The Florida anthropologist

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The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Florida Anthropological Society
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, FL
Florida Anthropological Society
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Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 24 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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AAA9403 ( LTQF )
01569447 ( OCLC )
00153893 ( ISSN )
1569447 ( OCLC )
56028409 ( LCCN )
0015-3893 ( ISSN )


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VOLUME 62, NUMBERS 1-2 March-June 2009

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FI. 16.-Plan. Mounds, shell-heaps and causeway. Crystal river.

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc., P.O. Box 357605, Gainesville, FL 32635.
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I[ITIt f I TTI ff 1 11T I 1 II1



Volume 62 Numbers 1-2
March-June 2009





From the Editors

Mapping Crystal River (8CI1): Past, Present, Future. 3
Thomas J. Pluckhahn and Victor D. Thompson
High Definition Digital Documentation at the Crystal River Archaeological Site (8CI1). 23
Lori D. Collins and Travis F. Doering
Missions to the Acuera:
An Analysis of the Historic and Archaeological Evidence for European Interaction with a Timucuan Chiefdom. 45
Willet A. Boyer, III


Blair, Pendleton, and Francis: The Beads of St. Catherines Island. Debra J. Wells 71


Cover: C.B. Moore's map of Crystal River made in 1903. From The West and Central Florida Expeditions of Clarence
Bloomfield Moore, edited by Jeffrey Mitchem, University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa, 1999, pp. 244. See the Pluckhahn
and Thompson article beginning on page 3 and the Collins and Doering article beginning on page 23 for more information.

Published by the
ISSN 0015-3893


This double issue of The Florida Anthropologist includes two different approaches to mapping and conceptualizing the physical
complexity of Florida's famous Crystal River site, first documented and investigated by C.B. Moore in the early nineteenth century.
In our first article, Tom Pluckhahn and Victor Thompson present the results of a joint field school between the University of South
Florida and the University of West Florida on the Crystal River site. The authors ably achieve each of the three goals set out in their
introduction: the production of a detailed topographic base map, the establishment of a site-wide grid that can be used to locate past
archaeological excavations as well as to tie in all future work at the site, and to use this newly created spatial control to test several
hypotheses that have been suggested by previous researchers concerning the Crystal River mound complex (such as the astrological
alignments of major site features). This well written article presents this information within the framework of previous research at
the site and creates a context for comparison and contrast to other mound centers.

In our second article, Lori Collins and Travis Doering display the utility of High Definition Digital Documentation 3D laser scanning
to archaeological projects. Focusing their efforts at the Crystal River site, Collins and Doering argue that the more complete and
accurate the spatial data researchers have at their disposal for each site, the greater the analytical potential to address questions
concerning the internal spatial arrangements of single sites, the relationship of sites to the landscape, and increasingly complex
questions about culture and cultural change through time. The result of both the Pluckhahn/Thompson and Collins/Doering
presentations is a greater appreciation for the complexity of the people who built and used the Crystal River site and an enhanced
platform for future archaeological research.

Finally, Willet Boyer's article represents the latest summary of the documentary and archaeological evidence regarding the
understudied Timucua-speaking Acuera people of the Oklawaha River Valley. Boyer's article presents his archaeological research
concerned with the identification of the Acuera mission in the Oklawaha River Valley (the Hutto/Martin site) and the apparently
irregular trajectory of historical interaction with regards to the Spanish mission system and related assimilation efforts. The article
contributes important new research into understanding the archaeology of the region by way of examining three sites as potential
candidates for the location of the Acuera mission including the strong contender, the Hutto/Martin site. It will be worthwhile to keep
up with future archaeological investigations at this site.

Included in this issue are the award recipients and abstracts from the Florida Anthropological Society 2009 Annual Meeting held in
Pensacola. Kudos to the conference host, the Pensacola Archaeological Society, for a wonderful meeting. Also, please read Debra
Wells' book review for The Beads of St. Catherines Island, edited by Elliot H. Blair, Lorann S. A. Pendleton, and Peter J. Francis,
Jr., a scholarly presentation of the important collection of nearly 70,000 beads excavated from Mission Santa Catalina de Guale on
St. Catherines Island in Georgia. Finally, George Luer discusses the history of the Florida Anthropologist Fund. Thank you to the
generous donors over the years who have contributed to the success of this journal.

We will close with a note of thanks to Daniel Hughes who is stepping down as Book Review Editor. Dan served the Society for
several years and we wish him the best in his future endeavors. We are excited to introduce and welcome Jeffrey T. Moates as the
new Book Review Editor. Many FAS members will know Jeff from his work with the Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research
and the Florida Maritime Museum in Cortez. Currently, Jeff is the Director of the West Central Regional Center of the Florida Public
Archaeology Network hosted by the Anthropology Department at the University of South Florida. Readers who are interested in
reviewing a book or having a publication reviewed should contact Jeff at

Deborah R. Mullins
Andrea P. White


VOL. 62(1-2)



MappinG CrysTat River (8CI1): Past, PRESENT, FUTURE


Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of South Florida, 4202 E. Fowler Ave, SOC107, Tampa, FL 33620


* Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, The Ohio State University, 4048 Smith Laboratory, 174 West 18th Ave, Colum-

bus, Ohio 43210


This article summarizes recent topographic mapping of the
Crystal River site (8CI1) in Citrus County, Florida (Figure 1).
Crystal River is among the most famous sites of the Woodland
period (ca. 1000 B.C. to A.D. 1000) in the southeastern United
States. The site has produced exotic trade goods in greater
numbers, and of a greater variety, than any other Woodland
site in the region (Brose 1979; Greenman 1938; Milanich
2007; Ruhl 1981; Seeman 1979; Weisman 1987, 1995; Willey
1966). It was also home to one of the largest civic-ceremonial
constructions of this time period—Mound A rises some 9 m,
with a summit once measuring more than 30 m long.

The importance of Crystal River is widely recognized—
the site is designated as a National Historic Landmark and
also preserved as a Florida State Park. However, it remains
poorly understood. Early investigations by C.B. Moore (1903,
1907, 1918) were unsystematic and poorly documented. Later
work by Gordon Willey (1949a, 1949b), Hale Smith (1951),
and Ripley Bullen (1951, 1953, 1966, 1999 [1965]) was more
systematic, but mostly of limited scope and in some cases
also under-reported. The same can be said of contemporary
archaeological investigations by Weisman (1985, 1987, and
1995) and Ellis (1999, 2004; Ellis et al. 2003).

The lack of understanding of Crystal River begins with
a deficit in the most basic of archaeological tasks—the
completion of an accurate and detailed map of the site’s
important features. Almost sixty years ago, Gordon Willey
(1949b:45) noted the need for a detailed topographic map of
the Crystal River site to supplement the original sketch map
by C.B. Moore (1903:Figure 17):

The Crystal River site is an ideal spot for intensive
research at our present stage of knowledge in
Floridian and Southeastern archaeology. First, a new
map of the site should be made. As we have stated,
the Moore map seems to be correct as to the features
we were able to check; but even if it is perfectly
accurate it is not sufficiently detailed.

Despite Willey’s plea, Moore’s sketch provided the foundation
for most of the later maps of the site, with additions and
relatively slight modifications by Bullen (1966:Figure 2).
Comprehensive mapping of the site using modern mapping
methods would not take place until 2006, when Brent
Weisman, Lori Collins, and Travis Doering began High

Definition Digital Documentation (H3D) (Weisman et al.
2007; Collins and Doering, this issue). Although the work by
Weisman and colleagues has the potential to provide highly
detailed representations of the topography of Crystal River,
the project is still ongoing.

It could be argued that the lack of a detailed description of
Crystal River has confounded interpretation of the site for the
public and diminished its importance for archaeologists. It has
also created another, related problem: the lack of a site-specific
grid system. Previous investigations by Bullen and Smith,
while referenced to relatively permanent site features such as
the corners of mounds, were apparently not placed with respect
to a grid system. More recent excavation units by Weisman
and Mitchem were placed on a grid relative to a transit station
near Mound K (Weisman 1995:51), but the precise location
of this station is now unknown. Thus, previous excavations at
Crystal River can only be relocated very generally.

Although maps are valuable for descriptive purposes,
they also have the potential to test interpretive hypotheses
and to guide the development of new research questions. In
the Southeast, this is exemplified by the recent mapping of
the famous Poverty Point site in Louisiana by Kidder (2002).
Kidder’s work demonstrated that previous maps of the site had
over-emphasized the symmetry of the earthworks, which had
been used to bolster claims for the presence of a large and
sedentary community with centralized leadership positions.

The principal goals of our mapping were, therefore, three-
fold. First, we wanted to create a detailed topographic map that
could be used to describe important site features, as well as
the overall plan of the site. Secondarily, we wanted to create
a site-specific grid system to reference previous excavations
and to guide our present and future investigations at the site.
Finally, we hoped our mapping would provide a basis for
testing previous hypotheses regarding the Crystal River site.


Detailed topographic mapping of the Crystal River site
was accomplished using three laser total stations, including
one Leica and two Sokkia models (Figure 2). First, however,
we used an optical Sokkia transit with a compass to establish
a grid system oriented with magnetic north. The optical transit
was set up over a control point established by Weisman and
colleagues (2007). This point, marked by a nail in the parking

VoL. 62(1-2)


Marcu-June 2009


Figure 1. Location of Crystal River and other sites mentioned in the text.

Figure 2. Topographic mapping of Mound A at Crystal River, view to the west-northwest.

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



lot of the museum, is located at East 454944.5 and North
1663963 on the Florida State Plane HARN grid system, and
has an elevation of 5.434 ft above mean sea level (amsl) (Lori
Collins, personal communication, 2008).
For the purposes of our mapping and subsequent
investigations, the control point in the parking lot of the
museum was given the arbitrary grid designation East 1000.000
m North 1000.000 m. Grid locations increased to the east
and north of this point, and decreased to the west and south.
Elevations were taken in meters above mean sea level (amsl)
relative to this control point. Both horizontal locations and
elevations were measured to the nearest millimeter. However,
in this report we generally present measurements to the nearest

Using the three total stations, we collected approximately
18,000 elevations across the site. The survey data was
downloaded from the total stations daily. Maps were created
usingArcGIS 9.1 (ESRI, Inc.) and SURFER (Golden Software,
Inc.) GIS and mapping software.
Figure 3 is the detailed topographic map created as a
result of our survey work. This map documents the location
of the control point established by Weisman and colleagues, as
well as several other permanent datums that we placed on the
site to facilitate any future reconstructions of the grid system.
These points, which are documented in Table 1, were marked
with iron spikes so that they may be more easily relocated with
a metal detector. Figure 4 presents the same elevation data in
"three-dimensional" form, with a 2X vertical exaggeration.

Figure 3. Topographic map of Crystal River showing the locations of datum points.
See Table 1 for the grid coordinates and elevations of datum points.




2009 Vou. 62(1-2)



Topographic mapping presents new insights into size
and configuration of features at Crystal River, as well as the
spatial relationships among features. We begin with general
observations regarding the general layout of the site and the
locations of previous excavations before turning to more
detailed descriptions of individual features.

The Crystal River Site Plan

As noted above, Moore’s (1903:Figure 16) sketch map has
long served as the principal base map for Crystal River, with
only slight modifications and additions by later investigators.
It is therefore instructive to compare Moore’s map with the
topographic map we completed in 2008. Using GIS, we scanned

Table 1. Grid Locations and Elevations for Datums

Datum # East North Elevation
arma Figure 3)

1000.000 1000.000 1.656



1000.000 980.000



1020.860 852.296

1098.710 830.646

Moore’s map, reproduced it at approximately the same scale
as our own, and made it 20 percent transparent so that the two
maps could be more easily compared. To anchor the two maps,
we focused on Moore’s depiction of the northern slope and
summit of Mound A, given that these features are reasonably
well-preserved (in contrast with Mounds C-F, which were
completely excavated and rebuilt). We then rotated Moore’s
map to get a “best fit” with our own.

Figure 5 shows the results of this analysis. What is
immediately apparent is the degree to which Moore’s map
must be rotated to bring the major site features into alignment
with our own map. Only after Moore’s map is rotated about 9°
east of north do the two maps roughly coincide. The reasons
for this discrepancy are unclear. Certainly, some variation in
north might be expected in the more than 100 years between
Moore’s mapping and our own. According to the National
Oceanic and Space Administration Satellite Information
Service (2008), the current magnetic declination at Crystal
River is 4° 42’ West, while in 1903 the magnetic declination
was 2° 18’ East. Thus, a difference of approximately 6° might
be expected.

Notwithstanding the orientation of Moore’s map, it is
otherwise remarkably in agreement with our own. Our mapping
indicates that the main burial mound complex (Mounds C-F),
as well as Mounds G and H, are located slightly further west
(relative to Mound A) then as mapped by Moore. Perhaps the
greatest discrepancies between Moore’s map and our own are,
first, in the placement and orientation of the shell midden he
designated as ““B” (particularly along its eastern end), and,

Figure 4. “Three-dimensional” view of topography at Crystal River (2X vertical exaggeration).


... ;_*-*. **.' ".... . . ...... . .. .. . .. ... AI, _
*Al..: -.; .-. *" -': -,,.- .::: ,.;.- S':"* . ': .' .- ...---. '.:- .. -, .--. .I .:



Figure 5. Comparison of Moore's (1903:Figure 16) sketch of Crystal River with recent topographic map.

second, in the depiction of the topography immediately north
of Mound A. In general, however, Moore mapped the relative
distances and orientations of these mounds with astonishing
accuracy, given the simple mapping technology of the day, as
well as the dense vegetation that covered the site at the time
of his visit.

We can also compare our map against one completed by
Bullen (1966: Figure 2) (Figure 6). This is the most detailed of
several maps completed by Bullen, in that it includes Stelae 1
and 2, Mounds J and K, and the causeway connecting Mounds
G and H. Not surprisingly, given that Bullen appears to have
based this site map on Moore's, it also needs to be rotated



F IO2 .

Figure 6. Comparison of Bullen's (1966:Figure 2) sketch of Crystal River with recent topographic map.

significantly to bring it into alignment with our own. Once this
is done, however, the two maps correspond nicely, particularly
in regard to Mounds J and K. Bullen may have corrected the
locations of Mounds G and H, given the closer correspondence
of these features to our map (vis-A-vis Moore's sketch).
Two major discrepancies stand out in the comparison of
our map with Bullen's. The first is his placement of Stela 2,
which he depicts about 12 m south of its current location, as
documented by our mapping. Some of this discrepancy may
be attributed to errors in scale and orientation. The second
major discrepancy is in the placement of the eastern end of the
shell midden (Feature B). It is notable that Bullen considerably

revised the appearance of this end of the shell midden from
Moore's original sketch. Modem house construction may have
altered the shape of the midden in this area after Bullen's map
was completed.
Our recent mapping casts doubt on some of the assertions
put forth by Hardman (1971) and Williamson (1984) (Figure
7) concerning the alignments of several of the key features of
the site with the cardinal directions and solar events such as the
solstices and equinoxes. For example, these authors claim that
a line between Stela 2 and the top of Mound F is oriented due
east (90), the direction of the rising sun at the equinox. Our
map shows the actual alignment at roughly 96'. Of course, in

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



MudG to Mound F
110 m at 142 degrees I

LI -'._ :

Mound K to Mound F:
.--'-.."7'-i,~ .. ... ...., .. .. :, .. .. . ...... .....

170 m at 62 degrees A I

uMound K to Mound A:
.a100 m at 142 degrees

.::.: .:..:::. 5. .'.-J". *.

Figure 7. Possible patterns in the alignment and spacing of mounds at Crystal River.

judging the veracity of this and previous analyses, it must be
kept in mind that the burial mound complex was completely
excavated and rebuilt. It should also be kept in mind that the
dense vegetation that surrounds the site now-and presumably
also in the past-would have obscured the view of the sun
along the horizon unless special sighting lines were cleared.
Hardman (1971) and Williamson (1984) also claim
significance to the alignment between Stela 2 and the top of
Mound J, and again between Stela 2 and the northern end
of the Mound C embankment. They associate these with the
setting sun at the winter solstice and the rising sun at the
summer solstice, respectively. According to our map, these
three features do not form a straight line, and thus at the very
least cannot represent both of the phenomena they describe
(the angle from Stela 2 to Mound J is 246, while the angle
from Stela 2 to northern end of Mound C is 720).

Some of the presumed solar observations at Crystal River
come closer to the mark. For example, Hardman (1971) and
Williamson (1984) suggest that a line between Stelae 2 and 1
could be utilized to mark the position of the rising sun at the
winter solstice. Our calculations place the angle between the
two stelae at around 119. This is about 2-3 from actual azimuth
of the sun at dawn on the winter solstice today (Hardman
1971:155; National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration,
Earth System Research Laboratory 2009), but close enough
for a general observation of this solar phenomenon (bearing in
mind the same caveats we raised above).
While the two stelae could conceivably have been
important for observations of the winter sunrise, our map casts
serious doubt on the purported alignments of Mound F and
Stela 2 with the western and eastern ends of the Mound H
platform, respectively (Hardman 1971; Williamson 1984). In



fact, a line extending north from Mound F passes near the base
of the slope at the western edge of Mound H, while a line north
from Stela 1 intersects Mound H near the top of the ramp.
Bullen's (1966:233) observations on the relationships
between Stela 1 and Mound A and again between Stela 2 and
Mound H are also at least partially challenged by our map.
Bullen suggested that the ramps of these mounds pointed
"a little east" of the corresponding stela. While this is true
of Mound H and Stela 2, the ramp of Mound A appears to
have pointed substantially east of Stela 1. Our mapping
also suggests that the distances between mounds and stelae
are further than described by Bullen. Nevertheless, Bullen's
general point-that the two platform mounds each roughly
face a stela and that the distances between the mounds and
stelae are comparable-is valid.
While our mapping does not support several of the
astronomical alignments of mounds and stelae described by
previous researchers, we agree with Hardman (1971:138) that
the placement of these features was not random. Indeed, we
think that there are several elements of the site plan at Crystal
River that can-with perhaps a certain amount ofimagination-
be taken as possible indications of deliberate, grand design in
the placement of mounds at Crystal River (Figure 7). First, a
line between Mounds F and G is more or less parallel with a
line between Mounds A and K on an azimuth of 1420 (Stela 1
also falls in alignment with Mounds G and F). A line between
Mounds K and F is roughly at a right angle to these at 620-the
approximate bearing of the rising sun at the summer solstice
(Hardman 1971:146). The distances between the tops of these
mounds may have also been comparable; it is roughly 110 m
between Mounds G and F, and approximately 100 m from the
top of Mound K to the former center of Mound A.
Of course, analyses such as this-as well as those of
Hardman (1971) and Williamson (1984)-are fraught with
difficulties. As Vogel (2006) notes in his critique of such
studies, the mounds have changed appearance since they were
in use, and the precise points of measurement that are utilized
by contemporary investigators are often arbitrarily determined.
Moreover, as Weisman (1995:34) points out, demonstrating
that mounds and other features could have functioned in the
manner proposed does not necessarily mean that they did so
function. Nevertheless, as noted above, it seems reasonable to
suppose that the spatial arrangement of mounds and stelae at
Crystal River was not random.

Locations of Previous Excavations

As noted above, previous excavations at Crystal River
have generally not been placed with respect to a permanent
grid system, and are thus very difficult to precisely relocate.
One exception is the work by Weisman and Mitchem
(Weisman 1995:51). These units were placed on a grid relative
to a transit station north of Mound K, but the precise location
of this station is now unknown. Thus, these units too can only
be relocated very generally.
By georeferencing previous maps of Crystal River to
our own, it is possible to approximate the locations of many
of the earlier excavations. Figure 8 maps the locations of

all previous excavation units that can be determined with
reasonable accuracy. Table 2 provides summary data for the
size of these units and the sources for our placement of them.
The primary sources for these data include maps by Moore
(1903: Figure 16) and Bullen (1966: Figure 2), as well as a
variety of published and unpublished descriptions (Bullen
1953; Smith 1951; Weisman 1995). Another useful source-
albeit of unknown accuracy and limited precision-is a map
on display at the Crystal River Museum. Ripley Bullen was
responsible for many of the displays at the museum (Brent
Weisman, personal communication, 2008) and this map may
be based at least in part on his first-hand knowledge. However,
the map also contains more recent data, such as the locations
of units excavated after a 1993 tornado. The 1985 excavations
by Weisman and Mitchem are not depicted.
The locations of some of the older units can be pin-
pointed with a high degree of accuracy. For example,
Weisman's "Location B-I" (where a tree was uprooted during
a 1993 tornado) is still visible. Unfortunately, most of the
other previous excavations can only be located to within
approximately 10 m. However, the fact that these can now
be tied to a grid system should facilitate their relocation with
additional field investigations. Elsewhere (see Pluckhahn et
al. 2009), we describe specific grid locations for several older
excavations that we relocated with the geophysical survey.

Mound A

Figure 9 presents the results of our mapping of Mound A
at Crystal River. Mound A has been superficially described a
number of times, beginning in 1859 (Brinton 1859; Weisman
1995:19). This account, by F.L. Dancy, describes the mound
as 12.8 m (40 ft) high, with a nearly level summit about 9.1
m (30 ft) across. Subsequent accounts have tended to revise
the estimates of the height of Mound A downward, and the
width of the summit upward. Moore (1903:379), for example,
described Mound A as 8.7 m (28 ft 8 in) high, with a summit
32.6 x 15.2 m (107 by 50 ft). He estimated the basal diameter
as 55.5 m (182 ft) by 30.5 m (100 ft). Moore also described a
graded way or ramp 24.4 m (80 ft) long and from 4.3 to 6.4 m
(14 to 21 ft) wide.
Willey (1949b:41) noted the general accuracy of Moore's
description. He described the summit as "exceedingly level
although not well squared." At that time, the ramp approach
was still "perfectly preserved" and Willey noted that the only
comparably well-preserved ramp was at the largest mound
at Moundville. A few years later, Bullen (1953:11) observed
that Mound A remained as described and illustrated by Moore
and Willey, "except for a small hole in the top and some
erosion by the river at its southern corner." Adding to the
previous descriptions of the ramp, Bullen noted the presence
of a "clearly defined ridge or walkway of shells and midden
material extending northeasterly towards the eastern end of
the shell ridge or midden." Unfortunately, the southeastern
two-thirds of the Mound A (including the ramp) were removed
for construction fill in 1960 (Weisman 1995:45). The removed
material was redeposited to the east of the mound to fill in a
lagoon-like area.


2009 VOL. 62(1-2)


."^'-- ".... ... ,,:1:'.... ... ..... ";-..
-- .

50 mi
Bullen's 1960 Mound H

20 cm (summit excavation

S" . _., ."k- ;* ..,:.-7 .- -.

:7 6


Bullen's (1960)

Bullen's 1965
Mound C-F excavations

Weisman and
10O 1 ;+ r 1 (I

Moore's 1918
Mninarl C eyIVvAartinr



contour interval =

n's 1960

Bullen's 1964
Stela 1 excavation I




eim' 1993L

Figure 8. Locations of previous excavations at Crystal River. Locations are approximate and units are not to scale.


Bullen's 1964 Mound H
.(-amp) : excavation :.-

oore's 1903 and 1906
ound C-F excavations s

Bullen's 1964.
Mound C-F excavations




Table 2. Summary Data for Previous Excavations at Crystal River. Notes: 1) Map on display at the Crys-
tal River Museum; 2) Weisman (1995:13) puts the last season of Moore's fieldwork in 1917, while Milanich
(1999:7) reports that it was April 9-12, 1918 (given that Milanich examined the field notes firsthand, a 1918
date seems more likely); 3) Bullen also described this as 7 x 4 ft (letter to Hale G. Smith, June 22, 1951, on file
at the FMNH); 4) Bullen (letter to George Dyer, November 11, 1960, on file at the FMNH; see also Weisman
1995:59) described this as 10 x 20 ft, but also referred to it as as 15 x 15 ft in an unpublished manuscript (Bul-
len 1960); 5) Weisman (1995) describes this as a 2 x 2 ft test, but Smith (1951) states that it was 5 x 5 ft; 6) In
a 1960 letter to George Dyer, Bullen reported this was located to east of the larger cut (see Weisman 1995:59);
7) Weisman's (1995:60) estimate based on a photograph of the excavation (see Weisman 1995:Figure 16), but
a 5 x 10 ft trench also seems plausible; 8) Weisman (1995:50) estimated this at 4 x 5 ft based on examination
of photos at the FMNH, but a 5 x 5 ft test, similar to those of Smith (1951) and Bullen's elsewhere on the site
(Weisman 1995:59), seems more likely; 9) See Weisman (1995:Figure 7).

