The Florida anthropologist

Material Information

The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Florida Anthropological Society
Place of Publication:
Florida Anthropological Society
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
Quarterly[<Mar. 1975- >]
Two no. a year[ FORMER 1948-]
Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 24 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
AAA9403 ( LTQF )
01569447 ( OCLC )
00153893 ( ISSN )
56028409 ( LCCN )
0015-3893 ( ISSN )


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VOLUME 60, NUMBER 1 March 2007

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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc., P.O. Box 6356, Tallahassee, Florida 32314.
Subscription is by membership in the Society. Membership is NOT restricted to residents of the State of Florida nor to the United
States of America. Membership may be initiated at any time during the year, and covers the ensuing twelve month period. Dues shall
be payable on the anniversary of the initial dues payment. Members shall receive copies of all publications distributed by the Society
during the 12 months of their membership year. Annual dues are as follows: student $15, individual $30, family $35, institutional $30,
sustaining $40 or more, patron $100 or more, life $500, and benefactor $2500. Foreign subscriptions are an additional $5 U.S. to cover
added postage and handling costs for individual, family, or institutional membership categories. Copies of the journal will only be sent
to members with current paid dues. Please contact the Editor for information on recent back issues.

Requests for information on the Society, membership application forms, and notifications of changes of address should be sent to the
Membership Secretary. Donations should be sent to the Treasurer or may be routed through the Editor to facilitate acknowledgment in
subsequent issues of the journal (unless anonymity is requested). Submissions of manuscripts should be sent to the Editor. Publications
for review should be submitted to the Book Reviexw Editor. Authors please follow The Florida Anthropologist style guide (49[1],
1996, pp. 37-43) in preparing manuscripts for submission to the journal and contact the Editor with specific questions. Submit four (4)
copies for use in peer review. Only one set of original graphics need be submitted. The journal is formatted using Adobe In Design. All
manuscripts must be submitted in final form on CD in Microsoft format. Address changes should be made AT LEAST 30 DAYS prior to
the mailing of the next issue. The post office will not forward bulk mail nor retain such mail when "temporary hold" orders exist. Such
mail is returned to the Society postage due. The journal is published quarterly in March, June, September, and December of each year.


President: Sheila Stewart, 2130 Burlington Avenue North, St. Petersburg, FL 33713 (
First Vice President: David Burns, 15128 Springview St., Tampa, FL 33624 (
Second Vice President: Christine Newman, 504 17th St., St. Augustine, FL 32084 (
Corresponding Secretary: Antoinette Wallace, (ab_wallace@(
Membership Secretary: Kay Gautier, P.O. Box 13191, Pensacola, Fl 325911 (
Treasurer and RegisteredAgent: Joanne Talley, P.O.Box 788, Hobe Sound. FL 33475 (
Directors at Large: Gloria Fike, 2815 SE St. Lucie Blvd.. Stuart, FL 34997 (; Robert J. Austin, P.O. Box
2818, Riverview, FL 33568-2818 (; Tommy Abood, 3857 Indian Trail #403, Destin, FL 32541(lost.horizon@
Immediate Past President: David Burns, 15128 Springview St.. Tampa, FL 33624 (
Newsletter Editor: David Burns, 15128 Springview St., Tampa. FL 33624 (


Co-Editors: Deborah Mullins, P.O. Box 357605, Gainesville, FL 32635-7605 (
Andrea White, P.O. Box 6356, Tallahassee, Fl 32314-6356 (
Book Review Editor: Dan Hughes, 2301 8th Ave. North, St. Petersburg. Florida 33713 (
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Printer: Durra-Print, 717 South Woodward Ave.. Tallahassee, FL 32304
Bulk Mail: Capital City Mailing, 4013 Woodville Hwy, Tallahassee. FL 32311
Back Issue Sales: Palm Beach Museum of Natural History (


Albert C. Goodyear, Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208
Jerald T. Milanich, Florida Museum of Natural History. University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611 (
Jeffrey M. Mitchem, Arkansas Archeological Survey, P.O. Box 241., Parkin, AR 72373 (
Nancy Marie White, Department of Anthropology. University of South Florida, Tampa, FL 33620-8100
Robert J. Austin, P.O. Box 2818, Riverview. FL 33568-2818 (bob@(

NOTE: In addition to the above Editorial Review Board members, the review comments of others knowledgeable in a manuscript's
subject matter are solicited as part of our peer review process.


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'-VCE 19A1
Volume 60 Number 1
March 2007


From the Editors 3

Temporal Problems and Alternatives Toward the Establishment of Paleoindian Site Chronologies in Florida 5
and the Adjacent Coastal Southeast. James S. Dunbar

Summer Pentoaya: Locating a Prominent Ais Indian Town along the Indian River Lagoon, Florida. 21
J. F. Lanham and Alan Brech

A Preliminary Review and Bibliography of Human Skeletal Remains Curated by the Palm Beach Museum 39
of Natural History. Peter Ferdinando


Grantham: Creation Myths and Legends of the Creek Indians. Jim Pepe 51

Mason: The Archaeology of Ocmulgee Old Fields, Macon, Georgia. Rochelle Marrinan 52

About the Authors 55

Cover: The Florida Anthropological Society 60th Anniversary Logo by James W. Hunter III.

Published by the
ISSN 0015-3893


In this issue of The FloridaAnthropologist we present three
interesting articles on diverse topics as well as two thoughtful
book reviews contributed by Rochelle Marrinan and Jim Pepe.
The opening paper by James Dunbar is an up-to-date survey
of our current understanding of late Pleistocene stratigraphy
and geochronology in the Southeast. Because of the lack of
well preserved organic materials excavated from controlled
contexts on Paleoindian sites in the Southeast, Dunbar calls
on archaeologists investigating these sites to routinely plan
and budget for not only radiocarbon dating, but for the whole
advanced suite of geologic dating and sediment analyses
including Optically Stimulated Luminescence and Uranium-
Series Dating. A clearer understanding of the temporal and
spatial contexts of Paleoindian sites across Florida and the
coastal southeast encourages a more sophisticated analysis of
the people associated with these sites-one that moves beyond
diagnostic tools to culture and the conundrum of early human
activity in the Southeastern United States.
Written by J. F. Lanham and Alan Brech, the second paper
is a two-pronged analysis focused first on establishing the
location of the Ais Indian town of Pentoaya at the convergence
of the Eau Gallie and Indian Rivers in Melbourne, Florida and
secondly on Ais social complexity pre and post-European
contact and relative to other politically intricate chiefdoms
like the Calusa. Using seventeenth-century ship logbooks,
topographic analysis, plat maps, interviews with local
informants and an insightful scrutiny of previous historical and
archaeological research for the area, the authors bring multiple
lines of evidence to bear in their analysis of the location of
Pentoaya and the relevance of that particular site to the larger
subject of Ais social complexity as one of the most important
archaeological issues in the region. By moving beyond the
descriptive and offering carefully worded insights, Lanham
and Brech's offering is sure to elicit interesting feedback and
In our last piece, Peter Ferdinando of The Palm Beach
Museum of Natural History contributes to the development
of a human osteological research agenda in understudied
South Florida an inventory and organizational framework
for studying pre-European contact human remains that are
part of the Museum's sizable South Florida Archaeological
Collection (SFAC). The result of half a century of amateur and
professional archaeological investigations in the Everglades
and East Okeechobee area, the SFAC includes human
skeletal remains and associated artifacts from a minimum of
139 individuals from 21 sites spanning a four thousand year
period. Ferdinando's inventory of this previously unstudied
collection compiles for future researchers the Florida Master
Site File number, a site description, an account of the human

remains and a note on their state of preservation, notations on
associated materials or features, and any available reference
materials. The information is timely and will hopefully spur
future research into the broad spectrum of lifeways and values
indicated by the mortuary customs of prehistoric South Florida
On a personal note, this issue of the journal is our first as
co-editors of the FA. Ryan Wheeler, our predecessor, did the
work of a small army for several years and we will endeavor to
continue his level of excellence and commitment to the journal
and the Florida Anthropological Society during our tenure.
We thank Ryan for his advice and continued helpfulness (we
know where he works...) during this transition period. We
also look forward to working with Dan Hughes, the FA Book
Review Editor, who has agreed to continue his service, as well
as all the Officers of the Society and Chapter Representatives.
Lastly, we would like to thank longtime Society member and
archaeologist James W. Hunter III for his artistic contribution
of the 60th Anniversary Emblem of FAS featured on the front
cover of this issue. Enjoy!

Deborah R. Mullins
Andrea P. White

Editor Contact Information:

Manuscript Submissions:
Deborah R. Mullins
Co-Editor, The Florida Anthropologist
P.O. Box 357605
Gainesville, Florida


VOL. 60(1)


MARCH 2007



Senior Archaeologist, Public Lands Archaeology Program, Bureau ofArchaeological Research, 1001 de Soto Park Drive,
Tallahassee, FL 32301
Email. jsdunbar@dos.state.fl. us

Several Paleoindian sites have been identified in Florida
that have yielded diagnostic artifacts and preserved faunal
bone, but have not been radiometrically dated. There have
been limitations to and new developments with the radiocarbon
technique (both standard radiometric and Accelerator Mass
Spectrometry AMS) that may or may not preclude its use in
determining a site's temporal context. There are also alternative
radiometric dating methods, generally not utilized by Florida
archaeologists, which offer the potential to determine temporal
context, such as Optically Stimulated Luminescence (OSL)
and Uranium Thorium dating. The almost complete absence
of firm temporal contexts for late Pleistocene sites in Florida
and the adjacent coastal Southeast has limited a regional
interpretation of Paleoindian life ways. A failure to grasp the
temporal chronology of Southeastern cultures through time
continues to encourage speculative answers for the most basic
of questions, including which tool-making tradition came
first, if some traditions coexisted together, and how long the
duration of Paleoindian occupation was.
In Florida and the coastal lowlands of southeastern
Alabama and southern Georgia, three diagnostic Paleoindian
artifact types have been recognized, the Clovis, Suwannee,
and Simpson point types (Bullen 1975). Recently, this
typology has been called into question due to the diversity of
forms subsumed under a Bullen type called Suwannee and as
observed by inspecting his type case collection of Suwannee
point specimens (Dunbar and Hemmings 2004:68). Part of the
material variety that Bullen inadvertently masked within this
Suwannee type appears to represent one or more distinct types
that are either contemporaneous with or temporally separate
from the classic Suwannee type (as redefined by Goodyear et
al. 1983, Goodyear 1999) and the Clovis and Simpson types
(Dunbar and Hemmings 2004). If this greater diversity of
types is so, then Bullen's typology is in need of revision (for
a discussion see Farr 2006), and the assemblage of types is
indicative of a more materially complex and perhaps longer
Paleoindian tradition in the coastal Southeast than has
been previously thought. Ideally, any effort to undertake a
typological revision should consider the artifacts' methods of
manufacture and use, as well as the temporal placement of
types in time and stratigraphic position.

Chronology and Stratigraphy of Coastal Southeast
Paleoindian Sites

Since its development, radiocarbon dating (Libby et al.
1949) has been the preferred method of placing archaeological
sites in temporal context (Dasovich 1996, Morlan 2004).
However, the radiocarbon method has been largely ineffective
in determining the age of Paleoindian sites east of the
Mississippi River due to the general absence of preserved
organic material capable of yielding dates (Ellis et al. 1998).
This is particularly true in the coastal plain of the Southeast
where the age of suspected pre-Clovis, Middle, and Late
Paleoindian sites remains unconfirmed.
Florida Paleoindian sites that have eluded radiometric
dating include the Wakulla Springs Lodge (8WA329), Ryan-
Harley (8JE1004) Harney Flats (8HI507), Norden (8GI40)
Lewis-McQuinn (8D1112), and Silver Spring (8MR192)
sites (see Figure 1 for the location of Florida Paleoindian
sites mentioned in this article). The only Florida site to yield
a radiocarbon date from a Paleoindian level with diagnostic
artifacts is the Clovis component at Sloth Hole (8JE121), an
inundated site located in the Aucilla River. A carved mastodon
ivory tool fragment yielded an assay of 11,050 +50 '4C BP
(n=l)(Hemmings 2004), an age now believed to be one of
the three oldest Clovis sites in the Americas (Waters and
Stafford 2007:1124). The Sloth Hole ivory shaft fragment
was carbon dated using XAD-purified collagen: a new
preparation technique used to insure accurate bone dating.
The stratigraphic sequence at the Page-Ladson site (8JE591)
has five Paleoindian components that produced debitage, un-
diagnostic tools, and butcher-marked bones. The earliest of
the Paleoindian levels at Page-Ladson dated 12,245 32 '4C BP
(averaged age of seven [n=7] statically related carbon dates).
Though diagnostic artifacts were recovered from displaced
contexts at the Page-Ladson site, none were recovered from in
place levels (Dunbar 2006b).
Another problem in the coastal Southeast is the absence
of established stratigraphic positions among the different types
of Paleoindian diagnostic artifacts suspected of representing
different cultural manifestations through time. The Wakulla
Springs Lodge, Ryan-Harley, Harney Flats, Norden, Lewis-
McQuinn, and Silver Springs sites, to the extent they are
now understood, all have single Paleoindian components,
although many of these sites have later period Early Archaic
and younger site components. Sites such as Sloth Hole and
the Page-Ladson in the Aucilla have multiple Paleoindian
components; nevertheless, only the Clovis component at Sloth
Hole has yielded diagnostic Clovis artifacts from undisturbed,
primary context.


MARCH 2007


VOL. 60(1)


Figure 1. Site Location Map.

The establishment of a radiometric chronology for
Paleoindian sites in the coastal Southeast is fundamental to
archaeological and paleontological interpretation, a factor
that is presently limited by temporal uncertainty. This is
particularly apparent when site data are compared to data
from the desert Southwest. Southwestern Paleoindian cultural
traditions (including their respective diagnostic artifact
assemblages) have long been referenced to chronostratigraphy
and geoclimate data (Antevs 1954, 1962a, 1962b, Berry and
Berry 1968, Bryan 1950, Bryan and Albritton 1943, Haynes
1971, 1982, 1991). The investigations of karst, wetland, and
inundated sites in the Southeast have begun to provide regional
chronologies (Carr 1987, Clausen et al. 1979, Cockrell and
Murphy 1978, Collins et al. 1994, Doran and Dickel 1988,
Driskell 1994, 1996, Hemmings 1999, 2004, Hoffman 1983,
Walker 1998) and the Page-Ladson site is the first well-dated
stratigraphic sequence to yield a regional chronostratigraphy
and geoclimate reconstruction for the coastal Southeast
(Dunbar 2002, 2006a, 2006b, 2006c). Thus, the compelling
research questions for the coastal Southeast become: 1) where
do the various manifestations of Paleoindian culture fit in
time (for instance, Clovis before Suwannee or the other way
around)? 2) What are the material manifestations of these
adaptations (artifacts, dietary patterns, resource choices, land
use preferences etc.)? 3) Did more than one tool-making
tradition and/or distinctly different group of people coexist
concurrently (i.e. Clovis and Suwannee) or did one culture
develop from an earlier one (i.e. Clovis, the ancestor, gave way

to Suwannee, the offspring) or possibly replace an existing
group or fill a cultural lacuna'.
In order to fully appreciate our need to more firmly
establish these temporal contexts, one needs to look no
further than the problems related to the interpretations of the
Suwannee point-making, Paleoindian culture. The Clovis
and Suwannee tool kits are similar but also differ in many
respects. Waisted Clovis points display the diagnostic Clovis
manufacture techniques of fluted and overshot flaking, while
the Waisted Suwannee points seldom display this fluting or
overshot flaking technique. Nevertheless, a small population
of Suwannee points do display single or multiple fluting on
one or both sides as well as overshot flaking as a method
of thinning blade thickness; morphological features first
recognized by Dunbar et al. (2005) at the Ryan-Harley site
and further documented by Dunbar and Hemmings (2004)
on other Suwannee point specimens. The distal tips of Clovis
points tend to be broad with rounded tips when viewed dorsal
or ventrally, but in lateral view they are thinned for sharpness
across the tip. The tips on waisted Suwannee points differ and
come to a shape-pointed tip (acute) when viewed dorsally or
ventrally, but are not thinned laterally for sharpness across
the tip. Waisted Clovis and Suwannee points have similar
blade width to hafting waist dimensions. The similarities and
differences between the waisted forms of Clovis and Suwannee
as well as similarities in other parts of their stone tool kits
are considered evidence that Clovis is the likely ancestor of
Suwannee (Dunbar and Hemmings 2004).

2007 VOL. 60(1)


- ----1 ,-

U: ~

Figure 2. Map depicting the Page-Ladson Site Excavations.

With that said, Dennis Stanford correctly pointed out
that both Suwannee and Simpson point sites remain undated
and hypothesized "that when dated, they may be slightly
older than Clovis" (Stanford 1991:9). I tend to go along
with the traditional thought of southeastern archaeologists
(Bullen 1975, Ellis et al. 1998 Goodyear 1999) and assume
a post-Clovis age for the Suwannee tool kit; however, this
viewpoint introduces a different set of issues. If Suwannee
points are post-Clovis, they are also associated with extinct
late Pleistocene species, including horse and tapir at two
Florida sites, the Ryan-Harley site (Dunbar et al. 2005) and the
Norden site (Dunbar and Vojnovski 2007). Elsewhere, North
American Pleistocene megafauna are believed to have become
extinct before the end of Clovis time (Haynes 2005:120-125
and Figure 5). During Clovis time, the region west of the
Mississippi River experienced the "Clovis drought," which is
one of the factors attributed to megafaunal extinction prior to
the onset of the Younger Dryas2 (Haynes 1984, 1991, 1993,
2006, Haynes et al. 1999). But such an extinction event may
not have taken place in the Southeast if Suwannee point-
making people are truly Middle Paleoindian. The stratigraphic
integrity of the Ryan-Harley site has been verified (Balsillie et
al. 2006), therefore the only other alternative would be that
Stanford (1991) is correct and that Suwannee points are either
contemporary with or are older than Clovis. Either way, the

resolution of this temporal enigma invigorates Paleoindian
research in the coastal Southeast and promises to provide
heretofore-undiscovered revelations.
Yet another factor regarding the Paleoindian occupation
of Florida and the adjacent coastal plain is its unique late
Pleistocene faunal assemblage. Though many land mammals,
including mastodon and mammoths, occupied geographic
regions throughout ice-free North America, the southeastern
coastal plain, particularly Florida, also had a significant
assemblage of South American-immigrant or Neotropical
fauna (Webb et al. 2004). Furthermore, Florida makes up most
of the geographic faunal area specified as the Chlamythere-
Glyptodont3 province of North America. It is a faunal
province that is "distinct from the rest of the Southeast [during
the Pleistocene], but during the Holocene [after the late
Pleistocene extinction], Florida's faunas clustered with others
from the Southeast" (FAUNMAP Working Group 1996:1603)
because most if not all of the Neotropical fauna became extinct
or retreat from this province by the Holocene ibidd: 1604-
1605). Neotropical species in the Florida Pleistocene not only
included the giant armadillo and glyptodont; they also include
the jaguar, tapir, capybara, ground sloths, and opossum.
It may or may not be a coincidence, but the distribution of
waisted and fishtailed Paleoindian projectile points recurvatee
forms) appears to perfectly mirror the Pleistocene distribution




of Neotropical fauna from Florida to South America. Two
recent studies suggest the Clovis tool making tradition, which
includes the waisted Clovis type in North America, was the
likely progenitor of subsequent waisted and fishtailed point
types in Central and South America (Faught 2006, Ranere
2006). By default this becomes part of the temporal origins
issue and supports the need to determine the actual age of
Simpson and Suwannee Paleoindian sites.

