The Florida anthropologist

Material Information

The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Florida Anthropological Society
Place of Publication:
Florida Anthropological Society
Publication Date:
Quarterly[<Mar. 1975- >]
Two no. a year[ FORMER 1948-]
Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 24 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
01569447 ( OCLC )
56028409 ( LCCN )
0015-3893 ( ISSN )


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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc., P.O. Box 6356, Tallahassee, Florida 32314.
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NOTE: In addition to the above Editorial Review Board members, the review comments of others knowledgeable in a manuscript's
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Volume 56 Number 3
September 2003



Editor's Page 159

Northeast Florida Plantation Overview. Jay Bushnell 161

Life on the Plantations of East Florida: 1763-1848. Patricia C. Griffin 163

African Contributions to Florida's Northeastern Plantations. Jane Landers 183

A Brief Look at Eighteenth Century Sugar Production in the West Indies. Elizabeth Righter 189

Early Florida Plantations: Notes on Architecture and Technology. Herschel E. Shepard 207

New Ideas from Recent Research at Florida Plantations. Ted M. Payne 215

Search and Rescue Archaeology at the Smyrnea Settlement: A Preliminary Description
of Structure Types. Roger T. Grange and Dorothy L. Moore 221

Reading the Unwritten History: Research Possibilities in Plantation
Worker Settlements. Lucy B. Wayne 237

Florida Plantation Studies. James J. Miller 241


Jumper and West: A Seminole Legend: The Life ofBetty Mae Tiger Jumper. Rhonda Kimbrough 245

About the Authors 247

Cover: An early sugar processing operation (after C6sar de Rochefort's Histoire naturelle et morale des iles Antilles de
l'Amerique, 1681).

Published by the
ISSN 0015-3893


This issue presents the proceedings of the Second North-
east Florida Plantation Symposium, hosted by the Volusia
Anthropological Society March 24-25, 2001 at the Daytona
Beach Campus of the University of Central Florida. The
symposium, a sequel to one held in 1997, was designed to
broaden public awareness and encourage further research into
the rich plantation history of Northeast Florida during the
British Colonial Period. The symposium also included a tour
of plantation sites in the area. The proceedings of the First
Northeast Florida Plantation Symposium appear in Vol. 52(1-
2) of The Florida Anthropologist (March-June 1999).
The original program for the symposium included thirteen
papers by leading archaeologists and historians engaged in
research on sites and themes related to Northeast Florida
Plantations. Eight of the original papers were compiled for
this special issue. Paper topics include African and African-
American contributions to plantation economy and culture;
plantation life as reflected in historical documents and the
archaeological record; architecture and technology of the
plantations; sugar and rum-making plantations of the West
Indies; the Andrew Turnbull colony at New Smyrna; and
directions for future plantation research.

The Second Northeast Florida Plantation Symposium was
supportedby a grantfrom the Division of Historical Resources,
Florida Department of State. The Volusia Anthropological
Society graciously donated funds from that grant to support
mailing costs of this issue. Ted Payne organized the sympo-
sium program and solicited papers for this issue. His assis-
tance is greatly appreciated. Jim Miller's aid in preparation of
this issue also is appreciated.

September, 2003




VOL. 56(3)



155 Pinto Lane, Ormond Beach, FL 32174

The discovery and analysis of our past is a challenging,
and, at times, a frustrating task. Historians and archeologist
face a myriad of problems to overcome in their quest to
understand the past. Cultural amnesia tends to direct research
away from past events or personalities. As time passes, a
culture's selective memories may embellish some history,
while other elements of history are forgotten. Whenever a
heritage resource is lost or destroyed, a piece of evidence about
what it is to be human, is also lost or destroyed.
All this is further complicated by the fact that researchers
are human. They continually have to assess their own per-
sonal biases. They strive for objectivity, which takes the form
of reevaluation of old data, as well as, the search for and
evaluation of new data. The presenters in this symposium
shouldbe applaudedfortheir undaunted lifetime commitments
to overcoming these limitations. We are truly enriched by their
rediscovery of Northeast Florida plantation history. We are
equally indebted to B. Calvin Jones and Alice Stickland, for
whom this Symposium was dedicated, for their contributions.
It is curious how quickly we forget. Some memories are
lost in one generation or less because we do not continue to tell
the stories. This is well illustrated with the plantation history
of Northeast Florida. Only a very few people know the answer
to the question, 'How many British colonies were there in
present day United States in 1776?' East Florida and West
Florida are not counted; after all they did not sign the Declara-
tion of Independence.
Sometimes the present culture's interpretation of the past
becomes misleading and sometimes comical. This can be
illustrated by the early 20th century interpretations of the sugar
mills. Many of them were labeled Spanish Missions. One of
the roads in Volusia County is even named Mission Road
based on this interpretation. Where in the world did they ever
come up with such an idea? Was it a desire to tell some
romantic tale? The stories were certainly not based on
documentation or physical evidence. In this scheme of things,
did they believe that the kettles were used to boil those who did
not convert to Catholicism? Unfortunately, old ideas once in
motion are often hard to change. We are just now overcoming
many misperceptions surrounding plantation history of East

Tour of Sites in Volusia and Flagler Counties

The Volusia and Flagler counties are fortunate to have one
of the richest collections of plantation sites from 1763-1836.
The Volusia Anthropological Society (VAS), has just com-

pleted a survey and planning grant, East Florida Sugar
Plantations Heritage Tourism Plan Project: GrantNo. S1049.
Ted Payne and Pat Griffin identified no less than eleven
plantations in the Tomoka Basin GeoPark State Park alone.
The grant focused on developing a preservation plan for the
stabilization of the physical ruins of these plantations. Lucy
Wayne, Greg Hall, Martin Dickinson and Herschel Shepard
have provided a clear plan to stabilize and preserve these sites.
The sites were Bulow Sugar Mill, McHardy Sugar Mill &
home, Dummett Sugar Mill, Macrae Sugar Mill & Addison
Blockhouse, Oswald's Three Chimney, Dunlawton Sugar Mill,
Cruger and Depeyster Sugar Mill, and DeLeon Sugar Mill.
Fortunately, many of the plantation sites are under public
ownership. Several are also open to the public. As a part of
the Grant, VAS has developed a self-guided tour booklet to
visit these sites. The most visible remains of this history are
in the form of the sugar mills. The booklet also includes
information about the rest of the story of plantation develop-
ment from 1763-1836.
A tour of the sites open to the public might start in the
Tomoka Basin. One can first visit the Bulow Plantation sugar
mill and house site. There is also a nice museum display here.
Moving down the Old Dixie Highway from Bulow, one first
visits the Fairchild Oak, the site of the Ormond Plantation.
There are no ruins to view but the grove of live oaks makes a
visit worthwhile. Continuing south on the Old Dixie High-
way, one comes to the Dummett Sugar Mill, perhaps the first
steam powered mill in the area. Next, one crosses the Tomoka
River to the entrance of the Tomoka State Park. Here is where
Richard Oswald's main settlement, Mt. Oswald, was located.
There are no visible remains, but there is a nice museum and
a concession stand. Walking the grounds provides memorable
Next, one would move south to Port Orange. Located in
Sugar Mill Gardens is the Dunlawton Sugar Mill. This is the
only site where the steam technology remains. There is also
an impressive animal powered cane crusher from the Williams
Plantation that was located in what is today Daytona Beach.
The tour next takes one to downtown New Symrna Beach
where remains from the Turnbull colony, the Old Fort Park, is
found in the heart of downtown. There is also a nice museum
on the grounds. West of town off State Road 44 on Mission
Road, one can visit the Cruger and Depeyster Sugar Mill.
Finally, the DeLeon Springs State Park is the site of the
Orlando Rees Sugar Mill. It is the only mill in the area that is
water powered. The original chimney is still being used. They
have a fine bakery and they are noted for their self-made




