighten edge irregularities, was observed on 17 specimens. Some of the gunflints that display only minor or moderate wear appear to be capable of being used for several more strikes. According to U. S. military ordnance manuals, a good flint was expected to last for 50 strikes and flints were issued to soldiers at 1 per 20 rounds of ammunition (Brown 1983:450; C. Smith 1960:44). However, the experiments conducted by Hamilton and Emery (1988) demonstrated a marked decrease in the performance of gunflints with continued use as measured by the length of the spark array that results from firing. The fact that some gunflints were discarded with minor use with no attempt to rejuvenate them suggests that the soldiers were concerned with the reliability of the gunflints to provide the necessary spark and so preferred new, unused edges to those that were slightly worn or were not of the proper striking angle. The available supply of gunflints may also have been a factor in affecting the rate of discard. Since Fort Brooke was the principal ordnance depot for most of the military forts and campaigns in south Florida, it would be expected that the maintenance of firearms, including the examination and discarding of any gunflints not considered in prime working condition, would have been a major activity there. Six gunflints display edge damage and retouch indicating that they were recycled for use as strike-a-light flints and a seventh was recovered from the Fort Brooke cemetery excavation attached to a steel flint (Hardin 1982:289). Evidence for this type of function includes bifacial edge crushing, edge rounding, striations, and polish (Moore 2001; Runnels 1994; Stapert and Johansen 1999). Strike-a-lights produce sparks by striking a flint against iron or steel which ignites the tinder to make fire. Continued use of the flint against a fire steel results in the dulling of the striking edge which may then be rejuvenated through secondary retouch. The retouch increases the angle of the striking surface and often produces a concave edge outline (Moore 2001:73; Runnels 1994:Figures 1-3). Two gunflints display concave edges with extensive retouch, three display crushed margins, and a sixth displays steep retouch along one margin. The best example of a strike-a-light flint is shown in Figure 7. This specimen displays extensive crushing and rounding along a concave edge (Figure 8, right). Another interesting edge damage pattern that was observed on 11 round-heel specimens and one untrimmed blade consists of a small notch or concavity in the heel (Figure 3, second row, second from left; third row, two furthest to the left; see also Hardin 1982:Figure 44a; Laxson 1954:Figure 1). The interior edges of these notches tend to display crushed margins indicating that they have been in contact with a hard, unyielding surface. One of the gunflints from the site was still contained in its lead patch which is open at the back Figure 7. Obverse and reverse views of a well worn strike- a-light flint from Fort Brooke. FORT BROOKE GUNFLINTS AUSTIN Ti FLORIDA.A ....O ...O LOORIT 201 VO.LGS Figure 8. Edge damage resulting from (left) striking against a frizzen and (right) use as a strike-a-light flint. Horizontal bars = 1 cm. Figure 9. Illustration of the firing mechanism for the M1816 standard issue flintlock musket showing the position of the gunflint heel against the turnscrew. revealing the heel of the flint with the characteristic notch indicating that the damage occurred while the flint was in the cock. Examination of photographs of flintlock rifles, as well as actual firearms, indicates the source of the damage. The firing mechanism of a flintlock rifle consists of a cock which holds the gunflint and a steel frizzen. When the gun is fired, the cock is released and the gunflint strikes the frizzen causing a spark to ignite the powder. The flint is set in the cock by placing it between two metal plates which are tightened by a connecting turnscrew (Figure 9). The gunflint is placed in the cock with the heel against the turnscrew. Indeed, De Lotbiniere (1980:159) states that the steeply beveled, rounded heel of French gunflints may have enabled a soldier to place the flint directly in contact with the turnscrew in order to give better sparking performance, explaining also the hole in the center of lead and leather flint patches. Repeated impact of the striking edge of the gunflint against the frizzen would tend to drive the flint backwards into the turnscrew causing crushing .Turnscrew THE PI.nRlnb ANTHROPOLOGIST 2011 VOL. 64(2) AUSTIN FORT BROOKE GUNFLINTS of the heel edge. This repeated impact would produce a notch that conforms to the diameter of the turscrew. Firing Position The 1849 Ordnance Manual further recommends that gunflints should be positioned with the bevel up when fired; however, as both C. Smith (1960:44) and Woodward (1960 [1951]:34) note, this was not a universal practice. Kenmotsu (1990) also mentions that many modem flintlock enthusiasts use their gunflints upside down, in other words with the flat ventral surface facing upwards. In the Fort Brooke assemblage it was found that 36 of the 80 analyzed gunflints were used in this fashion. Evidence of this practice is seen in the location of the flake scars that result from impact with the frizzen. Since the action is downwards, impact occurs on the underside of the flint driving flakes upward. If the flint is used with the ventral surface up, then use damage should be present on the ventral surface, as shown in Figure 8, left. Another 22 gunflints were fired from the recommended dorsal position, 11 displayed evidence of having been fired from both the dorsal and ventral positions, and one displayed no evidence ofuse. Firing position could not be determined for 10 gunflints either because of their fragmented condition or because they had been extensively modified by retouch or secondary use as strike-a-light flints. Origin of Manufacture Fifty-seven gunflints were determined to be of French manufacture based on the presence of the rounded heel and retouched side margins. Forty-one of these were manufactured from a translucent, honey-colored flint with whitish inclusions, with the remaining 16 round-heel specimens manufactured from a variety of different colored flints (see Table 1). In addition, one small, thin (4.8 mm), double-edged blade is of honey-colored flint (Figure 3, bottom left) and may be one of the flat French gunflints noted by Hamilton and described above. Another square but untrimmed honey-colored flint also is tentatively identified as French. Nine other broken gunflints are made of honey-colored flint. Although probably of French origin, their fragmented condition makes it difficult to determine this precisely. Most exhibit trimmed edges, however, making it more likely that they are French rather than British. Nine gunflints of likely British manufacture are present in the assemblage representing three styles: untrimmed, double-edged, and square heel. There is a wide variety of flint types among the British flints including black, gray, dark gray, grayish-brown, dark grayish-brown, and dark olive (Table 1). The dark grayish-brown flint displays trimming on all four margins and was recovered from a Fort Brooke burial along with two unused French flints. Analysis of the skeletal remains indicates that this individual was probably an Anglo-American burial (Hardin 1982:286). Two other British-style flints were recovered from two separate Native American burials; one dark olive flint was attached via corrosion to a fire steel or strike-a-light and a dark gray flint was similarly attached to an iron projectile point (Hardin 1982:286, 289). One additional broken and heavily worn gunflint made from black flint is likely British in origin also. The origin of six gunflints could not be determined because they are too fragmented to determine the technology used to manufacture them and the flint material tends to be non-diagnostic gray or dark gray in color. The origin of the two spalls also is difficult to determine. The larger spall is made from a coarse-grained, opaque, dark gray chert with numerous quartz sand inclusions. The material is unlike any of the flint varieties associated with the French or British-made gunflints nor does it resemble the local Tampa Limestone cherts that outcrop along the Hillsborough River. The smaller spall is made from a relatively uniform, opaque gray flint. Although the raw materials are atypical, a likely origin for the spalls is Britain. The large cache of British-made spalls and blade flints found at the Presidio Santa Maria de Galve and dated to sometime after 1795 (Honerkamp and Harris 2005) indicates that British flintknappers continued to manufacture gunspalls after the introduction of the blade technique to that country during the late eighteenth century. Another possibility is that the spalls were struck from chert cobbles used as ballast, which would suggest that they were made on site. Gunflint Procurement during the Second Seminole War Florida and the French Connection The preponderance of French gunflints at Fort Brooke is a pattern found at other Second Seminole War sites in Florida. Clausen (1970:14) reports that of the 110 gunflints in the Fort Pierce collection, the "majority" were of French manufacture. Similarly, 10 of the 15 gunflints recovered during various investigations at Fort King appear to be of French manufacture as are 6 of the 11 gunflints pictured by Baker (1974:Figure 3) from Fort Foster. The samples of gunflints from other Second Seminole War-era sites are too small to make definitive conclusions, but when examined in their entirety, sites of this period (1835-1842) display a much greater proportion of French and possible French gunflints than earlier sites, or for that matter, sites associated with the Seminole Indians, regardless of time period (as is discussed below). The significance of this is related to previous attempts at establishing a chronology of gunflint use in the Americas. Witthoft (1966) proposed a three-stage chronology based on presumed manufacturing dominance: Dutch (wedge- shaped or gunspalls), 1650-1770; French (blade flints), 1720- 1820; British (blade flints), 1780+. This chronology has been shown to be deficient in several ways. White (1975), for example, has shown that the Dutch did not have a monopoly on the manufacture of gunspalls and that both the British and French manufactured them in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Gunspalls also were made from ballast stones by British soldiers occupying Fort Frederica in Georgia during the early eighteenth century and they constituted a significant proportion of the large cache of British gunflints recovered from the Presidio Santa Maria de Galve in Pensacola, dated to sometime between 1795 and 1821 (Honerkamp and Harris 2005). FORT BROOKE GUNFLINTS AUSTIN T2011 VO. 64(2) Table 4. Temporal distribution (percentages) of gunflint types in North America (Kent 1983:Table 2). Time Wedge- Bifacial French English Totals N Periods Shaped 1625-1650 100 100 11 1650-1675 94 2 4 100 158 1675-1700 55 41 4 100 436 1700-1725 9 84 7 100 162 1725-1750 88 12 100 67 1750-1775 82 18 100 607 1775-1800 56 42 2 100 1324 1800-1825 4 58 38 100 261 1825-1850 8 92 100 89 At the other end of the chronology, the presumed manufacturing dominance of British gunflints after 1780 is based on the fact that prior to that time the French held a virtual monopoly on commercial gunflint production supplying not only its own military but also those of Britain and America as well (Hamilton 1960:74, 1980:146; Stone 1971). After 1800, the use of British gunflints increased, partly due to the more efficient method of gunflint production developed by British flintknappers. In addition, Woodward (1960 [1951]:35) cites an early source that indicates that the French had ceased gunflint production by 1837, although White (1975:71) indicates the Dutch imported French gunflints for its military as late as 1817 and Hamilton (1964:56) implies that the French continued making gunflints up to the close of the flintlock era in the mid-nineteenth century. Regardless, data from archaeological sites in North America do support the contention that British- made gunflints dominated the commercial market after 1800, (e.g., Hamilton 1960:75-76, 1964:55; Kent 1983:Tables 1, 2). Kent's (1983) seriation of gunflint data from 29 seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth-century sites clearly shows this trend (Table 4). In Florida, however, this pattern fails to hold, particularly during the Second Seminole War period. Table 5 provides gunflint data for 31 Florida sites for which good contextual data for gunflints are available, including 13 Second Seminole War-period sites. These data are summarized in Table 6 by 25- year and 50-year periods.2 For the period 1825-1850, which included the Second Seminole War, 75% of the recovered gunflints are identified as French-made. This percentage would be even higher if quantitative data for the French gunflints from Fort Pierce could be included; however, these data are not provided by Clausen in his 1970 report. Even without these data, the percentage of French gunflints in Florida for the period 1825-1850 is significantly higher than the 8% documented by Kent for sites elsewhere in the U.S. during this same period (Table 4). This break with the general trend is not limited to Florida or to military sites. Hudson and Hudson (1972) document a cache of French gunflints from a post-1830 context at a civilian site in New Orleans. Clearly, other factors besides manufacturing dominance influenced the acquisition of gunflints in the South. Historical Factors Influencing Gunflint Procurement A review of the gunflint literature and American history texts suggests several possible explanations for this divergent pattern: functional differences between French and British gunflints, cost differences, commercial trade agreements, logistical problems in supplying a remote theater of operation, and the desire to utilize stockpiles of gunflints left over from earlier engagements. The first two explanations are not considered to have been major determining factors in the purchase of gunflints by the U.S. Ordnance Department. Although some soldiers may have preferred French over British gunflints, experimental tests indicate little difference between them in terms of consistently producing a reliable spark (Hamilton and Emery 1988). Price certainly could have influenced whether gunflints were purchased from one or the other country if all other factors were equal; however, all else was rarely equal in terms of international trade following the end of the American Revolution. The period from 1782 to 1815 was characterized by trade embargos, blockades, tariffs, and privateering as the newly formed republic became ensnared in the economic warfare being waged between Britain and France (Cheney 2003; Horsman 1972[1962]; O'Rourke 2006; Potofsky 2002). Although France was America's principal ally and financial supporter during the American Revolution, relations between the two countries cooled as the U.S. tried to reestablish normal relations with Britain after the war ended. The French Revolution in 1789, war with Britain (1792- 1797), the Quasi War of 1798, and the Napoleonic Wars (1799-1815) also hindered France's ability to export its goods to America (Horsman 1972[1962]:22-23; Potofsky 2002:4-8; Sage 2007). During the Napoleonic Wars, Britain blockaded French ports and in response, Napoleon's navy closed off all European ports in his Continental System hoping to strangle Britain's economy. According to White (1975:70), citing French sources, during this period Napoleon banned the exports of gunflints from France. In 1807, Britain passed an Orders of Council which prevented U.S. ships from landing at a European port without first stopping at a British port (Horsman 1972[1962]:95-96). THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 1 102 VOL 64(2) Table 5. Frequencies of gunflints at archaeological sites in Florida. IND/ Site Time Period N ABO GS FR BR IND/ References Comments UID "rectangular piece of chipped flint...not made of traditional Nocoroco 1605 1 1 Griffin and Smith 1949:356 European flints" Made of French flint, but unclear if Fig Springs 1608-1656 2 2 Weisman 1992:142, 143 they are spalls or blades Six square bifaces with "evidence of percussion on one edge"; Loucks suggests that they are possible Baptizing Spring 1610-1656 7 1 6 Loucks 1979:161, Table 3 gunflint blanks McEwan 1991:Tables I and 3; Vernon 1 "prism" gunflint; 17 "locally San Luis de Talimali 1656-1704 21 17 3 1 and McEwan 1990:34, Tables 1-5 made" including 2 ofsilicified coral Rectangular gunflint from the mission structure; all three described Scott Miller 1650-1725 3 3 Smith 1951:124; Smith 1956:57 as "native chert" 1 gunspall made from Florida chert; 17 fragments=9 honey colored, 8 Fort Matanzas, north midden 1742-1763 21 3 9 9 Deagan 1976:78 gray Fort San Miguel de Panzaola/Fort of Pensacola 1752-1781 4 1 2 1 Joy 1989:39 1 "French" gunspall, I indeterminate Goggin et al. 1949:16-17; Fitts Fitts identified these as likely of Zetrouer A (Seminole) 1760-1780 15 15 2001:87-96 British origin Spalding's Lower Store 1763-1780 54 2 44 8 Lewis 1969:134-137 2 aboriginal flints 3 very small, heavily retouched, Tumbull Colonists' House 1768-1777 4 1 3 Moore, personal communication, 2011 reworked flints Fort Matanzas, west midden 1760-1805 2 1 1 Deagan 1976:85 French flint is heat altered, broken White-Fox 1768-1777 2 1 1 Moore, personal communication 2011 1 honey, 1 gray spall Fitts identified these as likely of British origin. Cites Seaberg (1955) who describes 3 European flints and 8 aboriginal flints made of local chert, but these are apparently the Zetrouer B (Seminole) 1770-1790 11 11 Fitts 2001:87-96 same 11 gunflints analyzed by Fitts. 