Some Important Aspects of River-Basin and Upland

The Page-Ladson site is located in a sediment-filled
sinkhole in the center channel of the Half Mile Rise section
of the Aucilla River (Figure 2). The Paleoindian components
of this site are deeply inundated, being some 8 to 10 m below
present sea level. Due to the sinkhole's low-lying elevation,
its 7 m plus section includes stratigraphic units that have
outstanding organic preservation; preservation that has yielded
48 radiocarbon assays taken from samples collected by hand
during controlled excavation. The sinkhole's stratigraphic
units included the following: calcitic silts, silts that were rich
in freshwater fauna, primarily snail shells; still-water deposited
peat including wood-rich peat, and colluvium mixed with
freshwater pond deposits (Dunbar 2006a, Kendrick 2006).
Many Paleoindian river basin sites are located in much
shallower water or are elevated above the water table during
times of low-river stage conditions. The Suwannee point
component at the Ryan-Harley site is located about 1 m below
low-river stage and about 10 m above sea level (Figure 3).
The Norden site in the Santa Fe River basin (Figure 3) and
Lewis-McQuinn site in the Suwannee River basin (Figure 3)
are located in the floodplain and are about 1 m above the low
river stage. These three sites contain stone artifacts as well
as bone preserved in the river basin's predominately alkaline
sedimentary environments. The ability to radiocarbon date
these sites has been hindered by the mineralized nature of the
faunal bone samples submitted for dating. Of the samples of
bone from the Ryan-Harley and Norden campsites, none had
surviving bone collagen and were therefore not datable. In
addition, none of these sites have produced preserved botanical
material, although it is possible a fire hearth feature may one
day yield charcoal for radiocarbon dating (Dunbar et al. 2005,
Dunbar and Vojnovski 2007). Typical floodplain sediment
sequences are dominated by levels of calcitic silts, sands, lags,
and freshwater limestone, all of which are conducive for good
faunal bone preservation.
Sites overlooking river basins are well above the floodplain
in upland settings. These include sites such as Wakulla Springs
Lodge (Jones and Tesar2000,2004), Silver Springs (Hemmings
1975, Neill 1958), and Harney Flats (Daniel and Wisenbaker
1987), all sites that are buried in eolian (wind blown) sand.
Unfortunately none of these sites are known to have organic
preservation including bone, therefore radiocarbon dating has
not been possible. The preservation of stone artifacts, while
often generally good, is nonetheless degraded by an outer rind
of patina resulting from the accumulated effects of wet-dry
cycles in the sediment column through time. Nevertheless, the

Wakulla Springs Lodge site is particularly noteworthy because
it is the only documented Simpson point site in the Southeast
known to have stratigraphic integrity (Figure 4).
In the coastal Southeast, organic preservation appears to
be a function of elevation above or below the present water
table as well as the alkalinity karstt) or acidity (generally
upland non-karst) of a site's sediment column. Outstanding
organic preservation is found in deeply inundated sites. Good
preservation of bone and perhaps charcoal is found in wetland,
river basin, and cave and sinkhole sites. The environments least
conducive for organic preservation include upland and other
open-air sites where humates increase sediment acidity and
alternating wet-dry conditions facilitates the decomposition of
organic materials to humates.
Another consideration of stratigraphy relates to the
completeness of the Page-Ladson site stratigraphic column.
The deep part of the sinkhole at the Page-Ladson site is now
some 10 m below modern sea level. The Page-Ladson site
sinkhole acted as a sediment trap during the late Pleistocene
and accumulated an almost uninterrupted sedimentary record
from the late glacial maximum until the early Holocene (Figure
5). The extent of the sediment-fill is limited horizontally to the
confines of the sinkhole. The stratigraphic units in the Page-
Ladson stratigraphic column are representative of the local
environments of deposition and contain the well preserved
organic material needed to radiocarbon date the units and
levels within the units (Figure 5).
In comparison, the shallower sections of the Aucilla
channel have a less complete stratigraphic sequence of deposits
due to differing deposition versus erosion potentials. Similar
to other sections of the lower Aucilla River, the Half Mile
Rise section has an entrenched limestone channel that carries
very little sediment load (Yon 1966). The river does not have
terraced valleys nor does it have levee or floodplain deposits,
in part due to the lack of particulate sediment load and the
underground nature of karst drainage channels. The lower
Aucilla River is best described as a labyrinth of underground
channels slowly emerging on the land's surface due to the
processes ofkarstification and collapse.
Karst sections of other rivers, such as the Wacissa,
Wakulla, Suwannee, and Santa Fe, do have wide flood basins
in many areas; however, their floodplain sediment fills are
atypical compared to non-karst rivers in the Southeast. Karst
river sections also carry very little sediment load, (Puri
et al. 1967, Vernon 1951) and as a result often discharge
almost transparent groundwater, particularly during elevated
potentiometric surface intervals with low rainfall, when
tannins of organic origin lend little or no dark staining to the
water column. Such conditions are, and have in the past been,
conducive for the deposition of calcitic silts, shelly silts, and
freshwater limestone over broad floodplain expanses. This is
because the potentiometric surface periodically filled these
basins across the extent of their margins. Sedimentation of this
type is responsible for the preservation of incorporated faunal
bone. Although the calcitic floodplain sediments are wide-
ranging horizontally, they also are interrupted vertically by
numerous unconformable contacts between levels of disparate
ages. Therefore, sediment fills of karst floodplains are much


2007 VOL. 60(1)


Lewis-McQuinn (8DA112)
Suwannee River
-._. _.f_^. j.

AI Mear Low T
River Stage E

Ryan-Harley (8Je1004)
Wacissa River

Dunnigans Old Mil (8Gi24)
Santa Fe River


Norden Sle (8G140)
1 -- Sarta Fa River

o AtMeanLowRserStage

Freshwaelr Shell
Mod Somowhat
-1 =7Cuftw Friable & Irregularl
t~j'A Lmisstomcalostos Sit YPear t
%V edrock am QuartzSand. 0' Inlerboddisd~iil
0 gem Old MON iln-

cuaru San S M Swamp Forest.
Calareus ilt wit CalcareousSndP~t~h~u

0 Mt RyalH, W odyPl
& Leivis-LcOinn
Acdic Terywanl Freihwater Shel X'
-4r G vn acrous = n Met.. of Humus
or Neutral Undeweter Calcareous Sit
(Mart). Nordoo

Figure 3. Stratigraphic profiles of karst river basin Paleoindian sites.

Figure 4. A stratigraphic profile at the Wakulla Springs Lodge site depicting the Simpson point Paleoindian stratum.

North Wall Profile



------- ----- ---------I

Paleoindan Spodic Lamina

To 1.65 Springs Site
bow datum Wakulla Springs Lodge Site




Unit 6
Unit 5

Unit 4U

...................... . .. ---- -- --

Unit 4L
Unit4L -- -- -

Unit 3-4 -. -
Transition <-x (-" (" (<-" _: (' < (-
L '* : ^ '- '*


-\ <. -G <3
V .. V V

L . G -.7



- - - - - -

-- -- -- -

Figure 5. Showing the Page-Ladson site stratigraphic profile.
Figure 5. Showing the Page-Ladson site stratigraphic profile.

less complete compared to the sediment fills that are held in
sinkholes like that at the Page-Ladson site. Karst floodplain
sediment fills also have the potential to contain many more
Paleoindian sites, the most significant of which are Paleoindian
campsites, which are more likely to occur in floodplains than in
sinkholes. The challenge in future research will be to attempt
to understand when and under what conditions the floodplain
sediments were formed as well as determine to what degree
elevation differences and inter-basin sequences are alike or
Upland Paleoindian sites, with the exception of cave
sites or other sites located in karst features with alkaline
sediments, represent a different sedimentary environment
altogether. Most upland Paleoindian sites are located in
acidic, sandy, or clayey sediments where long-term organic
preservation is unlikely. However, the frequent occurrence
of upland eolian sand deposits in Florida offers the potential
for temporal evaluation if a site's archaeological components
have accumulated without subsequent episodes of erosion and
are stratigraphically separated from one another by sufficient
thickness of sediment accumulation.
Upland sites, such as the Harney Flats site in south-central

Florida, have accumulations of eolian sands; however, and for
what ever reason, the thickness of the sand deposit that hold
Suwannee point component is not actually separated from the
early Holocene, Bolen point component. Thus, the Suwannee
and Bolen components were found to occur in same apparent
level, whereas the younger site components were completely
separated from this early level and from one another by much
thicker sediment accumulations in upper stratigraphic levels
(Daniel and Wisenbaker 1987).
In northern Florida the Wakulla Springs Lodge site
has an overlap zone where Paleoindian Simpson and Early
Archaic Bolen artifacts occur on the same stratigraphic
level. Fortunately, there is a level below the overlap zone
where Simpson artifacts occur in a discrete level (Jones and
Tesar 2004). Archaeological sites with good site component
separation are ideal candidates for temporal placement.

Potential for Radiometric Dating River-Basin and
adjacent Upland Stratigraphies

Karst river-basin stratigraphy

Unit 3

Unit 2

2007 VOL. 60(l)


9,953 40 (n=3) Bolen Level (n=106)
10,200 84 (n=2) Late Paleoindian (n=21)

10,600 70 (n=l) Early-Middle Paleoindian*
10,970 100 (n=1)

11,270 64 (n=2) About Clovis in age (n=1)

11,460 50 (n=1) No Artifacts
11,735 37 (n=3) No Artifacts

12,107 37 (n=3) NO Artifacts

12,289 30 (n=3) Early Paleoindian II (n=1)

12,351 39 (n=3) No Artifacts

12,425 + 32 (n=7) Early Paleoindian I (n=11)

14,275 81 (n=2) No Artifacts

14,580 + 83 (n=2) No Artifacts
* Set of radiocarbon dates no longer related under INTCAL04


In the wetland and shallow-water archaeological sites
thus far encountered, collagen has not been preserved in bone
samples that would otherwise be dateable using the radiocarbon
method. Similarly, fire hearth features with charcoal, which
could also provide a means for radiocarbon dating, have yet
to be identified. It is the reason that sites such as they Ryan-
Harley site remain undated. The types of material available
for dating include faunal bone, teeth (including ivory), lithic
artifacts, heat exploded lithic artifact fragments, and sediment
The Suwannee-point stratum at the Ryan-Harley site is
composed of point bar sand mixed with lesser amounts of
much finer eolian sand (Balsillie et al. 2006) (Figures 3 and 6).
Directly above the Suwannee level are organic-rich sediments
with lenses of unconsolidated sand. Below the Suwannee-
point stratum is a consolidated, silty sand and below that a
level of freshwater shell with minor inclusions of calcitic silt
and small fossil bones.
At the Norden site, the Suwannee-point stratum appears
to consist of a silty, sandy level mixed with calcitic shell-rich
level that rests below it (Figures 3 and 7). The lower shell-rich
level appears to be about 1 m thick, below which is limestone
bedrock. Above the Suwannee level is a level of calcitic silt
followed by an upper humus level.
At the Lewis-McQuinn site the Paleoindian level yielded
a fragment of an unfluted Clovis-like base. The Paleoindian
level consists of sand that is partly lithified by calcium
carbonate that has leached from a freshwater, shell-rich silt
level above it. Below and above these levels are levels of
calcitic silt (Figure 3). The Lewis-McQuinn site is unique in
that it appears to be buried below river-levee deposits and is in
or very near an abandoned paleo-channel (Figure 8).

Potential means of dating the river-basin sites

Radiocarbon. Should bone with surviving collagen or
charcoal be recovered from one of these sites, the standard
radiometric or, more likely, theAMS radiocarbon method would
be utilized to secured age evaluations. Charcoal from a fire pit
would represent a find of major significance because it is better
suited for radiocarbon dating without elaborate pretreatment.
A point of caution related to selection of charcoal or any other
samples for dating is one association with the cultural deposit.
Are you dating the cultural deposit or something else that is
not be related to the cultural deposit? Thus, sample selection
from early sites becomes very important. For example, one of
the selection criteria for choosing samples to date at the Cactus
Hill site in Virginia included charcoal identification. A sample
of white pine charcoal was selected from the suspected pre-
Clovis level because it represented a species that existed locally
during the colder intervals of the late glacial recession, but that
had receded away from the Virginia coastal lowlands into the
Appalachian Mountains, presumably after the Pleniglacial and
prior to or during the Allerod4. The white pine sample yielded
an age of 15,070 70 '4C BP (Beta-81590) and reinvigorated
the pre-Clovis controversy in the Eastern North America
(McAvoy and McAvoy 1997). Subsequent radiocarbon dates
from the pre-Clovis level at Cactus Hill include 16,670 730

'4C BP 14C BP (Beta-81590) and 16,940 50 14C BP (Beta-
97708) (Feathers et al. 2006). Calibrated to calendar years
before present, these radiocarbon dates indicate Cactus Hill
was occupied around 18,200 to 20,200 Cal BP.
A recent caution has been expressed about using the
radiocarbon method to date collagen from Pleistocene
bone (George et al. 2005). Bone is composed of collagen
(organic fibers) and apatite (inorganic, nano-sized mineral
hydroxyapatite). It is the organic, collagen, fraction in bone that
is used for radiocarbon dating; however, it can be contaminated
by intrusive, postmortem organic residue. The utilization of
standard pretreatment procedures for radiocarbon samples has
shown that it is not uncommon for the samples to yield age
determinations that are too young. For example, two samples
of mastodon bones recovered from the pre-Clovis, Monte
Verde site in Chile provided two dates that were obviously
separated in time by about 5,000 radiocarbon years (6550 +
160 14C BP [BETA-7824] versus 11,990 200 14C BP [TX-
3769])(ibid: 767). Because both of the dated samples came
from the same mastodon femur (they refit together along a
fracture line), their age evaluations were obviously considered
problematic. One of the samples was recovered from
undisturbed stratigraphic context while the other came from
displaced context in an adjacent stream. Both samples used the
collagen fraction of the bone to obtain dates. A recent effort
to re-date both bone samples used two alternative techniques
to obtain radiocarbon assays. The two techniques are related
to the specialized pre-treatment and preparation of samples
for dating and are more complex compared to the extraction
of the bone collagen fraction for dating. The first technique
dated a sample of the total amino acids while the second dated
a sample of ultrafiltered gelatin from both specimens. The
resulting four dates were statistically identical (12,510 60
'4C BP to 12,450 60 14C BP) (George et al. 2005:770) and
yield an average radiocarbon age of 12,460 +30 'IC BP (n=4),
an age that agrees with other radiocarbon dates from the pre-
Clovis, El Jobo point component at Monte Verde site in South
A final thought about the radiocarbon method relates
to the calibration of radiocarbon years to calendar years BP
or BC. There are several radiocarbon calibration programs
available for use over the World Wide Web, by download,
or provided by the radiocarbon laboratories themselves. The
intent here is not to discuss the different programs and datasets,
but to compare an example of the results derived from four
calibration programs using three different datasets processing
the same radiocarbon date (averaged date derived from seven
statistically related radiocarbon dates from Unit 3, the oldest
cultural level at the Page-Ladson site) (Table 1).These ages
are statistically derived and are based on three reconstructed
datasets of calendar year tables.

Radiation Exposure. OSL Dating. Age determination
using the Optically Stimulated Luminescence (OSL) method
has been refined over the past decade or so and has virtually
replaced Thermoluminescence (TL) as a means to date sediment
samples. Age determinations derived from OSL method are
considered to be in calendar years BP, therefore OSL dates



Ryan-Harley Site (8Je1004) c1s O
Showing Test Unit Locations

O Suwannee LIevel Estimated ErAnt of
Eroded Away Paleo-Channel
0 Suwannee Level 0 Sediment Core
Actively Eroding Location and ID#
Suwannee Level *.* 1999 Baseine 1
Fully (n Situ
0 5 Test

l9- .m Z9n,.

0 0m


Figure 6. Ryan-Harley site plan-view map.

do not require calibration like that of the radiocarbon method.
OSL dating has become a major Quaternary dating tool despite
it's thus far -3% to -10% standard deviation in + years cal
BP. Perhaps the most important advancements in OSL dating
includes the use of high-powered blue-green LEDs to release
the trapped electrons in quartz, and the development of the
single aliquot regeneration (SAR) method of obtaining repeated
measurements from a single sample. "Another significant
advance has been the ability to obtain OSL measurements
from a single grain" of quartz sand (Walker 2005:99).
An important OSL success story has recently been
accomplished on the pre-Clovis level at the Cactus Hill site
in Virginia. Wagner and McAvoy (2004) investigated the
stratigraphic integrity of the Cactus Hill site, particularly as
it related to the Paleoindian Clovis and pre-Clovis levels.
Their investigation determined that the Clovis and pre-Clovis
levels had accumulated as a result of incremental eolian sand
accumulation that contained no evidence of post-depositional
disturbance. In other words, Cactus Hill contained a sediment

sequence ideal for OSL dating, and that is exactly what Feathers
et al. (2006) accomplished. Taking thirteen OSL samples from
various levels of the site, they derived OSL dates from the
pre-Clovis level that ranged in age from 17,000 Cal BP to
20,000 Cal BP, an age range in complete agreement with the
calibrated (to calendar years BP) radiocarbon dates from the
same level (Feathers et al. 2006:182-185).
The potential to use luminescence dating on fluvial
deposits was once thought impractical due to problems
related to partial zeroing5. However by the mid 1990s, with
the increased use of OSL as a means of dating, this method
brought with it a greater potential for dating river-basin
sediments (Prescott and Robertson 1997). A recent landmark
study employed OSL dating to determine the age of three
Pleistocene braided channel beds in the Mississippi River
basin. OSL dating was conducted on several samples from
each of the braided channel deposits and yielded ages that
were consistent with the first Pleniglacial6modern mode event,
Meltwater Pulse IA and Meltwater Pulse IB7. These OSL age


2007 VOL. 60(1)

Idealized Geologic Cross Section of the

Santa Fe Rive at the Norden Site (8G140)


0 5000


t& N


II I I I I I I I I I 1 I


SI I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I rfI I *I 'I I




I I I I jI I

" ' ' '' '

, , , ,

E: 1111 I m

I I kai







Figure 8. Plan view map of the Lewis-McQuinn site.

evaluations were in general agreement with other geologic
investigations (Rittenour et al. 2003) and is touted as a leading
example of a successful effort to OSL date fluvial sediments
(Walker 2005).
Because OSL dating relies on quartz sand exposure to
sunlight in order to set its radiometric clock, the turbid water
of the Pleistocene Mississippi River is clearly an extreme test
of the OSL technique. The karst sections of rivers in Florida
should present a much more favorable scenario for OSL dating.
Because the Ryan-Harley and Norden sites are Paleoindian
camps they are significant not only archaeologically, but also
for their potential to be OSL dated. During site occupation,
the ground's surface was subjected to human foot traffic as
well as other culturally generated ground disturbing activity.
The effects of this activity helped expose the sites' sediment to
daylight and increased the likelihood for it to be zeroed (fully
bleached). At the Ryan-Harley site part of the sand is eolian
and part is fluvial in origin. The selection of eolian versus
fluvial sand grains might yield the best sand grains for dating.

Lone-lived Radioactive Isotopes, Uranium-Series Dating.