VOL. 56(3)


pancake restaurant where they provide the batter and you make
your own pancakes.
Other sites like the Macrae Sugar Mill, Oswald's Three
Chimney Sugar Mill site, or the Turnbull Vats sites are not in
public control. VAS, as well as other organizations, has been
working to acquire these sites. The Ormond Beach Historical
Trust has been working to acquire the Three Chimney Site.
VAS has also been working hard to promote all the
plantation sites as heritage tourism destinations. By market-
ing the economic value to the community, it is believed that
there is much more leverage in finding funding for preserva-
A major component of the marketing plan is to tell the
entire plantation story. Until now, what little has been told,
has been fragmented. Clearly, the first Northeast Florida
Plantation Symposium in 1997 and the Second Northeast
Florida Plantation Symposium in 2001 have addressed this
objective. The special issue of The Florida Anthropologist,
Volume 52(1-2), March-June 1999, of the First Northeast
Plantation Symposium and this special issue provides valuable
help in telling the complete story. These issues help tell the
story but they also encourages further research. Florida
Anthropological Society editors, Robert J. Austin and Ryan J.
Wheeler, should be commended for their insight to the
importance of these publications.


2003 VOL. 56(3)



901 N. Griffin Shores Drive, St. Augustine, FL 32080

In June, 1804 Stella Hall wrote to her sister, Ruth, back in
Connecticut to tell her of life at Mount Olive, a plantation in
the East Florida wilderness. She waxed euphoric:

My favorite spot is a little arbor compos'd of a number of
young orange trees, intersected with myrtle and thickly
interwoven with luxuriant grape vines the resort of a great
number of beautiful Birds who entertain us with their wild
enchanting melody This rural spot is pleasantly situated on
a bank of the little river Hillsborough which winds with
many a crook among a cluster of Mangrove Islands and not
only affords us plenty of excellent fish, but is also a charming
addition to our prospect Here I spend many solitary hours
in reading or 'chewing the quid of sweet and bitter fancy'
[Rutherford 1952a:328-329].

As a young girl, Stella came to the East Florida frontier
during the Second Spanish Period with her sister, Abigail, and
brother-in-law, the Reverend Ambrose Hull. Later, as Hull's
second wife, and even later as a plantation proprietor herself,
she came to know the imperfect, even treacherous, side of this
seeming paradise.
This paper examines the social systems and cultural forms
represented on the Florida plantations south of St. Augustine
in the colonial and immediately post-colonial times from 1763
to 1848, an eighty-five year period when a quilt of agricultural
fields blanketed the landscape. The beginnings of plantation
activity were gradual, followed by a steady increase to a
maximum period in the early decades of the nineteenth century
to a time of decline after 1836.
The thousands who spent their lives on this Florida frontier
in lands verging on the subtropical represented three conti-
nents. Europeans and Euro-Americans in most instances
chose the frontier plantation life in order to maximize their
personal and family financial resources. Africans, on the other
hand, were coerced into coming to the Americas as slaves. The
Native Americans found their territory invaded. However,
these Indians were not the original dwellers in middle and
eastern Florida. The native Timucuans and other groups
whose land this had been for centuries, even thousands of
years, were gone, many wiped out by disease brought by the
Europeans at the time of conquest. Those remaining fled
elsewhere or, in the case of the remnant of Christianized
Indians, evacuated to Cuba in 1763 with the Spanish when
they left the province. They were replaced by the lower
Creeks from southern Alabama and Georgia, referred to as
Seminoles by the time that they were numerous in the area.
Thus, they, too, were latecomers to the area, and as such, were
themselves in the process of adapting to the environment of

the coastal section south of St. Augustine.
The eighty-five year plantation era spans three different
regimes the British Period, the Second Spanish Period, and
the American Period. In spite of the fact that East Florida was
under Spanish domination for 38 of those years, almost all of
the principal planters in the southern section were of Anglo-
Celtic origin. As we shall see, many of the planters during the
Second Spanish Period were returning British Loyalists
particularly from the Bahamas, immigrants from the United
States, or, lastly, those from the British Isles or colonies in the
West Indies.
Although Spain held the colony for the first 198 years of
the colonial experience, agriculture was rudimentary, taking
a back seat to the position of St. Augustine as a garrison town.
For these early European conquerors of the Americas, the
extraction of precious metals, such as gold and silver, was the
principal aim. St. Augustine was maintained to monitor the
galleons returning to Spain with their cargoes of riches from
Central and South America and the West Indies. Cattle
raising, lumbering and orange growing were undertaken, but
planted crops for outside markets with a claim on year around
labor and complex marketing strategies was not part of Spain's
plan for Florida.

The British Period:
The Aristocratic Era (1763-1783)

In the Treaty of Paris at the conclusion of the Seven Years
War, called the French and Indian War on this side of the
Atlantic, Spain readily exchanged Florida to regain Havana
and Cuba, a valuable constituency lost to her during the war,
and of strategic importance in the Spanish West Indies.
England, more advanced in the Industrial Revolution than
other parts of Europe, was gaining world strength at the time
and large agricultural holdings were an integral part of the
imperial thrust for her colonies in the Americas. The model
for Florida was Virginia and the Carolinas, and also the West
Indies, where extensive plantation agriculture already existed.
Florida, for ease of administration, was divided into East
and West Florida, with East Florida covering the peninsula
section, while West Florida extended from the Apalachicola
River and along the Gulf Coast to the Mississippi River.
Small grants were possible, but the preferred plan advanced by
Parliament was for the awarding of large grants to well placed
gentlemen in England who were to attract white Protestant
settlers from distressed sections of Europe. These workers
would eventually gain plots of land after their indentures were



VOL. 56(3)



worked out. Thus, a white population would make for a
strong, overseas colony able to resist Spain's attempts to
regain the land and to counter the ever-present Native-Amer-
ican threat.
The realities on this side of the Atlantic fell somewhat
short of the plans made in Whitehall. West Florida became a
locale of small grantees, while large grants of thousands of
acres became the norm in East Florida. Attracting white
settlers to work the large plantation grants in East Florida
turned out to be a problem. As it developed, only the New
Smyrna and Rollestown plantations were settled with inden-
tured workers. Dr. Andrew Turnbull with the financial
backing of two well placed men in London (one the prime
minister) brought a large colony of Mediterraneans to the
40,000 acre New Smyrna plantation established seventy miles
south of St. Augustine. Denys Rolle, in contrast, shipped
vagrants, debtors, criminals and prostitutes from the streets of
London, and a few more respectable individuals to people his
grant on the St. Johns River. Neither worked out as intended.
The Turnbull colonists, called Minorcans after the origin of
the largest number, fled to St. Augustine in 1777, while
Rolle's colonists gradually dispersed over time (Griffin 1991;
Legg 1999).
White indentured workers were considered impractical,
and in accord with the opinion of the first governor, General
James Grant, as well as others knowledgeable about overseas
plantation agriculture, black slaves eventually became the
common work force.
The first years of the British Period were different from the
last part. Therefore, it makes sense to treat them separately.