3 aboriginal flints. Stacey identifies Panton, Leslie Co. Store 1793-1803 16 3 11 2 Stacy 1967:117-118 the spalls as French-made Payne's Town (Seminole) 1790-1812 4 2 2 Blakney-Bailey 2008:177 Identifies all four as British-made Presidio Santa Maria de Galve (Spanish) 1795-1821 1239 780 459 Honerkamp and Harris 2005:Table 1 cache Shannon Road Midden 1 possible gunflint core of French (Leonardi House) 1802-1821 43 1 2 17 11 12 Carlson et al. 2009:299-303 flint; 11 gunflint fragments U.S. Army Corps of Engineers I dark gray, I black, I honey Fort San Carlos de Austria 1814or 1818 3 1 2 1992:52 colored 6 fragmented gunflints "chert, Ximenez-Fatio House 1821-1860 7 1 6 Gaske 1982:137-138 honey-colored flint, and black flint" Almy and Horvath 2001:11-12; Austin 1993:94-99: Austin and Hendryx 2009:Tables 8 and 9; Hardin 1982:289-290; Hardin and Thomsen 9 UIDs are honey-colored, probably Ft. Brooke 1824-1850 89 2 61 9 17 1984:22, Table 2; Horvath 1987:4 French, 1 is black, probably British 1826-1838, Ft. Alabama/Ft. Foster 1849 15 6 5 4 Baker 1974:Plate 3, 1996:Appendix B Ellis et al. 2009:93, Figure 30; Gulf Archaeology Research Institute 1999:59, Figure 66; Piatek and Hunt Ft. King 1827-1846 16 0 10 4 2 1989:103 Indian Key 1830-1842 9 1 1 7 Baker 1973:Plate 2 1 definite French-manufactured 1 small probably French, both honey- Ft. Defiance/Ft. Micanopy 1835-1843 2 2 SEARCH 1997:84. Figure 30 colored Ft. Heileman 1836-1841 2 1 I Bland et al. 2006:6-20, 6-22 "honey-colored" Ft. Cooper 1836-1842 3 2 1 Baker 1976:Table 4 2 "aboriginal" flints 1 burned and shattered gunflint, Fort Dade 1836-1842 4 3 1 Bell 2004:60-61, Figure 22 possibly French "majority" are blonde-colored, presumably French: 3 pictured are Ft. Pierce 1838-1842 110 3 1 106 Clausen 1970:13-14, Figure 11 French, I is British beveled Ft. Fanning 1838-1843 3 1 3 Bland et al. 2004:51.54 Kennedy-Darling Store 1849 5 1 4 Baker 1983:Plate 6 Identified as "Irish or British". but Dade County (Seminole) mid-19th C. 1 1 Laxson 1954:116, Figure 1 appears to be French round-heel Totals 1726 30 878 131 513 174_ KEY: ABO=Aboriginal; GS=Gunspall; BR=British; FR=French; IND/UID=Indetemiinate/Unidentified AUSTIN FORT BROOKE GUNFLINTS THE ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ __ FLRD NHOOOIT21 O. 64(2 Table 6. Temporal distribution (percentages) of gunflint types in Florida (Data from Table 5). Time Periods Aboriginal Gunspalls French English Totals N 1600-1650 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 4 1650-1700 87.0 13.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 23 1700-1750 -- -- -- -- -- -- 1750-1775 2.1 67.7 18.8 11.5 100.0 96 1775-1800 10.3 79.3 3.4 6.9 100.0 29 1800-1825 0.1 61.4 1.4 37.1 100.0 1277 1825-1850 1.6 2.4 75.6 20.3 100.0 123 is divided in 50-year increments due to less NOTE: The period from 1600 to 1750 precise dating of recovery contexts. In response, the U.S. passed the Non-Importation Act in 1806, barring British exports to the U.S., followed by the Embargo Act in 1807, which was prompted largely by the British navy's attack on the U.S. Naval Vessel Chesapeake and the capture of four U.S. sailors (Horsman 1972[1962]:123-143). The Act was repealed in 1809, to be replaced by the Non-Intercourse Act which allowed trade between the U.S. and everyone except Britain and France. This effectively kept both British and French goods from arriving on American shores, although smuggling of British goods across the U.S.-Canada border and French goods via Louisiana meant that some goods still entered the country illegally. Trade with both countries was resumed when the Non-Intercourse Act was replaced in 1810 with Macon's Bill No. 2 (Horsman 1972[1962]:185). Trade with Britain was curtailed by the War of 1812, although it resumed immediately following the end of the war in 1814. Following the conclusion of the War of 1812, trade relations with both Britain and France were reestablished, although the U.S. almost went to war with France during the 1830s over indemnity claims for confiscation and destruction of United States ships and goods dating back to the Napoleonic Wars (Blumenthal 1972:73-77). Cooler heads prevailed, however, and the three countries entered a period of relative stability and peace. The U.S. Army was reduced in size and ordnance stocks were considered sufficient for what was needed to supply a peacetime force (B. Lewis 1956:29). The U.S. Ordnance Department, established by an Act of Congress on March 14, 1812, was abolished on May 2, 1821 and between 1822 and 1835, Congress authorized no purchases of small arms ammunition or powder until the available stores had been reduced or depleted (Brown 1983:445; B. Lewis 1956:29, 155-156), although apparently firearms production continued at the Springfield and Harpers Ferry armories (Moller 1993:425-426; M. Smith 1977:Table 1). Congress resurrected the Ordnance Department on April 5, 1832 (Brown 1983:445). When the Second Seminole War erupted in 1835, the Ordnance Department, in operation for only three years, faced fiscal and logistical demands in its efforts to supply a remote theatre of operations (Brown 1983:445, 454). That it sometimes failed in its efforts to do so, especially during the early years of the war, is documented in newspaper accounts (e.g., The Courier, December 10, 1835, cited in Anonymous 1925), as well as the letters and diaries of officers and enlisted men who participated in that conflict (e.g., Brooke 1974; Chamberlain 1968:39, 54; Covington 1958:324-325). French Gunflints in Florida, Some Hypotheses From 1782 to 1815, trade between Britain, France, and the U.S. was constantly in a state of flux. Although firearms, ammunition, and gunpowder were manufactured in America (Brown 1983; B. Lewis 1956), an all-important element of the flintlock ignition system gunflints had to be imported. Consequently, it is likely that these necessary items were obtained from whichever foreign market could provide them. Although Britain may have held commercial dominance in the gunflint trade after 1800, U.S. embargos and French blockades of British ports may at times have forced the U.S. armories and private firearm manufacturers to purchase gunflints from France, particularly during the War of 1812. With the onset of the Second Seminole War, the recently reestablished Ordnance Department, having not actively purchased large quantities of supplies since the end of the War of 1812, was faced with supplying U.S. Army regulars as well as state militias and, at times, settlers, with firearms, ammunition, and gunflints. Although back on good terms with Britain, the process of ordering and shipping large quantities of goods from Europe took several months, and it seems likely that the Ordnance Department may have initially supplied U.S. troops destined for Florida using stockpiled materials. Since there was no trade with Britain during the War of 1812, it also seems likely that these surplus stocks included a large quantity of French gunflints. The Ordnance Department, as well as commanders in the field, may also have looked to private contractors to supply these and other items (Brown 1983:447- 448, footnote). Both private arms manufacturers and the national armories at Springfield, Massachusetts and Harpers Ferry, Virginia would have kept quantities ofgunflints on hand since they were required to provide flints with each individual firearm purchased by the military (National Archives, Record Group 156, Entry 78). With the development of the percussion cap ignition system in the early 1800s, the French began to unload its surplus of gunflints on the world market (Witthoft 1966:33). Since the United States did not manufacture its first muzzle-loading percussion rifle until 18423 (Butler 71:82), THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 1 102 Vot. 64(2) AUSTIN FORT BRoolcr GUNFL1I.4T5 it would have been in the market for gunflints to outfit its standard issue flintlocks. Furthermore, Chamberlain (1968:78) and Grismer (1950:89) state that Fort Brooke received its supplies from New Orleans, where Fort Pike was a major staging area for troops on their way to Florida. According to Hudson and Hudson (1972:8), many of the gun dealers in New Orleans were French and some may have sold French-made gunflints to the U.S. Army. Conclusion In this paper, I have provided a description and analysis of gunflints from Fort Brooke, a Second Seminole War military reservation and ordnance depot. The formal and functional analyses have provided information on the firearms that were most likely used by the soldiers during the war, patterns of use, refurbishment, and recycling, and the identification of countries of manufacture. The Fort Brooke gunflint assemblage was compared to similar assemblages from other sites in Florida and the continental U.S. and was found to contain a significantly greater proportion of French- made gunflints than expected based on previous efforts to develop a gunflint chronology. A review of historical events that occurred during the period from the end of the American Revolution through the start of the Second Seminole War offered several potential explanations for this anomaly. Of these, the two that appear to provide the best explanation are the use of stockpiled gunflints that had accumulated during the War of 1812 and the purchase of gunflints from private contractors in New Orleans. While Britain may have eclipsed France in the commercial production of gunflints following 1780, French-made flints were in use in Florida (and perhaps New Orleans) well into the first half of the nineteenth century. Trade restrictions between the U.S., Britain, and France brought about by a variety of international wars and economic conflicts following the American Revolution no doubt affected from which foreign country the U.S. purchased its gunflints; U.S. embargos and French blockades of British ports may have forced the U.S. to purchase gunflints from France during this period. Following the War of 1812, with Britain and the U.S. again on friendly terms, there would have been no reason for British-made gunflints not to have been used during the Seminole War. However, the military may have had to rely on existing stockpiles of firearms and ordnance-related materials or purchase them from private contractors who carried French merchandise since there had been no purchases of such items for over a decade and the Ordnance Department had only recently been resurrected. Additional archival research will need to be conducted to verify these hypotheses. Notes 1. French gunflint manufacturers measured length along the axis perpendicular to the face or striking edge of the gunflint, or parallel to the long axis of the original blade blank (Stone 1971:7). Length measurements by archaeologists are made parallel to the face, or perpendicular to the long axis of the blade. This convention is followed here as it is common usage and can be compared to length measurements made by other archaeologists. 2. Gunflint data from sites dating prior to 1750 are summarized by 50-year increments because of the lack of more precise dating estimates for the contexts of recovery. 3. Hall's breech-loading percussion carbine was being issued to the U. S. Calvary in 1833 (Butler 1971:137); however, this ignition system was not utilized extensively in Florida during the Second Seminole War. The primary martial firearm during this conflict was the M1816 flintlock musket, and the U.S. military did not begin replacing the flintlock with percussion rifles in earnest until 1840 (Brown 1983:449; Moller 1993:425-426). The recovery of only a single percussion cap from Second Seminole War-period contexts during the 1987 and 1988 excavations at Fort Brooke (Austin 1993:103) provides archaeological verification of the late introduction of percussion firearms in Florida. Acknowledgments I would like to thank Janice Ballo for conducting research at the National Archives in Washington, D.C. on gunflint procurement by the U.S. Army and the Ordnance Department. She is continuing her research and we hope to resolve soon the outstanding questions regarding how and why French gunflints ended up in Florida during the Second Seminole War. Thanks also to Glen Doran for providing me with a copy of Kay's 1967 Master's thesis on the Panton, Leslie, and Company trading post site, 8WA9, and to Roger Grange for sending me copies of gunflint papers from the Conference on Historic Sites Archaeology. Greg Hendryx and two anonymous reviewers provided useful comments on an earlier draft of the paper. Brian Worthington drew the flintlock firing mechanism reproduced as Figure 9. Brian should not be blamed for the gunflint drawings in Figure 2; these are solely the fault of the author. References Cited Almy, Marion M., and Elizabeth A. 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L W Th Specimen No. ( ) ( ) ( ) Material Type Origin Position Comments (mm) (mm) (mm) Ventral retouch, lateral notching(?), deep 11-1 17.6 22.2 5.0 Honey Blade, md French Ventral step scar back ventral 15-1 23.4 23.7 7.0 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal Large scalar scars on ventral surface, 16-1 27.7 29.0 8.0 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal? notch at heel Very small fragment, broken 21-1* 11.9 25.5 6.9 Honey Indeterminate French? Indeterminate transversely; possibly French Coarser material, possibly homemade; 41-1 30.2 35.3 12.1 Dark gray Spall Spall NA striking platform and bulb visible 42-1 26.4 28.5 7.0 Honey Blade, rnd French Dorsal Heavy use damage; notch at heel 42-2 26.5 27.5 6.8 Honey Blade, rnd French Ventral Diagonal fracture at heel, possibly from 44-1 31.2 29.0 7.4 Honey Blade, md French Ventral use 484-1 27.1 23.8 8.1 Honey Blade, rd French Ventral 50-1* 26.6 17.4 9.8 Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate Ventral Heat fractured, crazing lines Small fragment, retouch on dorsal and 64-2* 16.1 14.5 6.6 Dark gray Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate ventral surfaces 64-3 33.4 28.6 6.9 Honey Blade, rd French Ventral Very small amount of use wear Ventral retouch; heel steeply retouched, concave, possibly broken and reshaped; 64-4 21.6 27.4 6.6 Gray Indeterminate Indeterminate Ventral crazing lines Crazing lines, created fracture off 64-6* 21.1 27.8 5.0 Dark gray Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate working edge; probably French Very small amount of use wear, crazing 64-7 31.1 26.5 9.0 Gray Blade, rnd French Ventral lines 65-1 22.7 26.0 8.1 Honey Blade, md French Ventral Possible ventral retouch Two margins broken, retouched; one 75-1 23.0 23.7 11.0 Black Blade, un British Dorsal margin possibly used 95-2 27.5 28.9 5.4 Honey Blade, rnd French Ventral Small notch at heel 115-1 18.6 18.6 4.8 Honey Blade, un French? Ventral Square shape Ventral retouch back & front, back edge 122-1 25.0 28.7 8.3 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal possibly used, notch at heel 134-1 32.1 29.3 8.5 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal Very small amount of use wear 147-1* 20.0 22.7 6.8 Honey Indeterminate French? Ventral Broken transversely 154-1 29.2 29.2 9.0 Honey Blade, rnd French Dorsal One lateral margin possibly used 219-1* 30.2 13.4 6.0 Honey Blade, md French Ventral Broken in half longitudinally 224-1 27.0 30.1 9.6 Honey Blade, rd French Ventral Possible ventral retouch 243-1 32.1 30.3 8.5 Honey Blade, rnd French Dorsal 243-2* 31.0 15.7 7.4 Honey Blade, rd French Dorsal Broken in half longitudinally 246-1 25.4 25.3 NM Dark gray Blade, md French Dorsal Still in lead patch; notch at heel Possibly broken & reused; possible use 246-2* 23.3 15.2 4.0 Black Indeterminate British? Dorsal on other margins Use on retouched lateral margin; notch at 246-3 18.7 17.8 6.6 Black Blade, un British Dorsal heel Very light ventral damage; possible use 246-4 29.4 28.2 7.5 Honey Blade, rnd French Ventral/Dorsal on dorsal lateral margin 246-5 27.2 24.0 7.1 Honey Blade, md French Ventral Crazing, pot lids; color fire darkened Angular fragment apparently reused; 251-1* 27.5 18.4 9.0 Honey Indeterminate French? Dorsal notch at possible heel Heavily used, both ventral lateral edges 255-1 30.5 28.0 7.2 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral and front dorsal Small area of possible use on one lateral 271-1 27.9 25.9 8.2 Honey Blade, rnd French Ventral margin Broken transversely; one margin dorsally retouched, two margins ventrally 283-1* 23.3 13.7 7.8 Honey Indeterminate French? Indeterminate retouched 284-1* 20.0 10.9 5.8 Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate Small, heat fractured fragment Retouch on lateral margins, not on heel; 294-1* 26.1 25.9 5.6 Gray Blade, dbl British Dorsal heat fractured, crazing lines Retouch on lateral margins, not on heel; 297-1 26.2 27.3 7.0 Gray Blade, dbl British Dorsal heat fractured, crazing lines 301-1 27.2 28.1 9.0 Honey Blade, md French Ventral 313-1* 23.0 17.1 5.4 Honey Indeterminate French? Ventral/Dorsal Small wedge-shaped fragment 317-1* 12.6 16.0 4.6 Honey Indeterminate French? Dorsal Very small fragment 35-3 26.3 28.8 7.9 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal? Large hinge scars on ventral surface THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 1 102 VOL. 64(2) Appendix I, continued. Gunflint data, Fort Brooke, 8HI13. L W Th Specimen No.( ( Material Type Origin Position Comments (mm) (mm) (mm) Blade, md, Only one margin retouched to form 366-1 24.5 24.9 6.7 Honey atypical French Ventral rounded heel 08027-49.3 19.5 21.8 4.8 Honey Blade, md French Ventral possible strike-a-light Heavily reworked flint; striking edge concave with rounding and scarring on dorsal and ventral surfaces, possible strike-a-light; both lateral margins have scarring on ventral surfaces; right ventral 08027-62.04 19.7 16.2 4.4 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral has a notch 08027.66.18.03 29.9 27.8 7.0 Gray blade, md French Dorsal Snap fracture on striking edge BC284-1 21.3 27.3 7.0 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral Heavily worn; resharpened ventrally BC480-1 27.5 28.1 8.5 Honey Blade, md French Ventral Heaviest wear on lateral margin Steep, deep step scars on heel, possible BC480-2 29.9 27.6 7.0 Honey Indeterminate French? Indeterminate strike-a-light DG-I 27.2 27.7 8.0 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal DG-2 29.7 24.9 6.9 Dark grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral G-001 19.8 20.7 7.7 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal Dark yellowish- QB-1 31.0 26.0 11.0 brown Blade, md French NA QB-2 17.5 15.0 6.0 Dark grayish-brown Blade, sq British Indeterminate Retouch on all four margins, notch at heel Dark yellowish- QB-3 30.5 26.0 9.0 brown Blade, md French NA QB-4 18.0 15.5 7.0 Dark olive Blade, sq British Indeterminate Strike-a-light, found in a fire steel QB-5 18.0 17.0 NM Dark gray Blade, sq British Indeterminate Attached to corroded iron projectile point Larger scalar scars on ventral, possible WW-1 30.4 27.8 8.3 Light brown Blade, md French Dorsal retouch? Cortex on heel WW-2 27.0 27.4 5.6 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral WW-3 25.7 20.9 5.8 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral WW-4 25.8 26.4 7.8 Honey Blade, dbl French? Dorsal WW-5 29.4 27.6 7.0 Gray Blade, md French Ventral Broken corer of striking edge Retouched on ventral surface, steep, WW-6 26.8 28.4 8.1 Honey Blade, md French Ventral regular, notch on left lateral edge Large, flat flakes on ventral surface; WW-7 27.4 27.4 8.0 Honey Blade, md French Ventral striking edge at an angle, possibly broken Striking edge oblique, steep retouch, steep retouch on ventral also, possible WW-8 23.7 29.7 9.4 Honey Blade, md French Ventral/Dorsal strike-a-light Retouched on ventral surface, steep; WW-9 20.0 30.3 7.2 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral notch at heel; possible strike-a-light WW-10* 22.3 15.2 6.6 Honey Indeterminate French? Ventral Broken fragment WW- 11 33.1 29.7 7.4 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal Broken comer of striking edge WW-12 29.9 31.2 10.0 Grayish-brown Blade, dbl British Ventral/Dorsal Large bulb on ventral surface WW-13 27.9 27.2 7.6 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral Retouch on ventral WW-14* 8.6 25.2 6.4 Gray Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate Broken in half. heel only left Dark yellowish- Broken & retouched on lateral margin: WW-15 25.7 25.8 7.0 brown Blade, md French Ventral retouch on ventral surface Large hinge fracture removed a comer of striking edge: notch at heel on ventral WW-16* 24.6 27.9 7.7 Honey Blade, md French Ventral? surface Broken comer on striking edge; retouch on ventral surface, notch on hell, ventral WW-17 24.3 26.3 7.2 Honey Blade, md French Ventral surface Turned over, flat retouch, small notch on WW-18 28.4 27.2 10.2 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral/Dorsal heel WW-19 23.0 23.0 5.6 Honey Blade, md French Ventral WW-20* 26.7 14.0 5.6 Grayish-brown Blade, md French Ventral Retouch on ventral: split longitudinal WW-21 24.8 26.4 6.6 light brown Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral Notch at heel WW-22 21.3 27.7 5.9 Gray Spall Spall Ventral Retouch on ventral Broken heel, partially broken striking WW-23* 25.5 29.7 5.3 Honey Indeterminate French? Ventral edge WW-24* 28.6 26.3 8.1 Honey Blade, md French Ventral Oblique fracture WW-25* 28.7 27.5 7.0 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal Oblique fracture heel to side Split longitudinally, possible strike-a- WW-26* 26.6 16.2 5.1 Honey Blade, md French Dorsal/Ventral light WW-27 30.3 29.0 NM Honey Blade, md French Ventral In flint patch Incomplete specimen, NM=Not measurable AUSTIN FORT BROOKE GUNFLINTS Chapters of the Florida Anthropological Society 10 5 9 1. Ancient Ones Archaeological Society of North Central Florida 2902 NW 104" Court, Unit A, Gainesville, FL 32606 2. Archaeological Society of Southern Florida 2495 N.W. 35th Ave., Miami, FL 33142 3. Central Florida Anthropological Society P.O. Box 947544, Maitland, FL 32794 3 4. Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society P.O. Box 1563, Pinellas Park, FL 33780 ' 5. Emerald Coast Archaeological Society c/o Indian Temple Mound Museum 4 139 Miracle Strip Pkwy SE, Fort Walton Beach, 32548 6. Gold Coast Anthropological Society PO Box 11052, Fort Lauderdale, FL 33339 7. Indian River Anthropological Society 14 3705 S. Tropical Trail, Merritt Island, FL 32952 8. Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy 195 Huntley Oaks Blvd., Lake Placid, FL 33852 16 9. Panhandle Archaeological Society at Tallahassee P.O. Box 20026, Tallahassee, FL 32316 10. Pensacola Archaeological Society P.O. Box 13251, Pensacola, FL 32591 11. St. Augustine Archaeological Association P.O. Box 1301, St. Augustine, FL 32085 12. Southeast Florida Archaeological Society T P.O Box 2875, Stuart, FL 34995 * 13. Southwest Florida Archaeological Society ..'- P.O. Box 9965, Naples, FL 34101 . 14. Time Sifters Archaeology Society P.O. Box 25642, Sarasota, FL 34277 15. Volusia Anthropological Society P.O. Box 1881, Ormond Beach, FL 32175 16. Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society P.O. Box 7797, North Port, FL 34287 THE TEXTUAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF SEMINOLE COLONIZATION PHILIP COLIN HAWKINS 180 East Madeira Avenue, Madeira Beach, FL 33708 E-mail: mephilhawkins@gmail.com Introduction Half a century has elapsed since a historical archaeologist named Charles H. Fairbanks (1913-1984) produced the Ethnohistorical Report on the Florida Indians (drafted in 1957, but published in 1974). Amongst other claims, Fairbanks asserted that the first or "proto-Seminoles" were predominantly Lower Creeks from the Chattahoochee River, who began settling permanent towns on the Florida peninsula as early as 1716 or 1750 at the absolute latest. Fairbanks (1978:166) called this era of settlement the "colonization" stage of Seminole history (1716-1763), which he described as "the movement of Creeks-individuals, families, and perhaps parts of whole towns-into Florida from the area of the lower Chattahoochee River and from the fall line area of the Oconee and Ocmulgee rivers in central Georgia." Although much of Fairbanks's research has come under scrutiny, his periodization of Creek settlement has become an unchallenged article of faith that is still reflected in varying degrees in the scholarship of Jerald Milanich (1980; 1994), Brent Weisman (1989, 1999, 2000), Richard Sattler (1996), Patrick Riordan (1996), Patricia Wickman (1999), Colin Calloway (1995), James Covington (1993), John Missall and Mary Lou Missall (2004), and others. When I first began my research into early Seminole history, I too accepted Fairbanks's theory of "colonization," but I also had concerns about the lack of evidence. Fairbanks's theory was not grounded on archaeological evidence (Fairbanks 1978:167; Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:256). Archaeologists have reported that the earliest Seminole artifacts date back to Florida's English period, 1763-1783 (Goggin et al. 1949:23; Goggin 1998:62; Blakney-Bailey 2004:214). Instead, Fairbanks developed his theory on scanty textual evidence. I believed that there must be overlooked documents in the archives that could fill in the holes and gaps in the existing paradigm of the so-called "colonization" stage, especially in the underutilized Spanish archives. However, the more data I collected and translated the more difficult it became to simply plug overlooked anecdotes into the existing paradigm. The pieces did not fit. Under closer scrutiny, I realized Fairbanks and others repeatedly misidentified parties of seasonal hunters and warriors from the Chattahoochee River (Lower Creeks) as permanent towns and villages. The following argues that the Creeks started building new settlements in Florida decades) later than previous scholars have maintained. The Official Report Although Fairbanks's report has its flaws, no one should overlook its significance or the context of its production. Until the mid-twentieth century, knowledge of the early Seminoles was incredibly "obscure" (Cline 1974:iii). Early on, John Swanton ([1922]1998) was one of the few scholars to display any interest in Seminole history. The era of neglect would end with the creation of the Indian Claims Commission (ICC). The Commission was designed in 1946 as a long awaited outlet for Native American grievances against the United States government, to "settle once and for all every claim [Indian tribes] could possibly have" (Lurie 1957, 1978). The Seminoles held a long series of grievances: the American military destroyed their homes during the First Seminole War (1817-1818) and forced them under duress to sign over 30 million acres of Florida land at the 1823 Treaty of Moultrie Creek. In sum, the Seminoles of Florida and Oklahoma sought over 47 million dollars plus interest in restitution (Kersey 1993). Suddenly, the history of the Florida Seminoles transformed from a neglected subject of esoteric inquiry into a politicized battleground between those who fought for or against compensating the Seminoles (Cline 1974:i-iii). In 1956, officials at the Department of Justice summoned an archaeologist named Charles H. Fairbanks. The Department of Justice promised to facilitate and fund the production of "an ethnographic report" to be used as evidence against the Seminoles. The government also requested that Fairbanks testified as "an expert witness" for the defense team. Fairbanks agreed and drafted a 300 page manuscript in 1957 that became known as the Ethnohistorical Report on the Florida Indians (Fairbanks 1974:2; Fairbanks 1977:1; Cline 1974:iii; Weisman 1989:6). Contemporaries were unconvinced by Fairbanks's periodization of Creek colonization. William Sturtevant (1958:27) acknowledged that "Fairbanks has investigated Seminole origins and Seminole history through the Treaty of Moultrie Creek (1823) more thoroughly than has ever been done before." Nevertheless, Sturtevant did not believe the report was definitive. He insisted that "our knowledge of Seminole history is still inadequate... We need to know more of the dates and circumstances of the earliest Muskogean immigrations into Florida" (Sturtevant (1958: 30). Howard Cline (1974:v) insisted that "the Indians had to be pinned VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST JUNE 2011 VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST JUNE 2011 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST down in space as well as time." Despite the apparent problems and initial criticism, a scholarly consensus slowly emerged whereby scholars seem to have felt more comfortable citing the official report rather than challenging it. Methodology It is my contention that scholars have conflated, or rather inflated, references to seasonal Creek hunting parties in Florida into permanent Creek towns. The Lower Creeks were not nomadic hunters and gatherers. On the contrary, the Lower Creeks lived in permanent agricultural towns (talwas) along the Chattahoochee River (Hahn 2004; Blakney-Bailey 2007:91-95, 218). Although Creek towns were hardly uniform, there were enough similarities for us to crudely generalize. The typical Creek town consisted of a square ground, a town house, a chunkey ground, and a communal plantation (Piker 2004:112-115; Blakney-Bailey 2007:218). As an agricultural people, much of their daily lives were shaped by seasonal cycles. They planted during the spring and harvested during the summer. Such agricultural activities were important social affairs, in which participation was "the Indian law" (Adair 1775:430). During the planting season, "if any person absent himself above 2 days, the Chief and Counsell [would] send the warriors who Pillage his house of such things as they can find" (Naime 1988:34). Attendance at the summer harvest was even more essential, because the harvest marked the birth of a new year and was accompanied by a vital ceremony known as Busk or the Green Corn Ceremony. "Even if the nation has not assembled through the year," wrote an eighteenth-century observer, "they assemble at this time" (Von Reck 1990:49). Despite the importance of the town, most able-bodied men would leave their communities in the hands of the women, children, elderly, and a few gun bearing men to engage in commercial hunting and/or warfare. Many hunters turned towards Florida, where the demise of the mission system west of the St. Johns River created an ecological revolution that transformed the peninsula into a commercial hunter's paradise that the Creeks claimed by right of conquest (Pena 1949:14; Covington 1968:346). The major hunt occurred during the fall and winter, but there was another hunting season in between planting and harvesting (Taitt 1961:560). However, at the advent of the planting and harvesting seasons, Creek hunters in Florida would abruptly abandon their pursuits and return to their homes on the Chattahoochee River (Braund 1993:67). Such was the cycle, and if eighteenth-century observers provided reliable ethnographic information, we can also assume that there were negative consequences for those who broke the cycle (Hawkins 2009). Thus, I would argue that Florida would not become "home" until the Creeks in Florida started building communities, planting crops, and celebrating the Green Corn Ceremony. Such an approach has led me to pay close attention to certain details when analyzing archival material. Are there any references to a Creek presence in Florida during the planting and harvesting season? Do they mention the presence of women, children, and the elderly? Do they describe habitations? Do the documents refer to the Creek presence in Florida as actual settlements or do they only refer to hunters and warriors? Lastly, I do not mean to dismiss everything occurring before the actual Creek settlement of Florida as insignificant. On the contrary, such processes of hunting and war paved the way for the actual settlement of Florida in the 1760s. The Settlement of Apalachee? Fairbanks argued that the "virtual" destruction of Florida's indigenous population by 1710 created a "void" that allowed for the Creek settlement of Florida. The catalyst for settlement occurred after the Yamasee War of 1715, during which the Yamasee, Creeks, and many others rose up against South Carolina, but ultimately failed. Fear of British reprisal inspired the Lower Creeks to retreat to the Chattahoochee River, and Fairbanks believed that this same fear inspired bands of the Lower Creeks to move to Florida beginning in 1716 (1974:97-98; 1978:166). He cited the report of a Spanish Lieutenant named Diego Pena, who made an expedition to the Chattahoochee River in 1716 to invite the Lower Creeks to colonize the depopulated Apalachee region near present-day Tallahassee, Florida. The Spaniards planned to rebuild fort San Marcos de Apalachee, and they hoped that the Creeks would resettle nearby. Fairbanks (1974:135) asserted that such recruiting efforts were "apparently with some success." Although a number of Lower Creeks appeared interested in moving to Apalachee (Pena 1952:134), the Creek colonization project never actually materialized, because the natives realized that the Spaniards could not protect them from a British reprisal; the Spaniards at San Marcos could hardly feed themselves, and they began beseeching their Creek guests for food. The natives became disillusioned, and the Creek colonization project fell apart (TePaske 1964:204- 05; Covington 1993:10). At one point in the report, Fairbanks (1974:107) conceded that "there is little exact information as to just how successful the Spanish were in attracting Creeks to Florida." Such efforts were apparently "not immediately successful" (Fairbanks (1974:107). Nevertheless, contemporary scholars continue to insist without foundation that the Creeks were colonizing Florida in the early-eighteenth century (Milanich 1994:xvi; Riordan 1996:6; Sattler 1996:44- 45; Weisman 1989:37; Weisman 2000:302). The Settlement of Alachua? Fairbanks entertained the possibility that the first wave of Creeks settled not in the Apalachee region, but at the Alachua savanna near moder-day Gainesville during the War of Jenkins's Ear in the late 1730s and 1740s (1974:129, 135). He also entertained the possibility that if the Creeks did not establish permanent settlements during the War of Jenkins's Ear, they must have "returned during the next decade to take up permanent homes" (Fairbanks 1974:124). In the end, Fairbanks (1974:132) confidently concluded: "It is clear that the proto-Seminole were in possession of Apalachee and Alachua from at least 1750 onward." Although some scholars have disputed the existence of settlements of Apalachee in 1750 (Sturtevant 1971:102; Covington 1993:16), no one 2011 VOL. 64(2) HAWKINS TEXTUAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF SEMINOLE COLONIZATION to my knowledge has ever challenged Fairbanks's assertion about Alachua being colonized by "at least 1750 onward" (Covington 1968:348; Sturtevant 1971:102; Cline 1974:30, 69; Calloway 1995:249-50). Having already examined the seasonality of Florida hunting, let us now explore its spatial dimensions. Those who traveled to Florida by land often used the old highway that connected St. Augustine to Fort San Marcos de Apalachee. Hunters, typically associated with the Lower Creek town of Oconee (Bartram 1988:307), would often frequent a spot about 115 kilometers away from St. Augustine called La Chud or Alachua or at the nearby ghost town of Santa Fe (Candler 1906:429; De Leon 1756; Palacio y Valenzuela 1761). The area was home to the Hacienda de La Chua, once the largest supplier of fresh beef in all of Florida, but since its destruction in the early-eighteenth century at the hands of the Creeks and their allies (Baker 1993:82), the cattle roamed the lands as they pleased (Pena 1949:14). Creek hunters also claimed these cattle by right of conquest (De Leon 1957:257; Solis 1754). In the words of Father Juan Joseph Solana (1991:546), the Creeks considered such lands to be "their ranches as hunters." Keeping distant "ranches" was an ideal arrangement since the eighteenth-century Creeks generally abhorred cattle around their settlements (Braund 1993:76). It is likely that many Creek warriors learned ofAlachua's animal wealth during the War of Jenkins's Ear (1739-1748) (Lane 1975:446). Fairbanks believed that this knowledge may have inspired the Creeks to immediately start forming communities in the area. He cited a 1738 report from Spanish cattlemen, who noted camps of hostile Creek horse thieves in the area. Based offthis, Fairbanks concluded: "These scattered references indicate that the Creeks were in 1738 beginning the settlement of the Alachua Prairie" (1974:120). Fairbanks was correct to note the presence of Creeks in the Alachua region around 1740, but he was mistaken in equating this seasonal presence with Creek settlement. Furthermore, it would have been counterintuitive for Creeks move their families from the safety of the Chattahoochee River to settle in the middle of a warzone. Nevertheless, scholars continue to insist that the Creeks were actually settling the Alachua savanna around 1740 despite the lack of evidence (Sturtevant 1971:102; Cline 1974; Covington 1993:5; Hahn 2004:236). The assertion that Creeks settled the Alachua savanna in the year 1750 is based on the writings of numerous nineteenth- century authors (Sprague 1848:18; Giddings 1858:3; Brinton 1859:145; Davidson 1889:117). Few people have questioned how those writers came to such a conclusion. This author maintains that the importance of the year 1750 can be traced back to an account written by George I.F. Clarke dated July 1, 1822. It is important to recognize that Clarke never ascribed his source of information, but that did not prohibit him from describing events taking place nearly three-quarters of a century ago in questionably vivid and melodramatic terms. Clarke (1838) wrote: "About the year 1750, a chief appeared among the Seminoles, named Secoffee, who pitched his head quarters at Alachua." Secoffee was a famous Creek chief, but he had nothing to do with the settlement of Alachua. Clarke misidentified the Cowkeeper or Ahaya of Oconee as Secoffee (Porter 1949; Riordan 1996). Much of the information in Clarke's melodramatic narration is of the same unsubstantiated tenor, and the Clarke account has plagued the study of the early Seminoles ever since the Florida Herald (1838) published it for a mass audience during the Second Seminole War. Since then, nineteenth-century historians have plagiarized Clarke's account almost word for word, giving the repetitive nature of the account the illusion of verity (Sprague 1848:18; Giddings 1858:3; Brinton 1859:145; Davidson 1889:117). In short, such a problematic account is not the most solid spot to ground a theory of settlement, especially when Clarke admittedly estimated the year 1750. New Settlements After mining the Spanish archives, I uncovered no evidence of a permanent Creek settlement in