Investigator, Year Unit Designation/Description Size Source

Moore, 1903 Mounds C-F Moore (1903) and park map'

Moore, 1906 Mounds C, E Moore (1907) and park map'

Moore, 19182 Mound C Moore (1918) and park map1

Smith, 1951 excavation in Area B Midden 5 x 5 ft' Smith (1951)

Mound H excavation 2 x 2 ft location undetermined

Mound C-F excavation ? location undetermined

Bullen, 1951 Test I 5 x 5 ft Bullen (letter to G.L. King, June 6, 1951,
on file at the FMNH; 1953) and park map'

Test II 3 x 7 ft3 Bullen (1953) and park map1

Bullen, 1960 Mound G excavation 10 x 20 ft?4 park map'

Mound G excavation 5 x 5 ft5 location undetermined6

Mound H excavation (summit) 5 x 5 ft?7 park map'

Bullen, 1964 Test 1 or 2? (northern-most) 5 x 5 ft?8 park map'

Test 1 or 2? (southern-most) 5 x 5 ft?8 park map'
includes C14 dates R2 and R3

C14 date R1 park map1

Mound H excavation (ramp) ? park map1

Location I ? Bullen's 1960 sketch map9

Location II 8 x 8 ft Bullen's 1960 sketch map9

Bullen, 1965 Mounds C-F excavation ? park map'

Weisman and 510N/498E 2 x 2 m Weisman 1995:51
Mitchem, 1985
500N/535E 2 x 2 m Weisman 1995:51

Weisman, 1993 unidentified test in Mound K ? park map'

Location B-1 ? Weisman's field map

Location B-2 ? Weisman's field map

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



S I.' :

'." .. .. ..

Figure 9. Topographic map of Mound
mound as sketched by Moore (1903).

Our mapping demonstrates a maximum elevation of 9.39
m amsl for Mound A. This is about 8.2 m above the ground
surface to the east and about 7.9 m above the ground surface
to the north, consistent with Moore's (1903) description. The
better-preserved, northwestern end of the summit is about 12
m wide (northeast-southwest), within approximately 3 m of
Moore's description. The mound is about 28 m wide at its
base at the northwestern end, about 2 m off Moore's estimate.
The consistency of our measurements with Moore's general
estimates suggests that at least the northwestern end of the
mound was little disturbed by the 1960s borrowing.

The Area B Midden

Perhaps no other feature at Crystal River has been so
variously described as the shell midden referred to by Moore
(1903) as "B" (Figure 10). Moore (1903:379) described it as
a "low, irregular shell deposit," beginning at the northwest
comer of Mound A and extending north before curving east
and "extending for some distance along the riverbank."
Willey (1949b:41) concurred with Moore's description of
this mound as over 304.8 m (1000 ft) in length and 30.5 m
(100 ft) in width. He noted the height as 0.6 to 0.9 m (2 to 3
ft) in some places. Willey described the composition of the
midden as "shells and rich black midden" and suggested that
"it undoubtedly represented the refuse remains of prehistoric
houses or occupation."

former footprint of the

Bullen (1951) provided the most literary description of
the Area B Midden with his comment that it was "...a curving
shell ridge, shaped like a fishhook with a temple mound where
the barb of the fishhook would be..." He reported that the
shell midden did not seem as wide as Moore had indicated,
attributing this discrepancy to the "...natural growth of soil,
muck, humus, etc, over the lower portions of the sides of this
midden..." Bullen also described for the first time a ridge
"extending nearly 200 feet northward from the bend of the
shell midden." He described this as "a low, irregular ridge,
wider towards the north" ending at low area filled with standing
water. He reportedly excavated a small test at the northern end
of this ridge that demonstrated it to be a shell midden deposit
covered with 15 to 23 cm (6 to 9 in) of dirt.
Much of the Area B Midden was at least partially destroyed
for the construction of a mobile home park in the early 1960s.
The former boundaries of the mobile home park are visible
in our map as the sharp contour break extending north from
Mound A to a point just south of a park road, and from there
continuing east-southeast to an existing fence. However, areas
of higher elevation within the former boundaries of the mobile
home park, particularly in the northwestern corner, suggest
that some portions of the Area B Midden may survive even
Outside of the limits of the former mobile home
community, the Area B Midden appears to be reasonably
intact. The northern extension of the midden is elevated




Figure 10. Topographic map of Area B Midden. Dotted line indicates former footprint of the midden as sketched by
Moore (1903); dotted-and-dashed line represents its depiction by Bullen (1966).
A M'': .- '.-- : ....

Figure .. 10,". Toogapi map:: ofAe..... Dte ieidcae omrfoprn ftemdna kthdb
Moore' (1903);" "" td-n-dse l::n" rersnt.t dpcio yBun(16)

approximately 1.8 m above the wetlands to the west, making
it somewhat higher than described by Moore and Willey.
The eastern end of the midden has been impacted by the
construction of several homes (the park supervisor's home
is shown on our map) and was the focus of only relatively
limited mapping in 2008. However, the elevation here (about
60 cm above the surrounding ground surface) suggests that
portions of the midden may be intact. Inspection of soil
profiles below the park supervisor's home by archaeologist
Gary Ellis provides some corroboration for this observation
(Nick Robbins, personal communication, 2008).

The Main Burial Complex (Mounds C-F)

Given that they have been completely excavated and
were partially reconstructed in 1964-65 (Weisman 1995:53),
Mounds C-F (Figure 11) were not a high priority for the 2008
mapping program. Nevertheless, we will consider briefly the
correspondence between early accounts of these earthworks
and their present states.
The only detailed description of the Main Burial Complex
was provided by Moore (1903:379). He described Mound C
as a circular embankment 1.8 m (6 ft) high and 22.9 m (75 ft)
wide. Within this was an area denoted as "D" and described as

Figure 11. Topographic map of the Main Burial Complex.
Dotted line indicates former footprints of the mounds as
sketched by Moore (1903).

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



"territory on the general level," meaning the same elevation as
the original ground surface. In its current, partially reconstructed
form, the Main Burial Complex measures approximately 86 m
east-west and 92 m north-south. The embankment (Mound C)
reaches a height of about 1.4 m above the surrounding ground
surface on its southern end, somewhat lower than described by
Moore. It is about 27 m wide, within a few meters of Moore's
Moore (1903:379) described Mound E as "an artificial
elevation of sand, irregularly sloping." No doubt for the sake
of brevity, he often shortened this to simply "the elevation"
(1903:382), "the slope" (Moore 1907:407) or "the rise"
(1918:571). Later observers referred to this feature as a
"platform," "annex," or "apron" (Bullen 1953:12; Willey
1949b:42). Although Moore did not provide a height for
Mound E, Bullen (1953) estimated this at about 1.1 m (3.5
ft), based on Moore's profile of the complex. The Mound E
platform currently measures about 38 m north-south and 40
m east-west. We estimate the height at around 1.2 m relative
to the ground surface within the enclosure, very close to that
suggested by Bullen.
Mound F, the main burial mound, was built on the Mound
E platform. According to Moore (1903:379), Mound F was
about 21.3 m (70 ft) across at its base. He estimated the height
at 3.3 m (10 ft 8 in). These figures correspond closely with
the reconstruction of the mound. Our mapping demonstrates a
diameter of around 21 m, and a height of approximately 3.8 m
measured relative to the ground surface to the west.

Mound G

Although it was noted by Moore (1903:379) and partially
excavated by Bullen (1999 [1965]), Mound G has been
minimally described in published sources. Moore described it
only as a low and irregular ridge of shell. Willey (1949b:43)
reported being unable to find the mound due to the heavy
vegetation that covered the area at the time of his visit, but
nevertheless repeated and augmented Moore's description of
this feature as a "...low irregular shell mound about 100 by 150
feet [30.5 by 45.7 m] in extent." Bullen almost completely
omitted Mound G from his early publications on Crystal River,
describing it only in passing as a " deposit mentioned
by Moore..." (Bullen 1953:11). His later excavations revealed
the presence of a number of burials and a shell causeway
connecting Mound G to Mound H (Bullen 1999 [1965]).
We were fortunate to conduct mapping soon after park
personnel had cleared the remaining vegetation from Mound
G. Perhaps as a result of our unobstructed access, the resulting
map (Figure 12) differs from previous accounts (surprisingly,
the previously-published rendition that comes closest to our
own is the otherwise cartoon-ish map of the site by Williamson
(1984). Specifically, the mound summit appears roughly
triangular, with a long axis oriented roughly east-west. The
slopes to the north (toward the marsh) and southeast (toward
the plaza) are relatively clearly defined, while the slope to the
southwest is more gradual. The mound trails gradually to the
northwest in a manner vaguely suggestive of a ramp. Based
on our mapping, Mound G measures roughly 51 m east-west

Figure 12. Topographic map of Mound G.

and 34 m north-south at its base. This is considerably larger
than estimated by Willey based on Moore's map. The mound's
height, which has never been described in print before, is
approximately 1.5 m measured relative to the plaza to the

Mound H

Mound H (Figures 13 and 14) has also been only
minimally described in previous accounts of Crystal River.
This is surprising given that it is a well-preserved example of a
type of prehistoric construction that is rare in central and south
Florida, particularly on sites dating primarily to the Woodland
period. As with Mound G, Moore (1903:379) expressed little
interest in Mound H, describing it only as a ridge of shell
"...12 feet in height, with a graded way." This disinterest can
probably be related to the Moore's recognition that platform
mounds generally held few or no burials, and thus also few of
the exotic items in which he was most interested.
Subsequent accounts of Crystal River also generally
neglected Mound H. Willey (1949b:42) was unable to find the
mound, noting that "the whole site area lying back inland from
the big mound, A, and the riverbank is an extremely dense,
mucky swamp." Bullen (1953:12) was also unable to find the
mound at the time of his first visits to the site. Smith (1951) was
apparently more successful, having excavated a 2-ft-square
test on the summit. Unfortunately, however, Smith provides no
additional description of the mound or his excavation. Bullen
later excavated tests on the summit and ramp of Mound H
(Weisman 1995:60). He described a causeway linking Mound
H to Mound G (Bullen 1999 [1965]), but-like Smith-
provided no additional details about the mound itself.
Based on our mapping, Mound H measures about 73
m by 25 m at its base (not including the ramp). The mound
has a well-defined, rectangular summit approximately 55 m




Figure 13. Topographic map of Mound H.

Figure 14. Topographic mapping of Mound H, view to the

long and 8 m wide, and about 3.7 m above the plaza area to
the southwest. On the northern flank of the mound opposite
the plaza there is a small but distinct apron extending into
the adjacent marsh. The ramp on Mound H, which is almost
equally as well-defined as the summit, extends about 31 m
southwest from the summit to the plaza. It measures about 6
m wide.

Mounds J and K

Mounds J and K (Figure 15) are the only mounds at Crystal
River that were never mentioned by Moore (1903). Weisman
(1995:60) reports that this has prompted some speculation that
the mounds could have been constructed recently, perhaps
using a bulldozer. However, as Weisman also notes, the large
trees that appear on the mounds in photographs taken in the

Figure 15. Topographic map of Mounds J and K.

1960s would seem to argue against modem construction of
these features. It seems more likely Moore simply missed the
mounds due to the heavy vegetation that then covered this
portion of the site. Some support for this interpretation comes
from the fact that Moore also missed the northern extension of
the Area B Midden, on which these mounds reside (Weisman
Curiously, however, both Bullen (1951, 1953) and Smith
(1951) also failed to mention Mounds J and K in their initial
published reports of Crystal River, despite the fact that both
archaeologists excavated units nearby. Weisman (1995:60)
reports that the mounds were first noted by Bullen in 1960.
A sketch map completed by Bullen that year shows the two
mounds in minimal detail (Weisman 1995: Figure 7). In the
version of this map that was later published, Bullen (1966)
labeled the southernmost of the two mounds as "J", the reverse
of his earlier designation (as well as the accepted designation
today). Bullen never described these mounds in print.
Mound J, the northernmost of the two mounds, by our
calculations measures approximately 27 m northeast-southwest
by 12 m northwest-southeast at its base. It must be noted,
however, that the base of this mound is somewhat indistinct
and the mound could be said to extend farther on the northeast-
southwest line. The same can be said for the summit, which
we measured at roughly 12 by 4 m. The top of the mound is
elevated about 1.7 m from the ground surface to the south.
As Weisman (1995:62) has noted, Mound K is considerably
more regular in shape than Mound J. The mound is nearly
square at its base, measuring about 21 m north-south and 19
m east-west. The summit is more rectangular, extending about
12 m north-south and 7 m east-west. Mound K is about 40 cm
taller than Mound J, measuring about 2.1 m high relative to the
ground surface to the north. There are few or no indications
of the ramp extending northeast, as drawn by Bullen (1966).
Weisman (1995:62) suggests that the ramp might have been
added to bolster Bullen's case that this mound, as well as
Mound J, were substructures for buildings associated with
chiefs or priests.

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



Figure 16. Topographic map of the presumed plaza.

The Plaza

In the Southeast, plazas are identified as flat areas that
evidence no domestic occupation and are usually flanked by
some form of architecture (domestic or monumental) (Kidder
2004:515-516). Bullen (1999 [1965]:225) was the first to note
that the relatively flat area bounded by Mounds G and H and the
Main Burial Complex resembles a plaza. He described this as
an area "...where people could assemble to watch ceremonies
conducted on the top of Temple Mound H" (Bullen 1999
[1965]:225). However, the plaza has never been described in
more specific terms.
The plaza appears in our mapping data as an area of
relatively uniform, low elevation between Mounds C-F, G,
and H (Figure 16). The plaza-like effect is enhanced by the
shell causeway (also first noted by Bullen) linking Mounds G
and H. This causeway appears to frame the northern end of the
plaza in a roughly rectangular fashion extending south to the
Main Burial Complex. So interpreted, the plaza would measure
about 88 m long (north-south) and 57 m wide (east-west). This
is a substantial plaza, although not as large as the plazas at
several other Middle Woodland mound sites. For comparison,
the plaza areas at the Kolomoki and McKeithen sites each
measure 200 to 300 m long (Milanich et al. 1997; Pluckhahn
2003). Nevertheless, one can easily imagine the plaza at Crystal
River extending much further along a northeast-southwest axis
from Mound H to Stela 2, or perhaps even as far as Mounds J
and K and the Area B Midden. However, the southwestern end
of this longer "plaza" is today low and swampy.
The plaza is now broken and bounded by a number
of paved park trails, most of which appear to have been
constructed in fill. One section has been built on top of the
causeway between Mounds G and H. The remnants of an old
road are also visible as a finger of slightly higher elevation
extending northwest from a point near the northern end of the
Main Burial Complex. The ground surface becomes slightly
elevated near the Main Burial Complex. Recent geophysical
surveys suggest that this slight increase in elevation could
reflect the addition of back dirt from the excavations of the
burial complex (Pluckhahn et al. 2009).

. . I



The lack of domestic occupation in the presumed plaza area
at Crystal River has been assumed, rather than demonstrated.
As described elsewhere (Pluckhahn et al. 2009:40-41),
however, recent geophysical survey provides some support
for this assumption; the survey data demonstrate that the plaza
was kept free of the shell midden so common in other areas
of the site. Nevertheless, there are anomalies in the data that
suggest some features might be present in the plaza.


Considering the fame of Crystal River among
archaeologists of the Southeast, the published descriptions of
the site are surprisingly brief and incomplete. Many of the site's
basic features, including Mounds G, H, J, and K, have been only
minimally detailed in previous publications and reports. Much
of this relates to the paucity, until very recently, of detailed
topographic mapping of the site. As Milanich (1999:14) has
noted, Moore's (1903) map of Crystal River has served as the
basis of most of the later maps that have been published. While
the accuracy of Moore's map is commendable (particularly
considering the technology of the day and the condition of the
site at the time of his visits) it is lacking in detail. Thus, a
significant contribution of the mapping conducted during the
2008 field season is the creation of detailed topographic maps
and descriptions of some of the site's principal features.
Previous work at Crystal River has generally not been
conducted with reference to a site-specific grid system. As a
result, many of the previous excavations at the site can only
be very generally relocated. A second significant contribution
of our mapping was thus the creation of a grid system. This
grid system can be used to reference past, present, and future
investigations of the site. Here, we have described the locations
of older excavations in general terms, but our mapping, in
combination with recent geophysical survey, allows us to
locate and describe several older test pits with great precision,
including Bullen's excavations in Mounds G and H (see
Pluckhahn et al. 2009).
In regard to the third stated goal of the project, our
mapping demonstrates that the site plan at Crystal River is
both more, and less, complex than envisioned by previous
commentators. Many of the hypotheses regarding the
presumed solar alignments of features do not stand up to
closer scrutiny. However, there are clearly other elements of
the site plan that argue for deliberate planning. As the focus of
this report is primarily descriptive, we will limit speculation
regarding the social implications of this planning. However,
some preliminary observations are in order.
Southeastern archaeologists often conceive of Woodland
mound sites as ceremonial centers for single, autonomous, and
rather homogenous social groups (typically individual lineages)
(Milanich 2002; Milanich et al. 1997:40-44). To the contrary,
we believe that sites such as Crystal River were the products
of the social practice of multiple and varied social groups,
and that ceremony during the Woodland period on the Gulf
Coast occurred at overlapping scales, from local to regional
(see also Anderson 1998). Here we consider the architectural
evidence for this interpretation, building from our recent


mapping at Crystal River; Pluckhahn and Estabrook (2008)
have elsewhere summarized other supporting evidence.
Crystal River shares a number of architectural features
with contemporaneous ceremonial centers to the north, such as
Kolomoki (Pluckhahn 2003; Sears 1956), Mandeville (Kellar
et al. 1962a, 1962b, Smith 1979), and McKeithen (Milanich et
al. 1997). These shared architectural design elements include
flat-topped mounds, conical burial mounds, and (in some
cases) plazas and circular enclosures. As at Crystal River,
several of the mounds at these sites also appear to be arranged
in accordance with rising or setting suns at the solstices and
equinoxes (Milanich et al. 1997:91-94, 189-191; Pluckhahn
2003:88). Also like Crystal River, the placement mounds at
some of these sites reflect a concern with symmetry (Milanich
et al. 1997:91-92; Pluckhahn 2007). This suggests that there
was, at least at some level, a common "architectural grammar"
or "cultural blueprint" (Blitz and Lorenz 2006:124-125) among
Middle Woodland societies in the Gulf Coast region. Such a
shared vision would have served to facilitate participation in
extra-local ceremonies and social networks.
These shared architectural features, however, are often
expressed in unique ways, reflecting local interpretations
and practices. For example, the long, narrow summit and
graded ramp of Mound H at Crystal River are unique for
Middle Woodland platform mounds in the region. Moreover,
other features at Crystal River-such as the shell causeway
connecting Mounds G and H and the circular embankment
(Mound C) surrounding the Main Burial Complex-have no
parallels on more-northern Middle Woodland centers. They
may owe more to contemporaneous centers to the south, such
as Fort Center (Sears 1982). Finally, the stelae at Crystal
River-providing they were erected in the prehistoric era (see
Milanich [1999:23] for an argument to the contrary)-are
unprecedented in native North America more generally. These
differences would have underscored the uniqueness of the
community and the ceremonial practices that took place there.
Thus, on the one hand, modification of the landscape by local
groups provided a familiar setting for outsiders coming to the
site for ceremonies, while on the other hand, it also served
to distinguish Crystal River from other centers and provide a
unique experience for visitors to the site (see Dillehay [1992,
2004] for parallels in Formative Peru).
While not an end in itself, our mapping adds to our
understanding of the historicity of Crystal River and marks a
point of departure for future considerations of the place of the
site in the larger region. We view these data as the beginning
of a long-term research program aimed at understanding the
sociality of the monuments at Crystal River and across the
Gulf Coast during the Middle Woodland period.


This work was supported, in part, by the University of
South Florida Office of Research through the New Researcher
Grant Program. Additional support was provided by the
Departments of Anthropology of the University of South
Florida and the University of West Florida. The Bureau of
Natural and Cultural Resources of the Florida Department of

Environmental Protection provided permission to conduct the
work as well as space for us to camp; we thank Nick Robins,
Parks Small, Ryan Wheeler, Louis Tesar, and William Stanton
for their support of this research. We are also indebted to the
staff at the state park, particularly Chris (Paula) Carpenter,
Jamie Gridwain, Mike Petellat, and Leroy Smith. Advice,
encouragement, and logistical support were extended by
a number of colleagues, including Rich Estabrook, Brent
Weisman, Nancy White, Lori Collins, and Gary Ellis. Finally,
we are indebted to the students on the field school for their
hard work and for making our stay at Crystal River a fun and
rewarding experience. Our field crew included UWF graduate
students Nicolas Laracuente, Sarah Mitchell, Amanda
Roberts, and Adrianne Sams. The undergraduate students
included: Timothy Avalos, Brett Briggs, Jenna Clevinger,
Kevin Hageman, Kristopher Head, Daren Hoffman, Stephanie
Lonergan, Daniel Lowery, Joseph McCormack, Michelle
Moretz, Stephanie Nelson, Erin Rosenthal, Jacob Rouden,
Jessica Stanton, Robert Taylor, and Shawn Westerman.

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1907 Crystal River Revisited. Journal of the Academy
of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, Second Series
1918 The Northwestern Florida Coast Revisited. Journal
of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia,
Second Series 16(4):514-81.

National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Earth
System Research Laboratory
2009 Solar Position Calculator. Electronic document,
html, accessed January 12, 2009.

National Oceanic and Space Administration Satellite
Information Service
2008 Historical Declination Calculator. Electronic
geomagmodels/USHistoric.jsp, accessed November
3, 2008.

Pluckhahn, Thomas J.
2003 Kolomoki: Settlement, Ceremony, and Status in the
Deep South, A.D. 350 to 750. University of Alabama
Press, Tuscaloosa.
2007 Reflections on Paddle Stamped Pottery: Symmetry
Analysis of Swift Creek Paddle Designs from
Kolomoki. Southeastern Archaeology 26(1):1-11.

Pluckhahn, Thomas J., and Richard Estabrook
2008 All Politics Is Local-or Is It? Integrating Local and
Regional Social Processes in the Interpretation of
Weeden Island Complexity. Invited paper presented
in the session "The Emergence of Hunter-Gatherer
Complexity in South Florida" at the 73rd Annual
Meeting of Society for American Archaeology,
Vancouver, British Columbia.

Pluckhahn, Thomas J., Victor D. Thompson, Nicolas
Laracuente, Sarah Mitchell, Amanda Roberts, and Adrianne
2009 Archaeological Investigations at the Famous Crystal
River Site (8CI1) (2008 Field Season), Citrus County,
Florida. Department of Anthropology, University
of South Florida, Tampa. Submitted to Bureau of




Natural & Cultural Resources, Division of Recreation
and Parks, Florida Department of Environmental
Protection, Tallahassee.

Ruhl, Donna
1981 An Investigation into the Relationships Between
Midwestern Hopewell and Southeastern Prehistory.
Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of
Anthropology, Florida Atlantic University, Boca

Sears, William H.
1956 Excavations at Kolomoki: Final Report. University
of Georgia Press, Athens.
1982 Fort Center: An Archaeological Site in the Lake
Okeechobee Basin. University Presses of Florida,

Seeman, Mark F.
1979 The Hopewell Interaction Sphere: The Evidence for
Inter-Regional Trade and Structural Complexity.
Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology,
University of Indiana, Bloomington. University
Micro films, Ann Arbor.

Smith, Betty A.
1979 The Hopewell Connection in Southwest Georgia. In
Hopewell Archaeology: The Chillicothe Conference,
edited by D.S. Brose and N. Greber, pp. 181-87. Kent
State University Press, Kent, Ohio.

Smith, Hale G.
1951 Crystal River Revisited, Revisited, Revisited.
American Antiquity 17:143-144.

Vogel, Gregory
2006 Historical Metrology and a Reconsideration of the
Toltec Module. Southeastern Archaeology 25:6-19.