Governor Grant set the tone. He was an elitist by all
reports, even feudal, in his outlook. The eighteenth century in
England was a time of many changes, of loosening up of the
old ways, of an enlightened, rational view of life, basically a
secular time. The one enduring feature, however, was the
rigid social ranking system (Porter 2000). Governor Grant
upheld this system to a fault; and, in fact, later inherited a
castle in Scotland.
The large land grants in East Florida were awarded to
people of substance in England and South Carolina, with the
expectation that, as in Jamaica and Barbados, some of the
grantees would be absentee owners using hired managers and
overseers to operate the plantations. Three kinds of planta-
tions actually came about-working plantations with on-site
owners, working plantations managed by hired personnel, and
last, parcels that were obtained for speculation only and never
developed. The Florida resident plantation owners thus
became an elite group who virtually operated as a plantocracy
in the colony. Some of the most prominent of the group, those
with the largest plantations (10,000 to 20,000 acres), consti-
tuted a council to run the affairs of the province.
Political and economic factors, as expected, blended with
the social life. Grant was careful to exclude from the council
those men who were "in trade" and therefore did not qualify as

gentry. He excused part of this action in favor of the ladies
who would not want to include lesser families in their social
life (Schafer 1983:102-103).
As ably described by Dan Schafer, Governor Grant, a
confirmed bachelor, was a bon vivant who wined and dined
this select group and on a regular basis had the military
officers for social evenings as well. St. Augustine became
Britain in miniature with the prominent men following the
town-hinterland pattern of aristocrats in England. They
owned or rented houses in St. Augustine, used all or part of the
time, but sometimes occupied the manor houses on their
country estates (Schafer 2000:52-58). This allowed for a
strong node of aristocratic life to be repeated in the province,
with much of the social life occurring in town. The ranking
group of men commonly met together on an informal basis at
Payne's' Corner and at Witter Cumming's place south of the
plaza in St. Augustine (Schafer 2000).
For the workers, overseers, and craftsmen resident on the
plantations, life was quite different. Their lives were lived in
the microcosm of the plantation, somewhat like rural life
anywhere, but with the added stresses of the undeveloped
frontier. This period was also one of agriculture by human
and animal power, thus hard grueling work.
In examining the population figures in conflicting docu-
mentary sources on the plantations south of St. Augustine
during the first years of the British Period, an interesting fact
emerges. For part of that time, thirty to forty percent, and
possibly more, of the plantation workers were indentured.
This occurred at a time when such form of contractual labor
was rapidly becoming a thing of the past in the other southern
states. The New Smyrna and the Rollestown plantation
workers were almost entirely white indentured individuals,
with some slaves added to do certain jobs. Both plantations are
reported to have had about 100 slaves at a time to supplement
the indentured workers. The other plantations in the southern
corridor were the traditional slave-manned operations with
white, or sometimes mixed race individuals, as overseers.
The New Smyrna Plantation in particular, because of its
size, character, and inhabitants, was somewhat of a monolith
on the landscape, as much deserving of the name colony as
plantation. Originally around 1,300 colonists landed in East
Florida. About two-thirds were from the Island of Menorca
(Minorca), the rest being Italian, Greek, or from other parts of
the Mediterranean. These were folk people, small-time
farmers and fishermen, independent people who were accus-
tomed to making their own decisions. Two Minorcan Roman
Catholic clergy were hired to come with the colony, and a
large church to serve the parish, and a convento to house the
priests were built. The plantation was an empire unto itself.
The plantation estate had many of the elements of any
large scale institutional complex where "inmates" have little
freedom to order their own lives, where space planning,
ordering of work, and daily life are aimed toward goals other
than those of the inhabitants. They even, at least according to
one perhaps exaggerated report, initially took their daily gruel
from a common copper (Romans 1962). Concentration camps,
prisons, Catholic missions for the American Indians, even


2003 VOL. 56(3)

altered the social and work life sometimes to the disadvantage

remote army camps come to mind as comparable. A lack of
personal freedom was characteristic of the enterprise.
Accustomed to living in close-knit villages in their
homelands and working their plots nearby, on the New
Smyrna plantation, the families were settled 210 feet apart
along an eight mile stretch, while the single men lived in
congregate facilities. Unicropping, largely indigo in this case,
was not in accordance with the customary agricultural round
of their homelands with the religious festival pattern interwo-
ven with planting, harvest, and fallow times. According to the
depositions given later in St. Augustine, the treatment was
often harsh, in some instances resulting in death. Leg chains
or jail were the punishments meted out, or in some instances
indenture periods were extended (Colonial Office [C.O.]
5/557). Essentially they were treated very much as the black
slave plantation workers on the other plantations nearby.
Unlike those black workers, however, they were white, had
recourse to the courts, and could more easily manage a revolt.
The first such occurred when some of the Italians and Greeks,
whose ships were blown off course, reached the plantation a
month after the others and viewed the harsh life that they had
bargained for. The revolt was put down, two of the ring
leaders executed, and an armed detachment of soldiers
subsequently posted there in barracks built for the purpose.
In spite of the fact that almost 600 deaths took place in the
early years, the group began to meld into an effective commu-
nity. The Minorcan Islanders mostly came as families and
were familiar with each other. The young single men,
especially the Italians, were incorporated into this cultural
matrix when they intermarried with the Minorcan girls.
The linguistic, cultural, and geographical isolation pro-
vided a closed context for the inhabitants. Daily life was harsh
to say the least, with women and children required to work as
well as the men. This was an unfamiliar work pattern as was
the supervision of the work by drivers, some of whom were
chosen from among the Italian and Greek colonists. The
Seminole Indians from the interior of the peninsula provided
one outside and worrisome aspect, and the military guard was
another such element. It is a tribute to the strength of cultural
persistence, that once free in St. Augustine, they reordered
their lives in accordance with their original culture (Griffin
Meantime, the colonists at the Rollestown plantation
appear to have stayed for several years and then, dissatisfied,
gradually fled the plantation. Being English they found ways
to escape to Georgia and Carolina while some might have
stayed in St. Augustine. They were mostly gone from
Rollestown by 1774 (Legg 1999:114-123).
On the slave-manned plantations, the black workers led a
life little different from that of the Minorcan colonists.
Nevertheless the slaves were not homogeneous coming as they
did from differing linguistic groups in Africa. Furthermore,
they were of several kinds--those recently imported from
Africa, those who had an intermediate stay in the West Indies,
and, increasingly as time went on, those who were native born.
This amalgam resulted in a continually shifting behavioral
system. A new shipment of slaves brought to a plantation

altered the social and work life sometimes to the disadvantage
of crop production.


The period of developing stability and prosperity of the
young colony did not last. Governor Grant left for England
because of his health and after a temporary term under
Lieutenant Governor Moultrie, Patrick Tonyn arrived as
governor. This, coupled with the accelerating revolution in
the colonies to the north, spelled the beginning of the end.
Tonyn ranked considerably lower in social status than
Grant and some of the rest of the ruling council, there even
being a question as to whether he was legally married to the
woman he brought with him. Personally, he was lacking in
sociability, an important element of eighteenth centuryEnglish
life. The new governor was consequently snubbed by some of
the men of rank in town, particularly by Dr. Turnbull. Tonyn,
in turn, accused Turnbull of rebel sympathies and of machina-
tions with the Indians. As a consequence, in imminent danger
of being jailed, Turnbull and William Drayton, a prominent
member of the council, escaped to England when it seemed
that they might be incarcerated. In London they attempted to
have the governor removed, an attempt that failed. While they
were gone, Governor Tonyn managed to break up the New
Smyrna colony by conscripting the men for the militia and by
convincing the colonists that they would not receive their
promised lands at the end of their indenture periods because
they were Catholics. The largest plantation on the southern
frontier was thus broken up and almost all of the people
retreated to St. Augustine.
To add to the turbulent situation resulting from the
American Revolution, Loyalists from the colonies to the north
began arriving in large numbers. They had been encouraged
by the Florida governor's advertisements in the South Carolina
and Georgia newspapers promising them land in East Florida.
By the end of the British Period, the population increased
astoundingly with the influx of more than 13,000 refugees, of
whom more than 5,000 were white and the remainder black
slaves (Mowat 1964:137).
Unable to find housing in St. Augustine, already crowded
with Minorcan refugees, these Loyalist refugees spilled over
into the countryside. A few were people of substance, gentle-
men such as James Hume, previous Attorney General of
Georgia, who settled on a plantation north of St. Augustine
and put in an ornate garden rivaling that of John Moultrie's
elaborate grounds south of St. Augustine. Others, of less or no
means, were fortunate in being given tenancy on some of the
larger plantations, sometimes without paying rent. John
Moultrie reported "at different times he [meaning himself]
settled three tenants upon it [his 1,000 acre Lime Kiln planta-
tion at the confluence of the Matanzas River and Northwest
Creek, now Pellicer Creek] who cleared about 50 or 60 acres
of it, to whom he furnished provisions for the first year"
(Siebert 1957:241). Other plantation owners found it expedi-
ent to do likewise as the building of houses and cultivation of
crops helped the proprietor to fulfill the mandated require-




2003 VOL. 56(3)

ments to establish ownership of the land as well as being a
protection for his property. Others filled the houses left vacant
in New Smryna and, with the assistance of their slaves,
planted crops.