Florida prior to the 1760s. Instead, what I found were frequent references to seasonal caserias or hunting parties from the Chattahoochee River that "continually come down from their towns in small troops of hunters" during the hunting season (Palacio 1759). They would show up on Spanish radar and vanish "with the anxiety of obtaining fish and game" (Feliu 1763). Given the seasonal presence of Creeks in Florida, it is no wonder that a resident of St. Augustine named Antonio Muono passed through the interior of Florida on his way to attend the Lower Creek harvest ceremony in 1754 without finding any of the alleged settlements that Fairbanks insisted existed along that road (1974:133). Instead, Muono "arrived at the fort of San Marcos [de Apalachee] without having encountered a single Indian on the road" (Muono 1754). If Fairbanks was correct, Lorenzo de Leon should have arrived at a permanent village at Santa Fe in 1756 (Fairbanks 1974: 148). Instead, Lorenzo de Leon reported back that "I did not encounter any person" (De Leon 1756). When the Creeks settled in Florida, beginning in the early 1760s, the Spaniards at St. Augustine began referring to the popular hunting spots of Santa Fe and Alachua as pueblos or towns (Palacio y Valenzuela 1761; Feliu 1763). I would argue that these were not towns in the full sense of the term, because during certain seasons they would completely vanish "with the anxiety of obtaining fish and game" (Feliu 1763). Although scholars can debate about the essence of the Creek talwa, most would agree that every Creek town worthy of the name was still populated by women, children, the elderly, and a few gun bearing men even during the hunting season. I would suggest that these so-called "pueblos" would develop into stationary talwas in the fullest sense following the departure of the Spaniards and the arrival of the English after 1763. The documentary evidence is quite explicit that the Creeks established new settlements in Florida around the time of the transfer of La Florida from the Spanish to the British in 1763. Chief Tonaby admittedly built a "new village" in the Apalachee Old Fields shortly after the Spaniards departed from Fort San Marcos (Boyd and Latorre 1953:110-111). John Gerar William De Brahm (1971:228), the surveyor general of East Florida, described the Florida Creeks as recent settlers, who established "towns lately built to the West and South HAWKINS TEXTUAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF SEMINOLE COLONIZATION THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGISTS of Saint Augustine." The English recorded Alachua in 1764 (Ogilvie 1764; Stuart 1764a). According to English estimates, there were about 130 Creek gunmen living in the area (Stuart 1764b). This was news to General Thomas Gage (1764), who admitted that the Alachua settlement was "never before Mentioned to me." Denys Rolle visited the Alachua settlement of the mid-1760s. In contrast to the elaborate two-storied homes described by William Bartram (1988:168) in the 1770s, Rolle (1977:48, 50, 53) described Alachua as being composed of"hutts." Such a description suggests that Alachua was a new talwa under construction. Conclusions In the end, archaeologists have not uncovered archaeological evidence of a permanent Creek presence in Florida prior to the 1760s for reasons apart from their diligent efforts in the field. The bulk of historical evidence suggests that permanent Creek communities in Florida did not exist until the 1760s. What existed were seasonal hunting parties, who tended to leave few artifacts for archaeologists to unearth. Throughout this work I have critiqued the existing scholarly consensus that has inhibited our understanding of the Seminoles for too long, but I do not have the audacity to replace one consensus with another. Countless research opportunities continue to exist in early Seminole history. I can only hope that in time a growing partnership between historians and archaeologists will elucidate this confused matter of Creek settlement and early Seminole history. Notes 1. By focusing exclusively on the existence or nonexistence of permanent Creek settlements in Florida this paper leaves many important issues untouched. For those curious about learning more, I'd like to direct the reader to my thesis entitled Creek Schism: Seminole Genesis Revisited. Acknowledgments Much of the present work first appeared in fragments in my master's thesis at the University of South Florida entitled Creek Schism: Seminole Genesis Revisited (2009). I would like to give special thanks to my advisor, John Belohlavek. An earlier version of this paper was read at the 2009 meeting of the Florida Historical Society. I would like to thank Sherry Johnson, the chairperson of my session, for her questions and comments. I would also like to thank John Worth, Steven Hahn, and Joshua Piker for their helpful correspondence. References Cited Adair, James. 1775 History ofthe American Indians. Edward and Charles Dilly, London. Baker, Henry A. 1993 Spanish Ranching and the Alachua Sink Site: A Preliminary Report. Florida Anthropologist 46:82- 100. Bartram, William 1988 Travels. Penguin Books, New York. Blakney-Bailey, Jane Anne 2004 A Seminole Site on the Suwanee River: Functional Analysis of Oven Hill (8D115) Pottery Vessels. Florida Anthropologist 57:199-218. 2007 An Analysis of Historic Creek and Seminole Settlement Patterns, Town Design, and Architecture: the Paynes Town Seminole Site (8AL366), a Case Study. Ph.D. diss., University of Florida, Gainesville. Boyd, Mark F., and Jose Navarro Latorre, eds. 1953 Spanish Interests in British Florida and the Progress of the American Revolution. Florida Historical Quarterly 32:92-130. Braund, Kathryn E. Holland 1993 Deerskins and Duffels: The Creek Indian Trade with Anglo-America, 1685-1815. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Brinton, Daniel Garrison 1859 Notes on the Floridian Peninsula. Joseph Sabin, Philadelphia. Calloway, Colin G. 1995 The American Revolution in Indian Country: Crisis and Diversity in Native American Communities. Cambridge University Press, New York. Allen Candler, ed. 1906 Proceedings and Minutes of the Governor and Council, October 20, 1754 March 6, 1759. Colonial Records of the State of Georgia Volume 7. Franklin- Turner, Atlanta. Celi, Francisco Maria 1971 Tampa Bay in 1757: Francisco Maria Celi's Journal and Logbook Part I. Edited by John D. Ware. Florida Historical Quarterly 50:158-179. 1972 Tampa Bay in 1757: Francisco Maria Celi's Journal and Logbook Part II. Edited by John D. Ware. Florida Historical Quarterly 50:262-277. Clarke, George I.F. 1838 Florida Herald, October 25, 1838. Cline, Howard F. 1974 Notes on Colonial Indians and Communities in Florida, 1700-1821. Garland Publishing, New York. THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 1 102 Vot. 64(2) HAWKINS TEXTUAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF SEMINOLE COLONIZATION Covington, James W. 1968 Migration of the Seminoles into Florida, 1700-1820. Florida Historical Quarterly 46:340-357. 1993 The Seminoles of Florida. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Davidson, James Wood 1889 The Florida of To-day: A Guide for Tourists and Settlers. D. Appleton and Company, New York. De Brahm, John Gerar William 1971 Report of the General Survey in the Southern District of North America. Edited by Louis De Vorsey. University of South Carolina Press, Columbia. De Leon, Isidro 1957 The Trials of Captain Don Isidro De Leon. Edited by Lucy Wenhold. FloridaHistorical Quarterly 35:246- 265. De Leon, Lorenzo Joseph 1756 Diary of Lorenzo Joseph De Leon, November 26, 1756. Enclosed in Alonso Fernndez de Heredia to Julian de Arriaga, Florida, December 3, 1756. Archivo General de Indias, Santo Domingo 2542B, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville. Fairbanks, Charles H. 1974 Ethnohistorical Report on the Florida Indians. Garland Publishing, New York. 1977 Interview by Mark Bass, 7 October. SEM 165A, electronic reproduction. Seminole Oral History Collection, George A. Smathers Libraries, Gainesville. 1978 The Ethno-Archaeology of the Florida Seminole. Pp. 163-193 in Tacachale: Essays on the Indians of Florida andSoutheastern Georgia during the Historic Period, edited by Jerald T. Milanich and Samuel Proctor. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Feliu, Melchor 1763 Letter to Julian de Arriaga, St. Augustine, February 20, 1763. Stetson Collection, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville. Fitch, Tobias. 1961 Journal of Captain Tobias Fitch's Mission From Charleston to the Creeks, 1726. Travels in the American Colonies. Edited by Newton Dennison Mereness. Antiquarian Press, New York. Gage, Thomas 1764 Letter to John Stuart, August 18, 1764. Thomas Gage Collection, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville. Giddings, Joshua R. 1858 The Exiles of Florida. Follett, Foster and Co., Columbus. Goggin, John M. 1998 Time Perspective in Northern St. Johns Archaeology, Florida. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Goggin, John M., Mary E. Godwin, Earl Hester, David Prange, and Robert Spangenberg 1949 An Historic Indian Burial, Alachua County, Florida. Florida Anthropologist 2:10-25. Hahn, Steven C. 2004 The Invention of the Creek Nation, 1670-1763. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Hawkins, Philip Colin 2009 Creek Schism: Seminole Genesis Revisited. M.A. thesis, Department of History, University of South Florida, Tampa. Kersey, Henry 1993 The Florida Seminole Land Claims Case, 1950-1990. Florida Historical Quarterly 72:35-55. Kinnaird, Lawrence, ed. 1945 Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 1765-1794. American Historical Association Annual Report, Washington D.C. Lane, Mills, ed. 1975 General Oglethorpe Georgia: Colonial Letters, 1733-1743. Beehive Press, Savannah. Lurie, Nancy Oestreich 1957 The Indian Claims Commission Act. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 311:56-70. 1978 The Indian Claims Commission. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 436:97-110. Milanich, Jerald T. 1994 Archaeology of Precolumbian Florida. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville. Milanich, Jerald T., and Charles H. Fairbanks 1980 Florida Archaeology. Academic Press, New York. Missall, John, and Mary Lou Missall 2004 The Seminole Wars: America's Longest Indian Conflict. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Muono, Antonio 1754 Testimony, September 26, 1754. Spellman Collection, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville. HAWKINS TEXTUAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF SEMINOLE COLONIZATION THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST Naime, Thomas 1988 Nairne 's Muskhogean Journals: The 1708 Expedition to the Mississippi. Edited by Alexander Moore. University Press of Mississippi, Jackson. Ogilvie, Francis 1764 Letter to Thomas Gage, St. Augustine, July 20, 1764. Thomas Gage Collection, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville. Palacio y Valenzuela, Lucas 1759 Letter to Julidn de Arriaga, St. Augustine, July 3, 1759. Archivo General de Indias, Santo Domingo 2542B, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville. 1761 Letter to JuliAn de Arriaga, St. Augustine, July 15, 1761. Stetson Collection, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville. Pena, Diego 1949 Diego Pena's Expedition to Apalachee and Apalachicolo in 1716. Edited by Mark F. Boyd. Florida Historical Quarterly 28:1-27. 1952 Documents Describing the Second and Third Expeditions of Lieutenant Diego Pena to Apalachee and Apalachicola in 1717 and 1718. Edited by Mark F. Boyd. Florida Historical Quarterly 31:109-139. Piker, Joshua 2004 Okfuskee: A Creek Indian Town in Colonial America. Harvard University Press, Cambridge Pittman, Philip 1934 Apalachee During the British Occupation. Edited by Mark F. Boyd. Florida Historical Quarterly 12:114- 122. Porter, Kenneth W. 1949 The Founder of the Seminole Nation. Florida Historical Quarterly 27:362-384. Riordan, Patrick 1996 Seminole Genesis: Native Americans, African Americans, and Colonists on the Southern Frontier from Prehistory Through the Colonial Era. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, Florida State University, Tallahassee. Rolle, Denys 1977 The Humble Petition of Denys Rolle. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville. Sattler, Richard A. 1996 Remnants, Renegades, and Runaways: Seminole Ethnogenesis Reconsidered. In History, Power, and Identity: Ethnogenesis in the Americas, 1492-1992, edited by Jonathan David Hill. University of Iowa Press, Iowa City. Solana, Juan Joseph 1991 Juan Joseph Solana Report on the Condition of St. Augustine in 1760. In Spanish Borderlands Sourcebooks: America's Ancient City, Spanish St. Augustine, 1565-1763, edited by Kathleen A. Deagan. Garland Publishing, New York. Solis, Fulgencio Garcia de 1754 Letter to the King, St. Augustine, December 12, 1754. Stetson Collection, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville. Stuart, John 1764a Letter to Thomas Gage, Apalachee, September 29, 1764. Thomas Gage Collection, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville. 1764b Letter to Thomas Gage, St. Augustine, July 19, 1764. Thomas Gage Collection, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville. Sturtevant, William C. 1958 Accomplishments and Opportunities in Florida Indian Ethnology. Florida Anthropology 2:15-56. 1971 Creek into Seminole. In North American Indians in Historical Perspective, edited by Eleanor Burke Leacock and Nancy Oestreich Lurie. Random House, New York. Swanton, John R. 1998 The Early History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbors. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. TePaske, John Jay 1964 The Governorship of Spanish Florida, 1700-1763. Duke University Press, Durham, North Carolina. Von Reck, Philip Georg Friedrich 1990 Von Reck Voyage. edited by Kristian Hvidt. Beehive Press, Savannah. Ware, John D. 1968 A View of Celi's Journal of Surveys and Chart of 1757. Florida Historical Quarterly 47:8-25. Weisman, Brent Richards 1989 Like Beads on a String: A Cultural History of the Seminole Indians in Northern Peninsular Florida. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. 1999 Unconquered People: Florida Seminole and Miccosukee Indians. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. 2000 Archaeological Perspectives on Florida Seminole Ethnogenesis. In Indians of the Greater Southeast: 2011 VOL. 64(2) HAWKINS TEXTUAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF SEMINOLE COLONIZATION 113 Historical Archaeology and Ethnohistory, edited by Bonnie G. McEwan. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Wickman, Patricia Riles 1999 The Tree that Bends: Discourse, Power, and the Survival of the Maskoki People. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Wright, J. Leitch 1986 Creeks and Seminoles: The Destruction and Regeneration of the Muscogulge People. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. A Video on florida's Native peoples A Florida Heritage Production Produced and Directed by Chaos Productions Executive Producer: Brent Weisman Written by Marshall Riggan Artwork by Theodore Morris 1998 Florida Anthropological Society and the Florida Department of State To obtain copies please send $20 (includes shipping and handling) to Terry Simpson, 9907 High Meadow Ave., Thonotosassa, FL. 33592-2458. Please specify DVD or VHS. Make checks payable to the Florida Anthropological Society. Special reseller price available. A BRIEF NOTE ON CURRENTS, CURRENT ARCHAEOLOGISTS, AND ANCIENT FIBER-TEMPERED POTS CHRISTOPHER F. ALTES 3224 NW 31st Ave, Gainesville, FL 32605 E-mail: caltes@ufl.edu The presence of fiber-tempered pottery in different parts of the southeastern United States and the suggestion of linkage among these early pottery traditions is not a new idea (Bullen 1972; Ford 1966). In a review of early American pottery, Betty Jane Meggers (2010:38) argues that early pottery from Florida and Georgia is related to Ecuadoran traditions, suggesting that similar design elements link the two. Meggers' discussion and accompanying graphic (2010:39) neglect to discuss how such dispersal could have occurred. This type of diffusionistic argument is generally regarded as not perfectly fitting the data (Oyuela-Caycedo and Bonzani 2005) and dismissive of the ingenuity of local groups. I suggest that material culture, bioarchaeological data, and the natural sea currents do provide evidence for a Caribbean connection, and I believe the Greater Antilles are a vital element for our understanding of the fiber- tempered pottery sequence in the New World. Current and Historic Thoughts As recently as twenty years ago (Fiedel 1992; Walthall 1990), the lack of early pottery in the Caribbean was used as an argument against diffusionistic or migratory models of the spread of fiber-tempered pottery from South to North America. Despite dismissal of Pre-Arawakan pottery in the Caribbean (Rouse 1948, 1992), more recent evaluations of the phenomenon (Keegan and Rodriguez Ramos 2007; Rodriguez Ramos et al. 2008; Samson 2010) indicate that so-called Archaic or Lithic Age inhabitants of the Greater Antilles had a long tradition of ceramic production. Rodriguez Ramos et al. (2008) document Pre-Arawakan pottery primarily in Cuba and the Dominican Republic. Curiously, the earliest dates cited in Cuba are from Cayo Jorajuria (2160 B.C., 1810 B.C., and 1920 B.C., from Jouravleva 2002:36'), on the western end of the island (Figure 1). This pottery includes fiber-tempered varieties, something generally absent in later (Arawakan, post- 500 B.C.) Saladoid and Ostionoid ceramics. The southeastern United States has long claimed the oldest pottery in North America. This fiber-tempered pottery appears to have originated in south Georgia, and is mostly found in Florida, Georgia, the Carolinas, and Alabama. Though such pots would likely disintegrate in colder climes (Reid 1984; Skibo et al. 1989), fiber-tempered pottery is easier to manufacture and lighter than pottery made with pastes containing predominantly mineral inclusions, making it ideal for mobile groups (Skibo et al. 1989). We tend to assume that mobile hunter-gatherers would not have pottery, as ceramic technologies are linked to the Neolithic Revolution (Pratt 1999). Our assumptions about "Archaic" populations are currently changing, as ongoing work in the Southeast (Kidder and Sassaman 2009) and Caribbean (Colten et al. 2009) challenge previously-held beliefs. For example, recent research suggests the "Archaic" people in the Caribbean significantly altered their environments and planted non- indigenous vegetation (Newsome 2005) as well as cultigens from the mainland such as maize and beans (Ramos Rodriguez and Jimenez 2006). Similarly, Jamie Waggoner (2009) found suggestions of directed burning to promote plant growth in the Archaic Southeast. Recent research in South