Among the types of materials that the Uranium-series method
can date is calcium carbonate sediment and organisms that
secrete carbonate to form exoskeletons. U-series disequilibrium
dating can be used in two ways to determine age based on the
U-series decay chain. These are the daughter deficient (DD)
and the daughter excess (DE) methods (Walker 2005).
The DD method measures 230Th/234U ratios and works on
the principal that uranium is soluble in water whereas thorium,
the daughter, is not. Organisms such as corals and mollusks
uptake uranium in their shells; however, there is little or no
uptake of thorium. This makes the decay (daughter) isotope
deficient and thus allows dating. The DD method also can be
used on speleothems and travertines. The DD method applied
to precipitated carbonate in speleothems, and travertines
determines the age of its precipitation and solidification.
The DE method differs from DD because in some
carbonates it is the daughter isotope that is present in excess
concentration. The deficiency of the parent isotope can be
due to the precipitation of the daughter but not the parent
or the preferential leaching of the parent, which causes the
disequilibrium state. Lakebed and seabed sediment often have


2007 VOL. 60(1)

Radiocarbon Age Calendar Age
std dev std dev Calibration version
Mean age 4 years Mean age
14,315 102 LDEO/FairbanksO 107(1 sigma) 68%
14,421 167 Calib/Intcal04 (1 sigma) 68%
14,488 310 Calib/Intcal04 (2 sigma) 95%
12,425 32 (n=7) 14,690 130 CalPal/05-SFCP (1 sigma) 68%
14,690 260 CalPal/05-SFCP (2 sigma) 95%
14,420 170 OxCal/Intcal04 (1 sigma) 68%
______14,500 350 OxCal/Intcal04 (2 sigma) 95%

Table 1. Radiocarbon to Calendar Year Age Calibrations Using Different Programs and Datasets (Chiu et al. 2007,
Ramsey 2001, Reimer et al. 2004, Weninger et al. 2005).

carbonate sediments that can be dated in this manner.
Two problems with employing U-series dating are that it
assumes closed-system behavior when it may not exist and
samples may be contaminated by the inclusion of detrital
sediment in the otherwise carbonate matrix. Open-system
behavior is caused if there is post-mortem migration of
radionuclides into and out of the mollusk shells (Schwarcz
and Gascoyne 1984). When needed, the correction factors)
for open-system behavior requires a detailed knowledge of the
processes that caused the post-mortem isotope disequilibrium
(Walker 2005).
The inclusion of detrital materials, such as eolian or water
transported sediment (that also contain nuclides) in carbonate
sediments can cause a problem. If the detrital sediment carries
daughter isotopes they will generate dates older than the true
age. On the other hand, if the detrital sediment has 234U and
238U, it will lead to age evaluations that are too young. The
effect of detrital contamination can be corrected by measuring
the 23Th, which is an isotope present in detrital sediment, not
carbonate; thus, the 232Th/Th230 ratio can be used to correct for
the detrital additions of 232Th. The method for conducting this
correction is referred to as the isochron technique (Walker
The dating of shell can be problematic if the post-mortem,
open-system behavior is detected and the processes that
caused the post-mortem disequilibrium cannot be determined.
The dating of calcitic sediments has greater promise, although
post-depositional leaching or recrystallization also may pose
The problem of water-transported detrital contamination
may be negligible in river basins like the Wacissa and Santa
Fe, since both have little or no particulate sediment load.
There may be more of a potential problem with eolian-
sediment contamination, however, and as mentioned, that can
be corrected. The deposition of karst basin calcitic-sediments
appears to be of biologic rather than precipitated origin.
Although it has not been demonstrated, the process appears
to have something to do with aquatic plants and/or algae
assimilating (fixing) the dissolved calcium carbonate from
the water column. As a result of its death and decomposition,
aquatic vegetation appears responsible for the formation of
calcitic sediment, which is left behind as a residue. Presumably
these calcitic sediments formed in slow-moving, relatively

shallow riverine environments. Many of these environments
also support freshwater mollusks and upon death their shells
are also preserved in calcitic sediments.


Work at the Page-Ladson site has yielded the first
complete late Pleistocene chronostratigraphic and geoclimatic
reconstruction in the coastal Southeast. This reconstruction was
possible due to the nearly complete, fully datable stratigraphic
section preserved in a sinkhole that is now situated several
meters below present sea level. Deeply recessed sinkhole sites
offer more complete, late Pleistocene stratigraphic sections,
but they also are limited in size horizontally and have not
been correlated with contemporaneous river basin and upland
stratigraphic sequences. The Page-Ladson site investigation
recognized five levels containing Paleoindian artifacts, but none
of the artifacts recovered from these levels represent diagnostic
tool types. Although the chronostratigraphy and geoclimate
data have been reconstructed from the site's stratigraphic
profile, it has not given us the information needed to understand
the temporal placement of the different types of diagnostic,
Paleoindian artifacts. In all likelihood the answers will come
from sites located in river basins and upland sites, which are
single component or have clear stratigraphic separation of their
cultural components. Therefore, it becomes imperative that
future research on Paleoindian sites be undertaken with budgets
that allow for their placement in time and that allows for the
battery of cooperative studies necessary to firmly understand
these sites. Only when this is accomplished will we be able to
more completely understand the complexity of these artifact
typologies, their sequence of evolutionary development, and
where they fit into the chronostratigraphy and paleoclimate of
late Pleistocene Florida. In this way the Southeast has lagged
behind the archaeological data developed from Paleoindian
sites in the desert Southwest.
In the desert Southwest, the geoarchaeological
understanding of the arroyo sediment sequences has been a
vital key, which led geoarchaeologists to develop the Clovis
First Hypothesis. With advanced methods ofradiocarbon, OSL,
and U-series dating, we now have the means to determine the
age of river basin and upland deep sand sites. The utilization
of these radiometric dating methods will revolutionize our




understanding of Paleoindian cultural activity and more
completely refine the geoarchaeological reconstruction of the
coastal Southeast. With strong evidence of pre-Clovis human
activity in the Southeast, the need for multi-disciplinary
research, including geologic dating and sediment analyses,
becomes essential to achieving this goal.
One final thought before closing. Today it makes no sense
for someone living in Florida to rely on a long-term weather
forecast from New Mexico or Arizona. Yet that is what has
taken place in North American Paleoindian Archaeology. It is
wonderful that researchers in the Southwest have accomplished
so much compared to other regions of this country, driven in
part by the development of nuclear technology with offshoot
research relating to radiometric dating capability. It is also
true that preservation of organic remains, the stuff needed
for radiocarbon dating, has more commonly been found in
Paleoindian sites west of the Mississippi River than in sites
east of that national divide. However, with the advent of OSL
and advances in Uranium-series dating methods, we need no
longer rely on radiocarbon as the only means of dating a site.
Therefore, the purpose of this article is not to compare the
Southeast to the Southwest; rather it is to call for well-planned
research to include whatever radiometric dating method it
takes to understand the dynamic late Pleistocene contexts of
the Southeast. These contexts include time, habitat, climate,
resources, and the cultural and material adaptations made by
Paleoindian peoples that took place during the late glacial


SAn example of cultural replacement or the filling of a
void left by a cultural lacuna (abandonment or absence of
another people already occupying the landscape) has been
hypothesized by Keith Ashley (2003:282-283) for the lower
St. Johns River, Mill Cove Complex area at the Early to
Middle Mississippian temporal boundary. This temporal
boundary is placed at 1250 AD, which coincides with a
climatic transition from a warmer climatic cycle to a cooler
one widely recognized as the Little Ice Age (Fagan 2000).
2 Younger Dryas an interval of late-glacial time, from
about 13,000 to 11,600 Cal BP (11,000 to 10,000 14C BP)
during which the climate in the northern latitudes of the
northern hemisphere deteriorated and returned to glacial
maximum-like cold conditions. In the desert Southwest,
large Pleistocene animals such as the horse, mammoth, and
others except for the Bison, had become extinct prior to its
SChlamythere-Glyptodont Chlamythere the giant
armadillo and the Glyptodont a Pleistocene, thicker-shelled
relative of the giant armadillo.
4 Allered a warm (modem-mode) interval of late glacial
time from about 12,300 to 11,000 14C BP.
5Zeroing (also called bleaching) has to do with the zeroing
of the luminescence clock caused by quartz sand being
exposed to direct sunlight.
6 Pleniglacial a term of European origin used to identify
the generally colder interval of time from the peak of the

late glacial maximum -18,500 14C BP until about -13,000
14C BP, after which (during the Allerod) the recession of
the continental glaciers became more common than their
advances. With that said, there was one interval of sub-
modem warming conditions during the Pleniglacial from
about 17,000 to 15,000 14C BP, which is within the time-
range that the pre-Clovis, Cactus Hill site in Virginia appears
to have been occupied.
7Meltwater Pulse (MWP) MWP-1A and MWP-1B
- represent two times that meltwater from the Laurentide
ice sheet in Canada was routed down the Mississippi River
to the Gulf of Mexico. MWP-1A took place from about
12,700 to 12,600 14C BP and MWP-1B from about 10,000
to 9,900 14C BP. The occurrence of meltwater in the Gulf
of Mexico caused the Bermuda High pressure area to
center over Florida causing severe and prolonged drought
conditions. During meltwater pulse intervals to the Gulf
of Mexico, inland water tables in Florida fell many meters
and the climate was arid. Conversely, the desert Southwest
experienced relatively moderate climatic conditions; as the
climate in the eastern Gulf shifted to dry, in the western Gulf
it shifted to moderate to wet conditions. It was not until
aftermath of MWP-1A beginning around 11,700 '4C BP and
lasting to 11,000 14C BP that the Clovis drought took place in
the desert Southwest and the extinction of mega-mammals
took place. Conversely, in the Southeast after MWP- IA the
climate was moderated and inland water tables rebounded.
Rivers such as the Aucilla River resumed flow after MWP-
1A. The only other evidence of cessations of channel flow
conditions in the Aucilla River took place during the late
glacial maximum and again during MWP-lB.

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2007 VOL. 60(1)



'1219 Madison St., Gastonia, NC 28052
Email: j_f

21142 Wild Rose Drive, Palm Bay, FL 32905

A previously unrecorded site at the confluence of the Eau
Gallie and Indian Rivers in Melbourne, Florida, 8BR1978,
closely conforms to the location and descriptions of the Ais
Indian town of Pentoaya recorded in 17th century Spanish
documents. Previous attempts by Rouse and Higgs to identify
the location of Pentoaya have been tentative and without much
supporting evidence (Rouse 1951: 151, see below). No site has
yet been designated as Pentoaya in the Florida Master Site Files
(FMSF). The multi-component site proposed here as being
Pentoaya is a large, extensive shell midden with abundant
cultural material and possible earth work features. Several lines
of evidence are used to establish this identification, including
Mexia's 1605 map and ship log, photographs and plat maps
dating back to the 1890s, interviews with local informants
who live atop this site, previous archaeological studies, and
comparisons with other Ais/Late Prehistoric Indian towns
along the Indian River Lagoon.
Ais Indian towns along the Indian River Lagoon in east
central Florida existed as paired towns according to an early
17th century Spanish observer, with the winter towns being
along the lagoonal shoreline of the barrier island, and the
corresponding summer town along the mainland shore of the
lagoon (Mexia 1605, and Higgs, n.d., in Rouse 1951: 40, 273).
For Pentoaya, a large Indian town at the head of the Indian
River Lagoon first mapped and described by Mexia in 1605
(Figure 1), the winter site has been known since Rouse's
comprehensive survey of the Indian River Area in the 1940s.
An historical marker exists on the complex of sites identified
by Rouse as Winter Pentoaya (1951:199-203), comprised of
the main midden (8BR98) and the associated burial mound
(8BR99) and causeway (Br100).
Summer Pentoaya, however, has never been definitively
located beyond a general agreement that it was in the area
of Eau Gallie (Higgs, in Rouse 1951: 273), presumably near
the river of the same name, where it empties into the Indian
River Lagoon (IRL hereafter). Rouse briefly mentions 8BR34
and 8BR35 as possible candidates, even though his visit to
these sites with local informant A. T. Anderson revealed only
a "trace" of shell and no artifacts (Rouse 1951: 151). Both
8BR34 and 8BR35 adjoin the Eau Gallie River near the
current bridge for Highway US 1, about 800 meters west of
the present IRL shoreline (Figure 2). The authors contest these
proposed locations based in part on the fact that the IRL is not
visible from either of these locations, contra Mexia. Neither

site is officially or unofficially referred to as Pentoaya; rather,
they are generically listed as "No name, prehistoric," meaning
that a specific time period of occupation is unknown. The
only information on these sites in the FSMF is a photocopy
of the single brief paragraph that Rouse devotes to each site
(reproduced below).
There is some confusion about the precise locations of
8BR34 and 8BR35. The FSMF lists them as "GV," or general
vicinity, meaning that the precise locations are unknown. Due
to Rouse's use of the original name "Elbow Creek" for the
entirety of what is now called the Eau Gallie River (1951: 111,
151), and the modem use of "Elbow Creek" to refer only to
a southern tributary stream of the renamed Eau Gallie River
(Schoffner 1995: 133), the GIS mapping information provided
by Florida's Division of Historic Resources (FLDHR) for
8BR34 differs from the text and large scale map provided by
Rouse (1951: 111), placing it on the south shores of the Eau
Gallie River whereas Rouse's map had it on the north shore.
The 8BR35 site also appears on different sides of the US 1
bridge over today's Elbow Creek in Rouse's and the FLDHR's
The entire text of Rouse's report on 8BR34 and 8BR35 is
short enough to warrant quoting in full:

"Br 34. Just north of Elbow Creek, on either side
of Highway 1 in the town of Eau Gallie [annexed by
Melbourne in 1969], there are traces of shells on the
surface of the ground, extending from a bluff down
the slope leading to the Indian River. We were unable
to find any artifacts during a brief visit with Anderson
in 1944.
"Br 35. Traces of shells were also noted under
similar circumstances on the south side of Elbow
Creek. This area was probably once wooded, but
now forms part of the town.
"It is probable that either Br 34 or 35 was the
summer site of the town of Pentoaya, mentioned by
Mexia [cross-references omitted]... As we shall see,
the winter site can be identified as the Banana River
shell heap (Br 98). Eau Gallie is just opposite and
therefore on the spot where, according to Mexia, the
inhabitants of Pentoaya lived during the summer"
(Rouse 1951: 151).'


VOL. 60(1)


MARCH 2007


Figure 1. Map of the Indian River Lagoon from Alvaro Mexia's Derrotero (1605), traced and translated by Charles D. Higgs
(in Rouse 1951:266). The left margin represents north-northwest while the right margin represents south-southeast. Higgs'
place names have been relabeled in their original position, with some minor deletions for clarity. Also, Higg's "Surruque"
and "Old Surruque" labels (top, left) have been retained because they seem to indicate a mainland location for these towns.

Figure 2. Locations of 8BR34 & 8BR35 according to GIS information from the Florida Division of Historical Resources (in
black, bottom), and as shown in Irving Rouse's map (1951:111; in white, at top). Rouse's use of the archaic "Elbow Creek"
to refer to the entirety of the now-renamed Eau Gallie River, plus the modern retention of "Elbow Creek" for the southern
tributary of the Eau Gallie River, accounts for this discrepancy. The outline for 8BR1978 has been left incomplete in the area
surrounding the ramp. Aerial photo courtesy of the Brevard County Mapping Office in Veira.


2007 Vol. 60(1)


Figure 3. April 2007 aerial photo of the mouth of the Eau Gallie River. Courtesy of (Florida Department of
Environmental Protection).

In contrast to 8BR34 and 8BR35, the Pentoaya site
proposed here, 8BR1978, is much larger and more extensive
than the "traces of shells" and lack of artifacts that Rouse
encountered during his brief visit to 8BR34 & 8BR35 (Figure
3). Its visibility is such that even a brief visit is enough to
discern much of the site. Our reconnaissance has revealed that
the arc-shaped shell midden at 8BR1978 is over 370 meters
long, and more than a meter deep in many places. Artifacts
are quite abundant at 8BR1978, as evidenced by the numerous
pottery sherds and other items eroding out of the road-cut
for Thomas Barbour Drive that runs through the southern
portion of the midden. Additionally, residents of Terry Drive
living atop the summit of the site possess several boxes of
artifacts casually retrieved during gardening and construction
Moreover, its location at the exact confluence of the Eau
Gallie River and the IRL would make 8BR1978 a more likely
candidate for the site of Pentoaya according to the information
from Mexia upon which Rouse was operating. The text of
Mexia's ship log (The Derrotero) describes the winter and
summer towns as being "rostro a rostro," the literal translation
of which is "face to face." Higg's translation reads "directly
opposite," (in Rouse 1951: 268,273) while Hann's more recent
interpretation of Mexia, working directly from the Spanish
Archivo General de Indias (Seville) is that "[t]he Ais village
named Pentoaya also had a summer and a winter town facing
one another across a bay" (2003: 75, 205, emphasis added).
Mexia's choice of words strongly suggests that Summer
Pentoaya sat directly on the western shore of the IRL, and not

tucked out of sight behind two rises of the Atlantic Coastal
Ridge (ACR), as are 8BR34 & 8BR35.
As mentioned, the IRL is not visible from either 8BR34
or 8BR35, whereas 8BR1978 still has a commanding view
of the IRL, and, prior to the construction of Ballard Park,
sat directly on the water, as shown in a 1906 photo-postcard
(Figure 4) of the northern tip of the site, and an 1892 plat map
(Figure 5) of the area. Thus, 8BR1978 was literally "rostro
a rostro" to Winter Pentoaya, unlike 8BR34 and 8BR35.
Rouse's sites conform to Mexia's description only in that the
modem township of Eau Gallie in which they occur is "directly
opposite" Winter Pentoaya.
Significantly, almost all Ais/Late Prehistoric towns
along the mainland shore of the IRL are situated adjacent or
proximate to the shoreline (cf. Dickel 1992: 72, 74 concerning
such sites in Indian River County; Dickel and Doran 2002: 42,
45 concerning the ACR as a whole), with commanding views
over long stretches of the lagoon, formerly known as the River
of the Ais. Compare, for instance, the Ais/Late Prehistoric
village sites represented by 8BR39 (Trysting Stairs, at the
confluence of Crane Creek and the IRL in Melbourne) or
8BR49 and 8BR50, at the confluence of Turkey Creek and
the IRL in Palm Bay, or 8BR56, the Grant Mound, or 8IR84,
Barker's Bluff, aka the Kroegel Mound, the likely site of the
main town of Ais (Brech and Lanham, in preparation).
Moreover, Pentoaya was the first major Ais town as one
entered the Great Bay of the Ais from either the Banana River
Lagoon to the northeast or from the Mosquito Lagoon portage
to the north-northwest. Territorial signaling the need to keep




Figure 4. Photograph from a 1906 postcard showing the
peninsula or causeway that extends from the main part of
the site north into the Eau Gallie River near its confluence
with the Indian River Lagoon. Photo courtesy of the Bre-
vard County Historical Commission.

an eye on the canoe traffic along the IRL would seem to favor
a town location within view of the IRL, unlike 8BR34 and
8BR35. Mexia's map even refers to this northern part of the
IRL as "Pentoaya Lagoon," again implying close proximity
between the town and the eponymous body of water. Other
than Ulumay along the Banana River Lagoon to the north
and the town of Ais itself, Pentoaya is the only town name
given in Mexia's map for the entire Ais province. Given the
political dominance of the Ais in 1605 (Hann 2003: 61) and
their reputation for fierceness or valor (Davidsson 2001), it is
seems out of character for a major Ais town on the IRL not to
overlook, and thus overlord, their lagoon. Given the incredible
biological productivity of estuaries and lagoons such as the
IRL, the heavy reliance of the coastal Ais and Malabar peoples
upon lagoonal species (Milanich 1998: 252), and their seasonal
"commute" from mainland to barrier island and back, ACR
town locations closer to the IRL (or adjacent to the Upper
St. Johns River Basin along that drainage) would seem more
convenient and economically efficient.
Also, since Mexia apparently did not go ashore at Pentoaya
(Rouse 1951: 269-274; Hann 2003: 82-86), his sighting of the
town thereon presumably must have been made while afloat
on the IRL, and it is currently not possible to see even a two-
story structure at the US 1 bridgeheads (the various locations
of 8BR34 and 8BR35) while navigating the main channel
or deeper waters of the IRL. Mexia's account, the east-west
inaccuracies in his map, and his omission of the Eau Gallie
River therein, also suggests that his course of navigation
necessarily brought him closer to Winter Pentoaya than to
Summer Pentoaya, making Mexia's citing and mapping of the
latter less likely unless it were plainly visible from the IRL, a
condition satisfied by 8BR1978 but not 8BR34 or 8BR35.
Another factor arguing for 8BR1978 as the likely site
of Summer Pentoaya is the possible presence of complex
earthwork features, including the earthen ramp on the eastern
side of the site (Figure 6), the causeway or peninsula extending
from the north of the site into the Eau Gallie River, and the

Figure 5. Plat map from 1892 showing shoreline configu-
rations near the proposed Pentoaya site. Site location has
been added for reference. Map courtesy of the Brevard
County Mapping Office in Viera.

terraces built into the eastern flank of the site (Figure 7).
Yet another confirmatory line of evidence can be seen in the
overall similarity of the layout and topography of 8BR1978
with other Ais/Late Prehistoric sites along the IRL, including
8BR50 at the confluence of Turkey Creek and the IRL in
Palm Bay, 8BR56, the Grant Mound in Grant, and RBR39
at the confluence of Crane Creek and the IRL. Viewed from
the IRL (i.e., from the east, facing west) both 8BR50 (Turkey
Creek) and 8BR1978 exhibit a staggered series of gradually
descending platforms which decrease in elevation as you go
north for a distance of 175 meters (Figure 8). The Trysting
Stairs site,8BR39, was a long linear ridge of midden used as a
promenade during the early 20th century. The remnants of the
Grant Mound, 8BR56, also exhibits an area of terracing on its
western flank that resembles the terraces on the eastern flank
of 8BR1978, as if "mezzanine" level platforms were built
into the body of both mound structures. It must be admitted,
however, that these terraces and these descending platforms
could be the artifacts of modern development and/or midden
removal, and not aboriginal constructions.