Not all of these Loyalists were so lucky. Many were in dire
straits, roving the countryside in search of food. Denys Rolle
complained that his livestock suffered; his plans for a yearly
profit having been “defeated by the Starving condition of the
Refugees forcing them to Depredation” (Siebert 1957:295).

These Loyalists, although in the province but a short time
before the end of the British Period, in the long run played a
crucial role in the subsequent periods of East Florida’s history.

The Second Spanish Period (4783-1821):
The Era of the Lesser Gentility

As a result of the treaty at the end of the American Revolu-
tion, East and West Florida were retroceded to Spain. The
second regime of Spain in East Florida belies its name. St.
Augustine itself became a Spanish/Minorcan capital, but the
hinterland, as things developed, eventually was dominated by
Anglo-Celtic plantation owners, many of them only one
generation away from England and Scotland. This was
particularly true of the section south of St. Augustine. If the
aristocracy dominated the southern corridor in the British
Period, the lesser gentility (using British terms) predominated
in the Spanish era.

How did this happen? The Spanish authorities found it
difficult to populate the province. Following the British lead,
East Florida was to be an agricultural colony; thus an attempt
was made to secure Catholics loyal to the Spanish Crown and
willing to establish plantations. One thrust was to entice
families back to Florida who had retreated to Cuba at the end
of the First Spanish Period. Few of these Floridanos, as they
were called, responded, and those who did usually came back
to reclaim their town property rather than to establish planta-
tions (Tanner 1963).

Initial attempts to attract appropriate settlers failed. By the
time that the first governor, Manual Zespedes, left the colony
in 1790, it was clear that something must be done to hold the
province for Spain. Accordingly, the land acquisition require-
ments were eased in 1790 and 1791. The religious require-
ment was dropped, but those wishing to secure grants needed
to bring slaves and cattle to settle on the lands. The livestock
requirement was to solve the scarcity of beef in St. Augustine,
and particularly to supply the garrison (WPA 1940-41:(11I)

In thie next decade several plantations were established in
the Matanzas River region. Some were awarded to non-
Hispanics such as Abraham Dupont and Hepworth Carter. A
few ambitious Minorcans obtained small plots, most not over
100 acres, in the New Smyrna section as well as closer to St.

Even this small incursion of settlers alarmed the Indians,
and in 1802 some frightening raids were made on the planta-
tions in the Matanzas section. Livestock and slaves were run
off by the Indians and buildings burned, but even worse, a

whole family, the Bonnelis, suffered at the Indians’ hands. The
father, one of the original New Smryna settlers, was in town,
but the oldest son was killed as he worked in the field and the
mother and the rest of the children carried off two hundred
miles to the St. Marks area on the Gulf Coast (U.S. American
State Papers, Military Affairs, 1861, 6:499-500). The neigh-
borhood was so shocked by this event that some of the families
such as the Carters, and Duponts, and, of course, the Bonnelis,
left their lands, although later the Dupont descendants
returned (Payne and Griffin 1999).

Meanwhile, in spite of the Indian unrest, things picked up
in the Mosquitoes (New Smyrna) area. An enterprising man
from Connecticut, the Reverend Ambrose Hull, obtained a
2,600 acre grant on part of the former Turnbull lands. He
brought with him his wife, Abigail, and her sister, Stella, who,
as mentioned, later became Hull’s second wife. Near the
beginning of his tenure he suffered a $3,000 loss as the result
of an attack by a group of Mikasuki Seminole. Undaunted, he
settled a number of slaves on the land, put in some cotton, and
built a large manor house on the waterfront in New Smyrna.

In the twenty years that the plantations in the southern
section were abandoned the ground lay fallow, thus the
promise of regenerated soil. But in the interim other things
happened as well. The French naturalist Andre Michaux
visited there on a collecting trip in 1788, just five years after
the British left. He observed on his trip south of St. Augustine
that the Indians had moved into the plantation areas to camp
and hunt on the vacated land. He took particular notice of the
abandoned Turnbull plantation:

We came to camp on the ruins of New Smyrna, there I
noticed more than 400 houses [probably an exaggeration]
destroyed, there remained only the chimneys because the
Indians, who came each year for the orange trees which
managed to exist in spite of the annual fires, destroyed the
wood of which these houses were built to warm themselves
[Taylor and Norman 2002:70].

Hull was not long on his plantation before he welcomed a
number of families from the Bahamas to settle nearby. They
settled in a cluster in order to be safe from Indian depreda-
tions. Hull described the little colony near him as follows:

[There is a] population of most genteel families, including
their slaves, within the compass of four miles of us—between
five and six hundred. ..North of us is a Mr. Kerr & lady—Mr.
Ormond & lady—Mr. Munro & lady—Mr. McHardy &
lady—all from Nassau [sic] —N-Providence—they have
handsome plantations with near a 100 negroes each—south
a few rods is a Captain Ladd & lady from Portsmuth [sic]
New Hampshire, further southward tho’ but a short walk is
a Mr. Dumant Capt Martin—Mr. Bretts Madison...
[Rutherford 1952a:334].

Some families in this cluster were first settled along Spruce
Creek, but eventually acquired plantations in the Tomoka area
and elsewhere in East Florida. This shift came about because
of the poor demarcation of their first plantations leading to
confusion over boundary lines, and also because the Indians



I yep

were temporarily mollified by gifts from the Spanish authori-
ties and thus less likely to cause problems for the settlers.

Already established at Tomoka was Mrs. McHardy’s
father, John Bunch and her cousin, James Dean. John
Addison acquired a plantation south of the Bunch property.
Then the Kerr daughter married a Mr. Anderson, and they
settled on part of the old Oswald plantation in the Tomoka

The Williams family then came from South Carolina and
from Nassau. Another man, Major Harriot, received a
plantation across from the Williams Orange Grove plantation
(near present day Daytona Beach), and Mathew Long and
family settled on the west side of the lower Matanzas River.
The plantation constellation can be seen on a map of the
plantations in 1812 (Figure 1).

The Nassau families were British Loyalists, some of whom
had taken up lands in East Florida at the end of the British
Period (the Monroes and the Williams family are examples).
Others may have had relatives or friends who told them of the
opportunities in the sub-tropical climate and better soil south
of St. Augustine. The soil in the Bahamas is rocky and those
already in significant positions in the Bahamas did not
welcome kindly the thousands of Loyalists who came into that
domain at the end of the British Period. Thus, these refugee
Loyalists tended to form an enclave of their own in Nassau, a
locality where even those most prominent in East Florida were
denied the rights of ordinary citizens (Lockey 1949:432-434).