America has uncovered an ancient fiber-tempered pottery tradition. Augusto Oyuela- Caycedo documented fiber-tempered pottery at San Jacinto 1 which has been dated to approximately 5000 cal B.P. (Oyuela- Caycedo and Bonzani 2005) and Anna Roosevelt (1998) found pottery in contexts which date to over 7000 B.P. at Taperinha and Pedra Pintada. Roosevelt (1998:198) provocatively suggests that some archaeologists in South America may have withheld dates that did not fit within established cultural history schemes. Given the discussion above, the South American and Caribbean connection is likely missed, in part, due to the emerging separate professional literatures in the late twentieth century (when was the last time you saw an article about Florida in Latin American Antiquity or the Journal of Caribbean Archaeology?). Though we may pass each other in corridors, both hallways and survey, rarely do we put all of the pieces together. These pages are not intended as a final word on this research, but as a note that might encourage further and more meaningful dialog between researchers in South America, the Caribbean, Florida, and the greater Southeast. Due to politics, the ongoing processes of regional specialization, and the professionalization of archaeology, few archaeologists have participated in field work in the Southeast, the Caribbean, and South America, especially when compared to previous generations. The gentlemen antiquarians and early professional archaeologists (Fewkes and Mason through Rouse and the Bullens) were not limited by national boundaries or regional specialization. Connections between South America and Cuba have been previously documented, though generally in terms of the origins of pottery styles/culture conflatedd in the accepted VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST JUNE 2011 VOL. 64(2) JUNE 2011 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST THE LORIA ATHROOLOGST 011 OL. 4(2 Florida/Georgia -4600 BP Approximate dates and areas discussed. Cayo Jorajuria -4200 BP r 200 lan Sources: Sassaman 2004, Jouravleva 2002, Oyuela-Caycedo and B( San Jacinto 1 -6940 BP Figure 1. Site locale and associated dates for ceramic production by Archaic or Lithic Age inhabitants of the Greater Antilles. Rouese-ian culture history) and high status artifacts. Cooper et al. (2008) link metal objects from Cuban contact-period contexts to South America, though these items could be from "down the line" trading. Richard T. Callaghan (2003) suggests direct trade may have been faster and safer than trips through the Lesser Antilles, particularly if the so-called Caribs of the Lesser Antilles truly were hostile toward their neighbors. In a similar vein to these pages, Callaghan (2001, 2003) has been employing computer simulations to discuss possible origin points for various migratory waves. In brief, Callaghan (2003) sees northern South America as a likely origin for the expressly preceramic inhabitants of the Greater Antilles, citing both computer simulation of voyages and artifactual similarities, primarily in lithic technologies. Additionally, Callaghan (2001) asserts that, based on historically documented drift voyages, a reasonable time out on the open water was presumed to be four to five weeks with a 10% loss of starting population. Proposing a Current(s) Model In all honesty, this project began as an experiment in a method. I was attempting to model simple particle flow; that is, "message in a bottle" movement of vessels following currents. This was intended as a first step in a more robust program of tracing possible migration routes through the Caribbean as part of a larger project which attempts to conceptualize the movement of people beyond the boundaries of the sites we can excavate. The germ of this particular case study comes from interactions with Dr. Kenneth Sassaman and Dr. Augusto Oyuela-Caycedo, and their generous sharing of respective experiences with Stallings Island and San Jacinto pottery traditions. The analysis presented here was conceptualized in IDRISI Taiga and ESRI ArcMap 9.3, and completed using ArcMap with the Spatial Analyst extension. The model uses rasters2 (gridded data) and outputs data in shapefiles3 (lines) and data tables. In the base data, each cell is a single degree of longitude and latitude, approximately 67 miles. This is an admittedly coarse scale, but appropriate for the geographical proportions discussed here. The data come from ongoing research conducted at the Rosenstiel School of Marine and Atmospheric Science at the University of Miami, the Cooperative Institute for Marine and Atmospheric Studies, and the National Oceanographic Partnership Program (Mariano et al. 1995). Using data from the Coast Guard and the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, the product describes how worldwide currents flow in terms of both direction and magnitude. The data are provided as delimited THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2011 VOL. 64(2) CURRENTS, CURRENT ARCHAEOLOGISTS, AND ANCIENT FIBER-TEMPERED POTS text, which can be readily converted into rasters using any remote sensing or GIS software, though some trigonometry is required to produce a direction raster. It should be noted that the data were slightly modified, as the original delimited text tables did not include any area which falls in the same degree of longitude or latitude as land. Simple raster math placed a slight current in these locations, in order to allow the model to begin on land. The consequence of this, of course, is that the model no longer would allow the tracked path to end on land. This odd artifact of the data is easily interpreted, i.e. when the path approaches land then veers away, this is the result of the manually added current. The resulting model does not have the stochastic variability experienced on the open seas, but does provide a general model of current flow. Armed with direction and magnitude rasters, the end result of this work is that the flow of currents in and out of the Caribbean can be visualized and employed in GIS-based models (Figure 2). The resultant model is fairly simple and can be conceptually reduced to the metaphor of a message in a bottle. When the bottle is thrown into the sea the currents control where it ends up: there is no steering or attempt to reach land. The simulation is not meant to reflect all of the possibilities in a world inhabited by active agents, only to offer a glimpse of the affordances provided within the Caribbean basin. In the simplified model, the initial seed is subjected to direction and speed of the first cell, with steps and course alterations every one-half cell, or every 17 miles. After each leg, the next direction and speed are calculated based on the current cell. The result is a linear shapefile (vector) with the speed, direction, and elapsed time of each step recorded to the ancillary data. As the resulting modeled journey does not include any agent modeling, it is safe to assume this is an extraordinarily conservative depiction of traveling in the precontact Caribbean; even the most unhurried paddling (averaging 8 km per hour above the current speed) would significantly reduce the travel time. This would allow people in a canoe to reach Cuba from Columbia in a little over nine and a half days (Figure 3). Still a daunting voyage, no doubt, but well less than the four to five week drift voyages cited as survivable by Callaghan (2001). It is worth noting that slight deviations in the current or paddling result in the simulation reaching landfall in Louisiana, an observation that may offer a connection to the early fiber-tempered wares found in this region (Webb 1968). The particle flow model links directly Columbia to Cuba, bypassing the Yucatan or potential "down the line" trading through the generally presumed "safer" passage through the Lesser Antilles. If coupled with a model of the visible sphere of the Greater Antilles (Torres and Rodriguez Ramos 2008), the 1 W 4 r *L . A 1 P . AK ** 4 S 200 kV A - Source: Mariano et al 1995 Figure 2. GIS-based model of the flow of currents in and out of the Caribbean. Caribbean Currents meters per second i 0.018400- 0.027400 A 0.027401 0.049400 A 0.049401 0.089200 A 0.089201 0.168309 0.168310- 0.375986 k V V -* V k F -I _d - ,W -V -o4 A ' q '4 W q. '" N'' N' ', b 4< A . k -"i-t -q N' -, .4 .^ . J V N' UpVw.L^W .4~~~t __ o ALTES THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2011 VOL. 64(2) Modeled Travel Time in Days m 0-3 14-6 - 7-9 - 10-12 -- 13-15 16-19 ,v 200 km Figure 3. Based on presented data, canoe travel to Cuba from C target area would be conceivably much larger. The important note here is that the model does not stop in southeastern or southwestern Florida, but instead leads directly to the part of the Southeast where Sassaman (2004) places the origin of fiber-tempered pottery in North America. All of this supports the recently published data suggesting genetic links between the prehistoric populations of Florida, Cuba, and northern South America. Dental morphological traits link Florida and northwestern South America, and differentiate these regions from the Ceramic Age (Arawakan) Caribbean populations (Coppa et al. 2008). The shape and size of various cranial features link populations in northwestern South America, Cuba, and Florida (Ross and Ubelaker 2010), again forming significant data clusters separate from the rest of the Caribbean. Finally, isotopic bone signatures initially regarded as outliers, or even errors, suggest at least one possible natal Caribbean Islander in an Archaic period burial mound in Florida (Bryan Tucker, personal communication 2011). Conclusion Previous research has cited a lack of evidence for the Amazon as a potential origin for fiber-tempered pottery coming in to North America (Hoopes 1994). However, linguistic analysis suggests that the Timucua people of northeast Florida :olumbia would take just over nine days. arrived there via northwestern South America, or at least indicates a significant contact between these two regions at 3000-2500 B.C. (Granberry 1993). I hope that the simulation analysis of Caribbean currents presented above, together with published linguistic and bioarchaeological data, provide suggestions that such connections are possible. This is not to discount the notion that the southeastern United States or Cuba were cultural "hearths" (sensu Hoopes 1994; Reid 1984) for the invention of pottery. And I do not mean to suggest that the indigenous people of either region lacked the creativity or intelligence to develop such ceramic technologies on their own (which would be a most uncreative and unintelligent suggestion). Rather than suggest that people lacked creativity, I believe these data suggest that the Archaic peoples of the Americas (North, South, and Central) and in the Caribbean engaged in long-distance travel and trade that indicates a complexity and understanding of the world rarely ascribed to hunter-gathers. Some of the "Stone Age" inhabitants of the Americas, in fact, apparently traveled and were more knowledgeable of the world than many of the archaeologists who study them. Notes 1. These dates are presented uncalibrated, as the authors do not report the material, uncertainty, and sample numbers. SI THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2011 VOL. 64(2) CURRENTS, CURRENT ARCHAEOLOGISTS, AND ANCIENT FIBER-TEMPERED POTS 2. A raster is a file type which uses cells to hold and analyze data, and can be expressed in terms of pixels 3. A shapefile is a file type with a set geometry (point, line, polygon) and can be expressed as a vector. Acknowledgments I need to thank the people who reviewed this paper, encouraged me, or provided information. A limited list would be Deborah Mullins, Joost Morsink, William Keegan, Betsy Carlson, Josh Torres, Kenneth Sassaman, Augusto Oyuela- Caycedo, Bryan Tucker, Kristina Ballard, and the reviewers. 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American Antiquity 40(1):55:76. Rodriguez Ramos, Reniel, Elvis Babilonia, L. Antonio Curet, and Jorge Ulloa 2008 The Pre-Arawak Pottery Horizon in the Antilles: A New Approximations. Latin America Antiquity 19:47-63. Rodriguez Ramos, Reniel, and J.R. PagAn Jim6nez 2006 Interacciones multivectoriales en el circum- Caribe precolonial. Un vistazo desde Las Antillas. Caribbean Studies 34(2):103-143. Roosevelt, Anna C. 1998 Ancient and modern hunter-gatherers of lowland South America: an evolutionary perspective. In Advances in Historical Ecology, edited by William Bal6e, pp. 191-212. Columbia University Press, New York. Ross, Ann H. and Douglas H. Ubelaker 2010 A Morphometric Approach to Taino Biological Distance in the Caribbean. In S.M. Fitzpatrick and A.H. Ross, eds., Island Shores, Distant Pasts: Archaeological and Biological Approaches to the Pre- Columbian Settlement of the Caribbean. University Press of Florida, pp 108-126. Rouse, Irving 1948 The Ciboney; The Arawak; The Carib. In The West Indies: An Introduction, edited by Irving Rouse, pp. 495-569. Handbook of South American Indians, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 143, Julian H. Steward, general editor, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 1992. The Tainos. Yale University Press, New York. Samson, Alice V. M. 2010 Renewing the House: Trajectories of social life in the yucayeque (community) of El Cabo, Higuey, Dominican Republic, AD 800-1504. Sidestone Press, Leiden. Sassaman, Kenneth E. 2004 Common Origins and Divergent Histories in the Early Pottery Traditions of the American Southeast. In Early Pottery: Technology, Style, and Interaction in the lower Southeast, edited by R. Saunders and C. Hays, pp. 23-39. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Skibo, J.M, M.B. Schiffer, and K.C. Reid 1989 Organic Tempered Pottery: An Experimental Study. American Antiquity 54:122-146. Torres, Joshua M. and Reniel Rodriguez-Ramos 2008. The Caribbean: A Continent Divided by Water. In Archaeology and Geoinformatics. Case Studies from the Caribbean, Basel A. Reid (ed), pp 13-29. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Waggoner, James Cowan, Jr. 2009 Footprints on the landscape: the historical ecology of hunter-gatherers in the Archaic Southeast. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. University of Florida, Gainesville. Walthall, John A. 1990 Prehistoric Indians of the Southeast: Archaeology of Alabama and the Middle South. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Webb, Clarence H. 1968 The Extent and Content of Poverty Point Culture. American Antiquity 33(3):297-321 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2011 VOL. 64(2) FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY 2011 AWARD RECIPIENTS Editors' Note: This year, a Lazarus Award and an Arthur Lee FAS Chapter Award were not presented. Barbara Purdy and FAS President Bob Austin. RIPLEY P. BULLEN AWARD BARBARA A. PURDY Dr. Barbara A. Purdy was honored with the prestigious Ripley P. Bullen Memorial Award at the FAS 63rd Annual Meeting in Orlando. She was nominated by the Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society (CGCAS). FAS President Robert Austin presented a plaque to Dr. Purdy "for promoting cooperation among avocational and professional archaeologists and for outstanding research in Florida Archaeology, May 7, 2011." Dr. Purdy is renowned for her outstanding research in Florida Archaeology, especially chipped stone technology, wetsites, and dugout canoes. She taught at the University of Florida for more than 20 years and inspired and encouraged many students of Florida Archaeology. She has served as principal investigator for many projects in Florida, plus others in Arizona, Idaho, and Washington. She has presented papers at many national and international meetings. She has won teaching awards and is a recipient of many grants. Dr. Purdy received her doctorate from the University of Florida's Department of Anthropology in 1971, and then joined the faculty. Her husband, "Hank" Purdy, was a professor of plant pathology at the University of Florida. During her teaching career, and since her retirement, Dr. Purdy has been a very active archaeologist. Dr. Purdy's dissertation focused on chipped stone technology, andsheproducedmanypublications about"lithics." Her research expanded to include wooden artifacts, especially Florida dugout canoes, and she began active investigations of Florida wetsites, such as at Hontoon Island and Lake Monroe along the St. Johns River. She assembled much of her wetsite research in a book, The Art and Archaeology of Florida ' Wetlands (1991). She also organized conferences on wetsite archaeology in 1986 and 1999, producing publications such as Wet Site Archaeology (1988). Dr. Purdy regularly gives presentations to FAS chapters as well as other archaeological groups, and offers advice to serious amateurs. Her desire to educate the interested public on the correct way to do archaeology culminated in her book on archaeological field methods, How To do Archaeology the Right Way (1996). Two of her other books are geared for the general public, Indian Art of Ancient Florida (1996) and Florida s People During the Last Ice Age (2008). Dr. Purdy has worked closely with avocational archaeologists such as Ben Waller, Alvin Hendrix, Paul Lien, Robert Knight, and Don Munroe. She has encouraged their participation in recovering Florida's past, while stressing the importance of accurate documentation and preservation. Dr. Purdy's friendship with Alvin Hendrix, an early river diver and artifact collector, is indicative of this relationship. Alvin amassed a large collection from rivers across north- central Florida. He maintained provenience on his finds and VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST JuNE 2011 VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST JUNE 2011 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST recovered broken as well as complete specimens (artifacts, fossils, and historic material). The Hendrix Collection is significant, and many of the artifacts featured in Dr. Purdy's book, Florida's Prehistoric Stone Technology (1981), are from the Hendrix Collection. Largely as a result of his friendship with Dr. Purdy, Alvin Hendrix eventually donated most of his collection to be used for education and research. The Silver River Museum, in Ocala, now curates over 16,000 objects collected by Hendrix, which date to the entire span of human habitation in Florida. Dr. Purdy continues to send researchers the Silver River Museum to study the collection and she is as active as ever. Many of these items are on permanent display and are viewed by more than 10,000 students annually. Dr. Purdy has made significant contributions to our knowledge of Florida Archaeology and to the good relationship between professional and avocational archaeologists in our state. Selected Sources by Dr. Barbara A. Purdy Purdy, Barbara A. 1971a Investigations Concerning the Thermal Alteration of Silica Minerals: An Archaeological Approach. Ph.D. dissertation, Department ofAnthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville. 