Weisman, Brent R.
1985 WRAC at Crystal River Archaeological Site.
Withlacoochee River Archaeology Council News 2(3)
1987 A Cultural Resource Inventory of the Crystal River
Archaeological Site (8Ci-1), Citrus County, Florida.
Report submitted to the Florida Division of Natural
Resources, Bureau of Land and Aquatic Resources
Management, Tallahassee, Florida.
1995 Crystal River: A Ceremonial Mound Center on the
Florida Gulf Coast. Florida Archaeology Series No 8,
Division of Historical Resources, Florida Department
of State, Tallahassee.

Weisman, Brent R., Lori Collins, and Travis Doering
2007 Mapping the Moundbuilders: Revisiting the National
Landmark Site of Crystal River (8C11), Florida,
Using Integrated Spatial Technologies. University
of South Florida, Tampa. Submitted to Division
of Historic Resources Grants in Aid, Survey and
Planning Program, Tallahassee.

Willey, Gordon R.
1948a The Cultural Context of the Crystal River Negative-
Painted Style. American Antiquity 13:325-328.
1948b Cultural Sequence in the Manatee Region of West
Florida. American Antiquity 13:209-218.
1949a Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Smithsonian
Miscellaneous Collections 113, Washington, D.C.
1949b Crystal River, Florida: A 1949 Visit. The Florida
Anthropologist 2:41-46.
1966 An Introduction to American Archaeology, Volume
One: North and Middle America. Prentice-Hall, Inc.,
Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey.

Williamson, Ray A.
1984 Living the Sky. Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston.

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)




Alliance for Integrated Spatial Technologies and the Department of Anthropology, University of South Florida, Tampa, Florida
E-mail: 'lcollins@cas.usf edu, 2tdoering@cas.usf edu


This report details the initial data collection and processing
segment of an on-going study that involves three-dimensional
spatial recording and conventional mapping procedures that
is being undertaken at the Crystal River archaeological site
(8CI 1) in Citrus County, Florida (Figure 1). This opening phase
of the project (2006-2007) was conducted for the purpose
of creating highly accurate two-dimensional projections
and three-dimensional representations of the site and its
topographic features. It is also the first documented technical
mapping survey of the site since Clarence Bloomfield (C. B.)
Moore's effort in 1903. The product of this opening segment
of the project serves as a spatially correct, fully georeferenced
baseline of the site with the resulting data providing a vertical
and horizontal control network with better than 1 cm accuracy
(Collins and Doering 2007). This established control network
is available to all future archaeological investigations at the
site including aerial or subsurface remote sensing surveys,
excavations, and restorations.
The Crystal River site was selected for this project for a
number of reasons. Weisman (1995a:1) states, "The Crystal
River archaeological site... is an enduring cultural monument
to the achievements of aboriginal societies long vanished
from the Gulf coastal wetlands of north peninsular Florida."
Yet, despite investigations initiated in the early 1900s which
clearly demonstrated the significance of the settlement and its
surrounding support zone to archaeological research in the
Southeast United States, only sporadic examinations have
occurred since. Throughout the latter half of the twentieth
century, this prominent Florida archaeological site has not
been adequately studied or documented. Ripley Bullen (1951)
described the site as "enigmatic," meaning not easily explained,
perplexing, or obscure. Fundamental baseline data remained
incomplete and inaccurate and uncertaintiesis exist at every
level of archaeological inference" (Weisman 1995a:1).
As an initial step toward addressing these uncertainties
and deficiencies, and to provide an accurate spatial foundation
on which future investigations could build, our project will
record the Crystal River mound complex and associated
archaeological features using High Definition Digital
Documentation (H3D) techniques. H3D is an approach
that entails the acquisition, processing, and visualization of
exceedingly rich and highly accurate, three-dimensional spatial

data through a combination of conventional, progressive,
and cutting-edge methods. Through an H3D approach, the
archaeological record can be documented and archived at
multiple scales: artifact, feature, site, and landscape. The spatial
arrangement of the site, its features and landscape components
are connected to a real-world coordinate system and, once the
complete data are captured, analysis can take place in a near
'virtual' environment. The resultant spatial control database
will be adaptable for archaeological and cultural heritage
preservation programs and future research initiatives.
This project is a recent event in a continuum of spatial
documentation for the purpose of archaeological analysis that
began in the American Southeast in the nineteenth century
using compass and field survey chains (Moore 1903; Squire
and Davis 1848). The objectives of this current project are
comparable to those of the earlier surveys, to acquire and
incorporate accurate spatial data into the analysis of mound
groups, settlement patterns, and other human modifications
of the landscape across space and time. The importance of
these spatial analyses for understanding and interpreting
human behaviors was recognized early on and expressed in
the seminal study of mound groups conducted by Squier and
Davis (1848:61).
Gordon Willey was immersed in the archaeology of Florida
and the southeast United States between 1936 and 1950 (see
Milanich 2007 for an extensive listing of Willey's publications
on his work in Florida). His 1948 publication, Archeology
of the Florida Gulf Coast, has remained a mainstay for any
archaeological investigation in the Southeast for more than
half a century (Milanich 2007:15). His years of examining site
types and settlement patterns in the southeast United States
played a significant role in his pioneering work on settlement
patterns in the Virm Valley of Peru that he later applied to
numerous other archaeological regions (Willey 1953, 1956,
1974, 1999; Willey and Phillips 1958). He concluded that
settlementet patterns are, to a large extent, directly shaped by
widely held cultural needs, they offer a strategic starting point
for the functional interpretation of archaeological cultures"
(Willey 1953:1). Another major contribution of his work was
to examine archaeological evidence on a broader landscape
or regional scale instead of a restricted intersite focus. Instead
of looking at a site in isolation, his work suggested that to
better understand the prehistory of a site would require a
consideration of the larger regional context.


VOL. 62(1-2)



2009 VoL. 62(1-2)

Crystal River Archaeological State Park, 8Cil

Figure 1. Map showing location and boundaries of the Crystal River Archaeological State Park, 8CI1, in Citrus County,


Throughout the archaeological examination of Florida
and the Southeast, the need for the most accurate and inclusive
spatial data has not diminished. In his examination of the
meaning and function of early Southeast mound groups, Clark
(2004:206) demonstrated the need for correct and definitive
data that allow regularities and patterns to be recognized
and analyzed. Johnson (1977:479) stated that “[t]here is a
continuing need for expansion of spatial...framework for the
study of many aspects of human behavior,” and that accurate
analysis of physical space is critical to the determination of all
models of human behavior, decision-making, and interaction
with the landscape (Kintigh and Ammerman 1982; Robertson
et al. 2006).

The intention of the specialized H3D approach employed
in this project is to build upon previous work at Crystal
River by providing a more comprehensive understanding
of the relationships between human modifications, natural
processes, and the organization of spaces across the landscape
(Sharer and Ashmore 2003:125-126). This report is intended
to inform the reader of the innovative methods that were
used and to explain how these “best available technologies”

(United Nations 2005) are being applied at Crystal River. At
this point in the project, selected portions of the data are used
to provide limited analyses. Once all data has been collected
and processed, however, the results will demonstrate the full
power and capabilities these data can provide.

For this projecta combination ofadvanced, highly accurate,
three-dimensional terrestrial laser scanning techniques (TLS),
Real Time Kinematic (RTK) Global Positioning System
(GPS) technology, robotic laser total station surveys, and
aerial remote sensing methods were used. These efficient,
effective, and noninvasive techniques have resulted in a level
of baseline information that has not been available for any
other mound complex in Florida or the southeastern United
States. The inclusive accurate detail generated by H3D
techniques can aid site management activities and open new
avenues of research. The highly precise recording of the site’s
landscape signatures can yield information for use at multiple
analytical levels and allows rapid testing of complex questions
about site formation, stratigraphy, and settlement patterning.
At Crystal River, we used this approach to improve our overall
knowledge of the site, correct previous inconsistencies,


prepare foundational data sets for future research projects and,
test posited hypotheses. Preliminary results are proving useful
in advancing our understanding and conceptualization of the
Crystal River site and its position within an environmentally
and archaeologically dynamic context. These TLS techniques
vastly increase data collection ability and can produce more
naturally-representative terrain and elevation models. Unlike
total stations, where the operator chooses points that are to be
surveyed, TLS randomly acquires a dense set of coordinate
points across an area (Hetherington 2009:89). The more data
points used in the creation of the elevation model, the more
representative that model will be to the real world (Large and
Heritage 2009:2).

A Review of the Crystal River Site

The Crystal River archaeological site is located on the
north peninsular coast of Citrus County, Florida, roughly 60
miles north of Tampa. The site is approximately three and one
half miles inland, east of the Gulf of Mexico, and consists of
a series of constructed surface and subsurface features that
are preserved within the Crystal River Archaeological State
Park. A geophysical overview of the site area shows that it is
located within the physiographic province known as the Gulf
Coast Lowlands, in an area characterized by poorly drained,
low topographical relief with elevations ranging from 0 to
30 meters above mean sea level (White 1970). There are five
distinct ecological communities as designated in the Florida
Natural Areas Inventory found within the study area. These
include prairie hammock, shell mound, hydric hammock
(characterized by excessive moisture), spring-run stream,
and estuarine tidal marsh (Barber and Petti 2000). The shell
mound community type likely originated within preexisting
prairie hammock communities that had limestone outcrops.
Some of the shell mounds may have also been created within
estuarine tidal marsh (see Barber and Petti 2000; Collins and
Doering 2007).
Florida's Crystal River mound complex first gained
attention in the field of North American archaeology because
of its elaborate burial artifacts (see Milanich 1994, 1999a;
Moore 1903, 1907). Later, interest expanded to evidence that
provided insight to the social and religious complexity of
ancient non-agricultural native populations living in wetland
environments (Weisman 1995a: 1,3). Recovered materials
included human skeletal remains and associated exotic burial
artifacts, a series of large, upright stones and a diversity of
architectural features. Although early twentieth-century
excavations revealed the site's significant archaeological
potential, limited and infrequent research was undertaken
over the remainder of the century. Most of the subsequent
investigations were initiated in conjunction with acquisition
of the property by the State of Florida for incorporation into
its park system.
The archaeological and historic significance of the Park
was officially recognized nationally when it was listed on the
National Register of Historic Places as the Crystal River Indian
Mounds in 1970. The same resources were declared a National
Historic Landmark in 1990, when they were designated by the

Secretary of the Interior as a nationally significant historic place
that possesses exceptional value in illustrating and interpreting
the heritage of the United States. The site is designated as 8CI1
by the Florida Master Site File.

A Cartographic History of Crystal River

First noted by Brinton (1859), the Crystal River Mounds
achieved widespread notoriety in American archaeology when
a remarkable array of funerary objects were unearthed by C.
B. Moore in a series of excavation campaigns that targeted
the central burial mound in 1903, 1907, and 1917 (Milanich
1994, 1999a; Moore 1903, 1907; Weisman 1995a) (Figure
2). It was through these discoveries that attention was drawn
to the prehistoric moundbuilding culture of the Gulf Coast
wetlands. The map that Moore produced of the Crystal River
mound complex more than 100 years ago has remained the
standard for the site with only slight modifications. Bullen
virtually reproduced Moore's map adding some features that
were not included in the original site plan (e.g., Mounds J and
K). A comparison of Moore's map and Bullen's later product,
indicates he used Moore's original as his base reference and
duplicated similar spatial, angular, and alignment deviations
that are inconsistent with the actual landscape. Nevertheless,
considering the technologies available to Moore in the early
1900s, the map is an excellent piece of cartography. This
current project contains three-dimensional terrain models that
directly address spatial issues across the site and significantly
improve the accuracy of the site plan. Additionally, by choosing
not to map the site using a relative site-level grid system, the
control network approach utilized will allow future mapping
and research in the region to be tied together with real-world

6 ,

Figure 2. Map of Crystal River made by Moore in 1903
(Mitchem 1999:243).



- ---- --


Although the significance of the Crystal River site had
been recognized since Moore's work, no further investigation
occurred there until 1951, when Ripley Bullen began an
archaeological exploration that was partially in response
to controversies over chronologies and cultural affiliations
created by differing interpretations of Moore's excavation
reports (Weisman 1995a:14; see also Willey 1948; Willey
and Phillips 1944). Bullen (1953, 1965, 1966) developed his
version of the cultural chronology at Crystal River through
analysis of temporally diagnostic ceramic-crossties and
minimal radiocarbon dating. He also produced maps of the
site; two were field sketch maps and two were published.
In 1960, Bullen drew a sketch map that contained a number
of field notes and observations (Figure 3). Although he did not
publish this sketch, it does appear in Weisman's (1995a:45)
Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research volume. This site
overview sketch map was made the same year a bulldozer was
used to remove the eastern two-thirds of Mound A (Weisman
1995a:45). This mound is also referred to as the Southern
Temple Mound. The fill that was removed was used in the
construction of a seawall along the river bank and a trailer
park that bordered the mound. In his sketch, Bullen partially
depicted the area of the mound's destruction and the placement
of the fill along the river edge. The sketch also portrayed the
extension of the raised midden area to the north of Mound A
and, for the first time, noted the presence of Mounds J and K
on this slightly elevated expanse. Bullen refers to the method
used to create this map as a "topographic survey" (Milanich
1999a:225), however he provides no discussion or explanation
of the techniques used to conduct the survey. The hand drawn
sketch map appears to use Moore's 1903 map as a base referent

Figure 3. 1960 sketch map of Crystal River by Bullen
(Weisman 1995:45).

with measurements. Calculations of distances are noted in the
side margins and several new details are illustrated, such as
a wider midden platform around Mound A, two additional
mounds (J and K), and a path or road cutting through the site.
Bullen's second hand drawn sketch depicts Mound A. This
diagram, of unknown date, is in his loose field notes curated
at the Florida Museum of Natural History in Gainesville. The
sketch indicates the largely demolished ramp and shoreline,
an indication that the map was drawn after the mound's partial
destruction in 1960.
The first of Bullen's published maps was made in 1953
(Figure 4) and contained minor amendments to Moore's
original 1903 map of the site. In 1966, he published a second
map that contained further additions and modifications,
but it remained heavily reliant on Moore's original (Bullen
1966) (Figure 5). In this later version, he included some of
the modifications seen in his 1960 sketch, but he does not
illustrate the destruction of Mound A or the repositioning of
the fill. He also notes the location of, what he terms, "Stela 1"
and "Stela 2" (upright limestone boulders) and depicts a raised
walkway connecting Mound H to Mound G. These stones and
the causeway had not been previously identified.
The most recent maps of the site were published by
Hardman (1971) (Figure 6), Williamson (1984) (Figure 7),
and in the Florida Department of Environmental Protection's
Land Management Review (Barber and Petti 2000) (Figure
8). Although Hardman's hand drawn diagram is apparently
based on Bullen's 1966 map, the precise placement of certain
features differs (e.g., Stela 2, Mounds J and K). He also
depicted Mound A in its entirety as well as portions of two
shell midden causeways, none of these actually existed at the
time he collected his data. Hardman also includes the location
of Stela 3, a stone said to have a hand-like motif carved on its
surface. This stone had been moved during the construction

i, f .
| U N ...*. I

Figure 4. Map of Crystal River by Bullen (1953:10).


2009 VOL. 62(1-2)


Figure 5. 1966 map of Crystal River by Bullen (Weisman
1995, figure 5B;43).

-O -

Figure 7. Map depicting directional alignments at the

Crystal River Site by Willamson (1984261).
at"--,.,,., A4 -

Cryta Rive Site byWilimsn(18426)

Figure 6. Map of the Crystal River Site by Hardman

Figure 8. Map depicting the Crystal River Site (after Bar-
ber and Petti 2000).


--- -MUK




of the museum building, and its exact original location is
unknown (Weisman 1995a:64). Hardman's hypothesis was that
Crystal River was a primitive solar observatory with evident
connections to Mesoamerica (Milanich 1999b:19). The scale
that Hardman applies to his map appears to be an afterthought,
since it is hand written. Regardless of its time of addition, the
scale is incorrect. For example, the depiction of Stelae 1 and
2 suggests that these stones are upwards of 35 feet in width
when in actuality they are approximately three feet across.
These and other inconsistencies contribute to the undermining
of portions of Hardman's hypothesis that the stones indicate
celestial and directional alignments.
Williamson's (1984) effort was basically a re-examination
of the investigation made by Hardman (1971), and was also
intended to demonstrate the astronomical orientations of
various features at the site. While Williamson's depiction
was clearly based on earlier work (note the shape and size
of the stelae), he has also made alterations to specific feature
locations (e.g., Stela 2 and Feature F in the central burial
mound). A substantial degree of artistic license was also taken
in the representation. The details shown on the insert of the
Southern Temple Mound (A) and the depiction of a raised
shell causeway leading from its entry ramp to a substantially
elevated midden and South Plaza had never been documented
in such fashion in any earlier work. The representation of the
North Temple Mound, Mound H, suggests that the structure
towered above the surrounding forest and was located in
expansive open terrain. The mound is actually 4.57 m or 14.9
ft tall at its highest elevation, and is sheltered by overhanging
tall pine, palm, and oak trees. Unfortunately, the omission of
a scale and the variability in perspectives (compare the north
temple mound to the south temple mound) in the illustration
further reduce the accuracy and interpretive value of the map.
The Crystal River Land Management Review map
(Barber and Petti 2000) (Figure 8) shows the additions and
modifications to the site made by the Florida State Park Service.
Although structures and features are not drawn to scale or in
proper proportion (i.e. the size and location of the ramp on
Mound H and the depiction of the Central Burial Mound),
it does approximate the Southern Temple Mound (A) in its
present state and its location relative to the Crystal River due
to dredging and seawall construction. Also, it demonstrates the
substantial size of the nearby Mound K. The straight roadways
illustrated in the south portion of the map, east of Mound A,
the Shell Temple Mound, are remnants of the trailer park.

High Definition Digital Documentation at Crystal River

The ability to collect, process, store, and analyze accurate
spatial data is critical to archaeology (Gillings and Wheatley
2002; Kintigh and Ammerman 1982). There are a number
of technologies familiar to archaeologists that are designed
to do this, such as RTK-GPS, total station mapping, and
various forms of aerial remote sensing. In addition to these
conventional methodologies, three-dimensional scanning
or TLS, is a non-contact, non-invasive, and non-destructive
method to acquire extremely dense and exceptionally accurate
spatial data. The resultant data sets can be used to produce

detailed and precise three-dimensional spatial images and
models that can be analyzed, measured, and manipulated
in a computer environment. Collectively, these various
techniques are associated with geomatics, the art, science,
and technologies related to the management of geographically
and spatially referenced information. These procedures afford
rich, three-dimensional data sets containing accurate, explicit
spatial information that is rapidly acquired and exportable to
a variety of formats and multiple platforms for innumerable
graphic and analytical applications.
In many archaeological investigations, single or individual
spatial data collection techniques are used, and they produce
excellent results. An H3D approach, however, involves a
combination of multiple techniques and methods that result
in data sets of varying scales across the spatial environment.
These three-dimensional data sets produce enhanced analytical
perspectives and improved insights into archaeological
research questions (Collins and Doering 2006, 2007; Doering
In an H3D approach, conventional methods oftopographic
mapping, such as RTK-GPS and laser total stations, are
combined with aerial and satellite imagery. Surface and sub-
surface remote sensing techniques and other surveys that have
been spatially referenced can also be incorporated into an
H3D strategy (e.g., ground penetrating radar, magnetometer,
electroconductivity, and elemental soil survey). Relation to a
developed coordinate control network allows future collection
of data to be incorporated and allows spatial considerations
that extend beyond the site level of focus.
This project was an endeavor to demonstrate the
effectiveness and efficiency of H3D spatial technologies
when applied to issues of archaeological research and cultural
heritage management. The newly collected data is used to
generate highly accurate two-dimensional static maps as
well as three-dimensional dynamic images of the site and its
landscape features. The data are viewable in three dimensions,
easily measurable, and readily modeled. It was also imperative
that the spatial control network be designed as a baseline or
foundation for all future investigations to use a real-world
coordinate system. This allows for comparability between
research endeavors and affords a landscape consideration
that extends beyond boundaries of features or sites. This
baseline system offers a significant saving of time, effort, and
expenditures for future investigators.
Also crucial to the project was the ability to incorporate
data from previous investigations along with the newly
acquired data. For example, georeferencing earlier site maps
in a GIS (e.g., Moore's and Bullen's maps), allows for checks
on accuracy and for consideration of features that no longer
exist, such as the Mound A ramp and midden area. In this way,
data can be brought into the same spatial referent system to
permit consideration of the site and surrounding environs at
various scales of analysis.

Data Collection

In preparation for this project, park personnel cleared
extensive vegetation and surveys were conducted at the

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)


peak of the dry season to allow for maximum visibility and
coverage, including previously undocumented areas that
had been obscured by vegetation or seasonal inundation.
Locations of archaeological features, such as mounds,
platforms, burials, shell deposits, and limestone boulders
were recorded along with modem features such as Florida
Park Service interpretive displays and visitor trails within the
park boundaries. Documenting the present as well as the past
conditions promotes an effort to understand land use change
through time. Subtle surface and depression-like elements
were recorded, and specific features were selected for higher
resolution documentation (i.e., mid and short-range laser
scanning), based on management needs and level of detail
desired to address analytic questions.
Data collection in the field was accomplished through a
variety oftechniques that were designed to work in coordination
with a master datum control point and an associated network
of locally established control points that were precisely
located within a real-world coordinate system. This process
was accomplished by bringing in survey control from the
National Geodetic Survey's (NGS) National Spatial Reference
System monuments, which provide a highly accurate, precise,
and consistent geographic reference framework throughout
the United States (National Geodetic Survey 2008). NGS
monuments were located and recorded approximately three
miles from the site on U.S. Route 19. Using RTK-GPS and
a base station set-up on-site at Crystal River, sub-centimeter
level spatial control was then dispersed to the local control
points using a laser total station (Figures 9 and 10).
A network or grid of nine survey control points and
ten survey hubs was produced across the site, all directly
relational to the master datum control point (Figure 11). Each
survey control point was located and recorded using a laser
total station and georeferenced using RTK-GPS to maintain
accuracy. Each survey hub was located and identified using the
total station set-up over multiple control points. All mapping
data was directly linked to this network, which was imported
into the electronic datalogger of the total station and was also
used for the laser scan registration. The total station precisely
positioned the laser scan target system, a method that allowed
the laser scan data to be referenced to real-world coordinates.
The use of the total station also provided more precise (i.e.
relative) local positioning than the RTK system alone, and
was particularly useful for capturing data in heavily canopied
portions of the site. This integration of instrumentation
provided more accurate positioning that yielded better results
when "registering" or meshing one scan position to another.
It also allowed spatial control to be maintained across the
landscape area. The thousands of conventionally collected
locations were then joined with the tens of millions of x, y,
and z coordinates collected in the TLS survey.
The establishment of the network of local control points
across the site required stable geodetic monuments or markers
to ensure repeatability of accurate positioning. These markers
provide horizontal and vertical position stability that allows
for future tie-in spatial references and use of the established
control network. Factors affecting the stability of survey
monuments at Crystal River included feral hogs, water

Figure 9. Installation of RTK-GPS base station at Crystal

Figure 10. USF archaeology program graduate students
work with the robotic total station at Mound A. These loca-
tion points were integrated with the millions of x, y, and z
coordinates obtained through the TLS survey.

inundation, land manager's accidental removal, and public
vandalism or accidental removal. For these reasons, staking
with wood or PVC tubing was determined to be an unsuitable
and impermanent method. Metal survey pin markers imbedded
into paved surfaces were used as a more permanent and
vertically stable option.




0 25 50 100 150 200 250

Figure 11. Project area map showing locations of survey control points and hubs.