The families named by Ambrose Hull were not poor,
unconnected people. Most were of the lesser gentility group,
known in England as the squirearchy, in contrast with the
traditional aristocrats. They were clergy with connections
(Huil and his family), those with relatives in power positions
(the Deans were related to the governor of the Bahamas), some
held officer ranks as noted, and the son of Mary Dean and
Robert McHardy became an admiral in the British Navy. John
Addison was from a distinguished family, his branch of the
family having settled on an estate north of Belfast, and in fact
Addison named his Florida plantation Carrickfergus. The
Williams family had plantations in South Carolina, Georgia,
the Bahamas, and they had abandoned one in East Florida
when the British evacuated. As was the custom, Samuel
Williams fully recognized his natural daughter, Carolina
Eliza, who lived with him and his wife, because the girl’s
mother was of the aristocracy, in fact, “a relative of Lord
Dunbar.” Stella Hart, Hull’s sister-in-law at that time, refused
two very eligible suiters, “One of them is a man of about five
& thirty a very decent man and an excellent planter—he has
several plantations in the Bahama Islands and a very excellent
one here pleasantly situated and has rising 100 Negroes beside
other personals—his property at a modest calculation is worth
at least $50,000—The other is a young gentleman of a genteel
education—received in England—and a most amiable
character—with a property worth at least $20,000”
(Rutherford 1952a:338). These incoming planters formed a
community nucleus south of St. Augustine that endured
throughout the Second Spanish Period. They were not
ordinary frontiersmen.

In accordance with their background, and different from
the aristocracy, they usually lived on their plantations and
most of their social life took place there. It is true that they
also attended balls in town during the “social season,” and
friends and relatives were visited in Spanish St. Augustine.
For an understanding of the social life of these planters we are
especially indebted to an anonymous diary (Anonymous 1811-
1833). A young woman of seventeen or eighteen, came to East
Florida from Nassau in 1811 to stay with her relatives, the
Williams family. According to a notation in the original at the
P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, the author of the diary
was probably Carolina Eliza Williams, the “natural daughter”
of Samuel Williams. She later became the second wife of
Robert McHardy. After her death in 1823, brief notations
were added to the diary by another person who may have been
Henrietta Harriet Payne, a resident at the McHardy plantation.
Henrietta Payne later married the Reverend Andrew Fowler.

The life that the diary depicts sounds very much like
English country life at the time—social gatherings, extended
stays at each other’s houses, trips to nearby places or to St.
Augustine by sloop. Recorded is the constant ship traffic back
and forth from Mosquito Inlet (now Ponce de Leon Inlet) to
Nassau as well as water traffic to St. Augustine, Charleston,
and London, even the West Indies.

The Williams Orange Grove Plantation and John Bunch’s
Tomoka plantation appear to have been the main gathering
places of this social group. In the deposition by Philip
Weedman, an overseer for Gabriel Perpall, enclosed in the
Bunch 1812 Patriot War claim, he described Bunch’s planta-
tion as “in the middle of what was called the ‘Tomoka Settle-
ment’ surrounded by other settlers, McHardy, Ormond, and
Addison. People passing to the plantations farther south had
to pass by Bunch’s so that it was a natural gathering place”
(PWC #73358, R.G. 217:Figure 2).

In the same manner, the Williams plantation in the
Mosquitoes section seems to have served as a social arena for
the southernmost planters, partly because of the nature of the
extended family and friends residing there. Likewise, their
Orange Grove plantation was a place of disembarkation for
some of the vessels arriving through Mosquitoes Inlet.

The two senior members of this “Nassau connection,” if
they may be called that, were Frances Kerr and John Bunch.
Mrs. Kerr is described as “a brave old lady,” and Philip
Weedman, who mentioned that he was “an intimate friend”
elaborated, “Mrs. Kerr was considered in the light of a kind
mother by everybody in that neighborhood.” The Anonymous
diarist talks of the attentions given to John Bunch in his
frequent illnesses and of residing at Mr. Bunch’s “a few
weeks” (PWC # 73358, R.G.217; Anonymous 1811-1833).

This group from the Bahamas made a unique contribution
to the economy of the region. They introduced Sea Island,
otherwise known as long staple or black seed, cotton, to the
coastal lands. Charles Vignoles, a contemporary observer
described the situation, “The planters upon the Tomoka river
and its vicinity are almost wholly English settlers from the
Bahamas, who quitting those sterile rocks, came hither to avail
themselves of better soil: all of them have prospered, and


Figure 1. Partial map of the distribution of the plantations south of St. Augustine at the time of the Patriot War (1812).
Enclosed in the Patriot War Claim of the Estate of Samuel Williams, # 76,042, Record Group 217, Washington D.C., 1839.

several have become very rich by raising sea island
cotton"(Vignoles 1977:73). With them they brought a strain of
sea island cotton or long staple cotton that was first developed
in the Bahamas. These settlers also imported a cotton gin

recently invented in Nassau for processing this cotton variety.
It is referred to as Eve's (Eames) patented roller gin with wind
sails (Peters 1961:237).
Within a few short years after these families were estab

2003 VOL. 56(3)



lished and their plantations were flourishing, abig disruption,
the so-called "Patriot War," but described as a "Rebellion" by
Spanish sympathizers, brought things to a standstill. This was
a failed attempt by some Georgians, including discreet support
by the governor of Georgia, and local non-Spaniards to claim
Florida for the United States. It was mostly a hit and run
skirmish affair with bands of Patriots dashing around the
countryside terrorizing the inhabitants. They were easily
recognized because they stuck a piece of paper on their caps
with the big letter "P" lettered thereon. While many of the
Anglo planters, such as Ambrose Hull, looked forward to the
possibility that Florida might become a part of the United
States, they were appalled at the actions of the "Patriots." He
referred to the name they gave to themselves as "ridiculous"
and described them in a letter to his brother-in-law as "a
parcel of poltroons and vagabonds" (Rutherford 1952b: 41).
This hostile faction used several camps. "Bunch's place
was most convenient to the Patriots of any of that quarter as a

rendezvous because it was defended on one side by a deep
swamp. Also, it had corn fields for their horses and could
easily be guarded by a small party of men" as they were
"always afraid that the Spaniards would send out their Black
Troops to intercept ...them." They quartered in the cotton
house because it "had a full look on all sides." The five large
boats anchored at the Bunch plantation were used to go
foraying and plundering in the plantations farther south (PWC
#84638, R.G. 217). Needless to say, distressed by the turn of
affairs and suffering from "rheumatism," Bunch was one of
the first planters to retreat to St. Augustine at the onset of
Robert McHardy, as the troubles began that summer, first
went to the Bunch plantation as he heard that the Patriots were
going to kill him; then he fled to the Williams plantation for
safety on July 16, 1812. Meanwhile six of the patriots arrived
at the Bunch plantation. "The Patriot party arrived at
Bunch's, and they were loud and boisterous in their con-

Figure 2. Plantation plat of John Bunch's Plantation (1804-1825): Sold to Thomas Dummett in 1825. WPA, The Spanish
Land Grants in Florida. Confirmed Claim. Microfilm, St. Augustine Historical Society.