1971b The Importance of Quarry Sites. Science and Archaeology, November-December. Stafford, England. 1971c Thermal Alteration of Silica Minerals: An Archaeological Approach. Science 173:322-325. (with H. K. Brooks) 1973 Temporal and Spatial Distribution of Bone Points in the State of Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 26:143-152. 1974a The Key Marco Florida Collection: Experiment and Reflection. American Antiquity 39(1):105-109. 1974b Investigations Concerning the Thermal Alteration of Silica Minerals: An Archaeological Approach. Tebiwa 17:37-66. Pocatello, Idaho. 1975a Fractures for the Archaeologist. In Making and Using Stone Tools. World Anthropology Series, Mouton Press, The Hague. 1975b The Senator Edwards Chipped Stone Workshop Site (8-Mr-122), Marion County, Florida: A Preliminary Report of Investigations. The Florida Anthropologist 28:178-189. 1977 The York Site (8-A1-480), Alachua County, Florida: Observations on Aboriginal Use of Chert. The Florida Anthropologist 30:3-8. 1978 A Progress Report on the Florida Wooden Artifact Project. The Florida Anthropologist 31:128-129. 1979 An Evaluation of Wet Site Resources of Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 32:104-113. 1980 The Chipped Stone Tool Industry of Florida's Preceramic Archaic. Archaeology of Eastern North America 8:105-124. (with Laurie M. Beach) 1981 a Florida's Prehistoric Stone Technology. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville. 1981b Investigations into the Use of Chert Outcrops by Prehistoric Floridians: The Container Corporation of America Site. The Florida Anthropologist 34:90-108. 1982 Survey, Recovery and Treatment of Wooden Artifacts in Florida. Proceedings of the ICOM Waterlogged Wood Working Group Conference, edited by D. W. Grattan and J. C. McCawley, pp. 159-169. International Council of Museums (ICOM), Ottawa. 1985 Significance of Archaeological Wet Sites: A Florida Example. National Geographic Research 1(4):564- 569. (with Lee A. Newsom) 1987 Investigations at Hontoon Island (8Vo202), An Archaeological Wetsite in Volusia County, Florida, assembled by Barbara A. Purdy. Florida Anthropological Society Publication Number 13, Tallahassee. 1988a Wet Site Archaeology, edited by Barbara A. Purdy and Elise V. Le Compte. The Telford Press, Caldwell, New Jersey. 1988b American Indians After A.D. 1492: A Case Study of Forced Culture Change. American Anthropologist 90(3):640-655. 1988c Piston Corers: Equipment, Technique, and Applications to Archaeology. The Florida Anthropologist 41:381-392. 1990a Florida Canoes: A Maritime Heritage from the Past. The Florida Anthropologist 43:164-180. (with Lee A. Newsom) 1990b Chronology of Cultivation in Peninsular Florida: Prehistoric or Historic. Southeastern Archaeology 9(1):35-42. 1991 The Art and Archaeology ofFlorida 's Wetlands. CRC Press, Boca Raton. 1994 Excavations in Water-Saturated Deposits at Lake Monroe, Volusia County, Florida: An Overview. The Florida Anthropologist 47:326-332. 1996 Indian Art of Ancient Florida. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. 1996 How to do Archaeology the Right Way. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. 2008 Florida's People During the Last Ice Age. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. 2011 VOL. 64(2) 2011 AWARD RECIPIENTS 123 FAS CERTIFICATES OF ACHIEVEMENT Individual FAS chapters honor members for outstanding service. This year, FAS President Robert Austin presented certificates. Matthew Betz accepts his certificate from FAS President Bob Austin. Kathryn Betz accepts her certificate from FAS President Bob Austin. Southwest Florida Archaeological Society (SWFAS) KATHRYN BETZ Katie Betz joining SWFAS was like a cool breeze on a hot day. She is one of those wonderful members who routinely volunteer. Realizing her abilities, SWFAS quickly made her an officer. She became Recording Secretary, providing professional meeting minutes to keep us straight. Katie took a lead role in SWFAS, serving as a host for the 2010 FAS Annual Meeting. In addition to her organizational skills, she also is fun to work with. Katie has a degree in English from the University of Florida and has worked in the marketing and communications fields. She volunteers in adult education at her church and has gained an interest in archaeology from her husband, Matt. She has participated in many SWFAS activities and she has volunteered in archaeology digs in the British Isles. MATTHEW BETZ Matt Betz's archaeology expertise and willingness to get involved would be important in any community. Matt is a self- starter, who is active in various archaeological and historical projects. He is not afraid of work. We appreciate his service to SWFAS. Matthew Betz, M.A., RPA, is currently a Project Archaeologist for Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc. (SEARCH). Matt's B.A. is from the University of Florida, and his M.A. degree in archaeology and historic preservation is from the University of Leicester, UK. His thesis was titled "Native American Decorated Ceramics in the Glades Period of Southwest Florida: Analysis and Discussion of Their Usefulness in Defining a Chronology for Native American Sites in Southwest Florida from 500 B.C.-1500 A.D. " Before joining SEARCH, he was an archaeologist for the Archaeological and Historical Conservancy, working in southwest Florida. Matt has volunteered during three different dig seasons at the Vindolanda Roman Fort on Hadrian's Wall in Northumberland, UK. Being a Naples native, he has a special interest in southwest Florida archaeology and history, especially the pioneer families of Rookery Bay and the Ten Thousand Islands. THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2011 VOL.- 64(f Emerald Coast Archaeological Society (ECAS) JEAN LUCAS ECAS is proud to recognize Jean Lucas for her tireless dedication to Florida Archaeology and the ECAS Chapter. Jean was a charter member of ECAS, helping to establish the chapter's solid foundation during its 9-year history. Over the years, Jean has served on the ECAS Board in several positions, including President. All ECAS members especially appreciate Jean's work as Lab Director. She assumed the enormous responsibility of cleaning, sorting, identifying, and curating artifacts, and her meticulous paperwork earned her the reputation of "perfectionist." Serving as ECAS Chapter Representative, Jean faithfully attended FAS Board meetings, always giving a detailed quarterly report on the Chapter's activities. Jean recently stepped down as Chapter Representative after many years of dedicated service. Jean's outreach service to the community includes her close relationship with the Indian Temple Mound Museum, the Baker Block Museum, and the Heritage Museum of Northwest Florida, to name a few. Jean also served as the ECAS Representative with the Panhandle Historic Preservation Alliance. In 2008, Jean generously gave her time to travel to south Florida to help another FAS chapter organize and plan an excavation. She helped them with necessary paperwork and professional standards of conduct, as stated ini the FAS Bylaws. ECAS thanks Jean Lucas for her dedicated service, always giving her time, talent, and resources. THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 1 102 YOL. 64(2 ABSTRACTS OF THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY 2011 MEETING The Mocama Indian Village of Sarabay: More than a Dot on a Map ASHLEY, KEITH (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA) May 1, 2012 marks the 450" anniversary of "first contact" between French Huguenots and the Mocama-speaking Timucua ofFlorida. In anticipation of this event, the University of North Florida (UNF) is attempting to reconstruct the social landscape of late 161 century northeastern Florida. This entails locating contact-era native villages, which also were the scene of post-1587 missionization efforts by the Spanish. This paper discusses the results of archaeological testing at the Armellino site (8Du633) on Big Talbot Island, which we propose is the location of the Mocama village of Sarabay. Fire in the Hammock! Investigating the effects of prescribed burning on cultural resources in South Florida BACKHOUSE, PAUL (SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA TRIBAL HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE) NATHAN LAWRES (SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA TRIBAL HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE) GEOFFREY WASSON (SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA TRIBAL HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE) JUAN J. CANCEL (SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA TRIBAL HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE) Prescribed burning is a common land management technique that has a long history in south Florida. Despite the widely acknowledged environmental benefits of this practice assessments as to the potential effects on cultural resources have largely been anecdotal. In order to address this issue the Seminole Tribe of Florida Tribal Historic Preservation Office is undertaking comprehensive investigations to quantitatively assess the effects of prescribed burning on cultural resources located on the Brighton and Big Cypress Seminole Indian Reservations. Preliminary results of this research will be presented and discussed for their significance to land management strategies. Beyond the Town Walls: Identifying an 18th Century Canary Islander Site in St. Augustine BENNETT, SARAH (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, NORTHEAST REGION) CARL HALBIRT (CITY OF ST. AUGUSTINE) Ethnic diversity is one of the hallmarks of St. Augustine's colonial history, with various European, Native American, and African groups documented in governmental and church records. One group that has been overlooked is the Canary Islanders, brought over in the mid 1700s to fill the labor vacuum caused by a dwindling Native American population. Recent excavations by the City of St. Augustine's Archaeology Program have uncovered what may constitute the material assemblage associated with a Canary Islander household. Contrasting this assemblage with similarly dated assemblages from other locations within the colonial city provides clues as to how this group integrated into St. Augustine society. On Collaborative Archaeology and the Decolonization of the Past: Re-Imagining the Lake Jackson/Okeeheepkee BLOCH, LEE J. (NEW COLLEGE OF FLORIDA) Recent scholarship in decolonizing anthropology bridges the highly politicized divide between Native and anthropological understandings of the past. As a result, Indigenous ways of knowing have begun to transform archaeological traditions. This presentation discusses collaborative, community-based research undertaken with a Muskogean community focusing on the Lake Jackson site. This community's oral histories and other enduring traditions are considered in conjunction with archaeological methods and theory. The objective is to develop a nuanced understanding of the past from across multiple positionalities and to transform the social relations in which knowledge is and can be produced. The Cades Pond/Weeden Island and Alachua Cultures: A Re-evaluation of Their Geographicand Temporal Bounaries with Data from Sites in Marion County, Florida BOYER, WILLET III (COLLEGE OF CENTRAL FLORIDA) Previous study of the Cades Pond/Weeden Island and Alachua cultures of northern Florida have suggested that these cultures were temporally and geographically distinct, with each group using different types of sites even within the same region and separated temporally from each other. However, data from recently tested and excavated sites in Marion County, Florida suggest a need for a re-evaluation of the geographic and temporal boundaries of both cultures. The results of testing and excavation at several sites in Marion County are discussed, and conclusions and avenues for future research are presented. VOL. 64(2) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST JUNE 2011 VOL. 64(2) JUNE 2011 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST Vegetation Changes During the Last Deglacial and Early Holocene: A Record from Little Salt Spring Florida BURNHARDT, CHRISTOPHER (U.S. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY) DEBRA WILLARD (U.S. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY) BRYAN LANDACRE (U.S. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY) JOHN GIFFORD (UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI) PRESENTER STEVE KOSKI (UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI) A high-resolution, 7000-year-long pollen record of vegetation change spanning the Younger Dryas and Early Holocene is presented based on the recent analysis of an 8.2 m sediment core collected in 1990 from the bottom of Little Salt Spring (8S018). Previous paleohydrological reconstructions based on C- and O- isotopes indicate that LSS is sensitive to past deglacial climate and sea level changes. In general, the vegetation response at LSS indicates an abrupt onset of a cooler Younger Dryas followed by, based on ostracode isotopic records, a warmer and a relatively stable Early Holocene. LSS paleoenvironmental records have potential to explicate human response to abrupt climate variability during the Late Paleoindian and Early Archaic stages in the SE US. (Poster) Trees Traveling Through Time: Investigations at a Tree Island Site in Everglades National Park BusoT, ALEXANDRA (UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI) TRACI ARDREN (UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI) MELISSA MEMORY (EVERGLADES NATIONAL PARK) KEUN FLANAGAN The Coptic Camp Site (8DA1085) is a heavily impacted black earth midden on a hardwood tree island in the Everglades National Park. In the spring of 2010 an investigation was undertaken by the Ibis Field School of the University of Miami to assess the extent of this archaeological site in the East Everglades Addition of the park. Investigations included topographical mapping, surface collections, as well as shovel tests and limited test excavations. The analysis and interpretation of the recovered artifacts and faunal remains presented in this paper contribute to a better understanding of the prehistoric archaeology of tree islands and their ancient inhabitants and provide critical data for park managers to inform restoration planning. Highlands County's Contribution to the Knowledge Base of Florida's Prehistoric Canoes BUTLER, DAVID (FULL SAIL UNIVERSITY) NATHAN LAWRES (SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA TRIBAL HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE) This poster reports on a canoe recovered by a landowner from Lake Francis in Highlands County, FL. The authors investigated this canoe and probed the lake bottom in the area surrounding the initial discovery for additional fragments. This canoe is morphologically consistent with the Type 1 canoe variant as defined by Newsom and Purdy (1990). AMS analysis of wood samples collected from this specimen show a date range of 1220 1280 CE. This date range is concurrent with the primary occupation at the Blueberry site (8HG678), a significant Belle Glade village site located within 5 miles of the canoe discovery. (Poster) Lithic Functional Analysis at the Blueberry Site (8HG678) BUTLER, DAVID (FULL SAIL UNIVERSITY) NATHAN LAWRES (SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA TRIBAL HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE) The lithic assemblage reported in this paper was recovered during Phase I and II excavation at the Blueberry Site (8HG678) in Highlands County, Fl. This site represents a multi-component site which temporally spans the Archaic through European contact. This paper seeks to explain the function of the lithic assemblage relative to the overall site. Further, this paper will analyze the assemblage as a means to provide insight into reduction patterns as well as regional trade and interaction. Archaic Bone Tools from the St. Johns River Basin: Microwear and Manufacture Traces BYRD, JULIE (FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY) This presentation explores patterns in bone tool use and production. I report the results from analysis of 500 Archaic Period artifacts from six sites in the St. Johns River Basin. Statistical tests indicate that use-wear is patterned by tool morphology. Tool cross-section, base form, shaft form, and tip form have significant relationships with wear location, wear depth, and wear direction. Overall, bone tool reforms and debitage illustrate a consistent manufacture sequence. But, analysis of manufacture traces shows Archaic groups had localized production preferences within the St. Johns River Basin. Toolmakers made choices during manufacture, and results of their choices influenced tool function. This research shows that it is possible for archaeologists to connect tool shapes with prehistoric tool uses. State of the State: Local Archaeological Protection and Preservation DARLEY, ZAIDA (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, WEST CENTRAL REGION) JEFF MOATES (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, WEST CENTRAL REGION) ROBIN MOORE (ST. JOHNS COUNTY) What is the current state of local archaeological protection and preservation in Florida? With 59 of Florida's 471 units of local government certified under the National Historic Preservation Act, how can the archaeological community - both professional and amateur get involved in the local decision-making process? This poster identifies key elements 2011 VOL. 64(2) ABSTRACTS OF THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY 2011 MEETING 127 in local protection of archaeological sites and proposes ways that we can take part in our own community's land-use decision-making processes. (Poster) Searching for a World: Evidence of a St. Johns II Village in Fernandina Beach, Florida DAVIS, SHARON WESTER (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA) AMBER SHELTON (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA) Old Town Fernandina is known as a historical site. However, we argue that human occupation of the location continued for over 1000 years. Our analysis of area collections, as well as ongoing excavations, point to a significant native settlement within Old Town. At the UNF Archaeology Lab, our research focus is the St. Johns II culture (AD 900-1250) signified by the dominance of plain and check-stamped pottery. In our presentation, we will report preliminary findings of our analysis to make a case for a village and tie it to the broader St. Johns regional network. An Anthropological Examination of a Historic Cemetery in Northeastern Florida DAY, GENEVIEVE (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA) KAREN LOWERY (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA) RISSIA GARCIA (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA) This poster is a presentation of our continuing research into a historic cemetery at the United Methodist Church in Middleburg, Florida dating from the 1850s. We are exploring the differences and similarities in headstones across families, the significance of headstone orientation, and the patterns and variations in child burials. Another goal is to produce a full- scale map of the cemetery that can be used for further research and serve as a resource for the community. We will collect quantitative and qualitative data using pedestrian survey, photography, GIS, a total station for mapping, and GPR to locate possible unmarked graves. (Poster) Site Formation, Chronology, and Monument Construction at the Thornhill Lake Complex ENDONINO, JON (EASTERN KENTUCKY UNIVERSITY) This paper will discuss the nature and timing of site formation at the Thornhill Lake site during the Thornhill Lake Phase of Mount Taylor, (5600-4500 cal. B.P.). Particular emphasis will be given to issues related to monumentality during this time period, notably continuity and change in the location of mounding events and their character. Interpretations of continuities and disjunctures will also be presented. "They Don't Move Here for Disney World": Growing up in Florida Junior Tennis FIERS, JEN (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) Florida is an international mecca for the highest level of competitive junior tennis players and coaches. My current dissertation fieldwork focuses on the experiences of (pre) adolescent players, their parents, and their coaches over an 18-month period in the Sarasota/Bradenton area. My research is concerned with how children build identity in competitive environments and learn discipline through embodiment and ritual practice. I use intensive participant observation and experiential methods as I train with the players, in-depth qualitative interviews, and an autoethnographic approach as I was once a high-level competitive player and coach. (Poster) The Use of Stone and Coral Ballast Aboard 16th-Century Spanish Ships GIFFORD, MATT (UNIVERSITY OF WEST FLORIDA) In this paper, I will discuss what is known about the stone and coral ballast recovered from the 1559 shipwrecks associated with the Tristan de Luna colonial expedition (Emanuel Point I and II). Previous studies of stone ballast collected from these ships have revealed a connection to the Canary Islands and Spain. Expanding the search for potential sources into the Caribbean using both geologic analyses and historical documents will reveal more information about the practices surrounding ballast acquisition and treatment. Archaic Transformations in the Middle St. Johns River Valley: New Insights from Ongoing Work at Silver Glen Run's Locus B GILMORE, ZACKARY I. (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) Traditional views of the Archaic as an extended period of cultural stasis lacking the historical dynamism of both preceding and subsequent eras are no longer tenable given current archaeological knowledge. This paper discusses the results of recent fieldwork at the Silver Glen Run complex in northeastern Florida that reveals at least three major transitions in use of the site and suggests an increasingly dynamic picture of the region's Late Archaic history. Stratigraphic and artifactual data from one area of the complex are presented that link these transitions to a shift from practices of everyday living to more overtly ceremonial activities. School's Out Forever: Archaeological Investigations of the site of Orange County's Oldest Surviving Schoolhouse HARDING, GREGG E. (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, EAST CENTRAL REGION) JASON WENZEL (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) Alice Cooper could not have said it better: "no more pencils, no more books, no more teachers' dirty looks." The 1890 Windermere School is currently Orange County's oldest surviving schoolhouse and only one of six in Florida listed on the National Register of Historic Places predating 1900. THE LORIA ATHROOLOGST 011 OL. 4(f In September of 2010, the Town of Windermere approached the Central Florida Anthropological Society to conduct an archaeological survey of the school site with an emphasis on public archaeology. When the results of the survey did not meet expectations of a small citizen's group who were concerned about the Town's plans for relocating the structure, problems arose that gave literal meaning to Cooper's lyrics: "Out for Summer, out for Fall; we might not go back at all". This paper will discuss the highlights of the survey's findings in the context of Windermere's long history of community conflict and the subsequent contentious debates that followed. The Greatest Act of Optimism: Teaching Florida's Schoolchildren the Importance of Cultural Resources HARPER, CASSANDRA RAE (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, WEST CENTRAL REGION) The Florida Public Archaeology Network (FPAN) educates students and teachers about the importance of cultural resources in our state, specifically focusing where archaeology and Florida history are included in curricula and New Generation Sunshine State Standards (NGSSS). Network staff gives presentations in classrooms, develops and distributes support material for educators, and conducts teacher training. Recently we gathered information on what students were learning from their 6" grade archaeology unit and what educators thought of the BeyondArtifacts resource book. This presentation will also discuss FPAN's future plans for teaching archaeology and Florida history to a k-12 audience. Rollin' on the River: Archaeotourism on the Wakulla River HINES, BARBARA (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, NORTH CENTRAL REGION) In recent years there has been a surge of eco-based tourism in Wakulla County, Florida, touting the rich and vast ecosystems and natural areas within the county. Many local tour guides conduct regular paddling tours on the river that center on the ecological and natural aspects, however, there were no tours available that focused on the cultural aspects associated with the Wakulla River. This paper discusses the necessary steps and challenges associated with developing an "archaeoheritage" tour of the Wakulla River. "This Other Eden, Demi-Paradise": What Archaeology Revealed about Aspirations and Reality in a Rural Early 20th Century Central Florida Community HUFF, ALITA (OCOEE HISTORICAL COMMISSION) In 1893, a promotional supplement to the Orange County Reporter, described Oakland as "made up of the very best elements of society." But did the way the citizens viewed themselves and their status as consumers match the artifacts used and discarded in daily life? Tied to the railroad and agriculture, their choices were dictated by economic means and access to consumer goods, but has archaeology also revealed a preference for items secretly enjoyed away from the scrutiny of the neighbors? The number of table wares and ceramics recovered from this site were far outnumbered by beer, whiskey, wine, patent medicine and high-alcohol extract bottles. Ongoing research into the daily lives of these citizens has drawn a lively picture of settler families, primarily from other southern states, and primarily attracted to "all advantages that any other section of Florida offers, and...many which no other locality in the State can furnish." Apalachee Identity on the Gulf Coast Frontier JOHNSON, PATRICK (UNIVERSITY OF WEST FLORIDA) This paper synthesizes ethnohistorical and material evidence of changing demonstrations of eighteenth-century Apalachee identity. After 1704 attacks by the British and their Native American allies, the Apalachee fled their homeland to French Mobile, Creek areas, as well as Spanish Pensacola and St. Augustine. Other conflicts, particularly the Yamasee War, also affected the maintenance of communities and traditions. Extensive documentary work, in addition to evidence from Creek, French, and Spanish sites, will illustrate various shifting social strategies that responded to and shaped particular colonial events and structures. Down by the River: The Maritime History and Archaeology of Chattahoochee, FL KATZ, C. RACHEL (FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY) This paper will focus on Chattahoochee's maritime cultural landscape, wedding the town's maritime history and archaeology. Chattahoochee is a community in northern Florida, where present-day Lake Seminole meets the Apalachicola River. The town was once a center of industry and commerce, as steamboats and barges plied the river, importing goods from parts further north and exporting gravel from the local quarry. As an abandonment area, the river bank displays a variety of watercraft which lend character to the town of Chattahoochee. Digital Documentation of a Weeden Island Ceramic Assemblage from Kolomoki LAFORGE, TRAVIS (UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA) THOMAS J. PLUCKHAHN (UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA) This preliminary work explores the use of digital technology to promote the preservation, storage, and sharing of archaeological information. With the use ofa NextEngine three- dimensional laser scanner, inexpensive and free software, and high-resolution digital photography, we are creating a virtual collection of ceramic assemblages. The ceramics come from the Kolomoki site, which is located in southwestern Georgia and is the largest Weeden Island site in the region. We believe that our methods are effective at recording and preserving data, THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 1 102 Vot. 64(2) ABSTRACTS OF THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY 2011 MEETING 129 while remaining affordable. Benefits of digital data include enhanced analyses, easy accessibility by other researchers, and easy incorporation into educational settings. Early through Middle Archaic Design Elements on Artifacts from Little Salt Spring KOSKI, STEVEN H. (UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI) JOHN A. GIFFORD (UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI) Underwater Excavations in the basin of Little Salt Spring by the University of Miami since 1992 have recovered artifacts made from bone, wood, and shell with artistic design elements from contexts associated with Early Archaic through Middle Archaic periods. An analysis of these artifacts will be presented, with their relative and absolute dates, and compared with regional design traditions. High, Medium, or Low: The Use of LiDAR in Determining Probability Zones, Ground Disturbance, and the Distribution of Archaeological Sites in South Florida's Tree Island Hammocks LAWRES, NATHAN (SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA TRIBAL HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE) MAUREEN MAHONEY (SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA TRIBAL HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE) Light Detection and Ranging (LiDAR) data is a relatively new technology that has only recently been incorporated into archaeological methodology. This methodology, however, has not attempted to employ LiDAR as a tool to solve key archaeological problems relating to probability zones and the distribution of sites. This research will demonstrate how LiDAR may effectively be employed to document highly accurate elevations, fluctuations in these elevations, and ground disturbance within the areas in question. The information obtained from LiDAR allows more accurate determinations of probability zones in an area as well as the further study of elevation changes within particular sites. Report on Test Unit Excavations at Little Bradford and Cat Islands MCFADDEN, PAULETTE (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) This paper will present the results of test unit excavations at Little Bradford and Cat Islands. These two islands, located on the northern Gulf Coast at the mouth of the Suwannee River, have preserved cultural remains ranging from the Deptford through Weeden Island periods and are experiencing significant erosion that threatens these important archaeological resources. Midden composition at these two sites is of particular interest in that it may provide information about human-environmental interactions in the past. This project represents one component of a long-term research project that will encompass the Cedar Keys and Lower Suwannee National Wildlife Refuges. Archaeology-It's Out There!: Lessons Learned from a Civic Tourism Approach to Archaeology Outreach MILLER, SARAH E. (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, NORTHEAST REGION) AMBER GRAFFT-WEISS (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, NORTHEAST REGION) SARAH M. BENNETT (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, NORTHEAST REGION) Civic Tourism capitalizes on the maxim that good places to live make for good places to visit. The more a community invests in that which makes it unique, the more the quality of life improves, thus leading to a raised quality of experience for visitors to our state. To this end FPAN's Northeast Regional Center took Florida Archaeology Month outside. Our Archaeology: It's Out There! programs aimed to get people out in nature-via bike, hike, and yoga-to augment places of meaning and the meaning of place in northeast Florida. Don't Call It a Frisbee: Encounters in Disc Golf and Public Archaeology at Maximo Park, St. Petersburg MOATES, JEFF (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, WEST CENTRAL REGION) Beginning in 2009, a group of Pinellas County citizens voiced concerns to the St. Petersburg Parks Department and the Tocobaga Disc Golf Club about the 18 hole disc golf course located at Maximo Park and its impact on the Maximo Beach Park Archaeological Site (8PI31). From the outset, the groups asked archaeologists to weigh in on issues affecting the site and to offer recommendations to help ensure site protection and preservation. As a result of these less-than-predictable interactions, the groups compromised, developed a plan that keeps future impact low, and have taken significant steps to invest in a new, proactive approach to resource management at Maximo Park. Going Through the Grocer's Garbage: Historical Archaeology and Consumer Choice in Early Oakland MOGENSEN, BRETT (CENTRAL FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY) JASON WENZEL (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) GREGG E. HARDING (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, EAST CENTRAL REGION) As Central Florida began to be occupied by white settlers in the 19a century, Oakland emerged as a thriving pioneer community. Located on the southern shore of Lake Apopka, Oakland quickly grew into an early social and economic hub for Orange County through the establishment of an opera house, train depots, citrus packing plants and other progressive amenities and industries. In 2009, the Central Florida Anthropological Society, along with student volunteers from Valencia Community College and the University of Central Florida, initiated archaeological investigations of the site of the Hartsfield House, a structure originally built as an THE LORIA ATHROOLOGST 011 OL. 4(2 institutional facility by the Orange Belt Railroad Company and later served as a residence for town grocer and one-time mayor, J.O. Brock. Preliminary analysis of the Hartsfield House assemblage investigates consumer choice in Oakland and will serve as a comparison with other projects in the west Orange County area. Middens, Monuments, and the Great Shell Heap MONES, MICAH P. (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) Beginning in 2009, the Laboratory of Southeastern Archaeology at the University of Florida began a long-term archaeological project on a 47-km stretch of the Gulf Coast on the Lower Suwannee and Cedar Key National Wildlife Refuges. Preliminary investigations of the islands in the Shell Mount Tract at the south end of the study area have revealed extensive Woodland era occupations and an anthropogenic landscape in which deposits of marine shell are common above and below ground, in middens as well as in monuments. This presentation will discuss findings to-date, and the direction of future research. An Anthropological Study of High School American History Curriculum Content MONTGOMERY, CHELSEA (NEW COLLEGE OF FLORIDA) This paper is an anthropological examination of curriculum content. It is based on a thorough reading ofa Florida-approved high schoolAmerican history textbook (TheAmerican Republic Since 1877) and an analysis of the text's representations of race, class, and gender. While the textbook frequently includes the history of underrepresented groups, it pays more attention to governmental initiatives than to grassroots movements and community leaders. Understanding such depictions of history is central to the creation of successful public outreach programs because one must know the public's knowledge base to change how the public understands the past. A Comparative Analysis of Belle Glade and Fort Center Mortuary Complexes NELSON, KASSANDRA (FLORIDA ATLANTIC UNIVERSITY) When interpreting the archaeological record, researchers must use care not to downplay the roles of culture and environment. This is especially true when dealing with human remains. Archaeologists and physical anthropologists acknowledge that taphonomy plays a role in determining accumulation and preservation of remains. This study examines the preservation rate of human femora from two Native American Belle Glade Culture sites: Belle Glade and Fort Center. By comparing the two sites, I show that cultural practices and environment significantly affect the preservation of human remains. (Poster) New Pathways to Old Places: Improving Heritage Tourism with Location-based Social Media NOHE, SARAH A. (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, SOUTHEAST REGION) JASON T. KENT (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, COORDINATING CENTER) As mobile devices become the primary vehicle for accessing digital media, location-based social media continues to rise in popularity. This paper explores how mobile apps, such as Foursquare, Gowalla and SCVNGR, can be used to facilitate public archaeology and to increase visitation and interaction with heritage tourism sites. Why is Harry Truman on this Whiskey Bottle? Archaeological Analysis of an Early 20th Century Bottle Dump from the Driftwood Neighborhood, Pinellas County, Florida PETERSON, THOMAS (UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA) REBECCA C. O'SULLIVAN (UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA) During the summer and fall of 2010, FPAN staff and USF volunteers conducted a systematic shovel test survey of the Driftwood Neighborhood in Pinellas County, Florida. In an area identified by Driftwood residents as the location of a 1920's era speak-easy, archaeologists uncovered a historic