Three-Dimensional Scanning (Terrestrial LIDAR)

Typically, terrestrial light detection and ranging (LIDAR or
LiDAR) is considered the systematic and automated collection
of three-dimensional data of a particular surface or object at a
relatively high rate and in near real time (Boehler et al. 2001;
Frei et al. 2004). There are a number of different types of three-
dimensional scanners that possess assorted characteristics and
operating systems, and each has its own positive and negative
features (see Hahn et al. 2007; Harvey 2007; Mulrooney et
al. 2005). Therefore, care must be given to the capabilities of
a particular scanner relative to the desired results. Different
types of scanners are generally classified by the distance over
which they were designed to perform; close-range (0.1 to 5 m),
mid-range (12 to 100 m), and long-range (+100 m) (Boehler
and Marbs 2002). An objective of this project was to evaluate
the application of new recording technologies to document and
analyze shell mound features. Toward this end, three different
types of laser scanning technology were used across the site,

and the monumental shell Mound A and Stela 1 were selected
as a focus of higher resolution documentation.
In 1960, Mound A suffered destruction when significant
portions of the structure were removed for use as fill material.
Exposed surface cuts, vegetation intrusion, and erosion pose
structural risks to this feature, and three-dimensional mapping
and scanning documentation was performed to establish
monitoring controls. Applications of these data include
stabilization and condition assessments and future research
into the examination of construction analysis and stratigraphic
understanding. A FARO Technologies LS 880 mid-range,
phase-based laser scanner was used to capture the disturbed
southern portion of Mound A during this phase of the Crystal
River project (Figure 12). This laser scanning technology
allowed for rapid, high-resolution surveys of mound sites and
surface features. For example, millions of x, y, and z points
were captured in a 360 degree scan that was completed within
minutes, and horizontal and elevational measurements were
resolved to less than 3 mm. Results from the initial tests of the


2009 VOL. 62(1-2)


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Figure 12. Above is a photograph of the upper section of the disturbed southern portion of Mound A. Below is an image of
the laser scan spatial data with metrological control established. This portion of the mound is currently unstable, and the
scan data is being used to conduct an engineering analysis to design a stabilization plan.

Workslo-ol.fws (MoundA_004 711olixil




LS 880 have been positive, demonstrating its efficiency and
effectiveness. The entirety of Mound A is now documented to
this level of precision (Figure 13).
The cluster or assemblage of points collected by the
laser scanner is called a point cloud. These data points are
so dense they visually approximate a photograph of the
captured environment, but are actually comprised of millions
of exceedingly accurate and measureable x, y, and z points.
Using software, such as FARO Scene v. 4.5 and Geomagic
v. 10, slices of these point clouds were obtained to produce
vertical and horizontal sections of the feature scanned (Figures
14 and 15). This procedure proved useful for visualizing
and accurately measuring Mound A in ways not previously
possible. The shape and complexity of this large architectural
feature with obscuring vegetation and added elements such as
an observation deck and stairway ramp, created problems for
archaeologists interested in understanding its true dimensions.
Further, modifications and erosional loss at this feature have
altered its footprint since C.B. Moore measured and mapped it
in 1903. An overlay of our horizontal planview slice of Mound
A to the georeferenced version of Moore's Mound A from 1903
shows the feature has been altered significantly (Figure 16).
The authors are continuing their work at Crystal River using
the LS 880 and, in addition to Mound A, are documenting
the entirety of Mounds J, K, and H under a newly obtained
1A-32 permit. This work will be described and detailed in
future publications. The continuing work at Crystal River will
involve the development of these critical models for each of
the mound features to be incorporated with information in
a variable resolution surface elevation model (SEM) for the
A Konica-Minolta VIVID 9i close-range laser scanner
was used to record several artifacts and features at Crystal
River in ultra-high detail. The Minolta scanner has an accuracy
level that approaches 50 microns (less than the diameter of
a human hair), and is useful for capturing surface detail in
spatially accurate, high resolution. These features provided
exceptional data that allow for linear measurements and
volumetric calculations. The VIVID 9i was used to scan a
stratigraphic profile of a portion of exposed shell matrix from
the east side of Mound A (Figure 17). Use of this close-range
scanner allowed recording to be completed in a fraction of the
time (minutes compared to days) and at a dimensional level
not possible in hand drawings. As erosion and soil subsidence
of Mound A continues to occur this type of highly accurate
mapping, integrated with other documentation techniques, can
assist in the recordation of current conditions for monitoring,
assessment, and conservation strategy development.
The close-range scanner was also used to document Stela
1, an upright limestone boulder at the park, and various ceramic
vessels from the site. The stone itself and what is considered
iconographic carving on the stela are experiencing deterioration
from natural processes, and the carved detail is nearly lost due
to impacts including mold and fungal growth. The artifact was
scanned for preservation and analytical purposes (Figure 18).
The scan data produced a three-dimensional model ofthe stone,
with spatial control allowing for precise measurements and

thorough examination of the carving, which is now preserved
virtually in its current state.
A Leica Geosystems HDS3000 long-range scanner
recorded a large portion of the site and was used to establish
a base 1-meter grid across the North Plaza and Mound H
portions of the site. Targets for the registration of these scans
were captured with RTK-GPS and total station. Therefore,
this control grid allows for better understanding of the spatial
patterning across large areas (Figure 19).
The various scanning methods and procedures were
conducted to demonstrate the efficiency and effectiveness of
these rapid data collection technologies for archaeological
site documentation, mapping, and analysis (see Collins and
Doering 2006; Doering and Collins 2007; Powell 2009). The
individual procedures took one to four hours and acquired
millions of measurable points. Conventional profile drawing
would take days, if not weeks, to complete and could not
approach the accuracy, objectivity, or robustness of three-
dimensional data.

Data Analysis and Interpretation

The importance of the ability of this project to integrate
new methods and techniques with data gathered from
earlier investigations cannot be overstated. The topography
and archaeological features at the Crystal River site have
been substantially impacted by disturbances since its last
prehistoric occupation. Possibly the most significant damage
has occurred since the initial investigations began at the turn
of the twentieth century, based on Moore's comments that the
mounds at Crystal River had not been disturbed prior to his
investigations (Mitchem 1999:382; see also Milanich 1999a;
Weisman 1995a).
Over the last six decades, the numerous and substantial
disturbances to the site have been partially documented.
Our present capacity to incorporate information from the
work of Moore, Bullen, and others, prior to and during the
actual modification of the landscape, allows us to recognize
and identify portions of the contemporary landscape that
have been impacted. This awareness of changes to the
archaeological record allows present and future researchers
to consider those impacts and the resultant conditions in their
interpretations. Further information regarding the site can be
found in the 2000 Crystal River Land Management Review
(Barber and Petti 2000) and in the more recent Crystal River
Archaeological State Park Unit Management Plan (State of
Florida Department of Environmental Protection, Division of
Recreation and Parks [FDEP] 2008).

Considerations of Environmental and Anthropogenic
Impacts at Crystal River

Moore's early twentieth-century investigations of the
site entailed extensive digging of the Central Burial Complex
and the removal of human remains and accompanying grave
goods. These excavations required the extraction, movement,
and re-deposition of substantial amounts of earth and shell fill.


2009 VOL. 62(1-2)


Figure 13. TLS used at Mound A has documented the feature to a spatial accuracy of +/- 3mm. Note that trees have been
digitally removed to reveal surface features.




Figure 14. Horizontal planview sections of Mound A from the scan data
showing dimensional measurements in meters from pick points chosen in the
viewer software. The length measure as shown here is 39.065m (128.16 ft.)
and the width is 29.199m (95.8 ft.).

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



Figure 15. Vertical profile of Mound A from west to east (above) and north to south (below). These profiles show the present
vertical measurement of the mound to be 7.755m from the highest visible point in the west to east profile, and 7.846m from
the highest visible point in the north to south profile. This value differs from the Moore's 1903 vertical height of 8.78m or
28.8 ft., a discrepancy that may be a result of mound erosion and modification to the level of the ground surface.

Figure 16. Overlay of scan data to Moore's 1903 base map. This
georeferenced best fit illustrates Mound A as Moore saw it and
shows the areas impacted by fill removal and erosion of the mound.
This working model also allows approximation of where the ramp
would have originally been located.




Figure 17. Photo above is a vertical sample from Mound
A that was scanned with the close-range Konica Minolta
9i scanner. This higher resolution detail can be used to ex-
amine features in situ and to accurately map small surface

Later, Bullen attempted to reconstruct the burial mound to its
original state; thus, the actual size and shape of the central
burial complex may not be accurately depicted (Figure 20).
Nevertheless, by analyzing the notes and drawings of Moore
and Bullen, it is possible to determine what areas were and
were not impacted by their investigations when considering
research questions regarding this burial complex. New maps
of the burial mound region allow for comparison to past
cartographic histories (Figure 21).
In 1960, a portion of the midden area immediately east of
Mound A was cleared for use as a trailer park, and was known as
the White property (FDEP 2008:11) (Figure 22). A mechanical
bulldozer removed substantial amounts of shell and sand fill
from Mound A, destroying the eastern ramp, a significant
amount of the southeastern side, the adjacent shell causeway
at the lower end of the ramp, and portions of the large midden
area to the northeast of the mound (Figure 23). Unsurveyed
and unrecorded cultural resources were redistributed across
the trailer park site to provide a level surface area suitable
for the mobile homes. The White property was added to the
park in 1997 (FDEP 2008:11), and most of the concrete slabs,
which had been installed as foundations for the trailers, were
removed causing further disturbance to the sub-surface. The
leveled area can be identified on the surface elevation maps

Figure 18. Surface Elevation Models (SEM) of Stele 1
generated from short-range three-dimensional laser scan
data. Upper image shows measurement capabilities, lower
image is an enlarged view.

(see Figure 22). The remnants of the original midden can
be seen to the east and west of the trailer park grounds. The
midden remains are also clearly visible on the SEM map at
areas to the south and east of Mounds J and K. The extent and
results of these disturbances are clearly discernable through a
comparison of Bullen's 1953 and 1966 maps and the surface
elevation map produced by the current project (see Figure
Another area that has been impacted over time is the
northern sector of the site termed the plaza by Bullen (see
Bullen's 1960 map). This is a locale bordered to the north by
Mound H, to the northwest by Mound G, to the south by the
Central Burial Mound and to the west by Mounds J and K. The
area contains numerous swales of varying dimensions, surface

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



Figure 19. Establishment of a base 1-meter grid across the Plaza and Mound H portions of the site generated from long-
range scan data.

Figure 20. Maps of Crystal River Central Burial Com-
plex. Left map is by C.B. Moore (1903) right is by Bullen

areas, and depths. During wet periods these depressions fill
with water that is retained for long periods of time due to the
poor draining soils and the modifications made to the terrain
by paved walkways. The combination of prehistoric land
modification along with modem land use is captured in the
current survey. The historical records, cartography, and sketch
maps (i.e., Moore's and Bullen's notes, maps, and drawings)
assist with the teasing out of past conditions and present

Figure 21. Surface elevation models showing the three-di-
mensional shaded renderings corresponding to the z value
grid created for the Central Burial Mound by Collins and
Doering 2007. The image to the left shows terrain, with
lighter shades representing the highest areas and darker
shades representing the lowest areas. The image to the
right is a 3D model of digital elevation data for cartograph-
ic representation.

The plaza area also has numerous low, discrete, mound-
like formations ranging from one to two meters in base diameter
and around 50 cm in height. Although both the depressed and
elevated features may be attributable to the activities of ancient
inhabitants, natural explanations should also be considered
by archaeological researchers. These slight elevations and




Figure 22. Illustration of the former trailer park location
and current museum at the Crystal River Archaeological
depressions are visible in Figures 22 and 24. Observations
of the entire site and its surrounding landscape suggest that
natural life cycles of native palms and oaks created most, if not
all, of the elevations on the plaza's surface. The depressions
may have more diverse causes. Heavy equipment was used to
construct the asphalt-covered walkways encircling the plaza.

Figure 23. Bullen photograph of Mound A bulldozer cut in
1960 (Weisman 1995:46).

Therefore, some depressions may be due to the weight of these
machines on wet soil or the scraping of the surface during
Another cause for disturbances along the surface of the
plaza can be ascribed to Hernando de Soto who, in 1539,
introduced pigs into southwest Florida, some which escaped
into the woodlands of central Gulf Coast Florida (University
of Florida 2005). Now, 500 years later, descendants of these
"colonial pioneer pigs" continue to ravage the flora and
fauna at the Crystal River site. Bands of feral pigs feed on
and trample large areas of native vegetation, and their natural
rooting behavior causes significant damage to the topography
(University of Florida 2005). They dig 10 to 25 cm below the
surface to find roots and other foods, an action that destabilizes
the soil surface, uproots or weakens native vegetation, and
causes erosion that can destroy or modify wetland areas.
The damaging effects of these foraging hogs were repeatedly
witnessed in the North Plaza of Crystal River in 2006 and

Figure 24. Comparison of Mound A and associated shell midden areas. Left to right, Bullen 1960, 1966, and Collins and
Doering 2007.

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



1. W R 11, wn---6*1

Figure 23. Effects of feral hog activity at Crystal River's
North Plaza (Photo by W. Klinger).

2007, and it is suggested that the some of the depressed areas
in the plaza are the result of past feral hog activity (Figure
25). After witnessing the results of these events, it appears
that these repeated activities across the large plaza area have
also disturbed the provenience or altered the context of near
surface archaeological deposits or features that may have been
The collection of various types of spatial data at the
Crystal River archaeological site shows the usefulness of a
spatial research design and strategy for Florida archaeological
mound sites. The accurate documentation of these resources
is of particular benefit to their long term management and
interpretation. Limiting factors in the Crystal River mapping
project were the environmental conditions that included the
largely inaccessible estuarine tidal marsh and the continually
inundated stands of sawgrass adjacent to the west perimeter
of Mounds A, J, and K. These features prevented us from
obtaining a clearer depiction of the submerged edge of the
southwestern perimeter of the site. Nevertheless, this boundary
is well defined in the data that were collected. A second area
that should be investigated in the future are portions covered
by low lying hydric hammock. These wet hammocks surround
the northwest limits of Mound G as well as the west, north, and
east borders of Mound H. These lands are usually inundated or
at least saturated with water and contain exuberant plant life
that is tolerant of these wet conditions. The canopy vegetation
is characterized by live oaks, swamp laurel oaks, cabbage
palm, sweetgum, red maple, and red cedar. The sub-canopy
consists of shrubs such as wax myrtle, yaupon, and dahoon.
Lower yet in the hammock are dense growths of ferns, sedges,
and grasses. In most of these hydric areas, the vegetation was
too dense to permit sufficient penetration of lines of sight
required to collect accurate and dependable data within the
central areas of the hammock, further, the dense canopy makes
for relatively unfavorable GPS conditions. Although our
mapping of Crystal River shows much promise for research
and interpretation, whether or not these low inundated areas
were part of some type of ancient hydraulic system will
probably be determined only through more intensive survey
and excavation. The same is true when trying to determine the
extent of such a system because the areas of hydric hammock

have expanded into developed areas of the site where regular
clearing and mowing have been discontinued, and extensive
tracts of hydric hammock are currently located on properties
adjacent to the park (Barber and Petti 2000). Therefore, in
these problematic areas it currently cannot be determined what
the actual prehistoric topography may have been, particularly
since sea level differences would likely have impacted the site
during its long occupational history.

Conclusions and Recommendations

Existing data from previous investigations of Crystal
River, are by themselves, inadequate to answer basic
questions of chronology and function. The enigmatic nature
of the Crystal River site and the remaining chronological
and structural uncertainties require the application of spatial
and other investigative techniques in order to observe how
the occupants of this site interacted with contemporaneous
cultures or developed out of earlier regional social complexity
(see Gibson and Carr 2004). Without further investigation, it
cannot be known with any certainty if the platform mounds at
Crystal River were the result of a single episode or multiple
construction events. Were they late cultural features and
late additions to the site complex or original features of the
site enlarged over time? Were the platform mounds, or their
underlying antecedents, in use beginning early in the site's
occupation? Then an argument can be made that some level
of social complexity was already present and may have been
a necessary precondition for the development of a successful
coastal foraging economy as has been demonstrated in other
regional locations (Russo 2004; Weisman 1995a; Weisman
et al. 2007; Widmer 2004). If this situation was present, then
the platform mounds can be interpreted as non-evolutionary,
that is, not reflecting a movement toward social and political
complexity through time, but instead reflecting the basic
level of social organization necessary for community survival
(Weisman et al. 2007; also see Gibson and Carr 2004 for
various perspectives on this issue).
Although most models of Woodland stage mound
building in the southeastern United States satisfactorily
account for their existence, some also demonstrate the core
role of Woodland mounds in later Mississippian period
building episodes (Lindauer and Blitz 1997). Woodland
mound building on the Florida Gulf Coast may represent a
different cultural trajectory in which climax stages of mound
construction were achieved relatively early in the cultural
sequence (Milanich 1994; Milanich et al. 1997). Crystal River
is the largest site complex in this area of the Gulf Coast, and
was central in a settlement pattern consisting of smaller mound
villages and hamlets located along the creeks and tributaries
of the estuary. As expressions of organized communal labor,
the platform mounds at Crystal River might reflect one means
of integrating regionally dispersed populations with those
occupying the central site. Still, basic research questions
remain: when were the mounds built and how were they used?
We believe that accurate, three-dimensional, georeferenced
site and landscape documentation is the first step toward these
larger understandings.




Preparation of detailed topographic maps of archaeological
sites is a routine and necessary part of archaeological fieldwork
in the Americas. Correct and accurate maps are the initial step
in any type of analysis of a site. Willey (1953, 1956, 1974)
demonstrated the importance of maps as a strategic starting
point for archaeological interpretation and is the foundational
tool for settlement pattern studies. The more accurate,
complete, and robust the spatial data, the greater the analytical
opportunities and the more informed the interpretive potential.
Maps, at a variety of scales, are invaluable to settlement pattern
research that illustrate natural environmental conditions, levels
of technological sophistication, the organization of spaces and
the utilization of the landscape by sociopolitical institutions to
direct social interaction and sustain control of the society of
spaces across the landscape (Sharer and Ashmore 2003:125-
126; Willey 1953:1). A better understanding of trade,
acquisition, transportation, production, subsistence, socio-
economic interaction, political structures, and most other
topics in the study of past human activities is possible through
the study of spatial arrangement of sites and their adjoining
Traditionally, topographic maps were hand-drafted and
involve a painstaking process that is generally completed in
the lab or office by field archaeologists, usually well after the
survey points were collected in the field. This process required
considerable time and effort that could be better utilized to
address the archaeologist's research questions. While these
traditional maps generally were sufficiently accurate for many
applications, they contained inherent disadvantages beyond
their excessive time consumption and general inaccuracies.
For example: any future work, changes, or additions are
difficult to make; they cannot be directly inputted into a digital
framework or database; substantially greater accuracy levels
may be required for specific types of research and surveys
(e.g., anthropogenic soil survey, sub-surface remote sensing,
directional alignments, and precise metrology).
Today, computer generated maps and digital
representations offer significant advantages to archaeological
research. Relative to traditional topographic surveys, the use of
an H3D approach to archaeological documentation allows for
the generation of maps and virtual views at variable scales of
consideration that are significantly more accurate. Furthermore,
additional data and other input from archaeologists can be
readily incorporated into the expandable digital database, and
future work in the area can take advantage of an established
vertical and horizontal control network. In this way, we can
build upon our archaeological experiences and provide an
understanding of past and present landscapes, which are often
inextricably linked.
To understand the Crystal River site, one must look beyond
its modem park boundaries. Robert's Island, just downriver
from the Crystal River site, also is owned and managed by the
Florida Park Service. This island may hold critical information
about the interaction with and meaning of the Crystal River
mound complex across space and through time. This island
has six recorded sites (8CI36, 8CI37, 8CI39, 8CI40, 8CI41,
and 8CI576), including a large temple mound and extensive
shell works (Figure 26). Bullen (1953) first described five of

these six sites during his work in the region in the 1950s. More
recently, Gary Ellis recorded site 8CI576 during work on the
island in 1993 (FDEP 2008).
The Robert's Island sites are part of a series of settlement
locales along the Crystal River and its tributaries, many of
which have diagnostic artifacts that demonstrate a temporal
connection with Weeden Island and Safety Harbor period
ceramics. Brent Weisman, now with the University of South
Florida and formerly of the Florida Bureau of Archaeological
Research, revisited Robert's Island for a 1994 Conservation
and Recreational Lands (CARL) survey. Weisman (1995b),
proposed that Roberts Island was a site complex that may
have functioned as both a ceremonial center and a village. He
found the preservation quality of the sites on Robert's Island
to be high, but called for a comprehensive survey in order
to increase our understanding (FDEP 2008). The settlement
pattern and social organization in the region has not been
securely dated or correlated, and accurate local terrain maps
of the area do not exist.
Our preliminary GPS mapping on Robert's Island indicates
that previous traditionally collected and recorded spatial data
is not accurate enough to examine possible associations and
relationships. The traditional method includes relatively
"ballpark" locations that are usually hand drawn onto 1:24,000
scale topographic maps and then digitized into the Florida
Master Site File GIS data layer. An example of the importance
of accurate spatial data is illustrated by the recently corrected
site boundary of 8CI40 using sub-meter GPS (see Figure 26).
The rectified location is now being examined for possible spatial
and directional relationships with the nearby Crystal River site.
This example points out the need for accurate and accessible
virtual digital displays of the archaeological landscape. Future
mapping and topographic surveys, at or beyond Crystal River,
should strive to adopt methods that allow for integration and
maintenance of a standard of accuracy that will provide for the
substantiation and further exploration of ideas.
The current project has provided the foundation on which
future research can proceed at Crystal River. The surface
elevation models and TLS survey at the site, feature, and artifact
level provide a platform for further research, preservation, and
interpretation. The Crystal River Unit Management Plan (FDEP
2008) has as its goals the establishment of key monitoring
points that will allow documentation of the cultural resource
conditions through time. The surface elevation models along
with laser scanning at key monitoring points (e.g. mounds A,
H, J and K), will facilitate the accomplishment of this goal.
Secondly, the Unit Management Plan discusses both a need
for improved interpretation and the modernization of displays
and exhibits at the site. The short-range scanning at the artifact
level has proven an effective technique for displaying and
understanding objects in comparative ways (Figure 27). Three
dimensional ceramic and artifact corpus development using
these methodologies have previously been undertaken by the
authors, and successfully adapted to public interpretation,
classroom, and Internet deliverables (Doering and Collins
2007). Although only a few artifacts are present at the Crystal
River State Archaeological Park Museum, this technology can
be applied in the future to document Crystal River materials

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



0 25 50 100 150 200 250
1 I Meters

Figure 26. Florida Master Site File (FMSF) GIS boundary data for recorded site locales on Robert's Island. Note the
corrected GPS location for Ci40 at the northern edge of the island.

Figure 27. Two views of close-range scan documentation of a cross-mended Deptford Check-stamped vessel from the
Crystal River Archaeological State Park Museum collection.





stored at the Smithsonian Institution and be used to improve
site interpretation development, open new areas of research,
and make these collections more accessible in a virtual
environment. Using an H3D approach enhances the ability to
conduct archaeology in non-invasive or minimally invasive
and integrative ways, with benefits at Crystal River serving as
a template for archaeological site documentation, management
and monitoring for Florida and beyond.


We wish to thank the State of Florida Historic Preservation
Grants program, which provided initial funding in 2007 for
this project. These grants are critical to preserving the past
for the future. Brent Weisman, who worked with us on the
initial grant project, provided guidance and assistance, and has
shared his knowledge and experience in Florida archaeology.
Chris Branas and Chris Knapp of Phillips and Jordan, Inc. were
important in the planning for this project and provided field
and technical support, as well as equipment, along the way.
Dan Perreault of NeoMetrix Technologies and Gregory George
of FARO Technologies also provide support and technical
assistance. The Florida Park Service and in particular Crystal
River Preserve State Park Manager, Nick Robbins, along with
Rangers Leroy Smith and Michael Petellat were of invaluable
assistance throughout our work at the site. University of South
Florida anthropology graduate students James 'Bart' McLeod,
Elizabeth McCoy, William Klinger, and Seth Boots assisted
with the fieldwork and the "equipment logistics" in the field.
Undergraduate students from Dr. Collins's Introduction to
Archaeology and Florida Archaeology classes from 2006 to
present have kept our interest and focus alive through their site
visits, volunteer assistance, and inquiries. We also appreciate
the comments and suggestions from the three anonymous
reviewers that strengthened this article.

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2009 VOL. 62(1-2)





2902 NW 104" Court, Unit A, Gainesville, FL 32606

The Timucuan-speaking cultures of the contact and
colonial periods in Florida existed throughout the northern
third of peninsular Florida and into southern Georgia. Their
territory extended from the eastern coast, south of Guale
to what is now Cape Canaveral, west through Florida
and southern Georgia to the borders of the Apalachee in
Florida’s panhandle (Milanich 1995:80-94; Worth 1998a:1-
34). Archaeologically, the Timucuan-speakers are divided
between the eastern Timucuan-speaking cultures represented
by St. Johns II ceramics, and the western Timucuan-speakers
represented by the Alachua and Suwannee Valley traditions
(Milanich 1994:244-247, 331-353; Worth 1998a:20).