(Taken from Payne 1999:Fig. 3)




6-M. -1- -/0


duct-inquired for Mr. McHardy and swore they would have
his life." Mrs. Samuel Williams, a widow by that time, was at
the Bunch plantation, and expostulated with them, particularly
with one of the Williams nephews who had been her overseer
after her husband's death. "She asked if he was not ashamed
of his conduct, and why it was that he was declaring ven-
geance against one of the inhabitants without provocation."
During this altercation Bunch's slaves "fled into the bush"
(PWC #84638, R.G. 217).
The anonymous diarist then described the culminating
event at the Williams plantation where a group of family and
friends were already gathered. "Mr. McHardy was arrested by
the Patriots and compelled to go with them to the camp 17th of
July." Clearer heads evidently prevailed as McHardy was
released on the August 12, 1811 (Anonymous 1811-1833).
One reason that he may have been marked for this capture was
his adherence to the Catholic faith. He also was in close
association with the Spanish authorities as he was Assistant
Marshal for the area south of St. Augustine. The chief official
for control of the southern section was Gabriel Perpall who
had acquired a plat of land, formerly part of the old British
Oswald grant. According to a number of later land claims,
Perpall was rarely in residence on his plantation, so the
deputy, McHardy, took care of matters that needed attention.
Chaos reigned for more than a year. Eventually most of
the white people abandoned their plantations taking their
house slaves with them. One exception was Mrs. Kerr who,
claiming that she was not afraid of anyone, was one of the last
to retreat to town. The abandoned slaves hid as best they
could, afraid of everybody. "The Negroes in the country" as
reported later "were afraid of Patriots and Indians and were
unmanageable and useless to their owners." Many of them hid
in the woods near the beach, surviving as best they could
(PWC #76042, RG.217).
Francisco Pellicer and his family who owned a plantation
at the conflux of the Matanzas River and Pellicer Creek
suffered more than most at the hands of the "rebels." The
adjudicating officer stated, "The Evidence in this case is
stronger than has been adduced in many of these claims."
Pellicer, who came with the New Smyrna colony, and was
reputed to be the leader of the 1777 retreat to St. Augustine,
was not one of the wealthy planters who grew crops for export,
nor was he a big slaveholder. In fact, he was somewhat of a
jack-of-all-trades. He furnished beef and lumber (particularly
shingles) to the Spanish government; he raised corn, potatoes
and other crops for local sale; and he had various live-
stock-cattle, pigs, chicken, and horses. The horses he
sometimes rented out. It was he who probably rented horses
to the naturalist Andre Michaux in 1788. He frequently served
as overseer at nearby plantations. At the time that the Patriot
troubles began, he was fortunate in exercising salvage rights
for a shipment of fine Jamaican rum, the cargo of a vessel
shipwrecked at the nearby inlet. Waiting shipment to town, he
stockpiled the loot and left several nephews in charge (PWC
#75214, R.G. 217; U.S. Congress 1842, #908).
Upon hearing that a band of Patriots was approaching,
Pellicer and his family taking only some blankets, a little food,

and one cook pot fled to nearby Fort Matanzas. There they
camped on the beach for a month "under the guns of the fort"
before they could get a boat to retreat to St, Augustine.
Meanwhile, the Patriots arrived, broke open the rum pun-
cheons, had a party, and then shot up the rest of the barrels.
They secured the horses for themselves, let the cattle into the
crop area and then herded them off, set the woods on fire, and
approached the house. Pellicer had left "Negroe Jim" in
charge of protecting the house, giving him a gun for that
purpose. He stood his ground but was killed in the attempt
Another slave, Pompey, had been left to guard the rest of the
property. Pellicer had bought him from an Indian. Pompey
disappeared and was never seen again. Although he may have
run off to his former Indian master, it seemed unlikely to those
giving depositions in the case because his wife and children
were slaves on the Ormond plantation twenty five miles away,
and if alive, he would have returned to see them. Pellicer
referred to the "Patriots" as "U.S. Highwaymen." Pellicer lost
everything but his land, and was deceased by the time that a
handsome award was made to his descendants (PWC #75214,
RG. 217).
St. Augustine was crowded with refugees for fourteen
months. Food ran short and tempers ran high. The planters
lost two crops, the 1812 crop destroyed and the 1813 crop,
never planted. Some of the planters left. The Monroes went
back to Nassau and the Hulls, heavily in debt, retreated to St.
Marys, Georgia where they rented out their slaves to recoup
their losses. The John Bunch and John Addison plantations
were sold in the 1820s after the deaths of their owners.
Widow Ana Maria Williams was unable to manage the
chaos on Orange Grove Plantation subsequent to the Patriot
War. So she married Joseph Hernandez. Hernandez was the
son of an original New Smyrna colonist, but the family came
up in the world after retreating to St. Augustine. Joseph
Hernandez was educated as a lawyer in South Carolina and
Havana. He later became the very first Hispanic to serve in the
United States Congress and was a general in the militia during
the Second Seminole War. When the marriage took place he
was farming at Mala Compra, the former Dupont plantation
on the south section of the Matanzas River. He seems to have
been included socially in the higher social group described
above (Anonymous diary 1811-1833). However, in her will
Ana Maria made the lukewarm statement that she married him
"on the advice of friends," perhaps indicating that she consid-
ered that she was marrying beneath her own social station
(Payne and Griffin 2000).
Ultimately, the "Patriots" and others in the United States
who wished to take up lands in Florida achieved their goal
through treaty, and Florida became a territory of the United

The Territorial Period (1821-1845):
The Opportunist Period

As the Second Spanish Period was ending, a great rush
took place among the plantation owners, or squatters in some
cases, to establish legal title to their properties. From 1815

2003 VOL. 56(3)


through 1819 the surveyors and lawyers were busy in East
Florida. Robert McHardy must have had little time to attend
to his crops as he undertook the surveying of many of the
plantations south of St. Augustine. Needless to say, William
Williams, who captured McHardy during the Patriot War, used
another surveyor, a Frenchman named Andres Burgevin, to
survey Spring Garden Plantation on the St. Johns River.
Burgevin's ethics later came into question as his own 16,000
acre plantation plat was referred to as "so palpably a forgery"
in a letter from Alexander Hamilton (the younger) to John
Quincy Adams in 1824 (Carter 1956 Vol. XXII:966-967).
The early years of the Territorial Period saw an influx of
new people seeking their fortunes in Florida. Many of those
who settled in the Tomoka and New Smyrna areas were
hoping to get rich on sugar production. Sugar and rum
production, unlike cotton, the chief crop in the Second Spanish
Period, attracted speculators. It was well known that many of
the fortunes in England were a result of successful British
sugarplantations in the West Indies, particularlyBarbados and
Jamaica. As Sidney Mintz has indicated, sugar equaled
power, and as Braudel flatly stated, "Sugar conquers the
world" (Braudel 1979; Mintz 1985). Planters were willing to
undergo big risks to embark on such ventures.
The area south of St. Augustine, being warmer than the
land north of the town, was particularly suited for large-scale
sugar cane agriculture. Furthermore, in the 1820s when sugar
production began in earnest on the plantations, steam machin-
ery had been developed to replace animal driven cane crushing
mills. This machinery, as well as the large factory building
required to house it, was expensive. Most planters in Florida
mortgaged their property or slaves to pay for the equipment.
Given the outlay, it was an enormous gamble for the average
planter. Several years of good crops put them on their way to
success, while crop failure because of weather, improper
management, or a fall in the price of sugar, rum, and molasses
could mean disaster.
Colonel Thomas Dummett (sometimes spelled Dummitt)
built the first large scale sugar operation, the first to use steam
power. Dummett came from Connecticut with his family to
buy the Bunch plantation, but before that, he spent many years
in Barbados on sugar plantations. To insure the success of his
venture, he hired a master builder from St. Augustine, Reuban
Loring, and also engaged a sugar striker from Barbados. A
sugar striker was one skilled in knowing just when the sugar
crystals were about to emerge, so that the quality of the final
product brought the best prices. But even before Dummett's
factory was finished, he was in debt. Loring filed claims for
payment for masonry work and for the manufacture of bricks
made from the "blue clay" on the property. In fact, one wall
was never built, but Dummett went on with his operation
anyway (SJCCCR; Reuben Loring vs. Thomas H. Dummitt
1828; Samuel McCartney et al. vs. Thomas H. Dummitt 1833).
Duncan and Kenneth Macrae, originally shopkeepers in
Scotland, bought the Addison plantation and built sugar works
there. Joseph Woodruff, who purchased the William Wil-
liams' Spring Garden Plantation, first grew cotton and corn,
but was on his way to New York to buy sugar-manufacturing