Site Description and Interpretation

Unfortunately, all of the sites in question here, including
Pentoaya, have been impacted or obliterated by development.
Winter Pentoaya on the barrier island was recorded as being
86 feet high (26.21 meters) by William Scott, the Melbourne
harbormaster, in 1887 (Rouse 1951:199). Most of the Grant
Mound and one of the Turkey Creek mounds (8BR49) have
been removed for road-fill; a few looter pits scar the remnants

2007 VOL. 60(l)



Figure 6. Earthen ramp leading up to main part of the site. The oak tree near the top of the ramp is 88 inches (2.24 meters).
About 10 inches (0. 25 meters) of fill has been added to the ramp since the maturation of this tree.


Figure 7. Two views of earthen terraces in east side of mound or sand ridge. The earthen ramp from Figure 5 is visible in the
background of the bottom picture. The back of the terrace in the middle of the bottom picture slopes up to the top of the site
without as much indentation as the main part of the terrace.


2007 VOL. 60(1)




Figure 8. Composite photographs of 8BR50 (top) located at the confluence of Turkey Creek and the IRL in Palm Bay, and
most of 8BR1978 (bottom), the Pentoaya site, located at the confluence of the Eau Gallie River and the IRL in Melbourne.
Both photographs were taken facing west, with the IRL immediately in back of the photographer. The linear distance of
each photo is approximately the same-about 175 meters from the roads in the left side of both photos to the right margin.

of the former mound, while the latter was reputed to have been
40 feet high (12.19 meters) prior to the real estate boom of the
1920s (Rouse 1951: 167). The Trysting Stairs site (8BR39)
at the confluence of Crane Creek and the IRL in Melbourne
has recently been leveled for high-rise construction. Rouse's
tentative candidates for Summer Pentoaya were also
presumably destroyed by development.
Compared to the devastation wrought upon Grant Mound,
Winter Pentoaya, Crane Creek, and some of the Turkey Creek
sites, the impact ofrecent development upon Summer Pentoaya
has been relatively light--1950s/60s concrete-slab ranch
houses with no basements or crawlspaces on 1/4 acre lots.
One of the houses on the site's summit had a bigger footprint
into the midden due to its split-level design, from which its
owners collected numerous artifacts, while the sunken garage
of a neighboring house resulted in the removal of even larger
quantities of midden. Conversations with the land developer
revealed that some of the more uneven surfaces of the Pentoaya
shell midden were bulldozed prior to development, the deepest
such bulldozer cut being about 5 feet (1.52 meters) in depth
(Foster Reynolds, personal comm. 2005). A comparison of
the 1892 plat map and the 1906 postcard with the 1943 aerial
photo shows many drastic changes to the configuration of the
land and river shoreline in the area of this site--what was once
an elongate arc of hammock and midden, with a thin peninsula
or causeway jutting out to the north (Figures 4 and 5), appears
much broader in later representations (compare with Figure 2),

showing that the area to the east of this site had been filled in
with dredge material to create Ballard Park (Raley and Flotte
2002:16) while the northern tip was expanded to the west
and to the east. This broadening of the shoreline surrounding
Pentoaya and its northern peninsula (or causeway) occurred
sometime prior to 1943, the date of the earliest aerial photos
of Brevard County.
Fortunately, at least some of the Pentoaya site itself seems
to have been preserved with a high degree of integrity despite
the radical changes to the nearby shorelines. Several oak trees
on the site's summit are over 3 meters in circumference (Figure
10), showing that the ground surfaces in the vicinity of these old
trees have been undisturbed for at least as long as the lifespan
of those trees. The tree canopy shown in the 1956 and 1943
aerial photos also appears to be oak-dominated and climactic
(Figures 2 and 9). Botanists and arborists are very cautious
about assigning definite ages to oak trees based on size and
circumference alone (Ed Gilman, personal communication,
2005), but even a general estimate of the age of the trees shown
in Figure 10 place them well before the construction period
of the late 1950s and early 1960s (Ed Mischevsky, personal
comm. 2005). The construction of Ballard Park just east of the
site also seems to have had no impact on the site, other than
to remove it from the immediate shoreline of the IRL. Thus,
the Summer Pentoaya site proposed here still retains many
original ground surfaces and promising places for future sub-
surface investigations.




Figure 9. Duplicate aerial photographs of the Pentoaya site from 1956, facing north, with features highlighted in the bottom
version. The site can be seen in the center of the picture as an arc of higher elevation and higher canopied trees (white high-
light). The road-cut for Thomas Barbour Drive appears as a dark jagged line of shadow in the foliage shown in the bottom
third of the picture (highlighted in gray). The shape of the land or canopy on the east side of the site just beyond Thomas
Barbour Drive (highlighted in a checked pattern) gives the appearance of an even larger earthen ramp than what currently
exists there. Photo courtesy of the Brevard County Historical Commission.

Our study of the Pentoaya site did not involve any
excavations, given its private ownership and the lack of an
immediate research design beyond the mere identification of
this site. The southern part of the site was archaeologically
tested by Stephen Atkins (1984) in conjunction with the
Hawthorne Point development project on the neighboring
property to the south (see Figure 5), although only a portion
of the artifacts were washed and rough-sorted. Atkins and
IRL historian Robert Gross found a dense midden measuring
15 centimeters deep in their northernmost test quad, which
tapered off in thickness quite rapidly as they tested further
south and east (Atkins 1984; Gross, personal communication
2005). Atkins correctly surmised that the main part of the site
was to the north of his test area, possibly obliterated by the
road cut for Thomas Barbour Drive, as the exposed midden
along the road cut is much deeper than 15 cm. The part of
the site just south of Thomas Barbour Drive that Atkins and
Gross tested also seems to exhibit some areas of sub-surface
integrity given the size and circumference of the oak trees
growing thereon (Figure 11), although Atkins and Gross also
uncovered a cistern on that same property, indicating that a
house once stood nearby, possibly the Aspinwall house (Gross,
personal communication 2007). Undisturbed layers of midden

are clearly visible along both sides of the road-cut made for
Thomas Barbour Drive, with abundant shells, sherds, and
bone washing out of the slope.
To be fair, there is perhaps an indirect, deductive line of
reasoning that might suggest that much of the original Pentoaya
site might have been removed or reconfigured--the fact that
the Winter Pentoaya site was once much larger vertically
(26.21 meters) than the current configuration of the Summer
Pentoaya site proposed here. Interestingly, Mexia's map and
ship log, which was designed to aid future expeditions and
voyages, and thus frequently refers to landmarks along the
way, shows the location of (Summer) Pentoaya by name, but
not Winter Pentoaya. Rather, a generic "R," meaning village
or hamlet ("rancheria," implying something smaller than a
"pueblo"), is placed on the map in that general area of the
barrier island (Figure 1). But even then, Mexia's "R" is quite
a distance north of the actual location of Winter Pentoaya
according to his own description, which Rouse correctly
placed directly across from the southern tip of Merritt Island
(1951: 111), a topographic feature hard to misjudge. This
is especially strange in that Mexia's course of navigation
brought him through the "Pentoaya narrows" almost within
stone's throw of Winter Pentoaya, making the misplacement


2007 VOL. 60(1)


Figure 10. Large oak trees on the Pentoaya site suggests that some of the original ground surfaces may be intact. The tree
in the center of the top picture measures 3.3 meters in circumference. Co-author J. F. Lanham (left) and Pentoaya resident
Eugene H. Eley (right) inspect an even larger oak tree on a neighbor's property.






(or non-placement) of the Winter Pentoaya location difficult
to understand. In either case, our claim that the Summer
Pentoaya site is roughly similar to its prehistoric dimensions
faces the implied incongruity that Mexia’s map ignored the
much larger and much closer Winter Pentoaya site in favor of
the smaller, more distant, mainland site. How could the main
town of Pentoaya (the “pueblo”’) be smaller (at least vertically)
than its winter satellite (the “rancheria,” or hamlet) if Mexia
uses the former as a landmark but does not map in the latter?

Our reply is that 1) Higg’s labeling of the Mexia map, which
we left unaltered in Figure 1 for the towns of Surruque and Old
Surruque, seems to place these towns on the mainland, even
though the enormous Turtle Mound, the hillock (“mogote”’)
of oyster shells described by Mexia (Hann 2003: 85), exists
on the barrier island. Ulumay also cannot be found on the
lagoonal shore of Cape Canaveral on Mexia’s map, despite
the area being quite rich in Malabar II sites (Brech 2004: 49).
2) Mexia was mapping political entities as well as landmarks
for future navigation. Almost all of the Ais towns and hamlets
mapped by Mexia are on the mainland or on Merritt Island
and not the barrier island, suggesting that Mexia’s map was
reflecting a political reality--that the mainland towns, the
“summer towns,” were in fact the main settlements, with
the winter towns recognized as satellites. Note how Summer
Pentoaya is referred to simply as Pentoaya, as is the main
town of Ais further south. On the other hand, since Mexia
made this voyage in June and July of 1605 (Rouse 1951: 54-
55; Hann 2003: 83), then the attention he paid to the mainland
village sites might be due to the seasonal abandonment of the
barrier island that he himself recorded. The greater height
of the Winter Pentoaya shell midden could be the result of
greater availability or utilization of mollusks and bivalves
on the barrier island than on the mainland, especially at this
northern part of the lagoon, where the waters of the Banana
River Lagoon exchange themselves with those of the IRL.
There is no absolute correlation between depth of shell midden
and population size or intensity of occupation, though the two
are suggestive of each other, and certainly no strict correlation
between heights of shell mounds and political primacy. The
Surruque were subordinate allies to the Ais and yet Turtle
Mound was probably larger than any of the mounds recorded
in the Ais province proper.

Evidence for the relative integrity of the Pentoaya site
can be seen by comparing the types of artifacts recovered
from Summer and Winter Pentoaya. As mentioned, numerous
artifacts have been collected by the owners and former owners
of these parcels of land which they graciously allowed us to
inspect and rough-sort. The artifacts from the Eley collection
range in age from Late Archaic steatite sherds and fiber-
tempered Orange pottery to an historic iron nodule or spent
projectile. There is also a fragment of smoothed greenstone,
probably a celt. The majority of the Eley and Crandall
collections consist of plain, undecorated St. Johns pottery. But
both the Eley collection and the Crandall collection contain
enough check-stamped pottery to qualify for a Malabar II
occupation (i.e., from A.D. 800 to historic times). Using the
artifacts that have washed out of the road cut from Thomas
Barbour Drive as a convenient random sample, the authors

2007 VoL. 60(1)
found 2 of the 24 sherds encountered (uncollected) to be check-
stamped, a proportion consistent with Cordell’s observations
of the Malabar II pottery series of the nearby Upper St. Johns
River Basin (Cordell 1985), which is universally considered
to be part of the Malabar Culture Area and the Ais’ ethno-
historic domain (Rouse 1951; Sigler-Eisenberg 1985). At the
Ross Hammock sites (8VO130 and 8VO131) further north,
and deeper into the St. Johns Area proper, Bullen et al. (1967)
found that check-stamped pottery constituted only 5 — 7% of
the sherds from the levels in which it was present. The 8.5%
from our random sample potentially came from all levels of
the site. Rouse surmised that he found only one check-stamped
sherd out of 88 total sherds, and no historic artifacts other than
modern debris at the Winter Pentoaya site because the upper
layers of the midden had been removed for road-fill. That this
is not the case at Summer Pentoaya suggests that much of the
upper layers of this midden were not removed.

The lack of excavations into the site makes it difficult to
determine whether most of it was anthropogenic (i.e., a true
mound) or whether midden material was merely added to an
existing sand ridge (a modified bluff). As it is, the southern
two thirds of the site mostly parallels the overall NNW —
SSE orientation of the ACR, which itself forms the western
shoreline of the IRL, though of course any shore-parallel site
or earthen structure along the IRL will necessarily also parallel
the overall configuration of the ACR. But the thin peninsula of
land that originally extended to the north of this site (Figures
4 and 5) is distinctly not parallel to the ridge lines of the
ACR, but rather offset by a full 24 degrees, since it points
due north in the 1892 plat map. This veering of the northern
peninsula, however, is symmetrical with the overall arc-shape
of the midden, and thus could be the natural result of cuspate
erosion patterns. Conversely, the existence of many other arc-
shaped shell middens along the southeastern coast (Russo
and Heide 2001: 491-492) as far south as the Joe Reed Shell
Ring (8MT13), also an arc, combined with the numerous Late
Archaic artifacts in the Eley collection, is also intriguing.

It seems possible that this thin peninsula was created by
the Pentoayans to serve as a causeway, multiple canoe launch,
or shell-processing area for the main part of the site, which
extends to the south. This northern peninsula or causeway
could also have served to artificially restrict the outflow of the
Eau Gallie River so as to better accommodate net-fishing. It
would also have lessened the distance between the northern
and southern shores of the Eau Gallie River. That this northern
tip was a continuation of the site is attested to by conversations
with three of its previous residents and owners, two of whom
recall finding artifacts there as children (family of Foster
Reynolds, personal communication 2005).

While the anthropogenic nature of the mound/modified
bluff and its northern peninsula/causeway is an important and
intriguing question for future research, for the limited purposes
of identifying this site as Mainland Pentoaya or Summer
Pentoaya it is not necessary to determine the anthropogenic
vs. natural character of the underlying sand matrix beneath the
midden layers, although certainly an anthropogenic finding
would add weight to that hypothesis. But even accepting the
most conservative assumption--that the midden material was


haphazardly deposited atop an existing sand ridge--does not
detract from the size and significance of this site, nor its unique
geographic fit with Mexia's description and map from 1605.
Lack of excavation also prevents any definitive statement
concerning the large earthen ramp that descends from the
middle of the site down to the western edge of the man-made
Ballard Park, about 10 meters north of Thomas Barbour Drive
(Figures 6 and 9). According to local residents, what is now
Ballard Park was once the shallow waters of an IRL mangrove
swamp (Eugene Eley, personal communication 2005), but
this purported mangrove swamp does not appear in a historic
photograph dating prior to the construction of Ballard Park
(Raley and Flotte, 2002: 16), nor does the mangrove swamp
appear in the 1943 aerial, which predates their residency by
about twenty years.
The authors were unable to obtain permission from the
property owner of the ramp to inspect his property. Letters
were sent to four of the addresses along the east side of Terry
Drive that constitute the minimal extent of the site, of which
two replies were received declining inspection. We did not
follow up with further requests, although we were able to
obtain permission from a gardener/landscaper to measure the
circumference of two of the oak trees that grow on the lot that
contains the ramp (Figures 6 and 10, top). Consequently, when
we asked local arborist Ed Mischevsky to give us a visual
estimation of the age of the oak tree growing on the ramp, we
did not accompany Mischevsky, who surprised us by being
able to obtain permission to drill several core samples, as well
as inspect the top layers of soil surrounding the oak on the
ramp. Mischevsky found that beneath the top 10 inches of fill
(0.25 meters) was an "original" layer of soil which contained
shell. Our absence from Mischevsky's investigations meant
that we were unable to determine whether this shell-bearing
substrata was midden, marl, or dredge, or whether it had
laminated layers indicative of modern redeposits. But most
of the evidence presently available to us seems to suggest
that those substrata of the ramp were constructed prior to the
development activities of the late 1950s and early 1960s:

1. A 2.24 meter circumference oak tree grows directly on the
ramp itself (Figure 6), suggesting an age equal to but probably
older than the late 1950s. Area arborist Ed Mischevsky
conservatively estimated the age of this tree as being 60 years
or more (personal communication, 2005).

2. As mentioned, Mischevsky also found that almost a foot
(0.25 meters) of non-midden fill has been added to the ramp
sometime after the maturation of that same oak tree, evidenced
by the fact that the tree shows no "breathing roots" poking
out of the ground surface, and by the fact that this outwardly
healthy-looking tree has since gone into decay, possibly caused
by the addition of this fill material around its base. This decay,
coupled with the difficulties of deriving tree-ring data from
even healthy oak trees (Ed Gilman, personal communication,
2005) prevented Mischevsky from deriving any age estimates
from any of the core samples he took. The soil beneath the fill
contains shell according to Mishevsky, and, therefore, if this
ramp is entirely modem, then it was constructed in two phases

separated by more than 20 years--an initial construction made
out of midden, marl or dredge material sometime prior to 1956
(see item #5, below), and a later deposition of fill sometime
in the 1970s or thereafter. If the ramp is entirely modem, we
must assume that the original ramp was somehow deficient
such that 0.25 meters of fill were required to be added at a later

3. The property upon which this large earthen ramp sits has
historically been the most "low budget" of any of the houses
and properties atop this site. According to the neighbors, the
house was once a very small cottage that has been gradually
expanded over the years into its present size, conscientiously
building around another large oak tree growing thereon. If
this ramp is entirely modem, then we must also accept the
incongruity that the most expensive landscape modifications
to this site occurred on the one piece of property that had the
least amount of money invested into it.

4. Another incongruity is that Thomas Barbour Drive,
which borders this lot to the south-southeast, has long offered
convenient access to the IRL and to Ballard Park, making the
elaborate construction of this large expensive ramp in modem
times to the former shoreline seem superfluous. The developer
of the properties, Foster Reynolds, recalls that there were
one or more earthen ramps already in place when he began
his construction activities there in the late 1950s (personal
communication, 2005).

5. Figure 9, an aerial photograph from 1956, predates the
initial construction of the house above the ramp, which was
built in 1959, according to the Brevard County Tax Appraiser's
website ( This photograph seems
to show an even larger ramp in that same spot, though this
could be an optical effect caused by a descending canopy of
trees merging with lower vegetative cover.