While much is well known, what is less well known are
the factors which distinguished each of the Timucuan-speaking
chiefdoms from one another culturally. Despite having a
common language, it is clear from historic records that the
chiefdoms we conveniently call “Timucuan” or “Timucuan-
speakers” differed from one another politically, lived in
widely differing physical environments, and existed within a
shifting pattern of alliances and internecine warfare between
chiefdoms (Hulton 1977; Milanich 1996; Hann 1996; Worth
1998a, 1998b). Despite the formation of alliances between
chiefdoms as well as the existence of paramount chiefs
controlling complex alliances, such as the Utina confederacy
(Worth1998a:19-25), the Timucuan-speakers as a whole were
never controlled by a single dominant leader, as were the
Apalachee and Calusa (Hann 1988, 1991). They also never
developed the full spectrum of Mississippian cultural traits
common in cultures to the north during the late prehistoric
and contact periods (Milanich 1996:160-163). However, some
riverine Timucuan chiefdoms along the St. Johns River did
exhibit some Mississippian cultural characteristics, such as
platform mounds (Worth 1998a:19-21).

The purpose of this paper is to examine what is known
both historically and archaeologically of the Acuera, one of
the Timucuan-speaking chiefdoms of the protohistoric and
colonial periods in Florida. While the Acuera were clearly a
part of the Timucuan cultures, there are a number of significant
ways in which their response to the presence of the Spanish in
Florida differed from the other Timucuan-speaking cultures.
Colonial-period documents concerning the Acuera indicate that
the Acuera chiefdom maintained a higher degree of cultural
autonomy and their traditional lifeways than virtually all other
Timucuan chiefdoms during the contact and mission periods.
They also retained their traditional lands and political structure

VoL. 62(1-2)


after the missions founded to the Acuera were abandoned by
the Spanish in the wake of the Timucuan Rebellion.

To present what is known of the Acuera and their culture,
the historic evidence from Spanish documents of the colonial
period will first be examined, followed by what is presently
known archaeologically of the Acuera during the mission
period. The results of pedestrian and metal detector surveys
along with subsurface testing of a recently discovered
archaeological site which appears to represent a mission or a
mission era habitation site will be discussed along with the
interpretation of materials found at two other sites within
the region inhabited by the Acuera. Finally, some tentative
conclusions, hypotheses for future testing, and avenues for
future research in this area will be suggested.

It is important to first establish what is meant by the use
of the term “chiefdom” to describe Acuera culture. Timucuan
societies of the contact and mission era as a group, as well
as the Acuera as a unit, were chiefdoms. The anthropological
definition of “chiefdom” propounded by John E. Worth in his
work on the Timucuan missions is

...a more or less discrete human society consisting
of a number of settlements under the political control
of a single hereditary leader, or chief...perhaps the
most diagnostic feature of chiefdoms is that they are
what anthropologists call rank societies, meaning that
social status and political power are determined by
genealogical nearness to a single noble family lineage
from which the heirs to the principal chief’s office are
always drawn. (Worth 1998a:5)

Defining chiefdoms as multicommunity political units with
ascribed social rank, the Timucuan societies of the early
historic period may be categorically described as chiefdoms
(Worth 1998a:13). Documentary references to the Acuera and
their territory during the colonial period suggest that this type
of social structure persisted throughout the era of the Acuera
missions and thereafter. Accordingly, the term “chiefdom” will
be used throughout this paper to refer to Acuera culture.

Documentary References to the Acuera
Chiefdom and Missions

The first references known to exist of the Acuera as a
distinctive people come from documents of the Hernando de

Marcu-JUNE 2009


Soto expedition. A letter written by de Soto himself, dated
July 9, 1539, describes Baltazar de Gallegos venturing into
the country of Urriparacoxi, believed to have been located
just southwest of modem-day Orlando (Milanich and Hudson
1993:73-75). In the letter, which describes territory beyond
what was controlled by Urriparacoxi, de Soto noted that

They [Native American chiefs] say that three day's
journey from where they are, going by some towns
and huts, all well inhabited, is a large town called
Acuera, where with much convenience we might
winter; and that afterwards, farther on, at the distance
of two day's journey, there is another town, called
Ocale. It is so large, and they so extol it, that I dare
not repeat all that is said. There is to be found in it a
great plenty of all the things mentioned; and fowls, a
multitude of turkeys, kept in pens, and herds of tame
deer that are tended (Smith 1968:285).

Leaving aside the clear exaggerations, the distances
recorded in de Soto's letter indicate that Ocale was two
day's journey from Acuera, and Acuera three day's journey
beyond the territory of Urriparacoxi. This would place Ocale
just beyond the cove of the Withlacoochee, and Acuera in the
vicinity of the Ocklawaha River, near Lake Weir and Lake
Griffin, as argued by Milanich and Hudson in their 1993
analysis of the de Soto expedition (Milanich and Hudson
1993: 91-98).
Once the expedition reached Ocale, men were sent into
the territory of the Acuera to seize corn and supplies (Ranjel
1922:68). The Acuera strongly contested the presence of
the Spanish and attempted to drive them away. While the
account of Garcilaso de La Vega is far less reliable and more
romanticized than the other accounts of the de Soto expedition,
a passage referring to the Acuera suggests that the Spanish
perceived them as particularly proud and fierce warriors:

The Cacique Acuera's reply to [de Soto's] message
was insolent. "I have long since learned who you
Castilians are... through others of you who came
years ago to my land... To me you are professional
vagabonds who wander from place to place, gaining
your livelihood by robbing, sacking, and murdering
people who have given you no offense. I want no
manner of friendship or peace with people such as
you, but instead prefer mortal and perpetual enmity"...
During [the Spaniard's time in Acuera territory], the
Indians never slept and were always on the alert. In
order to fulfill the fierce threats of the Curaca and
to prove that his promises to the Castilians had not
been made vainly, they ambushed their enemies so
cautiously and skillfully that not a single Spaniard
who strayed so much as a hundred yards from the
camp escaped being shot and beheaded at once.
(Vamer 1951:118,120)

This passage suggests the Spaniards regarded the Acuera
as unusually independent and unwilling to submit to the
Spaniards' presence or promises.

After the de Soto entrada, there are no further clear
references to the Acuera as a people until the ill-fated French
settlement at Fort Caroline and the subsequent founding of St.
Augustine. In the account of Rene de Laudonniere, "Acquera"
is listed by name as one of nine chiefdoms expressly subject to
the Utina confederacy (Bennett 2001:76). It has been argued
that the name "Aquouena" on the map of Jacques Le Moyne
from the same period is a form of the word "Acuera" (Milanich
and Hudson 1993:96). The map shows "Aquouena" as being
near "Eloquale" on a tributary of what is clearly the St. Johns
River (Hulton 1977:98), both of which are consistent with
accounts of the de Soto expedition which place the territory of
the Acuera within the Ocklawaha River Valley.
TheAcuera are not clearly mentioned again in documentary
records until after the Guale Rebellion of 1597. Several
Timucuan leaders came to St. Augustine to render obedience to
the Spanish governor Gonzalo M6ndez de Cango. The cacica
(female chief) of Acuera was among these leaders, she arrived
in St. Augustine on July 6, 1597 along with her husband, her
mandador (Timucuan iniha, "second-in-command") and "13
other Indians" (Worth 1998a:50-52; Harm 1996:77). The
Acuera cacica was described as one "who now newly comes
to negotiate in peace" (Worth 1998a:50). While this might
imply that this was the first time this particular cacica came
before the Spanish, the reference is included in a list of other
leaders of interior chiefdoms rendering obedience to the
Spanish on behalf of their people, implying that this was the
first time the Acuera as a people came to offer subordination
to Spanish governance in Florida (Worth 1998a:50, John E.
Worth, personal communication 2007).
It would appear that subsequent to the 1597 obedience of
the Acuera to the Spanish, missions to the Acuera were founded
in their territory. The earliest known mission placed within
their territory was that of San Blas de Avino, believed to have
been founded prior to 1612 and to have existed until the late
1620s. In a 1627 letter, the Spanish governor Rojas y Borja
described the town ofAvino as being "two leagues and one half
league apart from" two other towns, Utiaca and Tucuru, and
to be located in Florida's interior some forty leagues, or four
days travel, from the colonial capital at St. Augustine (Worth
1998b: 189). This same letter describes Avino, along with the
other nearby towns, as being located on "low land" and having
"a river that floods them [que los baia]" (Worth 1998b: 189).
Governor Rojas y Borja suggested that these towns would be
an ideal location for the cultivation of hemp for making ropes,
given their physical location and condition.
Mission San Blas de Avino appears to have been in
relatively close proximity to the mission San Antonio
de Enacape, located on the St. Johns River. Historic and
archaeological evidence indicate that San Antonio de Enacape
is the Mount Royal site (8PU35) (Worth 1998b:187-188;
Milanich 1995:176), located north of Lake George on the
eastern side of the St. Johns River. During the visitation of
1616, Father Or6, embarking by canoe on the "river of Tocoy"
(the St. Johns), was noted to have gone

Twenty leagues up the river, [where] he and his
companions arrived at the convent of San Antonio
de Enacape where he had ordered that the guardian

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



of that house and the guardian of the other convent
called Avino should come together, as well as the
religious of both guardianates and a definitor (Ore

From this description, it would appear that San Antonio de
Enacape and San Blas de Avino were located close enough
for the religious leaders of Avino to have traveled relatively
quickly to Enacape, most likely by boat given the riverine
San Blas de Avino is no longer mentioned in historic
records after the 1620s. Two newer missions were founded in
Acuera territory during this time; San Luis de Eloquale and
Santa Lucia de Acuera, the latter located within the principal
town of the Acuera chiefdom (Worth 1998b:189-190). While
the precise locations of these two missions are not known with
certainty, the 1655 list of the missions of Florida lists "San Luis
de la provincia de Acuera", "to the south", as being 32 leagues'
distance from St. Augustine, with "Santa Lucia de Acuera", "of
the same", at 34 leagues, or two leagues' distance further than
San Luis. If one translates these distances into miles, using the
Spanish (legua legal) of the seventeenth century as being equal
to 2.63 miles (John E. Worth, personal communication 2008),
this would place San Luis de Eloquale and Santa Lucia de
Acuera approximately 5.26 miles apart, and would place San
Luis at 84.2 and Santa Lucia at 89.4 miles from St. Augustine.
However, it is not clear as to whether these distances refer to
travel by land or travel by water. Given the location of Acuera
in the region of the Ocklawaha River Valley, the latter mode of
transportation would seem to have been preferable.
Documents from the period of these latter two missions and
thereafter provide glimpses of the culture and lifeways of the
Acuera during the mission era. These documents suggest that
the Acuera as a people responded differently to the presence of
the Spanish in their territory and the changes brought about by
missionization than did other missionized Timucua.
Spanish records of the mission era in Florida indicate
that among most of the missionized Timucuan chiefdoms, the
Timucua and their leaders gave over their original systems of
belief relatively quickly, replacing their traditional religious
leaders with the Franciscan friars and accepting the tenets of
Catholicism thereby. Father Franciso Pareja, the friar of the
mission San Juan del Puerto on Fort George Island east of
modem Jacksonville wrote in 1620 that

Catholicism had vanquished many of the native,
"pagan" superstitions so effectively that the mission
Indians "do not even remember them; so much so
that the younger generation [who grew up under the
missions] derides and laughs" at those of the older
generation, who occasionally still practice the old
ways (Milanich 1995:198).

In the account of the Ore visitation of 1616, the visiting
official noted of the people of San Antonio de Enacape

He remained to examine the Indians in Christian
doctrine and catechism and found that the greater
number of them, men and women, knew it well.

The boys, and all in general, besides knowing the
catechism well knew also how to serve Mass... He
did the same in all the towns [of Enacape]. And the
greater part of the Indians, men and women, knew the
Christian doctrine (Geiger 1940:127)

San Antonio de Enacape was founded in 1595. The
passage from the account of the Or6 visitation, written some
twenty years after the founding of the mission, suggests that,
among the people of Enacape, Catholicism became commonly
accepted within a single generation of the mission's founding.
Given the records from San Juan del Puerto and Enacape, it
seems that at most missions varying reasons including political
and economic benefits, depopulation and social change caused
by the presence of epidemic diseases, and new ways of life
offered by the Spanish convinced the Timucua, as well as the
Guale and Apalachee, to set aside their traditional lifeways
and systems of belief in favor of Catholic Christianity:

Do they confess as Christians? I answer yes... Many
persons are found, men and women, who confess and
who receive (Holy Communion) with tears, and who
show up advantageously with many Spaniards. And I
shall make bold and say and sustain my contention by
what I have learned by experience that with regard to
the mysteries of the faith, many of them answer better
than the Spaniards (Milanich 1999:145, quoting
Ger6nimo de Ore 1936:152-53).

In light of this apparently sincere acceptance of
Catholicism and Spanish lifeways among the other Timucuan
chiefdoms, the experience of missionization by the Acuera was
quite different if not unique within the mission system; and
though the term "unique" may at first blush seem somewhat
strong, I hope at the close of this paper to have demonstrated
otherwise. For among the Acuera, there existed the anomaly of
a Timucuan chiefdom missionized by the Spanish for several
decades with two major waterways providing relatively easy
access by the standards of the mission era among whom
substantial non-Christian populations existed; who possessed
traditional religious leaders with considerable followings long
after their recorded conversion to Catholicism; and whom
ultimately rejected Catholicism and Spanish lifeways to
practice their traditional ways of life through the end of the
mission era. While simple distance from the center of Spanish
power at St. Augustine and the camino real (King's Road)
to the north may be sufficient to explain these differences, it
may also be that they reflect either more powerful political
leadership or something significantly different within Acuera
culture during this period as compared to the other Timucuan
cultures of the mission era.
At the time of the founding of San Luis de Eloquale
and Santa Lucia de Acuera, the territory of the Acuera had
become more commonly known as Ibiniuti province from
the Timucuan ibiniuti, meaning "water land". In an order dated
November 5, 1647, the royal officials Francisco Mendndez
Marquez and Pedro Benedit Horruytiner noted the presence
of the "Chisca Indians, pagans who travel, scattered through
the lands of the Christians domineering [senoreandose] them




and doing them other damages" in the "province of Ybineiute"
(Marquez and Horruytiner to Carmenatiz 1647, Worth,
unpublished translation). The order commanded Ensign
Nicolas de Carmenatiz to travel to Ibiniuti province where

He will speak to them on our part, meeting with their
cacique andprincipales so that they might fulfill what
is commanded of them, and if some of them might
wish to remain, with the approval of the Christian
caciques, he will leave them settled in their towns,
bringing an account of how many and who they are,
endeavoring in everything to direct and arrange how
it is executed, without disturbance or scandal, giving
them to understand that as they live quietly in the
said villages, all good correspondence will be had
with them, and that if they try to become Christians,
they will be able to achieve it attending in the said
towns where they will be catequized by the religiosos
doctrineros, to which he is to endeavor in guiding
them... (Marquez and Horruytiner to Carmenatiz
1647, Worth, unpublished translation).

This passage is noteworthy for two reasons. First, it appears
that, despite the Chiscas "domineering" and causing "damages"
in Ibiniuti, they had apparently settled into communities
alongside the converted peoples of the area. Further, the
Chisca appear, from the quoted passage, to have lived there
for some time; the description of their presence as "settled in
their towns" would appear to indicate the Chisca's presence
in Ibiniuti for long enough to have established substantial
dwellings and recognized politics within the larger territory
of the Acuera. This suggests that, perhaps, the "damages"
the Chisca were causing were not sufficient to necessitate
being driven from Acuera territory immediately. Second, it
is noteworthy that, so long as the "Christian caciques (male
chief)" of the Acuera approved, the Chiscas would be allowed
to remain in the mission province despite being "pagan".
Though the presence of unconverted populations may simply
have been a function of distance from the centers of Spanish
control, or of the Acuera simply not having the strength to
drive out the Chiscas on their own, it also may indicate that
the Acuera, even after missionization, were more tolerant of
the presence of non-Christians in their territory than appears to
have been the case among the other mission populations.
This latter possibility is strengthened by evidence that,
among the Acuera, there continued to exist traditional religious
leaders with a substantial following long after missions were
founded in their territory. An order from Benito Ruiz de Salazar
dated April 18, 1648, to Juan Dominguez, a soldier in the St.
Augustine garrison, noted the following:

Inasmuch as I have been advised that in the town of
Piliuco, which is in the province of Acuera, there is
a sorcerer Indian [yndio echisero] (the Spanish term
for the Timucuanjarva, or shaman), and that he is the
causer of some disquiet in the said town and province,
and it is suitable to the service of His Majesty that

he be brought to this presidio, and likewise that the
cacique of the town of San Diego de Elaca should
return with his vassals to his town... for the present
I order and command that upon receiving this order
[Ensign Juan Dominguez] should depart with the
infantry that I have commanded to loan [him] for this
effect and go to the said province and ask the cacique
of the said town of Piliaco for the said sorcerer Indian,
and having investigated if he is the same one that is
causing the said disquiet, he will bring him under
good security to this presidio, and that from the town
of Santa Lucia [de Acuera] he will come gathering all
the Indians from the stated town of Elaca and bring
them and make them come to their town, advising
me in this place of all that he does so that I can go
and in the said town determine what should be done
for the conservation of the crossing [paso] of the said
town (Ruiz de Salazar Valecilla to Dominguez 1648,
Worth, unpublished translation).

In light of the previously quoted passages concerning San
Juan del Puerto and San Antonio de Enacape, both of them
missions of this period, this order is extremely interesting
for several reasons. First, unlike other missionized Native
American groups of La Florida, the Acuera appear to have
maintained enough cultural autonomy and conservatism for
traditional religious leaders to exist more than thirty years
after the first mission was placed in their territory. Second, and
equally significant, the fact that this "sorcercer Indian" could
cause "some disquiet" suggests that enough of the people in
Acuera territory continued to practice traditional systems of
belief for such "disquiet" to be possible, again indicating that
the Acuera maintained a more traditional culture and pattern
of life than other Native American groups living within the
Spanish mission system.
Finally, the above passage indicates that the Acuera
may have been regarded as a haven for fugitives fleeing the
repartimiento, or labor draft, from other regions. "Elaca" is
clearly San Diego de Helaca, the mission town existing between
1624 and 1657 established for the crossing of the St. Johns
River by Governor Rojas y Borja (Worth 1998b:165). The fact
that the leader of that town and "all the Indians from the stated
town of Elaca" were present in Acuera territory suggests that
the Acuera allowed fugitives from other missionized chiefdoms
to come to their land, apparently including whole or large parts
of entire populations.
The missions to the Acuera appear to have been abandoned
in the wake of the Timucuan Rebellion in 1656. There are no
further records from San Luis de Eloquale or Santa Lucia de
Acuera after that date (Worth 1998b:100). However, unlike
other chiefdoms removed to mission stations along the camino
real, the Acuera remained within their traditional territory, and
Ibiniuti continued to be a haven for "unconverted and fugitive
Timucuan populations" for the remainder of the seventeenth
century (Ibid).
Documents from this later period, postdating the
missions, provide further evidence that the Acuera followed

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



more traditional lifeways in the colonial period than the other
Timucuan cultures. Records of the 1678 trial of the Acuera
Calesa provide the most detail on this issue. Calesa was "a
nephew and subject of Chief Jabajica of Acuera's village of
Alisa" (Hann 1992:452). He and a woman of the Potano, Maria
Jacoba, were tried for four killings which took place in 1677.
The documents concerning the case describe Calesa as "that
heathen Indian man" (Hann 1992:453), and refer to others
present with Calesa, including his brother Pequata Nalis, as
"his heathen companions" and "all of whom were heathen"
(Hann 1992:454, 461).
During the course of Maria Jacoba's testimony at the
trial of she and Calesa, she provided details of the killings by

... [asked if] she knows the name of the chief who
ordered the said Calesa to go about killing men and
where he is. She said that he was called Yabajica
and that he is heathen and that he is in a little place
(lugarcillo) called Biro Zebano close to (cercana a)
Piriaco. And that there are up to six people with the
said cacique, all kinsmen (parientes), and the said
Calesa one of them. And they are all commanded
and under orders from the said Chief Yabajica to kill
people (Hann 1992:462-463).

Calesa personally testified of himself and the killings:

He [Calesa] was asked what his name was, where he
is a native of, how old he is, and what occupation he
has. He said that in his childhood they named him
Calesa and now that he is a man, Yazah. He did not
know how to tell his age...And [he said] that he is
a native of the village of Alisa in Acuera Province,
and that his occupation has been hunter and that he
is a vassal and nephew of cacique Yabajica... [Of one
of the victims] He said that it is true that he killed
him at the order of his said chief, Yabajica, even
though this witness [Calesa] sought to dissuade him,
telling him that he did not wish to kill him because he
was a Christian and that if they were to capture him
sometime, they would punish him. At this the said
cacique replied to this witness that [the victim] the
said Alonsso had wanted to kill him and, accordingly,
that he should kill him...He was asked if he knows
that his cacique has commanded his vassals to kill
people. He said yes, that he knows it. He was asked if
in those environs of his place there are other injurious
Indians who go about doing harm. He said that he is
not aware of it (Hann 1992:463)

Captain Juan de Pueyo, the defender nominated for Maria
Jacoba and Calesa, defended Calesa's actions on the following

And as to the guilt and responsibility that attaches to
the said Calesa for the deaths of the said Alonsso and

Lorengo and a heathen, your lordship should and must
take note that my said client is a heathen who does not
recognize any other authority or superior in his land
than his uncle the chief, Jabahica. And as his vassal,
he and the rest were doing what he ordered them [to
do] (as they were obligated to do)...And it being a
general rule as it is among the Indians, both heathen
and Christian, [that] their greatest exploit (valentia)
and trophy is to kill their enemies to obtain the name
of noroco, he and the rest killed those whom they
were able to in virtue of the said order both for the
said [status] and to serve their chief (Hann 1992:466-

The term noroco, used both among the Timucua and the
Apalachee, refers to a warrior status gained from the killing of
enemies in warfare (Hann 1996:101).
The quoted passages suggest three things about the Acuera
after the abandonment of the Acuera missions. First, at the time
of the events described, twenty-one years after the Timucuan
Rebellion, the Acuera still practiced their traditional systems
of belief. Calesa, his uncle Jabajica, and the other Indians
from Acuera are explicitly described throughout the trial
documents as "heathens", suggesting no practicing Catholics
remained among the Acuera at this time, despite forty years of
Second, it would appear that, at least at the time of
the Calesa trial (1678), the Acuera continued to possess a
chiefdom social structure. The term "Piriaco" in the quoted
passage from Maria Jacoba is a variant of the name Piliaco,
the Timucuan town referred to in Ruiz de Salazar's 1648 order
quoted earlier. The documents from the Calesa trial suggest
that Chief Jabajica ruled both Biro Zebano and Alisa, and
may possibly have ruled Piriaco/Pilicao as well. Likewise,
given the emphasis in the trial documents on the familial
relationship of uncle/nephew between Jabajica and Calesa, it
seems likely that Calesa may have been considered a potential
heir to Jabajica's chiefly status under the matrilineal system
traditional within Timucuan culture. While not definitive, the
documents thus suggest that the Acuera continued to possess
"multicommunity political units with ascribed social rank"
(Worth 1998a:13) in 1678.
Finally, the fact that these killings were defended on the
grounds that they were ritual killings, intended to give Calesa
the status of noroco (Hann 1992:466-467), suggests that the
Acuera, and those observing them, possessed a significant
awareness and consciousness of their traditional cultural
practice even after more than three-quarters of a century
within the colonial system. It is noteworthy that Governor
Pablo de Hita Salazar, after initially condemning Calesa to
death, commuted the sentence to exile and forced labor (Hann
1992:468, 473).
At the time of the Calesa trial, the governor ordered the
arrest and capture of Chief Jabajica (Hann 1992:470-471).
While it is unknown whether this order was ever carried out, it
appears the Acuera continued to exist as a distinctive cultural
unit through the end of the seventeenth century. Interestingly,




the 1687 tally of items distributed from the Indian fund refers to
gifts presented to "Caciques of Ibiniuti (rendering obedience)".
The caciques was given gifts of 24 knives, a hoe, two arrobas of
wheat flour, and 12 pounds of hardtack (Worth 1998a:139). In
that same year, "some pagan Indians from Ibiniuti" were given
20 pounds of hardtack (Worth 1998a:141). While we cannot
be certain that the "caciques" and "pagan Indians" were in fact
Acuera, it is not unreasonable to assume they were, given the
designation ofAcuera province by the Timucuan name Ibiniuti
noted earlier.
The last known reference to the Acuera as a people comes
from Governor Diego de Quiroga y Losada during his term in
office (1687-1693). The Governor noted that he had gathered
the "heathen Indians of Ayapaja and Acuera" in the village
of Ivitanayo (Hann 1996:244). While the chief of these two
groups was baptized, ultimately the people of Ayapaja and
Acuera left Ivitanayo "to live in the woods" (Hann 1996:244),
suggesting that, despite earlier missionization and more than
a century of colonial interaction with the Spanish, the Acuera
preferred to practice their traditional ways of life.
It might be argued that this divergence in Acuera culture,
compared to the other missionized chiefdoms to the north, is
simply a function of distance from the camino real and the heart
of Spanish power at St. Augustine. However, it is important to
remember that Acuera territory the Ocklawaha River Valley
and the modem Ocala National Forest was easily accessible
by water. The St. Johns River and the Ocklawaha provided a
much easier means of travel than overland transportation of the
seventeenth century, and to claim distance as the sole reason for
the continued traditional practices and lifeways of the Acuera
seems simplistic and facile. Rather, the image of the Acuera
revealed in the colonial documents concerning them suggests
a people whose culture in this period was more resilient and
more traditional than the other missionized Timucuan groups,
though whether this was due to a fundamental difference in
Acuera culture or to the leadership of certain persons or
lineages is not known at this point.
Having discussed the historical record of the Acuera,
it is important now to discuss what is known of the natural
environment and archaeological record of the region believed
to be Acuera territory the Ocklawaha River Valley and its
environs. As will be discussed, existing and newly discovered
evidence from this region provide a basis for the tentative
locations and identifications of three sites which may
represent mission or mission-era sites with a Spanish colonial