machinery when he died unexpectedly. A wealthy man from
Charleston, Colonel Orlando Rees, then acquired the property
and put in a sugar factory operated with a water-powered mill.
Joseph Hernandez established a large scale sugar operation
inland from his Mala Compra plantation and, being a faithful
Catholic, named it in honor of St. Joseph. He also renovated
the Williams plantation that came into his possession through
marriage, and produced some sugar there as well.
The most ambitious sugar plantation of all was that of the
Bulows, north of the Ormond plantation. Most of the planta-
tions were about 2,000 acres or less in size and needed about
100 slaves, but Major Charles Bulow acquired 4,675 acres and
put more than 200 slaves to work. The Bulows were from a
prominent noble family in Germany and Baron Von Bulow,
Charles's father, immigrated to Charleston in order to estab-
lish the Lutheran religion in the United States. Shortly after
the plantation was acquired, Charles died and his son, John,
became the proprietor. Bulowville, as it was called, became an
isolated fiefdom. John Bulow, owner of a large library and
other marks of status, perhaps believed himself in a class
above the other planters in the neighborhood. He was a
bachelor and a loner, of a different nationality than his
neighbors, and drank to excess. James Ormond III, who was
an apprentice on the Bulow plantation, wrote many years later
in his reminiscences that John Bulow was "pretty well edu-
cated, but wild and dissipated, and soon after the way of all
such, he died" (Ormond 1941:6).
Farther south on the old Turnbull (later Hull) acreage,
Henry Cruger and William DePeyster, speculators from the
north, built a sugar factory, using as a nest egg some of
Cruger's wife' s money. In a very short time it became
apparent that they, like Dummett, in spite of several good
crops, could not meet their financial obligations. Joseph
Hernandez, likewise, was defaulting on his bills and mortgag-
ing his slaves to cover his debts. He went so far as to borrow
from the Union Bank of Tallahassee, known for its willingness
to take risks with sugar producers (SJCCR 1835, William H.
Williams vs. Joseph Hernandez). That bank eventually failed
because of the default by so many of its borrowers who were
big-scale sugar cane planters (Smith 1973:171-194).
Besides Hernandez, another of the old Second Spanish
families undertook sugar manufacture on a large scale in the
Territorial Period. Sarah Anderson, Mrs. Kerr's daughter by
her first marriage, paid $4,500 in 1832 for a plantation south
of Daytona Beach, called Dunlawton. Originally owned by
Patrick Dean, it went though a series of owners after Dean's
murder by an Indian. Her husband, having died, Mrs. Ander-
son, who had been operating the family plantation in the
Tomoka area, decided to acquire Dunlawton for a sugar
plantation. As a woman plantation owner, she took her
teenage sons to help with the operation (Strickland 1985:37).
Looking at the documentary evidence, it appears that the
plantation owners were too diverse in the sugar producing
period to form the kind of neighborly enclave among the white
owners and their families that existed in the Second Spanish
Period. Aside from the boat races mentioned by James
Ormond II, neither he nor Anna Dummett spoke of much




Figure 3. Remains of the Rogero/Triay House, St. Ambrose Section of St. Johns County, built in the early 1830s.
Photograph by permission of the St. Augustine Historical Society.

social life among the planters at that time (Ormond 1941;
Dummett 1949).
These sugar plantations were in operation less than two
decades before disaster struck in the form of the Second
Seminole War. The Seminole, previously in a kind of uneasy,
but mutually agreeable, balance with the plantation people,
initiated the war because of the attempt by the United States
government to move them to Oklahoma. A fuller treatment of
hostile actions and their aftermath on the sugar plantations has
been dealt with in another place (Payne and Griffin 2001).
Briefly, Sarah Anderson at Christmas time in 1835 was told by
a friendly Indian of an impending attack. She alerted the
neighbors, who fled en masse to the Bulow plantation where
they waited for an army escort to St. Augustine. Major
Benjamin Putnam under the command of Joseph Hernandez,
by that time a militia general, tried to establish a temporary
army post at Bulowville. John Bulow in characteristic fashion
resisted this plan saying that he had good relations with the
Indians and even if that failed his slaves, whom he armed,
could protect the plantation. Putnam overrode his objections,
put him under house arrest, and occupied the plantation
(Knetsch 1997). In the meantime, the warriors, starting atthe

Cruger and DePeyster plantation and progressing northward,
began a systematic destruction of the plantations. They took
particular pains to destroy and burn the sugar factories and
houses. For unknown reasons they usually spared the slave
quarters, although the slave buildings at Major Herriot's
plantation were burned to the ground.
Several skirmishes took place, one at Dunlawton and the
other at the Macrae plantation. For a time, two of the
Hernandez plantations were commandeered for military use.
Mala Compra was used as an Army deployment site, and St.
Josephs (renamed Fort Brisbane) was a supply depot. Eventu-
ally, however, everyone retreated to St. Augustine. Except for
the house slaves and for those run off by the Indians, the rest
ofthe slaves were taken to Anastasia Island, where presumably
they could not escape. Many of them died from exposure, it
being a cold January, and probably from malnutrition as well.
Major sugar manufacturing in this part of Florida thus
came to an abrupt halt. The only planters after the war were
Joseph Hernandez who reactivated the sugar plantation at St.
Josephs and John Marshall who bought Dunlawton for a cheap
price and renovated the sugar works after buying and install-
ing the Cruger and DePeyster equipment. This entrepreneurial

2003 VoL. 56(3)


period thus came to an end.

What was Plantation Life like
in this Coastal Corridor?

Looking at the plantation area today, we see, at least in
areas where they have not been built over, a sylvan forest of
moss-draped live oaks alternating with pine-palmetto lands
and marsh. When plantations existed there, the open fields
sometimes allowed, as on the Bunch/Dummett plantation,
clear sight of the old King's Road to the west and the water-
way to the east. The sounds were different, too, as plantations
were noisy places, busy from dawn until dusk. The smells to
today's sensibilities would be rank, a mixture of the effluvia of
human and animal excretions, rotting vegetation and smoke
from cooking fires and machinery in the case of the sugar
plantations. Insect life, especially at certain times of the year,
was a problem to be endured. Rats were attracted to the corn
and raccoons and other marauders destroyed the gardens.
Keeping the wells clean was a constant problem even when
wax myrtle branches and certain fish were added to keep them

Plantation Layout and Buildings

We have at least some beginning understanding of the
settlement patterns within the plantations. Nevertheless,
although some documentary and archaeological research has
been accomplished, the picture is still too sketchy to make
definitive conclusions.
No one building placement pattern is evident. This is due
in part to the differing land configurations including proximity
to water and land transportation, soil differences, the crop(s)
grown, the shape of the plantation grant, and finally on the
owner's model. In the most common pattern, identified to
date, the house of the owner (or manager) was at a distance
from the fields and often near a wharf on the waterway. Then
farther inland were the field quarters for the slaves. The
overseer's house in the instances where such a structure is
indicated was between the planter's house and the slave
quarters. Sometimes an overseer managed several plantations
and a driver (day-to-day work foremen) lived on the property.
For example, Joseph Hernandez stationed an overseer at his St.
Joseph's plantation, but used a driver at Mala Compra under
the direction of the overseer. The kitchen building was near
the manor house at Mala Compra, and the house slaves may
have slept there or in adjacent buildings. On the same
plantation, we understand from the documents that a field
kitchen existed near the work areas (U.S. Congress, House of
Representatives 27", No.104, 1843, and 28th No. 58; Payne
and Griffin 1999:33-36). Other buildings used in field
operations on the various plantations, such as cotton houses,
corn houses, rice mills, indigo vats, and sugar mills, were near
the cropping areas.
Generally the owners' dwellings can hardly be dignified
with the manor house designation, in part because, especially
in the British Period, the principal residence of the family was