The evidence offered by the overhead aerial photographs
are less conclusive, given the scale of resolution. The 1943
aerial photograph in Figure 2 shows only a slight protrusion
of the site into Ballard Park in the area of the ramp, unlike
the obliquely angled 1956 aerial in Figure 9. The aerials from
1958, 1969, and 1979 also do not show much of a protrusion
of the site into Ballard Park in the area where the ramp now
exists, but then neither do recent images from Google-earth
or the LABINS website (Figure 12). The overhead, plan-view
of the aerial photographs and their coarser grain of resolution
might not be adequate to have captured an image of the ramp,
even if it had existed in 1943. If the ramp did not have a tree
canopy or vegetative cover upon it 1943, then the tree canopy
along the edge of the site from which the ramp protrudes
could easily have occluded the ramp below it, just as it does in
today's overhead aerials.
Parsimony alone might suggest that the shell-bearing
substrata of this large earthen ramp were constructed
prehistorically. Interestingly, part of the Winter Pentoaya
complex across the IRL once included an earthen causeway
(8BR100), and many of the mounds in the Calusa domains of




Figure 12. Aerial photograph from April 2006 of the area
Figure 11. Photograph of southern part of the site taken in surrounding 8BR1978, showing only a slight protrusion of
2005 and archaeologically tested by Stephen Atkins (1984). the site into Ballard Park in the area of the earthen ramp.
Aboriginal midden and a historic cistern were uncovered. Compare with aerial photograph from 1943 (Figure 2).
The large size of the oak trees suggests that some ground sur- Photograph courtesy of (Florida Depart-
faces might have remained undisturbed for many decades, ment of Environmental Protection).

southwest Florida had ramps and causeways leading up the
middle to their summit. Neighbor Eugene Eley's recollection
that this large earthen ramp on the east side of Summer
Pentoaya was built up in the 1970s or later could have been
based on the secondary deposition of fill material that took
place at about that time. In any case, investigations into the
construction and dating of this earthen ramp would certainly
be a fruitful avenue for future research.
The aerial extent of this site is at least 1.8 hectares, based
on GIS-derived calculations (via, a service
of the Florida Department of Environmental Protection who
freely allow the use of their aerial photographs). The limits
of this site have been bounded to the south and southeast by
the previous excavations of Atkins (1984), and to the east and
north by the geographic barriers of the Eau Gallie River and
the IRL prior to the construction of Ballard Park. The western
and southwestern extents of this site, under private ownerships,
has not been bounded, however, although the sloping terrain
thereon would suggest that the site did not extend west of
Terry Drive to any great extent.
Cursory inspections directly across the Eau Gallie River
along its northern shore, also privately owned, showed areas
of black dirt shell midden in some randomly exposed areas
(Figure 3). Gross believes that Summer Pentoaya may well
have been located along the northern shore of the Eau Gallie
River, albeit closer to the IRL than depicted on Rouse's 1951
map or the GIS-generated map from the Florida Division of
Historical Resources. Gross bases this opinion on the presence
of a springhead near one of the former boat houses (personal
communication, 2005). But it should be remembered that
Atkins and Gross were not tasked with testing the main part
of 8BR1978 north of Thomas Barbour Drive, but only the
area of midden that extends south of it, nor did the scope of
their project involve inspecting the midden and artifacts from
the Eley and Crandall properties. Thus, Gross was simply not

aware of the full vertical and horizontal extents of this site
prior to receiving a draft of this report.
In the absence of controlled excavations, it cannot be
ruled out that Pentoaya may have extended along both sides
of the Eau Gallie River; what is being claimed here is that a)
the mound or modified bluff south of this IRL tributary was at
least part of the Pentoaya site, b) that Pentoaya existed much
closer to the IRL shoreline than shown in either Rouse's or the
Florida DHR maps for 8BR34 & 8BR35 and c) that there has
been enough preservation of the site to promise rich potential
data for future research designs.

Open Research Questions in the Ais/Malabar Culture
Area Testable at Pentoaya

It is an archaeological cliche to assert that your area of
study has not had enough investigations, and that more work
is needed therein, and that rapid development is threatening
the few remaining sites. However, in the case of the Indian
River Area, the cliche is particularly apt and unavoidable.
Compared to the Calusa domains of southwest Florida or the
Timucuan regions of northern Florida, the province of the
Ais and its Malabar archaeological culture (extending from
Cape Canveral to St. Lucie Inlet on the east, and including the
Upper St. Johns River Basin to the west) has been relatively
neglected by prehistorians and ethnohistorians alike (Dickel
and Doran 2002: 46; Milanich 1994: 254). One reason for this
relative neglect is that the Ais and their Malabar predecessors
occupy a "transition zone" between the material cultures
and environmental regimes of northern and southern Florida
(Dickel and Doran 2002: 40, 42-43; Goggin 1949; Kroeber
1939; Milanich 1994: 249; Rouse 1951). The definition of
Malabar pottery, for instance, is a roughly equal mixture of
St. Johns pottery (i.e., tempered with sponge spicules) with
that of the sand-tempered pottery of the Glades regions thus

2007 VOL. 60(l)



making Malabar not a pottery type, per se, but rather a type
of assemblage. Thus, in state-wide maps and syntheses of
Florida archaeology such as Milanich and Fairbanks's (1980:
22) and Milanich's (1994: xix) the Ais/Malabar area straddles
the boundary between the St. Johns cultures to the north and
the Glades cultures to the south, and is discussed more briefly
than either (1994: 248-254).
Another reason for the relative neglect afforded to the
IRL Area might be the apparent "simplicity" of its material
culture (Rouse 1951: 68-69). Rouse introduced his space/
time perspective (i.e., culture-history) of the IRL Area with
comments that could almost be misinterpreted as disparagement:
"remarkably nondescript..." a transitional material culture
to that of the northern St. Johns and the Glades-Kissimmee
areas "without, however, sharing in the best achievements of
either... The Indian River area has no very distinctive traits of
its own, its unity being derived primarily from the simplicity
of its culture relative to those of the surrounding areas." And
whereas Goggin (1949:33) attributed this apparent simplicity
to the paucity of the data, Rouse disagreed, calling the apparent
simplicity "a very real phenomenon."
This neglect has had the unfortunate effect of causing
the underestimation of the socio-political complexity of the
Ais chiefdom, and perhaps, by false contrast, making the
complex chiefdom of the non-agricultural Calusa seem more
unusual and unique than they really are (cf. Marquardt 1988:
1992: 6; Widmer 1998). A century-and-a-half of unrestrained
development along the IRL has obliterated almost every large
mound and prehistoric earthwork, which, if they still existed,
might inveigh against the "devaluation" of the Ais polity as
a simple chiefdom. According to Milanich: "Archaeological
evidence from the region of the Ais and their neighbors all
indicates simple chiefdoms or even an autonomous village
level of political integration" (1998: 253).
We disagree with this for several reasons, including: 1) It is
an argument based on the lack of evidence, which is especially
problematic in the IRL Area given the ravages of development
(Milanich 1994: 252) and archaeological neglect (Milanich
1994: 254) mentioned above. 2) More specifically, the main
town of Ais has never been satisfactorily located (Ehrenhard
1976: 16; Rouse 1951:219-220), much less excavated. Based
on Mexia's Derrotero and other evidence, we believe the main
town of Ais was located at the once-gigantic Kroegel Mound,
aka Barkers Bluff, 8IR84 (Brech and Lanham, manuscript in
preparation). Paul Kroegel, one of the early heroes of Florida
environmental preservation (via his establishment ofthe Pelican
Island National Wildlife Refuge in 1903, America's first), sold
his mound to St. Lucie County in 1908 for $4,000 to provide
road bed from Micco in Brevard County to Stuart in Martin
County (Westfahl and Keyes 2003), a straight-line distance of
more than 78 kilometers-even longer, since US 1 is not very
straight, Old US 1 even less so. These considerations make the
phrase "archaeological evidence from the region of the Ais"
somewhat tenuous, which leaves us instead with the evidence
provided by the historic documents, which is our third 3) and
most important basis for disagreement.
Based on the historic documents, Doran (2002: 11)
and Hann (2003: 167) have concluded that the Ais were a

politically complex chiefdom, at least by the late 17th century.
"The chief of Ais seems to have played a hegemonic role on
the east coast somewhat akin to that of the Calusa ruler for
much of the rest of south Florida" (Hann 2003: 167). We agree
with Doran and Hann, and disagree with Milanich, based upon
two pertinent details from the historic record and the 91-year
time gap between them: 1) The influence of the Ais extended
all the way down to the Keys in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries (Hann 2003: 61), such that Governor Ybarra's peace
agreement with the Ais in 1605 resulted in the safe passage
for shipwrecked Spaniards as far south as Matecumbe Key
(Ybarra 1605, in Hann 2003: 168). 2) Proof positive of the
political complexity of the Ais chiefdom towards the end of the
First Spanish Period can be seen in the shipwreck narrative of
Jonathan Dickinson from 1696, first printed in 1699. Around
midnight on the first day in which Dickinson was held captive
at the main town of Ais (October 2nd), the "Old Caseekey"
(cacique, or chief) was dismayed to learn from Dickinson's
party that the chief of Jobe to the south had not informed him
of the shipwrecked material which had been recovered from
The Reformation, Dickinson's chartered ship. Immediately the
next morning, the elder Ais chief traveled down to the chief of
Jobe and returned "in state" on October 11th with a young slave
and many shipwrecked goods and money from Dickinson's
vessel, thwarting the Jobe chief's attempt to hide the money
for himself (Dickinson 1699: journal entry of September 23,
1696) and retain all of the items for his own people. Clearly, a
"competitive feasting" or "potlatch" model of native tributary
relationships would not apply in this instance.
It is the 91-year time span between these two historical
incidents of political complexity (which is the minimal duration
of Ais coastal hegemony, the true duration being longer) that is
most relevant to Milanich's case (1998) against true political
complexity among the Ais, which rests upon his distinction
between long-term political complexity and short-term
confederations of simple chiefdoms responding to external
forces and/or sudden opportunities. The latter constitutes an
"enactment" or a deployment of political complexity and not
an inherited or inheritable tradition of political complexity;
and only the former leaves an archaeological footprint of
complexity. As intriguing as this distinction might be, ninety-
one (+) years is long enough for two, but probably three or
more generations of political leadership to pass, a time span
that stretches any usage of the phrase and concept "short-term"
(Milanich 1998: 247), especially in politics.
The suggestion that the non-horticultural Ais, like the
Calusa, were a politically complex hunter-gatherer chiefdom
has important implications for anthropological theory that reach
far beyond their provincial backwater locations (Doran 2002:
37-38). Unfortunately, a full discussion of these implications
goes beyond the scope of this article on the identification of
the Pentoaya site and this subsection concerning background
information on the Ais/Malabar cultures (presented in terms
of open research questions potentially testable at 8BR1978).
Nevertheless, the similarities between the Ais and the Calusa
political system of dual leadership (Hann 2003: 165), as well
as their subsistence regimes, and interactions with the Spanish
are striking and worthy of comparison. Both groups subsisted




upon rich estuarine environments and wielded political
control over interior marsh-dwelling groups (Milanich and
Fairbanks 1980: 243, concerning the Calusa/Caloosahatchee),
as well as a vast extent of coastal hegemony, at least by
historic times (Hann 2003). Both groups were noted for their
ferocity/valor and their resistance to Christianity, agriculture/
horticulture and almost all forms of acculturation despite
their early and frequent exposure to shipwrecked Europeans
and their goods. Archaeological evidence for Ais and
Calusa political relationships can be seen in the two "spider
badges" (mysterious metal plates found throughout south
Florida, the design of which serves as a logo for The Florida
Anthropologist) uncovered by C. B. Moore (1922: 43-47) at
Winter Pentoaya in 1895-96. Documentary evidence of their
political relationships can be found in Fontaneda's captivity
narrative, as well as Laudonniere's account (1975: 111-112)
of the political betrothal to Carlos of one of the daughters of
Oathchaqua, the chiefofthe Ais, according to Hann (2003:167).
Laudonniere's description, however, might also be interpreted
to mean that Oathchaqua was the chief of Ulumay, an Ais town
on the Banana River Lagoon (see Figure 1): "The home place
of Oathchaqua is north from the cape [Cape Florida] and at a
place our charts call Canaveral..." (1975: 112).
At the time of Menendez' expedition of 1566 to the Upper
St. Johns River and Mexia's 1605 expedition down the River
of the Ais (the IRL), the coastal areas of east central Florida
were inhabited by non-horticultural maritime/aquatic foragers
(Milanich 1998; Russo 1998: 164; Sigler-Eisenberg and Russo
1986: 23-24) organized into complex chiefdoms at the political
level. Despite Spanish references to nomadic lifestyles, the
archaeological consensus is that the Ais and their Malabar
predecessors practiced a form of logistical mobility (Sigler-
Eisenberg 1988; Sigler-Eisenberg and Russo 1986: 24),
something quite different from full nomadism. Based upon the
shipwreck journal of Dickinson, Campbell et al. (1984:31-32)
suggested what might be called "elite sedentism," whereby
only the chief and his family resided in the main villages
on a permanent basis. Mexia's references to the paired town
system would also contradict the residential mobility of full
nomadism, but would not necessarily contradict the "elite
sedentism" models of Campbell and others (Sigler-Eisenberg
and Russo 1986: 22-23).
The limited distribution of archaeological sites along the
ACR versus the relative abundance of sites along the Upper St.
Johns and the IRL (Brech 2004: 39, 45, 49) argues for a certain
level of semi-sedentism or at least a recurrent transhumance
for prehistoric mainland village sites located along the western
IRL shoreline, as the same few sites were used over and over
again throughout the prehistoric period following the latter part
of the Archaic era, whereas sites along the barrier island and
the interior St. Johns River Basin are much more numerous,
more widely distributed, and thus more likely to contain
fewer occupation components. Reliable fresh water along
the ACR is limited to a few creeks and rivers that empty into
the IRL, which is itself brackish. Many of the sulfur springs
along the IRL are already adjacent to such confluences with
the IRL and its mainland creeks. Reliable fresh water along
the Upper St. Johns and along the barrier island, however, is

ubiquitous. Like coral atolls, barrier islands are blessed with
lenses of fresh water that hydrostatically sit atop the saline
waters further below ground (Godfrey 1976). As Dickinson
recorded, the chief of Jobe only had to scratch a hole into the
sand "about a foot deep" to obtain potable water, although
Dickinson himself did not find it very palatable (1699: journal
entry of September 25th).
The contrast with the Mexia map is telling--of the 24
towns and hamlets south of Old Surruque, 19 are on the
mainland (including Merritt Island), and only 5 on the barrier
island, at least two of which are logged as winter satellites to
their corresponding mainland towns. Yet a comparison of the
number of archaeological site components on the barrier island
versus the ACR shows a greater amount for the barrier island
than for the ACR for all archaeological periods subsequent to
the Middle Archaic (Brech 2004: 39, 45, 49). Without Mexia's
map and log, we might conclude the opposite, based solely on
the archaeological record--that Late Prehistoric occupations
along the IRL favored the barrier island over the ACR on the
mainland. By itself, without Mexia, the archaeological record
as it now stands would probably not discern the paired town
system. Russo's seasonality study (Sigler-Eisenberg and Russo
1986) at the Zaremba barrier island site (8IR56), for instance,
indicated a warm-weather occupation. His faunal analysis
at Futch Cove, 8BR170 (Russo 1992: 93-129), indicated
both warm and cold weather occupations. Taken together,
however, these apparently discrepant lines of evidence (Mexia
vs. archaeological site distributions) suggest to us that the
mainland towns were considered the primary locations in the
paired town system.
Previous researchers have wondered about the articulation
between the Malabar/Ais groups of the Upper St. Johns River
Basin and those of the IRL (Dickel 1992: 5; Milanich 1994:
254; Sigler-Eisenberg 1985: 18-20). We believe that the key
to this political articulation during the time of the Ais lies
along the ACR, due to 1) its central location between the
biologically productive Upper St. Johns River Basin (Dickel
and Doran 2002: 42; Russo 1998: 160) and the biologically
productive IRL (Brech 2004: 60); 2) the proximity of the IRL
to the interior marshes of the Upper St. Johns throughout most
of the Ais/Malabar area; and 3) the ability of the high bluffs of
the ACR to provide areas immune to even severe flooding.
Expanding on this theme of articulation between different
groups of people, the Ais/Malabar peoples occupied a natural
articulation point between north and south peninsular Florida,
possessing as they did two elongate water highways (the coastal
lagoons and the Upper St. Johns River) plus the natural highway
of the ocean beach (which Menendez used after capturing the
remnants of Ribault's forces on Cape Canaveral in 1565), all
of which parallel the NNE SSW peninsular configuration of
Florida itself. Historian Eugene Lyon has shown how one of
Menendez's persisting concerns was to discover and secure the
cross-peninsular waterway which he believed existed between
the Upper St. Johns River and the southwestern coast of
Florida in the area of Calos, the paramount town of the Calusa
(1976: 141-142, 149). We believe that Menendez probably
acquired this false belief based upon the native networks of
communication, travel, and trade.

~1VTFI V~~VW -f- f I-

2007 VOL,. 60(t)



The cultural conservatism of the Malabar archaeological
cultures has long been noted (Rouse 1951: 69), and often
implied even when not stated directly (e.g., Bense and
Mattick 1994:9; Campbell 1984: 31; Doran 2002: 10; Dickel
and Doran 2002: 55-56). But it should be remembered that
this conservatism is based mostly on ceramic styles and
subsistence regimes. Material and non-material items of
culture that do not preserve well, or at all, such as wood,
fabric, myths, rituals, kinship systems, politics, etc., may not
have been so conservative over time. The elaborate and highly
artistic wooden carvings recovered from the charnel pond of
the Fort Center site near Lake Okeechobee, for instance, show
just how intricate and complex material cultures can appear
when archaeological recovery is given the rare opportunity
to go beyond sherds, stones, and bones (Sears 1982). The
technologically sophisticated woven fabrics recovered from
the Early Archaic Windover site (8BR246) in Titusville
(Andrews et al. 2002: 164; Doran 2002: 18), as well as the
artistic and variegated wooden artifacts recovered by Frank
Cushing at Key Marco in 1897 (Gilliland 1975) also bespeak
a similar lesson.
But since most sites are not graced with such a high level of
organic preservation, the ceramic and subsistence conservatism
of the IRL Area is something of an obstacle to archaeological
studies. The lack of diagnostic markers in ceramic styles from
this region other than check-stamping also means that without
radiocarbon technology, the periods following the initial fiber-
tempered pottery of the Orange Period, which ended c. 2500
b.p., can only be segregated into pre-check stamp Malabar I
(before A.D. 800) and post-check stamp Malabar II (c. 800
A.D. to historic times). Compounding this difficulty, Cordell
(1985) found in her study of Malabar pottery that lack of check
stamp, by itself, does not necessarily mean that there was not a
Malabar II occupation. Nor does the presence of check-stamp
rule out a Malabar I occupation (Griffin and Miller 1978: 25).
Even more troublesome are the remarkably early dates for
non-fiber-tempered plain pottery found at the Joe Reed Shell
Ring site in Martin County (Russo and Heide 2002).
Previous attempts to discriminate phases based upon
surface treatment such as incising within Orange Period
pottery by Bullen (1972) and within the Malabar I Period by
Rouse (1951) have been challenged by more recent research
(Sassaman 2003; and Cordell 1985: 129, respectively). The
increase in sand-tempering over time as posited by Goggin
(1947:121) was contraindicated by Cordell's ceramic analysis
of the Upper St. Johns (1985:126-127, 132, which showed
a relative increase in sand-tempering during the middle of
Malabar I followed by a decrease during late Malabar I and
Malabar II. Brech's ceramic analysis (2006) of all 8634 sherds
recovered by the Indian River Anthropological Society from
the Lake Washington site in Melbourne (8BR19, located just
upriver from the five sites utilized by Cordell) corroborated
Cordell's findings for the Malabar I period, but also
corroborated Goggin's findings for the Malabar I II periods
as a whole. That is, as per Cordell, sand tempering was found
to increase during the middle of Malabar I and decrease during
late Malabar I, but contra Cordell, and as per Goggin, sand
tempering increased quite substantially thereafter. As far as