Natural Environment and Mission-Era Archaeological
Sites of the Ocklawaha River Valley

The Ocklawaha River is the major tributary of the St.
Johns River, emerging from Lakes Griffin and Harris in the
south and running some seventy miles north and then east
to its confluence with the St. Johns River (Denson 1992:2).
Throughout this region, the terrain varies from cypress swamp
along the river's edge through hardwood hammock and scrub
forest at higher elevations (Figure 1). Freshwater species of
fish, such as largemouth bass, bream, and bluegill, as well

as several reptile species including turtle and alligator, are
very common throughout the Ocklawaha. Terrestrial species
common in this area include white-tailed deer, bobcat, raccoon,
squirrel, and black bear.
Within the zone of the Ocklawaha River Valley, numerous
archaeological sites are known to exist, ranging in date from
Paleoindian to the modem era. To determine the location of
sites representing late prehistoric, contact, and colonial-period
sites, archival research of the Florida Master Site File was
performed, as well as a pedestrian survey of land belonging
to the Department of Greenways and Trails throughout the
Ocklawaha River Valley, under the Florida Department of
Historic Resources permit # 0506.53. This survey included
mapping of site locations by GPS, as well as surface collection
and analysis of artifacts from sites within the region. Where
permitted, privately owned lands throughout the area were
surveyed as well.
The results of the survey suggest that, in the late prehistoric
period (defined for this area as the St. Johns II era, from 750
A.D. 1539 A.D.), at the time of European contact, the
preferred areas and principal settlements in this region were
located in the hardwood hammock zone above the cypress
swamp at the river's edge, and were primarily concentrated
in the northern and southern reaches of the Ocklawaha River
Valley (Boyer 2007). The presence of certain patterns at
mound sites throughout the region of the Ocklawaha River
Valley suggests that, through the later St. Johns I period and
the St. Johns II era (500 A.D. 1539 A.D.), common cultural
practices prevailed in this region, indicating a shared culture
whose spatial limits were defined by the river valley and the
region within it (Boyer 2006, 2007).
There are three known sites in this area which date to the
contact period and the Spanish mission era: the Hutto/Martin
site (8MR3447), the Conner Landing site (8MR2064), and the
Cedar Creek Bell site (8MR3446).

The Hutto/Martin Site: 8MR3447

The Hutto/Martin site is located on privately owned
property north of Moss Bluff, Florida (see Figure 1). The
land on which the site was discovered is a rectangular parcel
immediately adjacent to the Ocklawaha River, approximately
six hundred meters in length from north to south and four
hundred meters in width from east to west, with a ridge running
roughly north and south, crossed by a second smaller ridge in
its center running east and west. A seepage spring exists within
the northwestern quadrant at the base of the junction of the two
ridges, with a seasonal stream running between the seepage
spring and the river. Immediately to the east of this spring is
a second water source, a pond, permanently filled throughout
the year (Hubert Martin, landowner, personal communication
2005). The area is currently used for the pasturage of cattle,
though the land has been used for crops at different times in
the past (Hubert Martin, personal communication 2005).
Surface finds at the site included fragments of St. Johns
check-stamped pottery, Fig Springs roughened, Lochloosa
punctated, and sand-tempered plain sherds. These ceramics
are those which would be expected from a Timucuan cultural

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



Figure 1. The Ocklawaha River Valley and sites discussed in the text.

region at the edge of both the St. Johns cultural region of the
eastern Timucua, and the Alachua/Suwannee Valley tradition
of the western chiefdoms (Milanich 1994:244-247, 331-353;
Worth 1998a:20). Three fragments of Spanish olive jar, two
green-glazed and one unglazed were found on the surface at
the Hutto/Martin site, along with Spanish glass beads which
included a Nueva Cadiz bead and a faceted chevron bead.
A metal detector survey was performed on the site with the
permission of the landowners. Five clusters of metal detector
hits were found and plotted on a map, one of the aforementioned
clusters was found on the east-west ridge approximately one
hundred fifty meters south of the spring. Upon agreement

from the landowners, an initial judgmental testing of the site
began according to an overall research design for study of
archaeological sites in the Ocklawaha River Valley; a research
design was also prepared solely for the testing and excavation
of the Hutto/Martin site.
A datum stake was placed in the center of the property and
twenty-five standard shovel tests, 50cm x 50 cm x Im, were
dug. These shovel tests were placed both on the edges of the
clusters of metal detector hits and within them to determine if
they represented structural remains. Material from the shovel
tests was screened through quarter-inch mesh.




No artifacts were found which predated the St. Johns II
era. The principal aboriginal ceramic type recovered was St.
Johns check stamped and sand-tempered plain ceramic sherds,
as well as two Pinellas points diagnostic of the late prehistoric
and contact eras. Additional Spanish ceramics were found in
two of the tests dug within Cluster 2, including both unglazed
olive jar fragments and a small (<2cm) fragment of orange
micaceous ware. Four of the test pits also yielded Mission
Red Filmed sherds. No ceramic comparable to Mission Red
Filmed is known to exist in this area prior to the colonial
period (Milanich 1994:247). Taken in conjunction with the
presence of Spanish ceramics, the presence of Mission Red
Filmed indicates a mission-era component at the site (Vernon
and Cordell 1993:418).
Three of the test pits contained clear features. These
features included post stains, a posthole/postmold within a
packed earth floor, and a layer of charcoal and daub fragments
within whitish soil, which may represent a second structural
Nueva Cadiz beads are found only at sites which include
a pre-1550 occupation (Deagan 1987:163). Faceted chevron
beads can be dated on the basis of the number of layers they
possess; the bead recovered from the Hutto/Martin site has
seven layers, which would indicate a sixteenth-century date
(Deagan 1987:165). Orange micaceous ware has a date range
between 1550 and 1650 (Deagan 1987:28), which would place
a part of the Hutto/Martin site between the late sixteenth and
early seventeenth centuries. Mission Red Filmed sherds are
regarded as a variant of colonoware (Vernon and Cordell
1993:418), though vessel forms are the only reliable indicator
of the presence of colonoware (Ibid, 419). However, nothing
like Mission Red Filmed is found in this region prior to the
time of European contact (Milanich 1994:247), with St. Johns
wares being the ceramic type most commonly found at sites.
The olive jar sherds found at the site are from a middle-
style olive jar, postdating the time of the de Soto expedition
and including the mission period (Deagan 1987; Kathleen
Deagan, curator, Florida Museum of Natural History, personal
communication 2006). Further, the presence of both unglazed
and glazed olive jar sherds at the Hutto/Martin site indicates the
breakage of multiple vessels at the site. This in turn suggests
the presence of at least one resident Spaniard at the site, as an
olive jar would not typically be present as a result of trade, but
rather due to the transport of food and supplies to missionaries
residing at a mission (John E. Worth, personal communication
Substantial further testing and research at the Hutto/Martin
site will be needed to determine its precise nature and extent
conclusively. However, the current evidence indicates that the
Hutto/Martin site unquestionably includes late prehistoric,
early contact period, and mission-era components, and is a
likely candidate for one of the Acuera missions.

The Conner Landing Site: 8MR2064

The Conner Landing site, 8MR2064, was first reported
in a survey published in 1992 which was performed by Robin
Denson (Denson 1992:12). The site is located near a bluff 34

meters in height overlooking the eastern side of the Ocklawaha
River (see Figures 1 and 2). The site is located within land
currently owned by the Florida Department of Greenways and
Trails, as well as two private landowners, and is located in the
hammock zone between the cypress swamp and scrub forest
zones previously noted. A freshwater spring, located within
the Ocklawaha River itself, is also present at the site.
Native American ceramics associated with the Conner
Landing site included sand-tempered plain and St. Johns
wares. During the course of the Denson's survey investigation
at the site, two cypress canoes were found in the river; one of
which was radiocarbon dated to an adjusted date ofA.D. 1260-
1284 (Denson 1992:13).
Both an aquatic and a terrestrial Spanish mission
component were found at the Conner Landing site. Within
the river itself, divers recovered an intact bronze bell (Denson
1992:13; Guy Marwick, former director, Silver River Museum,
personal communication 2003). This bell exhibits a cross on
its outer surface composed of squares containing geometric
patterns as well as a crown attachment composed of three
loops, both characteristic of Spanish mission bells (Deagan
2002:152-153). This specific bell has been clearly identified as
a Spanish mission bell in Deagan's work on Spanish artifacts
(Deagan 2002:152-153) (Figure 3). In the same location,
a copper bowl was recovered (Figure 4). The bowl is hand-
hammered and hand-riveted. Currently curated at the Silver
River Museum in Marion County, it is similar to Spanish-era
artifacts recovered at other mission-era sites (Scott Mitchell,
director, Silver River Museum, personal communication
2006). Prior surface finds at the site, by hunters crossing the
privately held portion of the property, include three Spanish
coins, one of which was identified as a silver real (Scott
Mitchell, personal communication 2006).
The surface survey performed at the Conner Landing
site covered both the land owned by the Department of
Greenways and Trails under the Ocklawaha Survey Project's
State permit, and the private properties held immediately to
the east by permission of both landowners. This survey found
only prehistoric and nineteenth-century components, the latter
dating to the riverboat era. Subsurface soil testing at the Conner
Landing site will be necessary to determine the presence of
structures or other material dating to the mission era. However,
given the presence of both aquatic and terrestrial material
dating to the mission period which has previously been found
at Conner Landing, the current evidence suggests that this site
contains both late prehistoric and mission-era components.

The Cedar Creek Bell Site: 8MR3446

The Cedar Creek Bell site is located at the confluence of
the Ocklawaha River and Cedar Creek (see Figure 1). The site
is within the cypress swamp zone, on land belonging to the
Florida Department of Greenways and Trails, however there
is a ridge and plateau within this zone between 25-40 feet in
elevation above mean sea level. Several sites within this area
have late prehistoric components, specifically St. Johns check-
stamped and Alachua tradition ceramics, including the Sunday
Bluff site (8MR13), the Tuten Creek Mounds site (8MR1972),


2009 VOL. 62(1-2)


Figure 2. The Conner Landing site and vicinity.

and Charlie Perry's Village (8MR3375), located to the north
and west (Bullen 1969:29-33; Boyer 2007). All of these
sites except for Charlie Perry's Village are located on lands
belonging to the Florida Department of Greenways and Trails
and were surveyed during the course of the Ocklawaha Survey

Project's initial surface collections during 2006, pursuant to
the project's state permit. Charlie Perry's Village was reported
by its namesake, a supervisor for a private corporation owning
land adjacent to the Ocklawaha River. Based on features and
artifacts, including St. Johns check-stamped and Alachua




Figure 3. Bronze bell from the Conner Landing site.

tradition ceramics, found during the course of a logging
project (Charlie Perry, supervisor for Smurfit-Stone, personal
communication 2006) it recorded as a new site with the
permission of Mr. Perry. Both the Sunday Bluff site and the
Tuten Creek Mounds site appear to represent the remains of
areas of substantial habitation.
A Spanish mission bell reported to be "almost identical"
to the bell curated at the Silver River Museum was recovered
from the Ocklawaha River at the mouth of Cedar Creek,
by Leon Cheatham, a diver associated with Silver Springs
(Guy Marwick, former director, Silver River Museum,
personal communication 2003; Leon Cheatham, personal
communication 2003). The bell possessed the three lobes
and cross pattern seen on the bell recovered from the Conner
Landing site (Leon Cheatham, personal communication 2003).
Unfortunately, prior to the bell's curation, it was stolen from
Mr. Cheatham; no photographs or measurements of the Cedar
Creek bell are known to exist.
Of the three sites, the archaeological evidence from the
Cedar Creek site is clearly the most tenuous, and substantial
research and testing will be necessary to confirm a mission-era
component in this area. However, the presence of a second
mission bell and of late prehistoric Native American sites
at this location suggest that the Cedar Creek Bell site may
represent a mission or mission-period site within this region.

Discussion and Avenues for Continuing Research

The historic evidence and archaeological evidence, taken
together, suggest several hypotheses and continuing avenues
for future research on the Acuera as a people and the missions
established among them.

Figure 4. Copper bowl from the Conner Landing site.

First, the historic record of the Acuera suggests that they
may represent an anomaly within the Timucuan-speaking
cultural area missionized by the Spanish; a chiefdom which
neither completely accepted missionization and integration
into Spanish society, as did other Timucuan chiefdoms, nor
completely rejected missionization, as did the Calusa. The
presence ofunconverted Native American groups living in their
territory, the continuing presence of traditional religious leaders
decades after the founding of missions in Acuera territory,
the presence of refugees from other mission areas, and the
apparent maintenance of many elements of traditional culture
and lifeways throughout the seventeenth century indicate the
Acuera may have possessed a degree of cultural conservatism
and autonomy within the Spanish mission system which did
not exist among other missionized groups. Furthermore, the
historic evidence suggests the Acuera maintained their cultural
identity long after amalgamation with other groups and
demographic collapse had destroyed or vastly changed most
other Timucuan-speaking cultures (Worth 1998b).
Second, taking the historic record and archaeological
record in conjunction, enough evidence exists for
hypothesizing the location and identification of the missions
within Acuera territory. The newly discovered Hutto/Martin
site and the Conner Landing site are situated some seven and
a half miles apart on the eastern side of the Ocklawaha River
USGS 1999, Lynne and Lake Weir quadrangles). The Hutto/
Martin site contains both a late prehistoric (750 A.D. or later)
component, as well as two Spanish components, a sixteenth
century component, including artifacts dating to earlier than
1550 A.D., and a mission-period component, including both
Spanish ceramics and Native American ceramics from the
mission era. The Conner Landing site likewise contains late
prehistoric components and terrestrial Spanish components,
with Conner Landing having an additional aquatic component
represented by the bell and bowl found at the site. The Cedar
Creek Bell site, while having the most tenuous evidence for the
presence of mission era artifacts, does have several large late
prehistoric sites located nearby. Taking the bell and these sites
in conjunction, it seems reasonable to hypothesize the presence
of a mission or mission-era site in this area. However, it must
be emphasized that all hypothesized identifications discussed
in this paper, with the exception of the Hutto/Martin site,
must be considered very tentative until further archaeological
testing and study at the sites is completed.

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



The documents quoted from the de Soto expedition
indicate that de Soto's men had contact with the Acuera in 1539,
during the entrada. The 1655 mission list describes San Luis
de Eloquale and Santa Lucia de Acuera as being two leagues
apart, or, as previously noted, approximately 6.92 miles. Given
the imprecision of measurements of the seventeenth century,
this is reasonably consistent with the seven and one half
mile distance between the Conner Landing and Hutto/Martin
sites, though the distance is somewhat longer than might be
expected. Taking the historic and archaeological evidence
together, this suggests the hypotheses that Conner Landing is a
mission-era site associated with San Luis de Eloquale, and the
Hutto/Martin site as associated with Santa Lucia de Acuera.
It must, however, be emphasized that the terrestrial colonial
component from the Conner Landing site is extremely small,
and that the aquatic component alone has tenuous context.
Substantial additional testing will be needed to confirm the
presence of mission-era components at this site.
The description in Rojas y Borja's 1627 letter of the site
of San Blas de Avino as being in an area of "low land" with "a
river that floods them", is quite consistent with the topography
and archaeological record of the area surrounding the Cedar
Creek Bell site, as well as Rojas y Borja's description of
nearby towns within the "low land". While this description
could apply to many areas in this region and elsewhere, it is
important to note that, while cypress swamp is located along
most of the Ocklawaha River's edge, the Cedar Creek Bell
site is the only area in this region with higher ground located
entirely within the zone of cypress swamp, and that the cypress
swamp zone in this area is wider and larger than nearly all
other areas within the Ocklawaha River Valley (see Figure 1).
This in turn provides a basis for speculating that the Cedar
Creek Bell site would be associated with San Blas de Avino,
the earliest of the three mission sites.
Clearly, substantial further research and archaeological
testing will be needed to confirm or disprove these hypotheses;
but the historic and archaeological evidence uncovered thus
far appear to be consistent. It should be emphasized, however,
that hypothesizing that these sites are associated with the
named missions for this area does not mean that these sites are
unquestionably the missions, even should further subsurface
testing confirm the presence of a Spanish colonial component
in each area. It is equally possible that all these sites represent
visits or Native American towns within the missions'
jurisdiction, though the presence of Spanish ceramics at the
Hutto/Martin site suggests physical Spanish occupation of
the area. Further testing at each site will allow a more precise
determination of the sites' nature and extent.
Finally, continuing historic and archaeological research
will be necessary to answer the question if the Acuera
were indeed different from the other Timucuan chiefdoms of
Florida, what factors made them different? Their territory was
located on several boundaries specifically, the boundaries
between the north and south Florida cultural areas (Milanich
1994; Dr. John E. Worth, personal communication 2006); the
apparent boundary between the St. Johns and Alachua cultural
traditions (Milanich 1994); and at the southern frontier of the
area missionized by the Spanish (Worth 1998a, 1998b; John

E. Worth, personal communication 2005). It is possible that
their cultural conservatism was simply a function of distance
and location. However, given the relative ease of transport by
water in the colonial period, it seems unlikely that distance
alone can account for the differences between the Acuera and
the other missionized Native American groups in this region.
Continuing research at the late prehistoric and contact era sites
within this area, as well as continuing archival research into
records of the Acuera, will provide additional data which may
permit firmer answers to these questions.
The historic and archaeological evidence suggests that the
Acuera of the contact and mission era represent an anomalous
culture within the Timucuan-speaking cultural area; a people
who possessed a larger degree of cultural autonomy and
traditional cultural and religious practice than existed among
the other missionized groups of that time. Further testing and
excavation at sites in the Ocklawaha River Valley containing
a mission component, as well as continuing documentary
and historic research, will hopefully provide a basis for
understanding the factors which made the Acuera a people
who were different.


First, and foremost, I would like to thank my committee
chair, Dr. John E. Worth for his incredible help and effort in
advising me and teaching me about the mission period. It was
his published work that inspired my efforts to search for the
Acuera missions, and his trip to Marion and Putnam counties
in the fall of 2005 helped me enormously in providing direction
and planning for my doctoral focus and research.
I would also like to thank Guy Marwick and Scott Mitchell,
former and current directors of the Silver River Museum in
Marion County, Florida, for their help and assistance in this
research, including their generous permission to examine the
artifacts from the Conner Landing site. I would further like
to thank Michael Hutto, Hubert and Ruth Martin, and Bonnie
Young for their help in locating the Hutto/Martin site, and for
their gracious permission to test and excavate on their land.
Buddy Kinsey and Mickey Thomason, both of the Department
of Greenways and Trails in Marion County, have generously
given of their time and knowledge of the area and of their
contacts with people familiar with the land, as well as providing
me with an office and laboratory space conveniently near sites
in the area and equipment for use during this project. I would
like to thank Myles C. Bland, of Bland and Associates, Inc.,
for his loan of field equipment for testing at the Hutto/Martin,
Finally, this paper is dedicated with thanks and love to
my aunt, Fredericka Boyer Webb, who has provided me with
encouragement, help, assistance and support throughout the
course of my research thus far. This work could not have been
done without her.




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2001 Three Voyages, by Rend Laudonniere. Translation.
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Boyer, III, Willet A.
2006 Mound Patterning in the Late Prehistoric Ocklawaha
River Valley: Possible Archaeological Evidence of
Shamanistic Practice. Paper presented at the 58th
Annual Meeting of Florida Anthropological Society,
Stuart, Florida.
2007 Final Report on Pedestrian Survey, Ocklawaha Survey
Project, June 2006 December 2006. Prepared for
the Florida Division of Historical Resources.

Bullen, Ripley P.
1969 Excavations at Sunday Bluff, Florida. Contributions
of the Florida State Museum, Social Sciences,
Number 15. Gainesville: University of Florida.

Deagan, Kathleen.
1987 Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida and
the Caribbean, 1500-1800. Volume 1: Ceramics,
Glassware, and Beads. Smithsonian Institution Press,
Washington, D.C.
2002. Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida and
the Caribbean, 1500-1800. Volume 2: Portable
Personal Possessions. Smithsonian Institution Press,
Washington, D.C.

Denson, Robin L.
1992 The Oklawaha River Survey. Ms. on file. Florida
Museum of Natural History, Gainesville.

Geiger, Maynard.
1940 Biographical Dictionary of the Franciscans in
Spanish Florida and Cuba (1528-1841), Franciscan
Studies, vol. 21. St. Anthony Guild Press, Paterson,
New Jersey.

Hann, John H.
1988 Apalachee: Land Between the Rivers. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.
1991 Missions to the Calusa. University Press of Florida,
1992 Heathen Acuera, Murder, and a Potano Cimarrona:
The St. Johns River and the Alachua Prairie in the
1670's. Florida Historical Quarterly 70:451-474.
1996 A History of the Timucua Indians and Missions.
University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Hulton, Paul.
1977 The Work of Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues. 2
volumes. British Museum Publications Limited,

Menendez Marquez, Francisco, and Pedro Benedit
1647 Order to Ensign Nicolas de Carmenatiz, November
5th, 1647. John E. Worth, unpublished translation,
used by permission.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1994 Archaeology of Pre-Columbian Florida. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.
1995 Florida Indians and the Invasion from Europe.
University Press of Florida, Gainesville.
1996 The Timucua. Blackwell Publishers, Inc, Oxford.
1999 Laboring in the Fields of the Lord: Spanish Missions
and Southeastern Indians. Smithsonian Institution
Press, Washington, D.C.

Milanich, Jerald T., and Charles Hudson.
1993 Hernando de Soto and the Indians of Florida.
University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Or6, Luis Ger6nimo de
1936 The Martyrs of Florida (1513-1616), translated by
Maynard Geiger. Joseph F. Wagner, Inc., New York.

Ruiz de Salazar Valecilla, Sergeant Major Benito.
1648 Order to Juan Dominguez, April 18th, 1648. John E.
Worth, unpublished translation, used by permission.

Ranjel, Rodrigo.
1922 A Narrative of de Soto's Expedition... In Narratives
of the Career of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest
of Florida, Vol. II, pp. 41-158. Edited by Edward G.
Bourne. Allerton Book Co., New York.

Smith, Buckingham.
1968 Narratives of de Soto in the Conquest of Florida.
Kallman Publishing Company, Gainesville, Florida.