bottle dump. This paper focuses on the identification and analysis of this feature in order to determine whether the deposit was associated with an illicit 1920's era drinking facility. Through the identification of bottle production techniques, maker's marks, and brands this assemblage will shed light on the habits of the original residents of this area. Integrated LiDAR and Total Station Mapping of the Fort Center Site (8GL13) PLUCKHAHN, THOMAS J. (UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA) VICTOR D. THOMPSON (THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY) The Fort Center site (8GL 13), on the banks of Fisheating Creek near Lake Okeechobee, is a large complex of earthen mounds, ditches, and embankments with occupations dating from the late archaic to Seminole War periods. The site was previously mapped and excavated by William Sears. In the summer of 2010, new investigations were conducted, including mapping, geophysical survey, and limited excavations. We present the results of the mapping, which integrated publically-accessible LiDAR data and targeted total station survey. A Hard Chine: Structural Investigations of Steamboats and Barges at Chattahoochee Landing PRICE, FRANKLIN H. (FLORIDA BUREAU OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2011 VOL. 64(2) ABSTRACTS OF THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY 2011 MEETING 131 Vessels at Chattahoochee Landing, investigated by the Bureau of Archaeological Research in late 2010, exemplify 19th and 20th century working river watercraft including several barges, three sternwheelers, and a tug. These vessel types represent activities on the river relating to the transportation of freight, passenger service, and dredging activities. This paper explores what the archaeological evidence reveals about each vessel; the role of historical sources, local informants, and archaeological evidence in site identification; and how boat builders used very different construction approaches to create a box-like hull shape that was well-adapted to navigate the challenges of a river system. One that C.B. Moore Missed: Grave Robber Mound, Fort George Island, Jacksonville, Fl ROLLAND, VICKI L. (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA) KEITH H. ASHLEY (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA) In the 1960s, local avocational archaeologists explored the interior of a late pre-Contact period burial mound- appropriately named Grave Robber Mound (8DU140). Field techniques were less than desirable, but importantly, recovered burial goods including large columella shell beads and a copper axe, remained in the area. The gentleman who conserved the artifacts has allowed us access to the objects, presented here as unrecorded primary data. The artifacts are very distinctive, either in scale or non-local material, to items recovered at other local mounds. The styles and classes of materials strongly suggest the interaction of ideas and goods with interior southeastern centers. Re-thinking Diaspora and Displacement: New Perspectives on Archaeology and Anthropology from Florida's Kingsley Plantation ROONEY, CLETE (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) Slavery was a fundamental part of European economic development of the Americas. Slave plantations were a development-related resettlement that spanned centuries. The practice of slavery in Florida in particular was further complicated by cycles of military conflict and political instability. The processes of social reconstruction in historic slave plantations have parallels to contemporary development and conflict related displacements. The objectives of this research are to gain better understanding of processes of social reconstruction during such resettlements. This research critically examines archaeological approaches to diaspora, integrating archaeology of Kingsley Plantation with contemporary anthropology on social transformation, migration, and displacement. Remembering Rye Village SANTOS, ALEXIS (NEW COLLEGE OF FLORIDA) In the late 1800's, a community called Rye on the headwaters of the Manatee River was growing at a steady pace with more than 200 inhabitants at its peak. Today, all that remains is a cemetery with 8 grave makers. Rye is one example of many settlements in U.S. history that have been largely erased from common knowledge and the landscape. After conducting a non-intrusive visual survey, documentary research and mapping Rye, we now have an idea of its size, where structures stood, why it was settled, what life was like and why it faded from existence. Why We Think Certain Mount Taylor Shell Mounds Were Monumental SASSAMAN, KENNETH E. (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) ASA R. RANDALL (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) The shells of freshwater snails and bivalves began to accumulate at many locations in the middle St. Johns River valley of northeast Florida as early as 7000 years ago. Although many such accumulations are arguably the output of meals consumed by people of Mount Taylor cultural affiliation, some deposits were structured in ways that suggest ritual mounding. The evidence from Hontoon Dead Creek Mound (8VO214) and Live Oak Mound (8VO41) is especially compelling. Locations of human interment elsewhere in the region substantiate the claim that shell and other media were sometimes mounded for purposes beyond refuse disposal. Patient Self-Care and Yoga Practice SIVEN, JACQUELINE M. (UNIVERSITY OF CENTRAL FLORIDA) This paper explores the relationship between consistent, long- term yogic practice and the attitudes towards/acceptance of complementary and alternative medicine (CAM), and how this affects healthcare seeking behavior. My 2010 ethnographic research at a South Florida yoga center reveals that this association was not as direct as may be expected. Although all interviewed were open to the idea of CAM, there were a variety of ways individuals were navigating and integrating CAM, including varying viewpoints on the matter. In conjunction with some previous anthropological research, individual navigation of yoga, other CAM and western biomedicine was ultimately fueled by individual self-care strategies. Spanish and Mexican Indian Artifacts from the Emanuel Point Shipwrecks SMITH, ERICA K. (UNIVERSITY OF WEST FLORIDA) In this paper, I will discuss the provenance of selected artifacts from the 1559 TristAn de Luna shipwrecks through chemical characterization and historical research. Excavation and laboratory analysis of the two ships (Emanuel Point I and II) have identified a number of artifacts from the Emanuel Point Shipwrecks that are believed to have been made in Mexico THE LORIA ATHROOLOGST 011 OL. 4(f and Spain. By employing Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis and Mass Spectrometry it may be possible to source these artifacts to either Spain or Mexico based on chemical composition and determine if these methods are suitable for characterizing 452-year-old waterlogged artifacts. FaunalAnalysis from the Thornhill Lake Midden (8VO60): A Spatial Approach SUAREZ, JON SIMON (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) Though animal bone assemblages representing behavior during the middle Archaic have been considered repeatedly along the St. Johns River and presented an excellent understanding of the animal resources focused on by native populations, there is often a trend towards presenting the assemblage as a conflated site signature. Examination of materials collected from specific areas along 8V060 coupled with associated radio carbon dates allows for closer intra-site examination of the way in which the midden's progenitors deposited the remains across the landscape. The variation and nature of these remains shows that 8V060 was not a homogenous midden that rose on the landscape, but the result of varied focused activities. "Our Remedies Oft in Ourselves Do Lie" : The Human History of Lake Apopka and the Anthropogenic Forces of Its Decline THOMAS, JIM (FRIENDS OF LAKE APOPKA) Lake Apopka, located west of Orlando, was one of the most productive lakes in the Southeastern United States. Historically it supported many indigenous people prior to the arrival of the first white settlers in the mid-1800's, with its huge populations of game fish, alligators and turtles. During the early 20" century it became a very popular fishery with a whole industry built to support it, including a hotel and 29 fish camps. Beginning in 1898 with the opening of a navigational canal from Lake Apopka to Lake Beauclair, which permanently lowered lake levels by almost four feet, the lake has seen major impacts from the expanding populations around the lake. The major damage was done by massive truck farms which replaced the 20,000-acre marsh on the north shore, but impacts including sewage effluent, urban runoff and many poor management activities, led to the major ecological crash in the mid to late 1950's. A review of this history will include the values of citizen advocacy and public education in initiation of the restoration process which is on-going. Testing for the Mission of Santa Cruz de Guadalquini 2005-2009 THUNEN, ROBERT (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA) This paper presents the results from four field seasons (2005- 2009) at the Cedar Point Site (8DU81) on Black Hammock Island, Florida. Archaeological survey and testing have defined the probable location of the relocated Mocama mission of San Buenaventura de Guadalquini de Santa Cruz (ca. 1685-1696). This paper is an overview of the evidence for the mission. The excavations are a joint undertaking between the University of North Florida's Archaeological Laboratory staff, students, and the National Park Service's Timucua Historic and Ecological Preserve's personnel. Testing for the Mission of Santa Cruz de Guadalquini 2005-2009 THUNEN, ROBERT (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA) This paper presents the results from four field seasons (2005- 2009) at the Cedar Point Site (8DU81) on Black Hammock Island, Florida. Archaeological survey and testing have defined the probable location of the relocated Mocama mission of San Buenaventura de Guadalquini de Santa Cruz (ca. 1685-1696). This paper is an overview of the evidence for the mission. The excavations are a joint undertaking between the University of North Florida's Archaeological Laboratory staff, students, and the National Park Service's Timucua Historic and Ecological Preserve's personnel. Non-Destructive Elemental Analysis of Ceramics and Other Materials: Case Studies in Florida and Elsewhere TYKOT, ROBERT H. (UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA) Major and trace element analysis of archaeological materials such as ceramics are often used to address issues about trade and contact. The recent use of non-destructive portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometers has rapidly produced data for thousands of samples, at low cost, with analyses done in museums, laboratories, and in the field. The case studies presented here include different southeastern US pre-contact ceramic types (e.g. St. Johns, Fort Walton, Weeden Island, Swift Creek, Poverty Point/Elliott's Point clay balls), lithic materials (e.g. greenstone, muscovite), and metal artifacts. The results strongly support certain hypotheses that have been made about long-distance cultural connections. (Poster) A Reanalysis of the Negro Fort (1814-1816): A Beacon of Hope on the Florida Frontier USHERWOOD, LIZ (NEW COLLEGE OF FLORIDA) Hidden in the backwoods of the Apalachicola National Forest, all that remains of the Negro Fort's existence is a few divots in the earth and a couple historical references. Destroyed in 1816, the Negro Fort, also known as Fort Blout and the Prospect Bluffs Fort, was a British-constructed military base during the War of 1812, maintained by a multi-ethnic community composed of African Americans, Native Americans, and European Americans. As an important site in military history, it has garnered attention from War of 1812 and First Seminole War scholars, but very little archaeological research has occurred on the site, destroyed in a US military action in 1816. Stephen Poe of Florida State University conducted THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2011 VOL. 64(2) ABSTRACTS OF THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY 2011 MEETING 133 a full-scale excavation at the site in 1960. However, since that the initial excavation, few have paid attention to the site reports. Historical sources assert upwards to a thousand people lived around the fort; yet, as anthropologists, we know little of the community that developed on the Apalachicola River. In this paper, I attempt to reconstruct the cultural landscape of the fort, highlighting the daily lives of the individuals who lived there. The Unconquered People: The Case for Seminole Ethno- genesis in the Myakka River Valley WAAS, MICHAEL (NEW COLLEGE OF FLORIDA) The history of the Myakka River Valley is haunted by the ghosts of the silenced past. For over 10,000 years, the Myakka River and its tributaries have been a source of life for the native peoples who have called it their home. This was no different in the 18th and 19th centuries when the peoples who coalesced into the Seminoles inhabited this region. In this paper I will argue for the possibility that Seminole ethnogenesis occurred in the context of the Myakka River Valley and its tributaries through an exploration of the archaeology of the Seminoles in this region. Swift Creek Paddle Designs from the Florida Gulf Coast: Patterns and Prospects WALLIS, NEILL J. (FLORIDA MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY) AMANDA O'DELL (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) Swift Creek Complicated Stamped pottery preserves the impressions of carved wooden paddles that are valuable evidence in studies of social interaction and population mobility, and also provide a rare glimpse into Woodland period worldview and symbolic representation. With these potentials in mind, dozens of nearly complete designs have been reconstructed from Swift Creek Complicated Stamped pottery collected from sites on the Florida Gulf Coast. We present these newly recorded designs, discuss trends in design elements and their execution, and note design similarities and matches between sites on the Gulf Coast and beyond. "To Be or Not to Be": Orlando Regional Archaeology- Past, Present and Future WENZEL, JASON (UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA) This paper will present a review of some of the archaeological activities that have taken place in the Greater Orlando area from the late 19th century to the present. As over 1 million residents currently reside throughout Greater Orlando and millions more visit the area every year, agricultural, residential and commercial development activities over the last several decades have had a significant impact on altering the region's cultural and natural landscape. To better understand and attempt to resolve the problems associated with these activities, a program of applied anthropology has been developed through collaborations with area residents and students, and local nonprofit and governmental organizations. I will discuss some of the current archaeological research initiatives taking place in conjunction with the Central Florida Anthropological Society, Valencia Community College, the Florida Public Archaeology Network East Central Region and student volunteers enrolled at the University of Central Florida. I will conclude by presenting information on potential future projects in the region. Florida Archaeology Month 2011-Florida Archaeobotany: Native People-Native Plants WILLIAMS, MICHELLE (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, SOUTHEAST REGION) DONNA RUHL (FLORIDA MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY) This year's Florida Archaeology Month Poster theme is on Native Plants-Native People. Williams and Ruhl, Archaeobotanists, will bring a few of the types of items and concepts displayed on the poster to the meeting in an effort to bring the poster to life for the FAS members and the role archaeobotany plays in Florida archaeology. Please stop by the table to see ancient and modem comparative seeds, wood carvings, and demonstrations. (Poster-Exhibit) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST FUND An Endowment to Support production of The Florida Anthropologist, the scholarly journal published quarterly by the Florida Anthropological Society since 1948. Donations are now being accepted from individuals, corporations, and foundations. Inquiries and gifts can be directed to: The Editor The Florida Anthropologist Archaeology Laboratory Department of Sociology and Anthropology University of North Florida 1 UNF Drive Jacksonville, FL 32224-2659 The Florida Anthropological Society is a non-profit organization under section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. Contributions are tax-deductible as provided by section 170 of the code. 0 3 I I III THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 135 About the Authors: Christopher F Altes is a graduate student at the University of Florida and an archaeologist with Southeastern Archaeologi- cal Research, Inc. Robert J. Austin is Vice President and Principal Investigator at Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc. He obtained his Ph.D. from the University of Florida and developed his interest in Seminole War forts, and especially Fort Brooke, while conducting archaeological surveys and excavations in downtown Tampa during the 1980s. Philip Colin Hawkins studied early American history at the University of South Florida. He was awarded Best Americana Paper at the Phi Alpha Theta Regional Conference, Gainesville, Florida, 2008 for a paper entitled "New World Sodom: Biblical Tales of Conquest and Acculturation." Hawkins completed his master's thesis entitled Creek Schism: Seminole Genesis Revisited and received a Master's Degree in history in 2009. Hawkins is currently involved in the art, music, and intellectual movements in Saint Petersburg, Florida. He plans to pursue his interest in history and culture at a doctoral level. Notes FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC. POST OFFICE BOX 12563 PENSACOLA, FL 32591-2563 NON-PROFIT U.S. POSTAGE PAID TALLAHASSEE, FL PERMIT NO. 236 ADDRESS SERVICE REQUESTED Volume 64, Number 2 June 2011 CONTENTS ARTICLES Gunflints from Fort Brooke: A Study and Some Hypotheses Regarding Gunflint Procurement Robert J. Austin The Textual Archaeology of Seminole Colonization Philip Colin Hawkins A Brief Note on Currents, Current Archaeologists, and Ancient Fiber-Tempered Pots Christopher F. Altes FAS 2011 ANNUAL MEETING Florida Anthropological Society 2011 Award Recipients Abstracts of the Florida Anthropological Society 2011 Meeting Copyright 2011 by the FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC. ISSN 0015-3893 |