we know, Rouse's north-to-south spatial gradation in sand-
tempering--greater in the south, less in the north (1951: 250)-
-has not yet been tested.
The "cultural conservatism" of the native south Floridians,
or at least their resistance to acculturation, might also have
some benefits to prehistoric investigations. By tenaciously
clinging to their cultural belief systems for 200 years against
the missionary efforts of the Spanish, some details of the Ais'
and the Calusa's religious practices and other archaeologically
less-visible cultural traits made it into the historic record, albeit
from the ethnocentrically biased perspectives of European
accounts. Thus, as late as 1696, Dickinson was able to record an
entirely non-Christian ritual held by the Ais on a lunar calendar
or reckoning of time, one which "strongly suggests the Creek
busk," or green corn ceremony (Swanton 1922: 396, in Rouse
1951: 47), despite the lack of maize among the Ais and the
two-month difference in timing between the two ceremonies.
Interestingly, the chief of Ais (the "Old Caseekey") was not
present during this three-day ceremony in which tribes from
the interior marshes delivered presents or tribute of berries and
produce to the Ais, having traveled north to St. Augustine in
hopes of obtaining a ransom for Dickinson and his party.
Also remarkable is the fact that Dickinson recorded that
the Jobe showed absolutely no interest in the alcohol which was
aboard their shipwrecked vessel, whereas the Esteva account
from southwest Florida one year later shows that "[b]y 1697,
and probably much earlier, the Calusa had become aware of
the attractive features of alcoholic beverages" (Hann 2003:
50). If we think of alcohol as having a deleterious effect upon
all societies, and upon Native American societies in particular2,
the "cultural conservatism" or resistance of the Ais and their
Jobe neighbors may well have helped them in that regard.
Nevertheless, soon after Dickinson's account the Ais virtually
disappear from Spanish records. A 1715 shipwreck salvage
mission to the Ais province found only a few fishermen there,
forcing the Spanish to import Guale and Yamassee divers from
their mission system for their salvage operations, even though
the Ais were known to be master salvagers. The disappearance
of the Ais from the historic record is especially mysterious
in light of the documentary references to the persistence of
the Santa Lucia (Guacata) and the Mayacas, both former
sub-groups of the Ais (Hann 2003: 62), as late as 1743 on
the occasion of a celebration of peace-making between the
Tequesta, the Maimos (Lake Okeechobee groups) and the
above-named Santa Lucia and Mayacas (Rouse 1951: 58). We
intend to show in a later paper that the Dickinson shipwreck
narrative might actually record the forces which set in motion
the destruction of this culturally-resistant, politically complex
fisher-gatherer chiefdom and their consequent disappearance
from the historic record.
This survey of open research issues in the archaeology
of the IRL Area is by no means complete, nor is it intended
to be. Rather, we have delineated some of the important
unresolved research issues in the Ais/Malabar culture area for
which the relatively well-preserved Pentoaya site might serve
as a future test case. Whereas we have consciously focused
on post-Archaic issues, the Paleolithic potential of Brevard
and Indian River Counties (Dickel and Doran 2002: 47, 49),




with their extensive outcrops of Late Pleistocene "bone beds"
(Rouse 1951: 235-236) cry out for modem reexamination.
The rich preservation at the Early Archaic Windover site in
Titusville, and the vast extent of similar wetlands and peat bogs
throughout this area also promise rich stores of information for
future research (Purdy 1980; Dickel and Doran 2002: 45, 58;
Doran 2002: 281-283). The arcuate shape of8BR1978 in light
of its Late Archaic components could relate to the mysterious
shell-ring tradition of the southeastern and Gulf coasts.
As the second fastest growing county in Florida in 2005,
the need for conscientious archaeological mitigation in Brevard
and its neighboring counties to the south is acute (Dickel and
Doran 2002: 58). This is especially so given the recent trends
towards high-impact multi-story development along the IRL,
and recent development practices on the Upper St. Johns
whereby vast areas of wetlands have been filled in to create
new neighborhoods and even entirely new cities such as Viera,
the new county center for Brevard. We hope that this partial
list of intriguing open research questions will encourage other
researchers and preservationists to help mitigate the imminent
destruction of potentially vast amounts of archaeological


8BR1978 is a much closer match for the Ais Indian town
of Pentoaya than the two sites proposed by Rouse. We base this
argument on 1) the descriptions and map provided by Mexia in
1605, 2) the lack of artifacts or extensive midden discovered
by Rouse at 8BR34 and 8BR35 versus the abundance of both
at 8BR1978, 3) the Malabar II and historic artifacts casually
recovered by local residents at 8BR1978, and those randomly
sampled by us at the Thomas Barbour road-cut, 4) the potential
for complex earthwork features at 8BR1978, and 5) the
similarity of the location of 8BR1978, relative to the shoreline
of the Indian River Lagoon, with other Ais/Late Prehistoric
sites along the Atlantic Coastal Ridge.
Lastly, we hope to have shown that the IRL Area is not
a cultural backwater or merely a peripheral transition zone
worthy of relative neglect, but rather an area with many
unresolved research issues and a rich potential for data recovery,
some of which might have very important implications for
anthropological theory. The Summer Pentoaya site proposed
here offers one of the best opportunities to study the relatively
intact remains of a large and important Ais Indian town with
roots extending back at least to the Late Archaic, or to preserve
such study for future generations of more technologically
advanced scholars.


Irving Rouse, A Survey oflndian RiverArchaeology, Florida,
1951. Quoted with permission from Yale University Press.
2 Regarding the area inhabited by the Santa Lucia (Guacata),
and eastern Florida in general, the Spanish priest Alana
wrote in 1743: "[I]n that country, many children died of
smallpox and many were killed by their own fathers while
intoxicated" (Rouse 1951:58). The context of Alana's

remarks makes it clear that he was referring to alcohol, and
not native stimulants.

References Cited

Andrews, R.L. et al.
2002 "Conservation and Analysis of Textile and Related
Perishable Artifacts" in Windover: Multidisciplinary
Investigations of an Early Archaic Florida Cemetery,
edited by Glenn H. Doran, pp. 121-190. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Atkins, Stephen C.
1984 Preliminary Site Analysis: Hawthorne Point.
Unpublished report prepared for City of Melbourne.

Bense, Judith, and Barbara E. Mattick
1994 Archaeological Resources of the Upper St. Johns
River Valley, Florida. Report prepared for U.S.
Department of the Interior, National Parks Service.

Brech, Alan
2004 Neither Ocean nor Continent: Correlating the
Archaeology and Geomorphology of the Barrier
Islands of East Central Florida. Masters thesis,
University of Florida, Gainesville.

2006 "A Revised Ceramic Chronology for the Upper St.
Johns River Basin, Florida." Unpublished report
prepared for the Indian River Anthropological

Bullen, Ripley P.
1972 "The Orange Period in Peninsular Florida." In
Fiber-Tempered Pottery in Southeastern United
States and Northern Colombia: Its Origins, Context,
and Significance, edited by R. Bullen and J. B.
Stoltman, pp. 9 33. Florida Anthropological Society
Publication #6, Gainesville.

Bullen, Ripley P., Adelaide K. Bullen and William J. Bryant
1967 Archaeological Investigations at the Ross Hammock
Site, Florida. American Studies Report, No. 7,
William L. Bryant Foundation, Orlando.

Cordell, Ann S.
1985 "Pottery Variability and Site Chronology in the Upper
St. Johns River Basin." In Archaeological Site Types,
Distribution, and Preservation within the Upper
St. Johns River Basin, Florida. Edited by Brenda
Sigler- Eisenberg, pp. 114-134. Miscellaneous
Project Report #27DA, Florida State Museum,

Davidsson, Robert I.
2001 Indian River: A History of the Ais in Spanish
Florida. Florida Heritage Series, Ais Indian Project
Publication, West Palm Beach.


2007 Vot. 60(1)


Dickel, David N.
1992 An Archaeological Survey of Indian River County,
Florida. The Archaeological and Historical
Conservancy, Inc., Miami.

Dickel, David N., and Glenn H. Doran
2002 "An Environmental and Chronological Overview
of the Region" in Windover: Multidisciplinary
Investigations of an Early Archaic Florida Cemetery,
edited by Glenn H. Doran, pp. 39-58. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Dickinson, Jonathan
1945 God Protecting Providence, Man s Surest Help and
Defense in the Times of the Greatest Difficulty and
Most Imminent Danger; Evidenced in Remarkable
Deliverance of Divers Persons from the Devouring
Waves of the Sea, Amongst which they Suffered
Shipwreck, and also from the More Cruelly Devouring
Jaws ofthe Inhumane Cannibals ofFlorida, Faithfully
Related by One of the Persons Concerned Therein.
Edited by E. W. Andrews and C. M. Andrews, Florida
Classics Library, Port Salerno.

Doran, Glenn H.
2002 "Introduction to Wet Sites and Windover (8BR246)
Investigations" in Windover: Multidisciplinary
Investigations of an Early Archaic Florida Cemetery,
edited by Glenn H. Doran, pp. 1-38. University Press
of Florida, Gainesville.

Ehrendhard, John E.
1976 "Canaveral National Seashore: Assessment of
Archeological and Historical Resources." Southeast
Archaeological Center, Tallahassee.

Goggin, John M.
1947 "A Preliminary Definition of Archaeological Areas
and Periods in Florida." American Antiquity 13: 114-

1949 "Cultural Traditions in Florida Prehistory" in The
Florida Indian and His Neighbors, edited by J.
W. Griffin, pp. 13-44. Rollins College, Winter Park.

Godfrey, Paul J.
1976 "Comparative Ecology of East Coast Barrier Islands:
Hydrology, Soil, Vegetation," Contribution #2 to
Barrier Islands and Beaches, TechnicalProceedings
of the 1976 Barrier Islands Workshop. The
Conservation Foundation, Washington D.C

Griffin, John W. and James J. Miller
1978 Cultural Resource Reconnaissance of Merritt
Island National Wildlife Refuge. Cultural Resource
Management, Inc., Tallahassee.

1975 The Material Culture of Key Marco Florida. The
University Presses of Florida, Gainesville.

Hann, John H.
2003 Indians of Central and South Florida, 1513 1763.
University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Higgs, Charles D.
1951 The Derrotero of Alvaro Mexia, 1605. In Rouse A
Survey ofIndian River Archeology, Florida, 265-274.
Yale University Press, New Haven.

Johnson, Robert E.
1992 Phase III Archeological Investigations of the Futch
Cove site, 8BR170, Kennedy Space Center, Florida.
Florida Archeological Services, Jacksonville.

Laudonnierre, Rene
1975 Three Voyages. Translated by Charles E. Bennett,
University of Presses of Florida, Gainesville.

Lyon, Eugene
1976 The Enterprise ofFlorida: Pedro Menendez de Aviles
and the Spanish Conquest of1565-1568. University
Presses of Florida, Gainesville.

Marquardt, William H.
1988 "Politics and Production among the Calusa of South
Florida." In Hunters and Gatherers 1: History,
Evolution and Social Change, edited by T. Ingold et
al., pp. 98-116. St. Martin's Press, Oxford.

1992 'The Calusa Doman: an Introduction," in Culture and
Environment in the Domain of the Calusa, edited by
William H. Marquardt and Claudia Payne, pp. 1-7.
Institute of Archaeology and Paleoenvironmental
Studies, Gainesville.

Marquardt, William H. and Claudine Payne (editors)
1992 Culture andEnvironment in the Domain ofthe Calusa.
Institute of Archaeology and Paleoenvironmental
Studies, Gainesville.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1994 Archaeology ofPrecolumbian Florida. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.

1998 "Native Chiefdoms and the Exercise of Complexity
in Sixteenth Century Florida." In Chiefdoms and
Chieftaincy in the Americas, edited by Elsa M.
Redmond, pp. 245-264. University Press of Florida,

Milanich, Jerald T. and Charles H. Fairbanks
1980 Florida Archaeology. Academic Press, Inc.,

Guilliland, Marion Spjut



Moore, Clarence B.


1922 "Mound Investigations on the East Coast of Florida"
in Additional Mounds of Duval and Clay Counties,
Florida, pp. 43-47. Indian Notes and Monographs,
Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation.

Purdy, Barbara A.
1991 The Art and Archaeology of Florida s Wetlands.
CRC Press, Boca Raton.

Raley, Karen and Ann Raley Flotte
2002 Images ofAmerica: Melbourne and Eau Gallie.
Arcadia Publishing, Charleston.

Redmond, Elsa
1998 Chiefdoms and Chieftaincy in the Americas.
University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Rouse, Irving
1951 A Survey of Indian River Archeology, Florida. Yale
University Press, New Haven.

Russo, Michael
1992 "Faunal Analysis," in Phase III Archeological
Investigations of the Futch Cove Site, 8BR170,
Kennedy Space Center, Florida, by Robert E. Johnson.
Florida Archeological Services, Inc., Jacksonville.

Russo, Michael and Gregory Heide
2001 "Shell Rings in the Southeastern United States,"
Antiquity 75(189): 491-492.

2002 "The Joe Reed Shell Ring." The Florida
Anthropologist, Vol. LV, No. 2, June 2002.

Sassaman, Kenneth E.
2003 "New AMS Dates on Orange Fiber-Tempered
Pottery from the Middle St. Johns Valley and Their
Implications for Culture History in Northeast
Florida." The Florida Anthropologist, v. LVI, no. 1.

Schoffner, Jerrell H.
1995 History of Brevard County, Volume I. Southeastern
Printing Co., Stuart.

Sears, William
1982 Fort Center: An Archaeological Site in the Lake
Okeechobee Basin. University Presses of Florida,

Sigler-Eisenberg, Brenda
1985 Archaeological Site Types, Distribution, and
Preservation within the Upper St. Johns River Basin,
Florida, B. Sigler-Eisenberg (ed.), Miscellaneous
Project Report 27DA, Florida State Museum,

1988 "Settlement, Subsistence and Environment: Aspects
of Cultural Development within the Wetlands of East-

Central Florida." In Wet Site Archaeology, B. Purdy,
editor. The Telford Press, Caldwell, New Jersey.

Sigler-Eisenberg, Brenda and Michael Russo
1986 "Seasonality and Function of Small Sites on Florida's
East Central Coast." Southeastern Archaeology, 5(1),
pp. 21-31.

Westfahl, Arline and George Keyes
2003 One Person Can Make a Difference: A Story of Paul
Kroegel and Pelican Island. Indian River County
Tourist Development Council. Available online at:

Widmer, Randolph J.
1988 The Evolution of the Calusa, a Nonagricultural
Chiefdom on the Southwest Florida Coast. University
of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.


2007 VOL.. 60(1)



Department ofAnthropology, The Palm Beach Museum of Natural History, 2805 E. Oakland Park Blvd #402, Ft Lauderdale,
Florida 33306


The Palm Beach Museum of Natural History (PBMNH)
is a private non-profit organization that curates a wide variety
of paleontological, anthropological, and archaeological
resources, including approximately 900 boxes in the South
Florida Archaeological Collection (SFAC). Of considerable
note, this is one of the largest archaeological collections housed
in southeast Florida. One prominent component of the SFAC
is a sizeable selection of human skeletal remains. Originating
from 21 different archaeological sites and representing the
full or partial remnants of a minimum of 139 individuals,
this material demands study. To date, some investigation
has been completed and is referenced herein. However, no
collection-wide, in-depth osteological examination has yet
been undertaken. This article represents a preliminary step
towards this endeavor.

The State of Physical Anthropology in Southeast Florida

In short, based on this brief analysis and
our own review of other research on Florida
prehistoric populations, it is our opinion that
physical anthropology of the native Floridians is
poorly known and that few attempts to remedy
this problem have occurred beyond superficial
consultation [Iscan and Miller-Shaivitz

Since the above quote first appeared in The Florida
Anthropologist, there have been some notable improvements
to our physical anthropological knowledge of specific
archaeological sites in southeast Florida (Table 1). Isler et al.
(1985), Iscan and Kennedy (1987), Iscan and Kessel (1988),
and Iscan et al. (1993, 1995) published information about the
Highland Beach Mound (8PB11), Nebot (8PB219), Boynton
Mound (8PB100), Brickell Bluff (8DA1082), and Flagami
South (8DA1053), data about Santa Maria (8DA2132) was
reported by Carr et al. (1984), and osteological analysis of the
Pine Island site (8BD1113) by Felmley (1990). In addition,
Miller-Shaivitz and Iscan (1991) discussed the "physical
and health characteristics" of the people of Fort Center.
Moreover, several comparative works have appeared. These
include Iscan's (1989) evaluation of the dentition from the
Highland Beach Mound in contrast to populations from the
American Midwest, Winland's (2002) comparison of several

East Okeechobee Area skeletal populations to others located
around Florida, and Elgart-Berry's (2003) odontological
investigation involving eight southeast Florida sites. Finally,
brief notes concerning skeletal populations are available in
Bullen (1957) for the Boca Raton Sand Mound (also known as
Barnhill Mound) (8PB13), Newman (1993) for the Cheetum
site (8DA1058), and Ritchie et al. (1981) for the Patrician
Mound (8PB99), along with additional information about the
Boynton Mound site in Jaffee (1976). Despite this excellent
beginning, the comprehensive physical anthropological study
of native southeast Floridians is still lacking. For example,
in her landmark review, Prehistoric Mortuary Practices in
the Everglades Cultural Area, Florida, Felmley (1991:93)
states "available data on prehistoric mortuary practices in the
Everglades cultural area is limited and seriously hampered by
a lack of osteological analysis." Indeed, the most inclusive
study of burials in Florida found only one archaeological site
from the southeast region of the state where available data
(age, sex, health, burial layout and type, associated artifacts,
etc.) was complete enough to be utilized (Klingle 2006). This
deficiency must be addressed, and the remains curated in the
SFAC represent an excellent opportunity for collecting such
baseline data.
An additional article of note, Kessel (2001) described the
human skeletal material curated at Florida Atlantic University
(FAU). This excellent commentary demonstrated a framework
for a simple, concise, and clear method to disseminate
information into the academic community. Consequently, it
was employed as a model for the writing of this article.
The SFAC is the cumulative result of almost 50
years of excavations by the now defunct Broward County
Archaeological Society (BCAS). It is the legacy of hard work
by many archaeologists, both professional and avocational.
They excavated numerous archaeological sites in southeast
Florida and reported many in The Florida Anthropologist.
During preparations for ongoing analysis of the SFAC,
an extensive literature review revealed both the depth of
previously completed archaeological research and the wide
selection of skeletal material awaiting intensive physical
anthropological investigation (Ferdinando 2006). The majority
of human remains in this collection originated from sites in
the Everglades and East Okeechobee areas, with a single
individual from the Lake Okeechobee Area (Carr and Beriault
1984) (Figure 1). These materials date from the Late Archaic
through the Glades archaeological periods, a sequence of
4,000 years. This wide swath of geographic and temporal data


VOL. 60(1)


MARCH 2007

Sites MNI Arch. Arch. Significant References Notes
Period Area

Boca Raton 75 Glades II-I11 East Bullen 1957 Location
Sand Mound Okeechobee unknown
Boca Weir 4 Glades/ East Furey 1972 Curated at
Historic Okeechobee FAU
Boynton Mound 35 Glades East Jaftee 1976, Iscan and Curated
Okeechobee Kessel 1988, Winland at FAU
Brickell Bluff 4* Late Archaic N/A Iscan et al. 1993 Curated
at FAU
Cheetum 29* Middle-Late Everglades Newman 1993 Curated
Archaic/ at HASF
Flagami South 16* Late Archaic/ Everglades Iscan et al. 1995 Curated
Glades at FAU

Highland Beach 128 Glades II-III East Isler et al. 1985, Iscan Curated
Mound Okeechobee 1989, Winland 2002 at FAU
Nebot 2 Glades III East Iscan and Kennedy 1987 Curated
Okeechobee at FAU
Patrician 7 Late Archaic/ East Ritchie et al. 1981 Curated
Mound Glades Okeechobee at FAU

Pine Island 3 Late Archaic N/A Felmley 1990 Location

Santa Maria 6* Late Archaic N/A Carr et al. 1984 Curated
at FAU

Total 305
FAU=Florida Atlantic University, HASF= Historical Association of Southern Florida
*Additional human skeletal material from these sites noted in NAGPRA (2006), but no published references were located.
Table 1. Published southeast Florida human skeletal collections curated by other organizations.

provides an exceptional chance to answer questions concerning
the physical anthropology of the prehistoric populations of
southeast Florida.