Varner, John Grier, and Jeanette Johnson Varner.
1951 The Florida of the Inca. University of Texas Press,

Vernon, Richard, and Ann S. Cordell.
1993 A Distributional and Technological Study of
Apalachee Colono-Ware from San Luis de Talimali.
In The Spanish Missions ofLa Florida, ed. by Bonnie
G. McEwan, pp. 418-441. University Press of Florida,

Worth, John E.
1998a Timucuan Chiefdoms of Spanish Florida, Volume
1: Assimilation. University Press of Florida,
1998b Timucuan Chiefdoms of Spanish Florida, Volume
2: Resistance and Destruction. University Press of
Florida, Gainesville.

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



Editors' Note: This year, there were no nominations for the William Lazarus and Ripley Bullen Awards, and an Arthur Lee FAS
Chapter Award was not presented.

FAS Certificates of Achievement

Individual FAS chapters honor members for outstanding
service. FAS President Patty Flynn presented the certificates.

Emerald Coast Archaeological Society (ECAS)


Joyce Nunnery was a founding member of ECAS, serving
over the years in the capacities of treasurer, secretary, and then
publicity chair. She has been a strong supporter of preserving
our cultural heritage as an amateur archaeologist for as long
as any of us have known her. She was a great friend of, and
volunteer for, Yulee and Bill Lazarus of the Indian Temple
Mound Museum in Fort Walton Beach, and she continues her
support of the museum to this day.
Joyce has been an enthusiastic volunteer for nearly every
project ECAS has attempted. She has been willing to teach,
speak to groups, dig with kids and adults, and entertain field
school students. She has contributed to the writing of site
reports and, above all, has always demonstrated responsible,
ethical behavior.
Thank you, Joyce. ECAS and FAS appreciate your years
of service.

Pensacola Archaeological Society (PAS)


Barbara Wright joined PAS in 2005 and was elected to
the PAS Board in 2007. She moved to Pensacola after retiring
from Holland American Cruise Lines, and she brought with
her a fresh perspective through her different life experiences.
PAS asked Barbara to be in charge of membership recruitment
and maintenance during the 2008 year, and she has helped to
raise PAS Memberships to a high of 125.
During this year of preparation for the FAS 2009 Annual
Meeting, she was instrumental in organizing the registration
procedures and materials. Barbara also has volunteered on the
St. Michael's Cemetery Project and acted as a docent in the
FPAN Museum. She has been a very welcome addition to the
PAS Family.


VOL. 62(1-2)



Chapters of the Florida Anthropological Society

Archaeological Society of Southern Florida
2495 N.W. 35th Ave., Miami, FL 33142

2. Central Florida Anthropological Society
P.O. Box 947544, Maitland, FL 32794-7544

3. Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 9507, Treasure Island, FL 33740

4. Emerald Coast Archaeological Society
c/o Indian Temple Mound Museum
139 Miracle Strip Pkwy SE, Fort Walton Beach, 32548

5. Gold Coast Anthropological Society
PO Box 11052, Fort Lauderdale, FL33339

6. Indian River Anthropological Society
3705 S. Tropical Trail, Merritt Island, FL 32952

7. Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy
195 Huntley Oaks Blvd., Lake Placid, FL 33852

8. Panhandle Archaeological Society at Tallahassee
P.O. Box 20026, Tallahassee, FL 32316

9. Pensacola Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 13251, Pensacola, FL 32591

10. St. Augustine Archaeological Association
P.O. Box 1301, St. Augustine, FL 32085

11. Southeast Florida Archaeological Society
P.O Box 2875, Stuart, FL 34995

12. Southwest Florida Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 9965, Naples, FL 34101

13. Time Sifters Archaeology Society Se ww
P.O. Box 25642, Sarasota, FL 34277-2883 Och -

14. Volusia Anthropological Society
P.O. Box 1881, Ormond Beach, FL 32175

15. Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 7797, North Port, FL 34287


Walking Beams, Paddlewheels and Johnsons: The
Archaeology of an Eastern Coastal Paddlewheel

Eastern coastal paddlewheel steamers and the walking beam
engine were an important part of American maritime trade,
but few examples of this type of craft exist today. This paper
presents the archaeological findings of an eastern coastal
paddlewheel steamer at Seminole, Alabama and focuses on
key aspects of 19th century maritime steam technology.

On the Prowl at Tiger Point: Results of the 2008 UNF Field

In the summer of 2008, the University of North Florida (UNF)
conducted its annual field school at the Betz-Tiger Point
Preserve in Jacksonville. Following on the heels of a UNF
survey of the city-owned preserve, students assisted in the
testing of four archaeological sites. Emphasis was placed on
sampling a large shell midden at the Tiger Point site (8DU 104).
Artifacts, faunal remains, and two radiometric dates indicate a
thirteenth-century St. Johns II midden deposited during the late
summer-early fall. Field school results add new dimensions to
our current understanding of St. Johns II settlement-subsistence
patterns in northeastern Florida.

Site Formation and Chronology at Bayshore Homes: A
Late Weeden Island Mound Complex in Pinellas County

Bayshore Homes (8PI41) is a large mound and midden complex
in Pinellas County that was investigated by William Sears in
the 1950s. For the past 10 years, the authors have conducted
survey, test excavations and soil coring to address questions
regarding site formation, chronology and cultural affiliation.
Our results indicate that the unusual ceramic sequence
identified by Sears is the result of redeposition. Radiocarbon
dates and ceramic analysis indicate primary occupation during
the late Weeden Island period and suggest that Weeden Island
may have continued here for 200-300 years longer than
previously believed.

Downtown Colonial Pensacola
The archaeology of downtown colonial Pensacola reflects
continuous use through three colonial periods. During the
First Spanish period the third Pensacola presidio, San Miguel,
included a central fort surrounded by scattered habitations. In
1763 the British transformed the settlement into the capitol of
British West Florida. The British expanded the fort, but many
of the military Spanish buildings remained. The wall of the
downtown fort was not maintained during the Second Spanish
occupation, but many buildings and activity areas continued
their administrative functions, and were still in use when
Andrew Jackson received Florida from the Spanish in 1821.

Black Drink: It's Not the Caffeine

The purpose of this research is three-fold: to discuss the
significance of the black drink to the Native populations on the
southeast coast, to determine the caffeine content of the black
drink and dispel the popular belief that caffeine is the agent
responsible for emetic effects, and finally to offer possible
alternative explanations regarding the agent responsible for
the emetic effects associated with the consumption of the
black drink.

The Spanish Colonization Fleet of Don Tristan de Luna y
Arellano: The Discovery of Emanuel Point Ships I and II

Archaeologists discovered the first Emanuel Point Shipwreck
in 1992. Following two full years of excavation, this vessel
was firmly associated with the 1559 Spanish colonization fleet
of Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano. In 2006, the University of
West Florida discovered a second vessel from the fleet. This
paper will discuss the survey methodologies and artifact clues
that led to their discovery and identification.

Florida's Fleet: An Ebb Tide of Shrimp

Over 3,000 shrimp boats were built in St. Augustine along the
San Sebastian River throughout the 20th century. In the first


VOL. 62(1-2)




decade of the 21st century only one has been built. The rise and
decline of this industry has significantly changed the character
of St. Augustine's working waterfront. This presentation
briefly documents the development of industrial shrimping in
St. Augustine and the concurrent shift in labor patterns as the
political economy of the industry has become more globalized.
A central theme here is tracking the transition from family
boatbuilders to corporate assembly-line builders.

Saltwater Surprises: A Preliminary Analysis of Belle Glade
Subsistence Patterns at the Blueberry Site

In 2008, two Belle Glade hearth features from the Blueberry
Site (8HG678) in Highlands County, Florida underwent a
comprehensive botanical and faunal analysis. This study
compares the results from the two hearths analyzed in 2008
with a previous faunal study conducted at the site in 1996.
This study builds on previous research by including a
comprehensive botanical analysis in addition to the faunal
analysis. Further, this paper identifies the context and recovery
methods associated with the two recently analyzed hearths.
Additionally, the methods and results of the comprehensive
botanical and faunal analysis of these features will be

Rare Earth Element Analysis of Pleistocene Remains from
Vero, Florida (8IR9)

The geology of the Vero site (8IR9) is a subject of contention
due to a presence of human remains associated with
Pleistocene fauna. While some human remains are well
within strata bearing Pleistocene fossils, others are present
at the contact line of a more geologically recent stratum.
The rare earth element (REE) signals of samples collected
from human remains, extinct Pleistocene taxa, and modem
comparative fauna from both layers are compared to better
understand the chronological relationship between the strata at
this controversial site. These signatures suggest a correlation
between the age of the Pleistocene fauna and the human
remains found at the Vero site.

In the Footsteps of Moore: A GPR Survey of the Sam's Site

In 1895, C. B. Moore investigated the small mound adjacent
to the present-day Sam's Site on Merritt Island. In January,
2009, ground penetrating radar and magnetic anomaly surveys
were conducted in an attempt to locate Moore's excavation
and any additional burials. The surveys indicated the presence

of several objects within the mound, exhibiting strong radar
signatures. Multiple magnetic anomalies were detected in a
localized area, some corresponding to objects observed within
the GPR scan data. Trench-like features were also observed in
the radar record. This survey is a preliminary investigation of
one of the many mounds visited by Moore in the late 1800s.

The Emanuel Point II Shipwreck: Methodologies and
Preliminary Hull Analysis of a Vessel from the 1559 Luna

This paper will summarize the methodologies employed
during the ongoing investigations of "Emanuel Point II", the
second vessel discovered from the 1559 Luna expedition, as
well as present preliminary findings related to the hull analysis
of the shipwreck.

Poster: Paste Variability and Clay Resources Utilization
in 16th Century Aboriginal Pottery from the Fountain of
Youth Park Site, St. Augustine, Florida

Several seasons of excavations at the Fountain of Youth Park
site in St. Augustine, Florida, under the direction of Kathleen
Deagan, have yielded a diverse assemblage of early contact
period Native American pottery. This pottery consists mainly
of St. Johns wares, grit and sand-tempered possible San Marcos
wares, and grog-tempered San Pedro wares. Pottery samples
were selected from closed context 16h century deposits at
the site for analysis. Technological and petrographic analysis
were undertaken to document paste variability and resource
differences or similarities among the categories. Local clay
samples were analyzed for comparison.

Shifting Ground: The Curious Case of Anclote Key

A recent archaeological survey of Anclote Key, a barrier
island in the Gulf of Mexico in Pasco and Pinellas Counties,
demonstrated that the island has undergone dramatic changes
in the past 60 years. Historic resources once located near the
shore of the island are now significantly inland. Through
the use of historic aerial photographs and site location, the
pronounced changes and delicate nature of Anclote Key can
be observed. The shifting shoreline of the island has important
ramifications for cultural site management at Anclote Key
Preserve State Park.

Imagining Crystal River B. C. (Before Clarence)

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



Detailed topographic mapping was conducted at the Crystal
River site (8CIl) by a 2008 joint field school of the University
of South Florida and the University of West Florida, resulting
in an accurate map of the site's current state. However, the
site has been significantly altered in the century since it was
visited by C. B. Moore. In this paper, we use GIS to recreate
the conditions of the site in 1903. A comparison of the two
maps will provide researchers with a better visualization of
the changes that have taken place at the site over the last 106

An Overview of Recent Excavations at Fort Brooke, a
Seminole War and Civil War Military Post in Hillsborough
County, Florida

Excavations were recently completed within a small portion
of the Fort Brooke military post in Tampa, Florida. The fort
was occupied from 1824 through 1883, spanning the period
of the Seminole and Civil Wars. Despite extensive urban
development, significant elements of the fort remain buried
beneath Tampa. This presentation offers an overview of the
fort's history, briefly reviews previous archaeological work,
and recounts the recent excavations that took place beneath
the floor of an extant building. The paper continues with a
discussion on the well-preserved features and their cultural
content, and concludes with remarks for future research
direction for this site.

Non-Invasive Analysis of a Belle Glade Earthen Mound:
Applying Three Dimensional High Definition Laser
Scanning at the Blueberry Site (8HG678)

Three dimensional high definition laser scanning analyzes
real world objects, structures and environments in order to
collect data on their geometric shape and appearance, in a non-
invasive manner. This paper will highlight the application of
this technology as a non-destructive analytical archeological
method and position its application within the Belle Glade
culture in south-central Florida.

Hidden Vestiges: An Approach to Recognizing an
18th Century Historic Landscape Within an Urban

Buried beneath the city of Pensacola, Florida are the remains
of an extensive network of earthworks and archaeological
deposits from a 1781 Revolutionary War battle known as the
Siege of Pensacola. A GIS approach to understanding this
battlefield landscape is used to reconcile the modem landscape

with an old and complex urban landscape. Maps and documents
provide additional information, along with an extensive record
from landowners and previous archaeological investigations
related to the event. Results from this study reveal conclusions
about how the historical landscape was once overlooked or
deemed unapproachable, but now can be recognized as a
landscape worthy of study and preservation.

Stock Island Mound (8M02), New Information from Lost

The Stock Island Mound, or Midden site (8M02), was briefly
investigated by avocational and professional archaeologists
in the mid 1900s when it was destroyed as a result of
construction. Because of the time period, very little was
documented although much artifactual material was collected.
One avocational archaeologist, Louise White maintained an
extensive collection from this site consisting of shell, faunal,
and ceramic artifacts. This paper documents the history,
rehabilitation and potential of this unique collection. With
additional information from this collection, we can learn about
the habitation of prehistoric through historic Native Americans
who once lived in the Florida Keys.

Missing, Submerged, Degraded: Direct and Indirect
Evidence for Prehistoric Dugout Canoes in South Florida

In an area where other aquatic hunter-gatherer remains and
evidence abound why have we seen precious little evidence of
dugout canoes in south Florida? Sites in and around the Gulf
of Mexico and south Florida abound with hunter-gatherers and
other groups whose production activities relied upon water
not only for transportation, but for procuring food and other
resources. This paper will first discuss the discovery of a 40-
foot prehistoric dugout canoe buried in the intertidal waters of
Old Tampa Bay and then compare this 1,100 year old dugout
canoe find to other data from south Florida and around the

The Relict Civil War Landscape of Northern Florida

Landscape features created or transformed as a result of the
Civil War and its subsequent memorialization abound across
northern Florida. These landscape features comprise a Civil
War heritage landscape of some note, and include battlefields,
fortifications, transportation routes, maritime resources,
buildings and monuments. A preliminary characterization of
this relict Civil War landscape is offered along with a status


report on plans for archaeological research and heritage
education development of this important but underappreciated

The Search for C. B. Moore's First Research Vessel The
Alligator: Investigation of the Steamboat Remains at
Grimsley Cove, Crescent Lake

In 2006 a shipwreck was discovered (8FL287) in Grimsley
Cove at the east end of Crescent Lake. It was believed it to
be Alligator, an Ocklawaha River steamboat significant
for its association with early archaeologist Clarence B.
Moore, who used it on the St. Johns River in March-April
1891. LAMP began a preliminary survey of this site in
2008. This paper summarizes research conducted to date,
including documentation of exposed remains and an intra-site
magnetometer and probing survey. Whether the Alligator or
not, this investigation promises to increase our understanding
of this important period in northeast Florida's maritime

Understanding Interactions: Colono-wares in the Pensacola

Colono-wares are a small but interesting part of the colonial
artifact assemblage. These wares, which are made using
Native American techniques but which emulate European
vessel forms, have been found at colonial sites across the
southeastern United States. Analysis of these ceramics may
aid in understanding what kinds of interactions were taking
place between Native and European populations. Analysis of
these wares at the three Pensacola presidios shows how these
ceramics and their frequency changed through time, and may
help in explaining how these ceramics are tied to questions of
social and economic status.

Wakulla in the Sandhills: Analysis of a Late Weeden Island
Occupation in the Northwest Florida Interior Uplands

The Weeden Island peoples of the Late Woodland that
inhabited the interior uplands of Northwest Florida are poorly
understood, particularly west of the Apalachicola River
Drainage. Research focus on coastal and alluvial sites has left
a significant portion of the Weeden Island culture virtually
unstudied beyond survey. In addition, the more elaborate
early Weeden Island manifestations in the area have received
more academic scrutiny than the later Wakulla variant. This
paper will present the final results of Phase III excavations at
a Wakulla occupation located in the upland drainages of the
Choctawhatchee River in Washington County.

Poster: Preliminary Analysis of an Archaic Site in Urban
Downtown Pensacola, Florida

Phase I and II investigations conducted by the University
of West Florida Archaeology Institute in a lot adjacent to
St. Michael's Cemetery revealed a small, relatively intact
pocket of what appears to be an Elliot's Point Archaic site.
These deposits were located in highly disturbed urban soils,
yet consisted of conspicuous features with excellent integrity,
including a possible storage pit, trash pits, and post holes. The
largely ceramic artifact assemblage consisted of possible
Elliot's Point Objects, bone implements, and microlithic tools.
This small window into the Archaic peoples of Pensacola is a
valuable addition to the local prehistoric record.

Mr. Thompson, I Presume: Who Rearranged site

In 1999 and 2000, UWF conducted test excavations on
sites 8ES2949 and 8ES2950, which are components of the
Clear Creek mill complex near Escambia River northeast of
Pensacola. Last year (2008), Panamerican Consultants, Inc.
(PCI) conducted excavations on the sites and recovered a
wealth of data and information on the sites. While much of
that information will be presented, the focus of this paper
is the occupancy of George W. Thompson and his family at
8ES2949 and the impacts they had on the Second Spanish
period occupation remains.

Adventures in the Everglades: Anthropologist Alanson
Skinner's 1910 Expedition to the Seminole Indians

In 1910 the American Museum of Natural History sent
Alanson Skinner on an expedition to the Seminole Indians to
garner information and secure a collection of material culture.
Skinner's resulting article is one of the first ethnographic
studies of the Seminole by a professional anthropologist.
Recently, while engaged in other research at that American
Museum, I stumbled across the story behind the expedition,
it's planning and aftermath. A century later there is still much
we can learn from the expedition, information also important
to the Seminole Indians.

Getting at Cultural Identity in Late Spanish Colonial St.
Augustine, Florida: A Historical Archaeological Approach

Archival sources make it clear that church, community layout
and language in East Florida during the Second Spanish
Period (1784-1821) remained consistent with those of other
Spanish communities throughout the Americas. However, the

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



extent to which the local conditions and unique perspectives
of Second Spanish Period Floridians shaped expressions of
that "Spanish identity" is not well understood. These local
adjustments are most likely to have been played out in their
homes, and of particular interest is how St. Augustine families
expressed their own identities through material culture
and daily life. Using individual households as examples,
a research program is introduced that combines particular
categories of archaeological and historical data that can yield
insight into the complex structural arrangements by which this
society constructed and reconstructed itself via simultaneous
categories of interaction.

The Brick Wreck: Preliminary Investigation of a Recently
Discovered 19th Century Vessel

Recent remote sensing and target diving in Pensacola Bay,
Florida has revealed the presence of a previously unknown
shipwreck. Preliminary investigations suggest the site may be
the remains of a wooden vessel used for transporting brick in
Pensacola during the late 19th century. Ongoing research will
enhance our understanding of the types of vessels used for
transporting brick and Pensacola's brick industry as a whole.

Archaeological Investigations at Arcadia Mill, a Colonial
and Early American Water-Powered Mill Complex in
West Florida

Arcadia Mill, located near Pensacola, was the first large-scale,
water powered commercial lumber and textile mill complex
established in Florida. Many archaeological features including
an extensive earthen dam, brick, wood and stone building
foundations, mill races, log flumes, and other visible remains
still exist. This paper describes the archaeological excavations
and presents a model of the complex engineering systems that
enabled the industrial facility to thrive at the end of the age of

Recent Archaeological Research at Crystal River (8CI1)

This paper describes archaeological investigations undertaken
in 2008 at the Crystal River site (8CI 1) by a joint field school
from the University of South Florida and the University of West
Florida. The investigations consisted of detailed topographic
mapping and geophysical survey. Limited, minimally-invasive
coring was also conducted to "ground truth" the geophysical
data and to provide materials for relative and radiometric
dating. Finally, we retrieved a series of new radiocarbon dates
from the site. The resulting data provides significant new
insight into the internal structure and chronology of Crystal
River and a series of hypotheses for future research.

Poster: Words and Images: Analyzing High School
Recycling Behavior through Applied Anthropology

In 2005, Freedom High School developed an archaeology
elective for students grades 9-12. Students focus not only on
fundamental archaeology concepts but also the application of
archaeology research methods to solve academic and local
community problems. This year, the class received an NEA
Foundation Student Achievement Grant to perform a school
wide garbology project. Students share their experience
working on the grant through a collection of interviews and

Old Vero (8-IR-9) Revisited After 95 Years

Nearly ninety-five years ago, human skeletal remains were
found in apparent association with several species of Late Ice
Age animals during construction of a drainage canal near Vero
(now Vero Beach). After careful examination of the evidence,
Dr. E. H. Sellards, the state geologist announced the discovery
in a publication dated 1916. The controversy that arose
concerning the contemporaneity of the human and extinct
animal bones has never been resolved. Since 2005, needed
improvements to the drainage canal have been underway and
will soon destroy or bury the strata in the exact location of the
original finds. This paper describes what has been done and is
being planned to re-investigate the Vero site using 21st century
methods and technologies to solve a 95-year old mystery.

Secret Exchange: Alternative Economies of Santa Maria
de Galve and Isla de Santa Rosa

Occupants were prohibited from trading with non-Spanish
individuals and were expected to exist off of supplies from
the Spanish supply network. However, historical documents
suggest that the erratic supply system was inadequate and
spurred individuals to participate in alternative exchange
networks with other nations to support their economic interests.
A systematic archaeological evaluation of these exchanges in
needed. Specifically, Santa Maria de Galve and Isla de Santa
Rosa, two presidios in Northwest Florida, will be examined
for evidence of alternative economic behavior.

Archaeology of the Early Eighteenth-Century Spanish
Fort San Jose, Northwest Florida
On the sandy beach of the St. Joseph Peninsula once sat
colonial Spanish Fort San Jose. Archaeological investigations
conducted at this location since the 1960s have provided
material evidence of the early eighteenth-century Spanish
presence in the Apalachicola delta region of Florida. I compare


a recently identified collection of artifacts from Fort San Jose
with extant collections, resulting in new information on how
this short-lived settlement compares in artifact inventory and
inferred social and economic behavior with other Spanish
settlements such as Pensacola, approximately 140 miles to the

Spatial Reinterpretation of Arcadia Mill Industrial

Arcadia Mill has been the focus of ongoing research and
archaeological investigations for the last two decades. Past
research has provided a framework to better understand the
overall technological function of the site and the subsequent
events that occurred from 1828 to 1855. Preliminary artifact
identification was conducted for the 1988 survey collection with
little to no interpretation of the spatial distribution of artifacts.
It is imperative that the 1988 collection be further classified
and spatially interpreted to direct future archaeological
investigations. This paper will attempt to identify patterns and
create a spatial distribution model to supplement the existing

Recent Investigations at Mount Elizabeth, Martin County,

The Mount Elizabeth site (8MT30), Martin County is a large
Late Archaic midden bordering the brackish Indian River.
Excavations in 2007 revealed five meters of shell midden
deposits separated by a series of living surfaces overlying a
five meter coastal dune. Adjacent, more elevated site areas also
contain a 1.5 meter thick black earth midden with abundant
fish and terrestrial animal remains. Radiocarbon dates of shell
deposits reveal relatively rapid site accumulation and provide
early dates for Orange (fiber-tempered) pottery in Florida.

African Caribbean Sites and Cultural Resource
Management Planning: A Shifting Tide

During the late 18th century many British Loyalists began
migrating to islands throughout the Caribbean. The histories
of these early settlers have been well documented by
archaeologists, anthropologists and historians. In a recent
study of site significance and preservation measures in The
British West Indies, it was found that a definitive movement
towards the inclusion of African Caribbean sites in historic
archaeological research of these Loyalist plantations has
recently begun to emerge throughout the British West Indies.
This paper addresses these trends and provides a framework
for the inclusion of African Caribbean sites in cultural resource
management initiatives.

The Sailor's Diet: An Examination of the Faunal Remains
from the Emanuel Point Wrecks

This paper will represent the preliminary research conducted
into an examination of the diet of the sailors and colonist
aboard the doomed 1559 Tristan de Luna expedition through
the analysis of faunal remains recovered during excavations of
both Emanuel Point shipwrecks. It is hoped that this research
has the possibility to be used to infer part of the diet of the
lower class residents of the Spanish Empire.