Sites and Publications

This inventory contains information concerning the pre-
contact human remains curated in the SFAC at the PBMNH
(Table 2). When possible, each entry includes the Florida
Master Site File (FMSF) number, a description of the site, a
brief account of the human remains, the archaeological time
period, discussion of other significant features (grave goods,
burial orientations, etc.), and any relevant references. The
FMSF was consulted for the majority of the sites, but only
files with pertinent data or information unavailable from other
sources are reported in the individual entries. Unless otherwise
noted, the classification of the minimum number of individuals
(MNI) originated from the Culturally Unidentified Native

American Inventories Database, Native American Graves
Protection andRepatriation Act (NAGPRA 2006). Finally, the
entries are separated into two categories: 1) sites with good
documentation (field notes, lab records, published articles,
etc.) that could provide excellent data for future investigation,
and 2) sites lacking sufficient documentation that should
not be used for analysis without the further discovery of

Sites with Useable Documentation:

Bamboo Mound (8DA94)

Bamboo Mound is a significantly disturbed Everglades
tree island midden located on the Portland Plant property. This
property has a significant number of other archaeological sites,
including Levee Cut (8DA2104), Panther North (8DA6460),
Panther South (8DA6461), and Refugee Island (8DA2102).


2007 VOL. 60(1)


Figure 1. Map of south Florida with archaeological areas and general site locations.



Sites MNI Arch. Period Arch. Area Significant References

Sites with Good Documentation

Bamboo Mound 3 Glades/Historic Everglades Beiter 2001

Bishops Hammock Glades Everglades Williams and Mowers
Cagels Hammock 3 Glades Everglades Mowers and Williams
Coral Springs 2 Glades 11-I1I Everglades Williams 1970
Cottonmouth 1 Glades II-III Everglades N/A
Emerald Towers I Glades I-Il Everglades N/A
Goodman 2 Late Archaic/ Everglades Almy and Deming 1986,
Glades Felmley 1991
Lauderhill Mound 6 Glades 11-I1I Everglades Williams 1971
Margate Blount 44* Late Archaic/ East Okeechobee Iscan 1983,
Glades Williams 1983
Markham Park I 13 Late Archaic/ Everglades Mowers and
Glades Williams n.d.
Markham Park II 3 Late Archaic/ Everglades Williams and
Glades/Historic Mowers 1977
Panther North T Late Archaic Everglades Beiter 1998
Rolling Oaks II 7 Late Archaic/ Everglades Graves 1982, Williams
Glades and Mowers 1982
Snake Creek 3 Glades II-III Everglades N/A
Taylor Head 2 Late Archaic/ Everglades Masson et al. 1988
Sub-Total 92

Sites lacking Sufficient Documentation

Alligator Alley 4 Unknown Everglades N/A
Ancient America 1 Unknown Extra-Area Origin N/A
Belle Glade 1* Unknown Lake Okeechobee Willey 1949
Boca Weir/Boca 32* Glades/Historic East Okeechobee Furey 1972,
Beekman (Spanish Wheeler et al. 2002
River Group)
Osborne-Loper 8 Unknown Everglades N/A
Plantation Golf Unknown Everglades N/A
Sub-Total 47

Total 139

Table 2. Southeast Florida human skeletal material curated by the PBMNH.


2007 VOL. 60(1)


The site was in regular use throughout the entire Glades period
(ca. 500 B.C.-A.D. 1763) as indicated by recovered pottery
time markers and some European-derived goods. Additionally,
there may have been a Seminole occupation (ca. A.D. 1763-
1920) at this site. Skeletal remains of two adults and one
subadult, consisting of moderately to severely worn teeth, a
partial mandible, and other bone fragments were recovered.
Gary Beiter (2001) described excavations at this site
including brief discussion of the human remains. In addition,
Beiter's (1997, 1998) Phase 1 survey of this specific site and
his report detailing all the archaeological sites within the
boundaries of the Portland Plant property contain relevant
background information.

Bishops Hammock (8BD66)

Excavations at Bishops Hammock (also known as
"Bishops Head") revealed a black dirt midden located on an
Everglades tree island. Based on ceramic marker types, the
site was occupied during most of the Glades period (ca. 500
B.C.-A.D. 1513). A European contact horizon is also probable,
but a specific date range has yet to be established. A single
primary flexed female burial was discovered, with the skull
pointing west and the face positioned down. Several potential
grave goods included a deer antler tip, Ampullaria sp. Snail
shells, and stones fractured by heat. In addition, charcoal was
reportedly mixed with the ribs and the entire skeleton was
incased in a layer of concretion. These concreted strata are a
common feature in some Florida black dirt and shell midden
sites, and are composed of hard calcareous lenses. [MNI=1]
Williams and Mowers' (1979) site report described the
BCAS excavations at this location and included brief notes
concerning the burial. Further discussion regarding the
concretion phenomenon can be found in Mowers (1972) and
Palmer and Williams (1977).

Cagels Hammock (8BD65)

Located on an Everglades tree island, Cagels Hammock
is composed of black dirt midden material. Based on ceramic
time markers, the site was occupied during the majority of the
Glades period (ca. 500 B.C.-A.D. 1513). The BCAS found
an extended burial, orientated north-north-east, with the skull
positioned left and pointing to the north, and the body lying on
its back with the right arm diagonally across the midsection.
Potential grave goods included the sherds of a Glades Tooled
pot, an unidentified stone object, along with antler and deer
bone. During this excavation no other sherds of Glades Tooled
were discovered, leading Mowers and Williams (1974) to
hypothesize that the burial was a separate event from the
habitation component. However, recent work by Cockrell
(1989, 1990) nullified this assertion. Additionally, during
this later excavation, further human material may have been
removed, but full details could not be established. [MNI=3']
Mowers and Williams (1974) published a site report,
which included limited discussion of their excavated human
burial. Cockrell's (1989, 1990) later work helped clarify a

number of issues, including uncovering the presence of Glades
Tooled in the habitation area of the site.

Coral Springs (8BD50)

The Coral Springs site is a black dirt midden located on
the remnants of an Everglades tree island, dating to Glades II
and III (A.D. 750-1763) based on pottery markers and a silver
medal (ca. A.D. 1600). Approximately 32 meters southwest
of the known habitation midden, a hitherto unknown burial
complex was disturbed by machinery and rainfall. Eight
secondary bundle burials were salvaged by the BCAS, all
located on the bedrock. Potential grave goods included the
placement of large rocks over some of the burials, along
with the presence of a large shark vertebra, a broken bone bi-
point, and a stone that had been shaped to resemble a celt.
Williams (1970) included a short description of these
burials with the report concerning BCAS activities at this
site. Cockrell (1989) undertook a brief test excavation, but
uncovered no human remains.

Cottonmouth Hammock (8BD49)

Cottonmouth Hammock is a habitation midden assigned
to Glades II and III (A.D. 750-1513). During 1971, the BCAS
recovered human teeth from this location. Unfortunately, little
else is known about the site or the associated human material.
The BCAS accession records list the recovered material,
but contain little other data. Carr et al. (1991, 1993, 1995) did
not discuss Cottonmouth Hammock in their extensive survey
of Broward County archaeological sites. Ultimately, a review
of the FMSF provided the remaining, albeit slight, information
presented above.

Emerald Towers (8BD57)

The Emerald Towers shell midden is located on a Broward
County coastal barrier island, and includes both habitation
and mortuary components. A Glades I and II date (ca. 500
B.C.-A.D. 1200) has been suggested, but the limited nature
of excavations makes this a tentative assessment. Surface
collection by FAU recovered limited artifacts including some
human material. A later BCAS salvage dig uncovered five
additional fragments of human bone. [MNI=1]
The earlier surface collection is briefly discussed in the
FAU archaeological catalog. The BCAS accession records
and associated documents discuss the later salvage dig, along
with the recovered material. The Broward County survey
completed by Carr et al. (1993) indicated that Emerald Towers
might have been a component of the Pompano Beach Midden
site (8BD6).

Goodman (8BD188)

The Goodman site consists of later Late Archaic (ca. 1000-
500 B.C.) and Glades (500 B.C.-A.D. 1513) black dirt midden




material. A habitation center was located on the northern end
and a mortuary complex was located on the southern end of
this Everglades tree island. Several primary flexed burials were
uncovered in the concretion layer, with at least one orientated
to the north. Preliminary study indicated that one burial was an
adult female. [MNI=2]
Several sources indicated there were BCAS excavation
notes for this site, but none were located. However, the BCAS
accession records do briefly list what was recovered, and an
unpublished report by Graves (1977) analyzed one of the
burials. Both Almy and Deming (1986) and Felmley (1991)
succinctly discussed the human material excavated at this
location. Finally, this site should not be confused with the
Goodman Mound located in Duval County, North Florida
(Bullen 1963; Recourt 1975).

Lauderhill Mound (8BD75)

Possibly an artificially constructed sand mound, the
Lauderhill Mound site is dated to Glades II and III (A.D.
750-1513) based on ceramic time markers. Finds included
a double bundle burial with two skulls, and a side-by-side
primary extended interment, with the bodies orientated east
and the faces pointing downwards. These latter individuals
had several potential ceremonial items, including a small
bundle burial placed above both of their skulls, and a crania
placed in the rib cage of one. This final item may have been a
trophy skull. [MNI=6]
An unfinished manuscript by Williams (1971) provides
the majority of data concerning this site, with much of the
pertinent information reprinted in Felmley (1991).

Margate Blount (8BD41)

Margate Blount is one ofthe most important archaeological
sites concerning mortuary practices in southeast Florida.
It has a long occupation history (ca. 1000 B.C.-A.D. 1763)
including Late Archaic, Glades, and potential Spanish Contact
components, as evidenced by ceramic marker types and the
recovery of two European glass beads. This site has been the
focus of repeated excavations including intermittent digs by
the BCAS from 1959 to 1965, possibly in 1972, and from
1986 to 1989, along with Phase I and Phase II surveys by
Cockrell in 1989. As discussed in Williams (1983), historical
and archaeological evidence indicated the presence of a
charnel house, a significant feature of mortuary culture. A
wide variety of Glades-period burials were encountered at this
site, including extended and flexed primary burials, along with
secondary bundle burials. A number of potential ceremonial
goods were also discovered associated with the burials. These
included a wooden paddle, wooden slabs, and the remains of
a child placed just above the feet of one of the adult burials.
Williams (1983) discussed the earliest BCAS excavations
of Margate Blount with Iscan (1983) commenting on the
skeletal biology of this material. There is no published report
on the later BCAS excavations. However, the Society's
accession records do briefly list what material was recovered.

Moreover, Cockrell (1989, 1990) discussed his work at this
site undertaken for the landowners, Coral Ridge Properties.
Finally, according to NAGPRA (2006), further skeletal
material from this site is curated at FAU [MNI=12] and at the
Florida Museum of Natural History (FLMNH) [MNI= ].

Markham Park I (8BD182)

A black dirt midden located on an Everglades tree island,
Markham Park I includes both habitation and mortuary
components. The overlying habitation midden is dated to
the entire Glades period (ca. 500 B.C.-A.D. 1513) based on
ceramics. Below this level, thirteen secondary bundle burials
were recovered. Importantly, these were found in and beneath
a layer of concretion, which is believed to date from the Late
Archaic (ca. 2000-500 B.C.). Additionally, a cache of five
Strombus sp. shell celts were found associated with one skull.
Mowers and Williams (n.d.) unfinished manuscript
reviewed the BCAS excavation at this site. They suggested the
earlier component of this site might have been a burial mound
associated with the habitation complex at Markham Park II.
Much of the relevant data is reprinted in Felmley (1991) and
Carr et al. (1991).

Markham Park II (8BD183)

This site is a companion to the above Markham Park I and
is also a multi-component black dirt midden. It includes Late
Archaic (ca. 2000-500 B.C.), Glades (500 B.C.-A.D. 1513),
and Seminole components (ca. A.D. 1900), indicated by the
presence of ceramic markers and other artifacts. Seven clusters
of human skeletal material were recovered from the Glades-
period deposits. These remains were from the southwest
portion of the site, a section of which may have since been
destroyed. [MNI=3']
Williams and Mowers (1977:74) published a site report
that included details of the burials recovered and suggested
that they were merely "causal interments, possibly of persons
dying in transit." However, Felmley (1991) concluded that this
was a formally defined cemetery. Finally, Carr et al. (1991)
reported that a bulldozer destroyed the southern tip of this

Panther North (8DA6460)

Panther North is a Late Archaic (ca. 2000-500 B.C.) site
located on the Portland Plant property in Dade County. This
property had a significant number of other archaeological sites,
including Bamboo Mound (8DA94), Levee Cut (8DA2104),
Panther South (8DA6461), and Refugee Island (8DA2102).
The PBMNH curates a small selection of artifacts from a
Phase 1 excavation at Panther North, including an isolated
human ulna. [MNI=12]
Gary Beiter (1998) surveyed the entire Portland Plant
property, including a Phase 1 excavation at Panther North.

2007 VOL. 60(l)



Ancient America (no FMSF number)

The Rolling Oaks II site contains both Late Archaic (ca.
1000-500 B.C.) and Glades (500 B.C.-A.D. 1563) deposits
as demonstrated by recovered pottery sherds. It lies on an
Everglades tree island composed of black dirt midden material
containing evidence of multiple functions. Human remains
were recovered from the southern end of the midden and
they were fused together by concretion. Approximately five
bundle burials were removed, along with a primary internment
as suggested by the reported presence of articulated bones.
Limited analysis indicated at least one male with potential
dental pathologies, the cranial fragments of an adult female,
and the post-cranial remains of another female. [MNI=7]
Williams and Mowers' (1982) site report briefly discussed
the burials. Further data about the site and analysis of some of
the recovered skeletal material is included in Graves (1982).

Snake Creek, Hollywood Blvd. (8BD13)

The Snake Creek, Hollywood Blvd. site is composed of
black dirt midden deposits and dates to Glades II and III (A.D.
750-1513). There is some confusion over the exact location of
Snake Creek, because no less than three different sites have
been assigned the same FSMF number. Human bones and
teeth were recovered during the BCAS dig. [MNI=3]
The BCAS accession records noted the artifacts excavated
from this site. Carr et al. (1991) discussed the confusion over
the locality of this site.

Taylor Head (8BD 74)

With a 5,000-year occupation sequence, Taylor Head
is a significant southeast Florida site with a bedrock living
surface radiocarbon dated at 4840 +/- 210 BP. This black dirt
midden site is located on an Everglades tree island. The human
burials are concentrated on the southern side of the mound,
and the recovered material included teeth and other skeletal
elements. Preliminary work suggested the presence of at least
one subadult. [MNI=2]
The BCAS accession records noted the recovery of
human skeletal material and teeth. Masson et al. (1988)
excavated at this site, but their research plan was designed to
avoid disturbing human remains. Finally, Carr et al. (1991)
discussed this site in their Broward County survey.

Sites Lacking Sufficient Documentation:

Alligator Alley (no FMSF number)

There is very little information about this Broward County
site. It appears to have been a brief field excavation undertaken
in 1967. Its specific location and chronological placement
are unknown. Fragments of cranial bones and teeth were
recovered. Without further information, this material should
not be used for any comparative analysis. [MNI=4]
Apart from the BCAS accession records, no references to
this site were located.

This material originated from a 1950s Boca Raton
roadside attraction called Ancient America. This exhibition
was operated by E.G. Barnhill and was housed adjacent to
the "Barnhill Mound," which is the Boca Raton Sand Mound
(8PB13). While a number of human skeletons were exhibited
in the tunnel excavated through this mound, associated non-
local pottery suggests an uncertain origin for the human
material curated at the PBMNH. This collection includes teeth
along with a number of smashed and fragmentary bones. Due
to the possibility of extra-area origin, these remains should not
be used for osteological comparative work. [MNI=1]
The BCAS accession records, including associated notes
on the accession by Bert Mowers, were the only documentation
found about the human material. Additional information
concerning the Ancient America attraction is discussed in
Wheeler et al. (2002).

Belle Glade (8PB40 and 8PB41)

Excavation at the Belle Glade complex was one of the
first large-scale archaeological projects undertaken in south
Florida. It was composed of a habitation mound and a burial
mound. The material curated at the PBMNH originated from
a 1975 FAU salvage dig. The human skeletal find is of a
well-preserved female of approximately 17 years of age.
The chronological placement of this find is currently unclear.
Nevertheless, with a proper review of the associated artifacts,
the time placement of this material may be attainable and thus
useful for comparative analysis. [MNI=I]
Willey's (1949) seminal work on Excavations in Southeast
Florida included a short appraisal of both the burial mound
and other burials from this site. The FAU archaeological
catalog and associated notes briefly discuss the salvage
dig. Gary Beiter (personal communication, 2006) provided
additional background for this individual. Finally, NAGPRA
(2006) discusses several other skeletal collections from this
site, including material held by the Iowa Office of the State
Archaeologist [MNI=39], and by FLMNH [MNI=3].

Spanish River Midden and Mound Group (8PB9636)
[Boca Beekman (8PB55) and Boca Weir (8PB56)]

As recently redefined by Wheeler (1998), the Spanish River
Midden and Mound Group is a major archaeological complex
with several components being individually recognized
(8PBIl, 8PB55, 8PB56, 8PB57, and 8PB103). During the
1960s the BCAS excavated at Boca Weir and probably at the
adjacent Boca Beekman. A number of human remains were
recovered. Unfortunately, the original documentation for this
dig appears to be lost and further data cannot be discussed at
this time. However, this material was accessioned, reviewed,
and later de-accessioned by FAU. With careful analysis, the
pit and level data could be reconstructed from information
contained in the FAU archaeological catalog. If this is the case,
this human material could be utilized for future comparative
analysis. Subsequently, an FAU excavation by John Furey

Rolling Oaks II (8BD73)




at Boca Weir in the early 1970s revealed occupation during
much of the Glades period (ca. A.D. 500-1763) based on
ceramic time markers, and suggested a possible Seminole or
Spanish occupation based on European-derived goods (olive
jars fragments, and an undated pipe fragment). The recovered
human material from this later dig originated from surface
collection finds in several units to the west of the main Boca
Weir excavation. These jumbled finds were probably the result
ofearlier disturbance bypothunters and the relationship between
the human material and the surrounding site components is
unclear. Nonetheless, if it can be clarified, this collection could
also be used for future comparative investigation. Indeed, it
would be intriguing to compare and contrast both of the above
midden assemblages with the extensive skeletal material from
the neighboring Highland Beach Burial Mound (8PB11).
This may reveal distinctions between lower and higher status
individuals, depending on interment location. [MNI=32]
AreviewoftheFMSF indicatedtheredefined archaeological
complex of the Spanish River Group. Concerning the BCAS
excavation, no site report or excavation notes were located.
However, the FAU archaeological catalog contains information
on this earlier dig. In addition, the BCAS accession records
and associated notes described the later re-accession of this
material by the Society. On the other hand, Furey (1972)
detailed the later excavations at Boca Weir, including a brief
analysis of the recovered human remains. The remains from
this later excavation are curated at FAU [MNI=4]. Recent
activity at the Spanish River Group is discussed in Wheeler et
al. (2002). Finally, according to NAGPRA (2006), additional
human skeletal material from this site is curated at FLMNH

Osborne-Loper (no FMSF number)

The Osborne-Loper material was the result of a 1950s
private dig of an archaeological site. This assemblage
included a variety of faunal material and pottery sherds, along
with assorted human bones and teeth. This skeletal material
represented the remains of six adults and two subadults,
and probably originated from the Holatee II site (8BD105)
located on the Sunshine Ranches property in Broward
County. Nonetheless, due to the unprovenienced nature of this
material, it should not be employed for any comparative study.
Some data concerning this site was found in the BCAS
accession records and associated accession notes. Patricia K.
Flynn provided additional information on this material and the
association with the Holatee II site (personal communication,

Plantation Golf (8BD190)

Located on a former Everglades tree island, the Plantation
Golf site was probably a habitation midden. The chronological
placement of this site is currently unknown. The BCAS
conducted a salvage excavation in 1972, however it appears
they did not recognize the presence of human skeletal material

at that time. It is probable that these remains were discovered
during the preparation of the NAGPRA report. [MNI=1]
The BCAS accession records, the Broward County survey
by Carr et al. (1991), and the FMSF do not list any human
remains. The only reference to human osteological material
from this site is in NAGPRA (2006).

Conclusions and Summary

The PBMNH curates a substantial collection of
archaeological material from southeast Florida, including an
assortment of precontact human skeletal remains. This material
originated from a variety of sites, incorporating significant
numbers from the Everglades and East Okeechobee areas, and
encompassing up to 4,000 years of prehistory. Moreover, the
mortuary practices of these regions are varied and intriguing.
They included the practice of primary and secondary burials,
along with a host of different burial orientations. Additionally,
the spatial placement of burials across a site, the presence or
absence of grave goods, and the tantalizing evidence of use of
a charnel house at the Margate Blount site all potentially reveal
much about the prehistoric societies of southeast Florida.
Felmley (1991) used such data to determine status and rank,
and develop hypotheses concerning pre-contact sociopolitical
organization in the Everglades Area. Clearly however, more
intensive osteological investigation is required.
Indeed, while great strides have been made concerning
southeast Florida archaeology, our knowledge of the osteology
of these populations is still grievously underdeveloped. One
possibility to improve this situation is found in the human
osteological material in the SFAC. The bibliographic review
included herein demonstrates that some excellent preliminary
work has been accomplished. Nonetheless, future research
is vital to continued physical anthropological study of the
archaeological material curated at the PBMNH.
Ferdinando (2006) establishes a framework for future
investigation of the human osteology preserved in the SFAC.
The first phase of this work includes the delineation of stature,
age, and sex, along with paleo-demographic analysis, a full
burial inventory, and the implementation of a modern curation
system. The result of this undertaking will be the baseline data
for future study of this material. It will be readily available to
all qualified investigators and research results will be submitted
for publication in this journal. Future phases of study must
include anthropometry (including craniometry), odontology,
and in-depth paleo-pathological examination, along with the
possible application of more advanced techniques like protein
isotope analysis, DNA assessment, and absolute dating. Finally,
it is essential that inter-area comparative study be completed,
encompassing all the archaeological areas recognized in south
Florida and beyond. A clear picture of the similarities and the
differences between the osteology and paleo-demography of
these groups can only add to our knowledge.


For some archaeological sites, there appears to be a disparity


2007 VOL. 60(1)


between the MNI reported in NAGPRA (2006) and the other
existing literature. This discrepancy will be investigated
during the first phase of study proposed in Ferdinando
2 Panther North and Osborne-Loper are not found in NAGPRA
(2006). The museum does not receive federal funding, but it
is our objective to submit an updated record when finalized.
This ensures the most complete and accurate information is
available to all using the NAGPRA database.


My thanks are due to a number of people who have
helped with this article, including all those who spent their
time proofreading and making suggestions for improvement.
Special note must be made of Kelly C. Stevens, Patricia K.
Flynn, Valerie and Brian Ferdinando, and Paul Callsen,
without whose help this work could not have been completed.
In addition, it is because of the excellent research by Gary N.
Beiter, Robert S. Carr, Amy Felmley, Ottilie Cosden Graves,
Morton H. Kessel, Mehmet Yasar Iscan, Bert Mowers, and
Wilma Williams that this and future analysis of the SFAC is

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NAGPRA, National Park Service, U.S. Department of the


2006 Culturally Unidentified Native American Inventories
Database. Electronic Document,
gov/nagpra/ONLINEDB/INDEX.HTM, last accessed
on March 1 th, 2007.

Newman, Christine L.
1993 The Cheetum Site: An Archaic Burial Site in Dade
County, Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 46:37-

Palmer, Jay, and J. Raymond Williams
1977 The Formation of Geothite and Calcareous Lenses in
Shell Middens in Florida. The FloridaAnthropologist

Recourt, Peter
1975 Final Notes on the Goodman Mound. The Florida
Anthropologist 28:85-95.

Ritchie, Thomas, Frank Morrison, and Clivia Morrison
1981 Salvage Excavations of the Patrician Shell Mound.
The Florida Anthropologist 34:21-37.

Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Excavations in Southeast Florida. Yale University
Publications in Anthropology, Number 42. Yale
University Press, New Haven.

Williams, Wilma B.
1970 The Coral Springs Site, Southeast Florida. The
Florida Anthropologist 23:135-150.

1971 The Lauderhill Site. Unfinished Manuscript. On
file with the W. Williams Document Collection, The
Historical Association of Southern Florida, Miami.

1983 Bridge to the Past: Excavations at the Margate-Blount
Site. The Florida Anthropologist 36:142-153.

Williams, Wilma B., and Bert Mowers
1977 Markham Park Mound No. 2, Broward County,
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 30:56-78.

1979 Bishops Hammock, Broward County, Florida. The
Florida Anthropologist 32:17-32.

1982 Archaeological Excavations at the Rolling Oaks II
Site, Broward County. The Florida Anthropologist

Wheeler, Ryan J.
1998. Site Form (8PB9636) Supplementary Information.
On file with the Florida Division of Historical
Resources, Tallahassee.

2004 South Florida Sites associated with the Tequesta
and their Ancestors. National Historic Landmark/

National Register of Historic Places Theme Study. On
file with the Florida Division of Historical Resources,

Wheeler, Ryan J., Wm. Jerald Kennedy, and James P. Pepe
2002 The Archaeology of Coastal Palm Beach County.
The Florida Anthropologist 55:119-156.

Winland, Kenneth J.
2002 Disease and Population Ecology in the East
Okeechobee Area. The Florida Anthropologist




Creation Myths and Legends of the Creek Indians. Bill
Grantham. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. 2002. 352
pages, $55.00 (cloth).

Janus Research, 1300 N. Westshore Blvd. Suite 100, Tampa,
FL 33607

Mythology is a lot like the weather: almost everybody
professes at least some interest in it, but almost nobody
understands it. Although it is still a bit unpredictable,
meteorology can be largely demystified through a rigorous
application of "hard" sciences such as chemistry, math, and
physics. Unfortunately, mythology falls squarely within the
realm of the social sciences. As such, there seem to be as
many approaches to and claims of demystification as there
are legitimate researchers and outright quacks in the field. In
his book, Creation Myths and Legends of the Creek Indians,
Bill Grantham avoids these problems by merely presenting his
subject, making little attempt to explain it. Depending on what
you want from a book like this, his approach will either leave
you fascinated, frustrated, or, most likely, some combination
of the two.
Grantham is an archaeologist and ethnographer at Troy
State University in Alabama. His interest in Creek history and
culture seems to stem from his Creek-European heritage. In
the preface to his work, he states that in his "own search for
an understanding of Creek mythology and cosmology," he
could find "no single work that encompassed the entire corpus
of information available" (p. ix). He set to rectify this by
collecting all available Creek myths and legends into a single
volume. His sources include professional ethnographers like
Gatschet, Speck, and Swanton, government agents such as
Benjamin Hawkins, and others who spent some time visiting
or working with Creek populations. It is unfortunate, although
no fault of Grantham, that only a few tales date from pre-
removal times in the Southeast. Instead, most of the tales were
collected from post-removal Creek populations in Oklahoma
during the early part of the twentieth century, where they may
have been corrupted by cultural exchanges from many of the
non-Creeks they met during their diasporas. Seminole myths
and legends were collected from Florida during this same
general timeframe. Finally, Grantham also includes a few
previously unpublished modern stories that were related to
him by informants from or familiar with the Pine Arbor Creek
Community in northern Florida.
The book is organized into two parts: Part I Beliefs
and Ritual and Part II Myths and Legends. As most readers,
especially lay readers, will probably begin with the myths, I

will begin my discussion there.
The collected myths and legends are presented in Part
II. They are organized into chapters based on topics. Within
each chapter the tales are presented by language group using
Swanton's classification of southeastern tribes, including,
Alabama, Hitchiti, Muskogee, and Uchean (Yuchi). Each story
is given a reference code beside the title and line numbers have
been added to the left of the text.
Part I is basically a summary of the information provided
in raw form in Part II. Here, Grantham devotes individual
chapters to some of the major subjects, motifs, and themes
recognizable in the myths and legends. As such, chapters
in Part I include discussions on such topics as "Ceremony
and Ritual," "Cosmogony," and "Creek Cosmology." When
discussing an individual tale, Grantham refers to it by the
reference code assigned to it in Part II. This allows the reader
to quickly reference the tales under consideration.
The work concludes with several useful appendices in
addition to the obligatory Notes, Bibliography, and Index.
The first is an Appendix of Sources in which Grantham briefly
describes the sources of the stories presented in the text.
Information presented here consists of the contexts in which
the stories were collected, the dates and places of collection,
information about the collectors themselves, and the principal
informants who provided the information to the collectors.
Also included is an appendix providing Phonetic Guides
reproduced from some of the collectors, including Gatschet,
Speck, Swanton, and Wagner. A Glossary of Creek Words is
also provided as well as a Glossary of Geographical Locations.
Finally, two very useful appendices include a List of Stories by
Author and a List of Stories by Culture Group.
Although these appendices will be an invaluable aid to
the scholar, what will undoubtedly attract most readers are
the actual myths and legends presented in Part II. But those
who come into a reading of this book without a good deal
of background knowledge in and sensitivity to southeastern
Indian culture will probably resign quickly in ethnocentric
bewilderment. These are not the biblical stories or epic tales of
Hellenic wars with which most westerners are familiar. Instead,
they can seem a lot more like Japanese anime. Characters
often act in ways that seem completely strange and sometimes
a little nauseating, plots are frequently unpredictable, and
nice, tidy "morals to the story" are hard to find. Obviously, a
Native Creek reading these tales would have a much different
reaction, just as a native of Japan would to anime. But to the
unprepared non-native, understanding these myths and legends
can be quite daunting.
Grantham does provide some background information
into aspects of Creek culture in Part I of his text. For instance,


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MARCH 2007


he does an admirable job of summarizing the Creek Busk and
the Native cosmological concept of three worlds: the Upper
World, the Lower World, and the Middle World (this World).
However, he could not possibly provide enough background
cultural information to make the tales more accessible to the
layperson without transforming Part I into a separate book
itself. Notwithstanding, he could have easily provided just
a few details that would have made his work easier for the
layperson to understand and the scholar to use.
Most importantly, he should have provided some maps.
Given the complicated origins and history of the many different
peoples who came to be known as Creeks, a few maps would
have been an invaluable and welcome addition to this book. At
the very least, the original homelands of all tribes mentioned,
their post-removal lands, and the routes they took to get there,
should have been provided in graphic form. A map showing
similar information for the major stocks of the Creek language
should also have been a mandatory inclusion. Grantham does
refer readers who would like a more thorough discussion
of Creek history to previous researchers such as Swanton.
However, given that almost all of the tales provided in Part
II of his book are borrowed from these previous researchers,
it seems incomprehensible that he did not include even one
updated map borrowed from these scholars.
Along these same lines, additional tables would have
probably been quite helpful. The one table included illustrates
important differences in Creek creation myths. Grantham uses
this table to illustrate that different creation myths point to at
least two distinct cosmological and mythological traditions
among the Creeks, which he describes as an "Eastern Creek
Tradition," held by peoples such as the Hitchiti, Mikasuki,
Tuskegee, and Yuchi, and a "Western Creek Tradition," held by
the Alabama, Koasati, and Muskogee. Unfortunately, although
this is easily the most intriguing point he makes in his entire
book, Grantham spends only a few sentences expounding on
this fascinating hypothesis. Additional tables that would break
down all recognizable mythological motifs and themes and the
tribes with which they were associated would allow for direct
comparisons and hypothesis testing. As such, they would be
an invaluable research aid.
All this notwithstanding, Grantham probably accomplishes
what he set out to do: provide all known Creek myths and
legends in a single work. For this, his work will probably be
as indispensable to the Southeastern Indian scholar as James
Mooney's similar collection of Cherokee myths and tales.
However, Grantham's lack of analysis of these Creek texts
means that the reader will have to bring a great many other
books to the desk in order to make much sense of them.

The Archaeology of Ocmulgee Old Fields, Macon, Georgia.
Carol I. Mason, University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.
2005. 240 pages, $58.00 (cloth), $28.00 (paper).

Florida State University, Department of Anthropology, 1847
W Tennessee Street, Tallahassee, FL 32306

This volume makes available in published form, the 1963
dissertation of Carol Irwin Mason. In the Foreward to the
volume, Marvin T. Smith provides an excellent review. Given
Smith's work on Contact and Post-contact period archaeology
in Georgia, his evaluation of the continuing importance
of the Mason's work is substantive and authoritative. This
volume, published in the University of Alabama's "Classics in
Southeastern Archaeology" series, is significant for a number
of reasons that include the history of academic archaeology,
contribution to the emerging field of Historical Archaeology,
its research perspective, and its research value.
Reflections on the history of academic archaeology:
Mason's work presents the analysis and interpretation of a large
body of material excavated by Works Progress Administration
archaeologists during the 1930s and, in this case, continued
into the early 1940s. Large-scale projects, undertaken by field
crews numbering in the hundreds ofworkers, amassed quantities
of artifactual material and supporting documentation. In many
instances, substantial amounts of material remain unanalyzed
and unreported to this day. Ocmulgee National Monument,
on the Macon Plateau, has always been held in high regard
by southeastern archaeologists, if for no other reason than
its association with the early formation of the Southeastern
Archaeological Conference. But it was also an important
Mississippian center and a point of international contact during
the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.
Written in the early 1960s, almost thirty years after the
excavations, Mason's work joined reports and publications
by many of the luminaries of southeastern archaeology:
Arthur R. Kelly, James A. Ford, Gordon R. Willey, Charles H.
Fairbanks, and others (e.g., Jesse Jennings) who would have
prominent careers in other parts of the country. Many of the
young archaeologists engaged in these large-scale projects
of the Depression and post-depression years would be drawn
away by military service during World War II. At the war's
end, many joined (or, in some cases, founded) departments
of anthropology across the nation. Many completed their
graduate studies and continued archaeological research in
such agencies as the National Park Service.
Mason's involvement with Ocmulgee National Monument
was a direct result of Charles H. Fairbanks' continuing concern
for the site and the reporting of investigations conducted there.
Fairbanks' dissertation, Archeology of the Funeral Mound,
Ocmulgee National Monument, Georgia, was published
for the third time by the University of Alabama Press in
2003. Fairbanks continued to work in the Park Service until
accepting a faculty position at Florida State University in
1955. Mason transferred to Florida State in 1955 and became
an active student in the young Department of Anthropology
and Archaeology as it was then known. She was wooed, she

2007 VOL. 60(l)



has said, by an elegant letter from then Chair, Hale G. Smith.
It is in the work of two of Fairbanks' earliest students that we
see his persistent concern for Creek studies. Theron A. Nunez,
an Air Force veteran, was an undergraduate who remained at
Florida State to complete a master's degree with Fairbanks on
Creek ethnohistory. Mason continued her academic pursuits
as a graduate student at the University of Michigan under the
tutelage of James B. Griffin, Leslie A. White, and other scholars
admired by Fairbanks and Smith. Her academic relationship
with Fairbanks, even while at Michigan, led to internships at
Ocmulgee National Monument and access to the materials that
formed the basis of her dissertation. Given the direction of
archaeology at the time, it was a topic somewhat foreign to the
interests of her professors. It is also probable that it required
a certain courage to buck the tide of prehistoric interests in
selecting this topic. Certainly attitudes regarding Historical
Archaeology as not "real archaeology," persisted well into
the 1980s and may remain alive in some quarters today. In
general, the realities of Cultural Resource Management seem
to have awakened most to the need to acquire familiarity and
skill with historic sites and materials.
Contribution to emerging Historical Archaeology: this
volume represents a dissertation focused not on a prehistoric
site, but a historic site where indigenous peoples mixed with
traders, soldiers, and farmers of European origin. It is a
model of the archaeological study of such a context, where
archival, documentary, material culture, and anthropological
interpretation blend. As a subdiscipline of anthropological
archaeology, Historical Archaeology emerged in the 1960s.
Mason did not have the benefit of many tools available today
(e.g., typologies for glass trade beads, European and Asian-
derived ceramics, firearms, and other trade goods). Her
descriptions and discussions of material culture rival many
current studies, however. The reader will appreciate the clarity
and quantity of photographs and excavation diagrams.
Research perspectives: Mason's work, completed in 1963,
was written at a time of transition in Americanist archaeology
- after Taylor's critique in A Study of Archaeology (1949)
but before the development of what came to be called the
"New Archaeology." Thus it is interesting that Mason's work
contributes more to a direct historical approach in establishing
Lower Creek ethnic identity than research interests that would
become important later (e.g., acculturation, culture change,
power relationships, agency). Mason, herself, addresses
the need for better chronological controls through dating of
material remains.
The Ocmulgee Old Fields site with its mix of indigenous
and European people, local material culture and trade goods,
and varied functions represents an opportunity to study the
Lower Creeks between 1670 and 1717. This is a time period of
intense international stress in the Southeast as Spain, France,
and England vied to establish colonies, control trade, win the
loyalties of indigenous peoples, and maintain historic land
Research Value: The volume is divided into several
sections. First, Mason provides the historical setting, laying
out the competing interests that affected everyone in the
Southeast either directly or indirectly. Next, she describes

the excavations of the trading house and town sites followed
by a lengthy discussion of various classes of artifacts such
as ceramics (both indigenous and introduced), trade beads,
metals (e.g., coins, bells, firearm components, seals, knives),
clay tobacco pipes, and lithics.
In the final chapters, she addresses the identity of the
Creek town site, examines the relationships among the Lower
Creek and other indigenous groups, and considers the origins
of Lower Creek ceramics. If I have any complaint, I would
bemoan the lack of tables detailing feature contents. Mason's
figures indicate a number of pit features within and without
the trading house and in the vicinity of the Creek town.
Today, these would be helpful to make comparisons between
Ocmulgee Old Fields and a site like Fort Mitchell, in Alabama
(also a trading entrepot, dated to 1813-1840). But this is hitting
beneath the belt, I think. The advantage of hindsight makes it
is easy to find shortcomings, but in my opinion, this manuscript
is a remarkable accomplishment for the time in which it was
written. Over forty years after its writing, its prose is fresh
and engaging. I recommend Mason's The Archaeology of
Ocmulgee Old Fields to all colleagues laboring to understand
the early historic period in the Southeast.

About the Authors:

Alan Brech took his MA in anthropology from the University of Florida. As an archaeologist living in Palm Bay, Florida,
he is currently researching the location of the paramount town of the Ais and their disappearance from the historic re-

James S. Dunbar is a Senior Archaeologist with the Public Lands Archaeology Program, Florida Bureau of Archaeologi-
cal Research. Dunbar's research contributions in Florida and Southeastern archaeology focus on all facets of Paleoindian
lifeways, including temporal, environmental, technological, and dietary traditions.

Peter Ferdinando is part of the research staff at the Palm Beach Museum of Natural History, Department ofAnthropology.
Ferdinando took his M.A. from Florida Atlantic University and is currently working on an analysis of southeast Florida
pottery types and the osteology of pre-contact native south Floridians.

JeffLanham is an archaeologist from Palm Bay, now living in North Carolina. He received his BA in in anthropology from
the University Florida. He is currently researching the location of the main town of Ais.

Rochelle Marrinan is an Associate Professor of Anthropology at Florida State University. Marrinan has contributed three
decades of field research and writing on Florida, Southeastern US, and Caribbean pre and post contact archaeology. Ad-
ditionally, Marrinan has authored numerous publications examining the early founders of southeastern archaeology and
the development of the discipline.

James P Pepe has an M.A. in Anthropology from Florida Atlantic University. He is currently an archaeologist with Janus
Research and an adjunct professor at Florida Gulf Coast University.


2007 VOL. 60(1)

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