From Citrus to Cemeteries: Historical Archaeology in

The Oakland Historical Archaeology Project is a collaborative
effort from students of Valencia Community College,
University of Central Florida, University of Florida and
Rollins College. Excavations at the Chambless-Hull House
(80R9836), a pioneer citrus grower's home and later
boarding house, has yielded interesting insights into issues
pertaining to social class, health and consumer choice.
Recently rediscovered after a half century of abandonment,
the Old Oakland African American Cemetery (80R9567) has
presented a unique research opportunity to learn more about
the workers associated with the excavation site as well as the
cultural history of the early African American community.

Along the Pathway of Souls: An Iconographic Analysis of
the Hickory Ridge Cemetery Site (8ES1280) in Pensacola,

The late Mississippian Hickory Ridge cemetery yielded an
artifact assemblage rich in ideological expression. Iconographic
analysis ofthese materials using recently developed interpretive
techniques of the "Southwest School" provides a functional
interpretation of the site within a Mississippian cosmological
framework. Analysis suggests that the people of Hickory
Ridge shared a multi-layered cosmological model with the
inhabitants of Moundville, believing that their souls traveled
along a Pathway of Souls (the Milky Way) after death.

Florida Port Records and Their Use to Anthropologists

This paper will describe numerous sets of East Florida port
records and show some of the kinds of information that is
available and how they may compliment the archaeological
record. Some of these port records have been entered
into relational databases. Some of the databases will be

2009 VOL. 62(1-2)



demonstrated exhibiting the usefulness of these port records
and the advantages of using relational databases for port
record analysis.

Beyond the Fountain of Youth: St. Augustine, Florida,
Prior to European Colonization

In 2015, St. Augustine will celebrate the 450th anniversary of
its founding by Pedro Menendez de Aviles. The city's history
however, is not limited to its European heritage. Prior to the
Spanish entrada, the region consisted of an extensive collection
of late prehistoric Timucuan settlements primarily concentrated
along the intracoastal waterway. Menendez established his
initial encampment at a coastal Timucuan village under the
domain of the Cacique Seloy. Archaeological investigations
around the Menendez encampment provide new information
about late coastal Timucuan settlement organization and
village life and a glimpse as to what the Spanish may have
witnessed in 1565.

Archaeology at Kingsley Plantation: Past, Present and

This paper will provide a historical overview of Kingsley
Plantation (8DU108) and the archaeological activities
conducted at the site to date, particularly by the University of
Florida historical archaeology field schools during the summers
of 2006-2008. Excavations conducted at the slave cabins have
yielded interesting insights into aspects of African identity and
religiosity. Additionally, archaeological testing throughout the
site has identified the tabby remnants of a probable mill as
well as foundations of other unidentified structures. Further,
the recovery of early 20th century artifacts associated with the
Fort George Club has expanded the research scope through the
post-plantation period.

Pathos and Plants: A Preliminary Correlation of Medicinal
Plants and Pathologies Among the Windover Population

The Windover site is anArchaic mortuary pond located near the
east coast of Florida. It produced the well-preserved remains
of 168 individuals, allowing a comprehensive look at life and
health 7,000 years ago. This research examines medicinal plant
usage among the people at Windover. Historical accounts and
ethnographies provide details as to how aboriginal populations
have utilized local flora for specific conditions. By correlating
the medicinal plants identified among the Windover burials

and the pathologies identified on their remains, we may infer
medicinal plant usage among this population during Florida's

From the Ground Up: Building Collaborative Research at
Weedon Island

A new effort is underway to build and sustain a long term plan
for research at Weedon Island one of Florida's most famous
but yet little-known archaeological sites. Leading this effort is
the Alliance for Weedon Island Archaeological Research and
Education (AWIARE), a unique public-private partnership
dedicated to supporting archaeology research at Weedon and
involving the public at every level. The "Rethinking Weedon
Island" symposium series and other AWIARE projects will be
described in this paper.

Test Excavations at Gotier Hammock Mound, St. Joseph
Bay, Gulf County

The University of South Florida's 2008 test excavations at C.
B. Moore's Gotier Hammock Mound (8GU2) involved happy
cooperation among field school students, avocationals, the
public, government agencies, and the private landowner. This
Middle Woodland mound on St. Joseph Bay was bulldozed
and lost for a century. It was relocated with help from a local
informant and a freshly exposed midden in a new firebreak.
Two units in the remaining portions of the mound produced
Weeden Island and Swift Creek pottery. A nearby shell midden
closer to the bayshore is the probable domestic area.

Going Green: Analyzing High School Recycling Behavior
through Applied Anthropology

After receiving a NEA Foundation Student Achievement Grant,
Freedom High School's archaeology students are conducting
a school wide garbology project to analyze the cost associated
with food and material waste in public high schools. With
current education budget cuts facing Florida public schools,
the project hopes to use archaeological methods to shed light
on ways school districts can save money by reducing food
waste. The project's development, execution and preliminary
results will be presented.

A Documentary View of Tristan de Luna's 1559 Colonial


The recent discovery of a second shipwreck from Tristan de
Luna's 1559 fleet in Pensacola Bay has prompted detailed
new evaluation of Spanish archival sources regarding the
composition of the fleet and its cargo. Ongoing research
into a range of textual and financial records from the Luna
expedition has provided new details regarding the names of
all ships comprising the fleet, their relative tonnage and crew
size, their owners and principal officers, and the timing of their
unloading, enhancing our understanding of the broader context
of the colonial fleet and the impact of its destruction.


The Florida Anthropologist Fund was first proposed
to the FAS Board of Directors on March 13, 1993, during a
regular board meeting at Rollins College in Winter Park. It
was proposed by George Luer, who at that time was First Vice
President (1992-1993) and past President (1990-1992) of FAS.
Because the job of journal Editor was a volunteer position,
and because it was becoming more complex and costly, the
idea was to create an endowment to compensate some of the
Editor's time and expense.
Like other long-standing scientific journals, The Florida
Anthropologist needs an endowment. This became apparent to
Luer while assisting FAS journal editors, such as Louis Tesar
(1984-1992) and Brent Weisman (1992-1995). With support
from the FAS Board, the proposal for an endowment fund was
formally established by resolution on December 3, 1993. Its
purpose was to support production expenses (not publication
costs) of the FAS journal.
The 1993 resolution stated:

"BE IT RESOLVED that there be established
a separate account to be known as The Florida
Anthropologist Fund to be made up of donations
from individuals, corporations, charitable
organizations and such other sources as the
Board of Directors may deem appropriate, to be
administered by the Treasurer, income from which
is to be used at the direction of the Editor solely
for production of The Florida Anthropologist.
Expenditures are to be used for production-related
costs other than printing, which is covered by dues,
the Monograph Account, and grants. Withdrawals
or compromise of principal are to be made only by
majority vote of the Board of Directors." [Florida
Anthropological Society, Board of Directors 1993]

During the 1990s, the Fund grew steadily. Its initial
principal consisted of stock donations (Table 1) by FAS
members Patricia and Donald Randell of Lee County, Florida
(Lee 1991). These were followed by royalties from the
University Press of Florida, which FAS President Art Lee
arranged for the book, The Spanish Missions of La Florida
(McEwan 1993), which first appeared as an issue of The
Florida Anthropologist in 1991 (volume 44, nos. 2-4).
In 1996, a bequest from the estate of Richard L. Mahy, of
California, was added to the Fund. Mahy, an FAS member,
attended Florida State University and had a strong interest
in Florida history and Timucua Indians (Wheeler 1996). In
1998, proceeds from the FAS Annual Meeting in Gainesville,
Florida, were donated to the Fund by the meeting's organizer,
Ryan Wheeler. In 1996-1999, advertisements in The Florida
Anthropologist attracted several donors, who received prints
of Florida Indians by artist Dean Quigley.

In addition, the Fund grew through other sources. FAS
Treasurer Jack Thompson directed some donations, back
issues sales, and proceeds from the University of Florida
Library Gifts and Exchange program to the Fund. Interest also
has accrued. As of the FAS Annual Audit on January 31, 2000,
the Fund had grown to $14,063.83 (Table 2).
In 2000, the FAS Board resolved to strengthen the
defining language of the Fund, proposing to add a description
of it to the FAS By-Laws (Bums 2001:3-4). These additions
were approved in May 2001 at the FAS Annual Meeting in St.
Augustine, and they were incorporated formally into the 2001
version of the FAS Operating Procedures Manual. The full
text of this addition is presented below, as an appendix.
Summaries of the formalized Fund were published in the
journal, appearing in the September-December 2001 issue
and the March 2002 issue (Luer 2001, 2002). Since then, the
Fund has continued to grow, accruing interest and receiving
donations. Recent notable contributors include Anne Reynolds,
Drs. Barbara and Laurence Purdy, Harry and Patricia Metz,
and Marvin and Isabel Liebowitz (Table 1).
A very generous contribution from Mr. and Mrs.
Liebowitz came with a letter of thanks for more than 30 years
of enjoyment of the journal. As of the FAS Annual Audit on
January 31, 2009, the Fund had grown to $21,165.86 (Table
Thus far, the goal of the FAS Board has been to let the
Fund grow so that its interest income eventually can be put
to use. This will become a reality as principal accrues and as
interest rates rise.
In the meantime, FAS members are encouraged to seek
donations and other ways for the Fund to grow. Donations to
the Fund are a tribute to an outstanding scientific journal with
a state, national, and international readership.

References Cited

Bums, David B. (Editor)
2001 Proposed By-Laws Additions: FloridaAnthropologist
Fund and Monograph/Special Publications Account.
Florida Anthropological Society Newsletter 161:3-4.

Florida Anthropological Society, Board of Directors
1993 Minutes to the December 3, 1993, FAS Board
Meeting. On file, P. K. Yonge Library of Florida
History, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Lee, Arthur R.
1991 The Randells of Lee County's Pineland: Florida
Archaeology Owes Them Much. The Florida
Anthropologist 44:76.


VOL. 62(1-2)




Luer, George M.
2001 The Florida Anthropologist Fund. The Florida
Anthropologist 54:187-188.

Luer, George M. (assembled by Ryan J. Wheeler, Editor)
2002 FAS: A Real Treasure of Florida Archaeology. The
Florida Anthropologist 55:38-46.

McEwan, Bonnie G. (Editor)
1993 The Spanish Missions of La Florida. University Press
of Florida, Gainesville.

Wheeler, Ryan J. (Editor)
1996 Richard L. Mahy Bequest to FAS.
Anthropological Society Newsletter 144:1.

3222 Old Oak Drive
Sarasota, FL 34239

Table 1. Some contributions to The Florida Anthropologist Fund.

Date Source Amount ($)
1. Nov. 30, 1990 Pat and Don Randell 3,392.38
2. July 24, 1991 Pat and Don Randell 1,019.96
3. Aug. 2, 1993 Pat and Don Randell 1,276.20
4. early 1994 "Missions" book 901.24
5. mid 1996 Mahy bequest 1000.00
6. early 1997 "Missions" book 238.69
7. early 1998 "Missions" book 234.30
8. late 1998 1998 FAS Annual Meeting 1,587.57
9. 1996-1999 Dean Quigley prints 300.00
10. early 2000 "Missions" book 222.43
11. January 2001 Anne Reynolds 250.00
12. July 2001 Gordon R. Willey 100.00
13. July 2003 Harry and Patricia Metz 50.00
14. January 2004 Anne Reynolds 200.00
15. September 2005 Anne Reynolds 250.00
16. mid 2008 Barbara and Laurence Purdy 100.00
17. mid 2008 Harry and Patricia Metz 200.00
18. mid 2008 Marvin and Isabel Liebowitz 1000.00

Table 2. Growth of The Florida Anthropologist Fund, 2000 through 2009, based on selected Trea-
surer's Reports and Annual Audits.

Date Principal ($)
1. January 31, 2000 14,063.83
2. November 17, 2000 14,656.35
3. August 23, 2002 15,555.52
4. August 20, 2003 16,047.35
5. May 14, 2004 16,415.89
6. May 13, 2005 16,616.25
7. May 9, 2006 17,499.68
8. February 1, 2007 18,414.81
9. January 31, 2008 19,422.05
10. January 31, 2009 21,165.86


2009 VOL. 62(1-2)


Appendix 1. A Portion of "Chapter XI, Special Funds and Accounts" in the FAS By-Laws, adopted May 2001.

Section 1. The Florida Anthropologist Fund

(1.1) Nature of Fund. The Florida Anthropologist Fund shall be made up of donations from individuals, corporations, charitable
organizations, and such other sources as the Board of Directors may deem appropriate from time to time. It is to be used to defray
costs necessary to the production of the Society's quarterly journal other than printing and mailing, which are funded by other
means. All monies that have accumulated in the Fund under terms of a resolution of the Board of Directors dated December 3, 1993,
shall be incorporated into The Florida Anthropologist Fund.

(1.2) Administration. The Treasurer is hereby empowered to handle routine operations incidental to the receipt, investment, and
disbursement of the Fund's assets subject to approval of the Auditing Committee established by Article VI, Section 2, of the Articles
of Incorporation. In addition to functions provided by the Articles of Incorporation, the Auditing Committee shall, at least annually
and also at such other times as shall be considered necessary by the Treasurer, the Board of Directors, or the Auditing Committee
itself, review with the Treasurer the investment strategy to be used to provide maximum returns without risk of capital. Any major
change in types of investment shall be subject to approval of the Board of Directors at a regular or special meeting.
Further, withdrawal or compromise of principal (funds other than the current year's annual interest) is strongly discouraged but,
if contemplated by the FAS Board of Directors, shall be done only under the following conditions:
(a) Passage of a formal resolution of intent by the FAS Board of Directors, followed by its publication in the FAS Newsletter in time
for the general membership to express its views to the Board of Directors at its next regularly scheduled meeting; and
(b) the printed notice shall be followed by a discussion of the proposals) and all views concerning it (them) expressed by the
membership, Auditing Committee, or Treasurer at a regularly scheduled meeting of the Board of Directors; such deliberation is a
requisite to any vote on the issue by the Board of Directors.

(1.3) Disbursement of Fund Assets. The Treasurer shall report to the Board of Directors on a quarterly basis the status of the Fund,
including a separate listing of interest accrued from the Fund's capital investments. Expenditures from the interest account requested
by the Editor shall be made at the direction of the Board of Directors, with the understanding that repeated individual withdrawals
for the same purpose will not require individual approval by the Board, and further that they will not be used for payment of printing
and mailing. The object of such expenditures is to ease the work load on the Editor while improving the content and appearance of
the journal. Expenditures shall not be such as to imperil the Fund's capital investments, and in approving them the Board shall keep
in mind the possible alternative of reinvesting interest accruals in the Fund.

(1.4) Dissolution of Fund. Should at any time developments remove the need for such a Fund, its assets shall be melded into the
Society's general operating fund, or such other funds) or accounts) as the membership shall decide, after its formal dissolution by
vote of the membership at an annual meeting. Such a proposal shall be advertised by the Board in the Newsletter prior to an annual




An Endowment to

Support production of
The Florida Anthropologist
The scholarly journal published quarterly by
The Florida Anthropological Society since 1948.

Donations are now being accepted from
individuals, corporations, and foundations.

Inquiries and gifts can be directed to:

The Editors
The Florida Anthropologist
PO Box 357605
Gainesville, FL 32635-7605

The Florida Anthropological Society is a non-profit organization under section
501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code.
Contributions are tax-deductible as provided by section 170 of the code.

II I I "II if i


The Beads of St. Catherines Island.Elliott H. Blair, Lorann S.A.
Pendleton, and Peter Francis, Jr. American Museum of Natural
History Anthropological Papers, Number 89, 2009, 312 pp.

Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc., 315 NW 138
Terrace, Jonesville, Florida 32669

Whether made of shell, stone, or glass, the discovery of
beads on an archaeological site never fail to cause a stir amongst
the excavators. Beads are something concrete, datable, and
are evidence of that most elusive of goals... culture! Finally!
This new work provides researchers with a valuable tool
for understanding these small remnants of human history.
Combining over two decades of excavation and research, this
study offers new insight into using beads to understand the
way material culture moves from one group to another.
The Beads of St. Catherines Island approaches bead
research from a variety of directions. Part I offers a look at
how bead research has been carried out historically and how
this current study relates to that research. Chapter 1, written
by Lorann Pendleton and the late Peter Francis, Jr., details
the history of bead study across the board while Chapter 2,
by Francis, Jr., specifically examines studies related to the
Spanish Colonial Empire and the use of beads as trade items.
Part II provides a framework for understanding the
excavations that have taken place at St. Catherines Island,
Georgia and the cultural context from which nearly 70,000
beads were recovered and analyzed. In Chapter 3, David
Hurst Thomas provides an overview of these archaeological
investigations. Covering excavations from the mid-nineteenth-
century investigations of Charles Colcock Jones through the
mound "demolitions" of C.B. Moore and into the twentieth-
century works of Lewis Larson, John W. Griffin, Joe Caldwell,
and himself, Thomas presents an overview of the Native
American landscape, both prehistorically and during the
Mission period.
Pendleton, Blair, and Powell present an analysis of the
available bead assemblage from all previous excavations
at St. Catherines in Chapter 4. The data is first sorted by
manufacturing technique, followed by design, color, and type.
While the majority of beads recovered from this site are of
glass, this discussion also presents analyses of stone, metal,
and organic beads (both of European and local origin). In this
section the beads are assigned a type number that follows
them throughout the remainder of the literature and provides a
valuable finding aid for comparison of other beads.
A comprehensive discussion of the history of bead
manufacturing and trade origins are presented in Part III. In
Chapter 5, Pendleton and Francis, Jr., present an overview

of bead technology and evolution. Peter Francis, Jr.'s
examination of various bead manufacturing centers along
with their adaptations and changes in style constitutes the
remainder of Part III. Chapter 6 and 7 discuss the Margariteri
and Paternostri, two bead making guilds of Venice, followed
in Chapter 8 by a history of the Paternostri of the Netherlands
and France. The glass beads of China are discussed in Chapter
9, Spain in Chapter 10, and other manufacturing centers in
Chapter 11. Beads made of organic materials are discussed
in Chapters 12 (local materials) and Chapter 13 (imported
materials). Finally, Chapter 14 presents a discussion of the
imported stone beads found at St. Catherines Island.
Conclusions regarding this analysis are presented in Part
IV. Discussion of both the spatial and temporal distribution
of beads at St. Catherines Island is presented by Elliott Blair
in Chapter 15. Beginning with the prehistoric cultures, Blair
discusses bead use in each successive group chronology,
ending with the Mission and Spanish Colonial period. Spatial
distribution is presented in this chapter as well, detailing the
contents of individual graves and grave goods at the church
and discussing beads recovered at other Mission and Colonial
structures in the area. Additionally, temporally diagnostic beads
are also presented by assigned type number and individual
Blair analyzes the role beads played in the economy and
culture of St. Catherines Island in Chapter 16. He also explains
how beads can be used to date features within the overall
context of the site. Chapter 17 offers Francis, Jr.'s conclusions
regarding the significance of beads at St. Catherines and how
this model can be extrapolated to help understand trade and the
transmission of culture within the Colonial Spanish contexts
in the Southeast.
In addition to the logical progression of thought presented
in this text, bead researchers will find helpful information in
both the references listed and in the appendices presented. Of
particular interest to those who wish to use this source as an
analytical aid are the color plates included in the book. Beads
are presented in full color and referenced by a type number that
in turn allows for determining temporal connection as defined
in Chapter 15. One caveat to the usefulness of these graphics is
the scale at which they are presented. While the enlarged scale
makes determining attributes easy, the inclusion of images at
a one to one scale would have been helpful. This work builds
on the pioneering bead research of Kenneth and Martha Kidd,
Marvin Smith, and Karlis Karklins, the latter two served as
advisers and early reviewers of this analysis.
While reviewing this book, this researcher found it to be
very useful in helping to identify beads from an eighteenth-
century site in North Florida. The Beads of St. Catherines
Island has proven to be a very effective aid in the identification
of beads of Colonial America.


VOL. 62(1-2)



Join the Florida Anthropological Society

Florida Anthropological Society memberships:
Student $15 (with a copy of a current student ID)
Regular and Institutional $30
Family $35
Sustaining $100
Patron $1000
Benefactor $2500 or more
Student membership is open to graduate, undergraduate and high school students. A
photocopy of your student ID should accompany payment
Add $25.00 for foreign addresses
Membership forms also available at
The Society publishes journals (The Florida Anthropologist) and newsletters, normally quarterly,
and sponsors an annual meeting hosted by a local chapter.

FAS Chapter:

___ I agree to abide by the Code of Ethics of the Florida Anthropological Society.

Kay Gautier, Membership Secretary
P.O. Box 13191
Pensacola, FL 32591


About the Authors:

WilletA. Boyer, III is a native Floridian who holds a B.A. in English and a J.D. in law from the University of Florida. His
research interests included late pre-Columbian and colonial-era history and archaeology of Florida and Southeast, land-
scape and agency theory in archaeology, and the relationship between shamanistic and priestly systems of belief. Boyer is
currently a graduate student in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Florida.

Lori Collins is the Co-Research Director for the Alliance for Integrated Spatial Technologies at the University of South
Florida. She also is an Instructor at USF and teaches courses in Florida and Historical Archaeology and Geomatics. Her
research interests include heritage preservation, conservation and documentation of stone monuments, computer appli-
cations in archaeology, and how archaeology relates to land use and management principles. Her geographic focus is in
Florida and Mesoamerica.

Travis Doering is the Co-Research Director for the Alliance for Integrated Spatial Technologies, Office of Research and
Scholarship in the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of South Florida. He is also a courtesy Assistant Pro-
fessor in the Department of Anthropology, teaching classes in archaeology and museum methods. His research interests
include the rise of social complexity in Formative period Mesoamerica and prehistoric Florida. He specializes in non-
destructive and non-invasive survey and spatial documentation techniques for international archaeological investigation,
analysis, and cultural heritage preservation.

George M Luer is an archaeologist from Sarasota, Florida. In 1973, he started an ongoing program to study cultural devel-
opment in west-peninsular Florida. In the Charlotte Harbor area, he began investigations of the Aqui Esta Mound, Acline
Mound, and Pine Island Canal in 1979, and he studied Pineland, Howard Shell Mound, Calusa Island, and Josslyn Island
in 1980. In 1982-1992, Luer conducted investigations of Big Mound Key, and in 2000-2006, he provided assistance to the
Charlotte Harbor area's State land managers. Since 2007, Luer has worked as Senior Archaeologist for Charlotte Harbor
Preserve State Park.

Thomas J. Pluckhahn is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of South Florida and has conducted
fieldwork throughout the eastern United States and in parts of Mexico. He is the author of Kolomoki: Settlement, Cer-
emony, and Status in the Deep South, ca. 350 to 750 A.D. (University of Alabama Press, 2003) and co-editor (with Rob-
bie F. Ethridge) of Light on the Path: The Anthropology and History of the Southeastern Indians (University of Alabama
Press, 2006).

Victor D. Thompson is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at The Ohio State University, Columbus. He has been in-
volved in field and museum based projects in Mexico and in the eastern United States, especially in the states ofVeracruz,
Kentucky, Georgia, and Florida.

Debra J. Wells is a native Floridian with over 14 years of experience working as a professional archaeologist. Debra re-
ceived her Master's of Arts degree from the University of West Florida and has spent the majority of her career working
with collections from the southeastern United States. Trained as a Historic Archaeologist, her interests include the study
of both prehistoric and historic ceramics as well as other material culture remains. Debra is currently employed as an
Archaeologist and Lab Director for Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc. in Jonesville, Florida.

GAINESVILLE, FL 32635-7605



Volume 62 Numbers 1-2
March-June 2009


From the Editors


Mapping Crystal River (8CI1): Past, Present, Future.
Thomas J. Pluckhahn and Victor D. Thompson

High Definition Digital Documentation at the Crystal River Archaeological Site (8CI1). 23
Lori D. Collins and Travis F. Doering

Missions to the Acuera:
An Analysis of the Historic and Archaeological Evidence for European Interaction with a Timucuan Chiefdom. 45
Willet A. Boyer, III





Blair, Pendleton, and Francis: The Beads of St. Catherines Island. Debra J. Wells 71


Cover: C.B. Moore's map of Crystal River made in 1903. From The West and Central Florida Expeditions of Clarence
~loomfield Moore, edite -by Jeffrey Mitchem, University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa, 1999, pp. 244. See the Pluckhahn
dand Thompson-article beginning on page 3 and the Collins and Doering article beginning on page 23 for more information.

Copyright 2009 by the
ISSN 0015-3893

Full Text