in town and the country house was less elaborate. Neverthe-
less, the country habitations of Andrew Turnbull, John
Moultrie, Ambrose Hull, John Bulow, Samuel Williams,
Joseph Hernandez, and Robert McHardy were substantial.
The Samuel Williams house at Orange Grove Plantation
serves as an example of a prosperous enterprise. The repara-
tion claim after the Patriot War described a "dwelling-house
built of wood and inlain with mortar, measuring forty five feet
in length & twenty feet in width with a hall and four rooms on
the first floor & a long room on the second floor." The
building had piazzas all around, suitable in a warm climate.
Other buildings on the plantation were the "wooden kitchen
roofed with palmetto," a wooden storehouse for provisions,
two corn houses, a rice house, a cotton house, a fodder house,
a poultry house, a carpentry shop, and forty slave houses of
wood and mortar (20 large and 20 small). Particularly
mentioned in the claim by the descendants as well as the
witnesses to the claim was the 3 V2 miles of fencing to contain
the livestock holdings. It must have been well constructed as
it was composed of "600 panels [sic] to the mile with 6,000
nails to the mile." A long list of tools are given including
"eight foot gins" for short staple cotton processing and an
"Eames Patented Roller Gin with Wind Sails" for processing
the long staple (Sea Island) cotton. An assortment of boats,
canoes, carts and the like were kept for transportation needs
(PWC #76,042, RG 217). No mention is made of an over-
seer's house, but at least in one case, the overseer was a
relative and may have slept in the manor house.
As far as we know, the Williams manor house was not built
on a prior foundation. Earlier house foundations sometimes
confuse the historical and archaeological record. For instance,
the Mala Compra house seems to have had earlier floors and
footings, perhaps indicative that it was built on the original
foundation of the Abraham Dupont dwelling (Payne and
Griffin 1999). On the other hand, although no document of
the time has been found, it has been assumed that Ambrose
Hull built his commodious house in 1803 on top of the large
coquina block foundation left from the British plantation at
New Smyrna, sometimes called the old fort. However, a naval
officer who visited the area in 1844 described in his diary two
distinct foundations, the "old fort," and then to the north on
the New Smyrna waterfront the remains of a very large
mansion destroyed during the Second Seminole War (Ander-
son 1977). These and many other questions cannot be given
definitive answers at this stage of the available data.
Most of the houses, from what we know of them, were not
mansions. A limited survey of the historical materials yields
the tentative conclusion that their dimensions were no more
than an average of 14 by 16 feet in width and 18 to 20 feet
long. Few of these midsize dwellings still exist. The best
preserved and probably typical is the Rogero-Triay house in
western St. Johns County, thought to date to the 1830s (Figure
Other houses were even more rudimentary. The size and
description of these smaller houses may indicate that they were
temporary residences, used until a better one could be built in
more prosperous times, a common pattern in other frontier




Figure 4. Artist depiction of a double pen or dog trot house, similar to that occupied by Major Joseph and Jane Harris
Woodruff at Spring Garden Plantation 1823-1828. Sketch by Lona Griffin Flocke.

locations in North America. Nor can we make conclusions in
terms of the customs of today. In past times people lived in
close connection with each other. The notion of privacy as we
know it now did not come to the fore until after about 1830.
As one social historian has noted, this lack of privacy was not
"peculiar to pioneering or colonizing" but was widespread in
the Euro-American world (Furnas 1969:164, 278). Likewise,
Esther Forbes affirmed that "privacy was a luxury undreamed
of...not a matter of social position...Louis XV at Ver-
sailles...had no more conception of privacy as a desirable
thing...than of electricity, and did not miss either" (Forbes
1942: 70).
The dwelling built by Joseph Woodruff at Spring Garden
Plantation as described by Jane Harris Woodruff is illustrative
(Figure 4). As she portrayed it, "the house was very open, and
I believe more healthy on that account. We could see daylight
through every log... Our little wigwam as we called it, con-
tained two very small apartments, one we used for a chamber,
the other was the eating room. In one corner [of the eating
room] the overseer had his cot bed and on the opposite corner
a mattress was spread at night for [Joseph's three nephews]
Joseph, Henry and Edwin Woodruff." Presumably the rest of

the family slept in the chamber (Woodruff 1938:36) (Figure 4).
The slave dwellings are a puzzle as the archaeological
evidence is skimpy. From historical materials, it appears that
there was probably little worker choice. The slave quarters at
the Bulow Plantation formed a semicircle, similar to the ruins
of the slave cabins at the Kingsley plantation on the northern
border of Florida. Such a form might have served defensive
purposes in case of enemy attack. At Mala Compra, in
contrast, the slave dwellings formed an L (Figure 5). Proba-
bly, similar to the patterns in the Carolina and Georgia
plantations, the slave village model on some of the other
Florida plantations consisted of houses placed in two rows
with a path between. Or the dwellings may have been in one
long row just as the settler houses were located on the New
Smyrna Plantation in the British Period in Florida.
Outbuildings could serve adaptive purposes. One June day
when Major Woodruff was away, Governor Troope of Georgia
and three others rode in on horseback for an unexpected visit.
Considering the prominent status of the Harris family in
Charleston and the Woodruff family in Georgia, this must
have caused some consternation. Thinking quickly, Jane sent
"the overseer and the boys into the cotton house and spread the

2003 VOL. 56(3)





Don Robert McHardy of the Mosquitoes
Territory given authority by the deputy
Govemor on the 17th day of last July in
the favor of Don Jose Mariano Hemandez
certified that the plantation named Mala
Compra under the proprietorship of the
said is situated to the east of the head of
the Matanzas River and is recorded and
assigned as eight hundred acres of land

of which the first boundary line of land is
claimed by the heirs of the deceased Don
Juan Bautista Ferreira and is marked out
on the north sixty degrees to the east thirty
chains, the second line runs parallel to the
edge of the forst south twenty degrees east
two hundred sixty six chains seventy links
and in the same circumstances conforms
to the plain that comes before and along
the coast of the land in St. Augustine,
Florida, on September 4, 1818.

This certifies that a copy of the original is
archived with the notary of the government.
Rt. Hardy
(Payne and Griffin 1999)


Waters of the®,,
Matanzas 7,




2? = ’
WY or “er ore

Figure 5. Plat of Mala Compra, Plantation of General Joseph Hernandez and Ana Williams Hernandez, on the Matanzas
River, 1818. WPA, The Spanish Land Grants in Florida. Confirmed claim. Microfilm, St. Augustine Historical Society.

room all over with beds for the gentlemen” (Woodruff
1938:38,41). Likewise, once when the roof blew off the
McHardy house in a hurricane, the family moved into the barn
until it was repaired (Anonymous 1811-1833).

Structures had other adaptive uses. During hostilities,
outbuildings served as handy locations for bivouac and
protection, or in extreme cases for staging activities for the
enemy. Because of impending problems with the Seminole,
Major Woodruff, having sent his family to St. Augustine for
safety, moved his valuables into the “blockhouse.” No location

is given for this structure. In the Patriot War, the occupation
of the buildings on the Bunch plantation by the enemy was an
unexpected use. Later, the recourse to the plantations by the
troops during the first part of the Second Seminole War was
extensive. The Addison plantation and Dunlawton, in
particular became battlegrounds. St. Joseph’s plantation
became Fort Brisbane, and even the manor house at Mala
Compra was pressed into service as an infirmary and a morgue
(Payne and Griffin 1999; 2000). Shooting Indians replaced
the growing of crops.


The furnishings in the plantation houses were rough to
elaborate. In her narrative Jane Woodruff described the
rudimentary dwelling of a "cowminder," a dwelling where the
Woodrufffamily were forced to spend a cold January night. In
that house the shutter used in the kitchen window at night, was
taken down in the daytime, set on a barrel and then used as a
dough board and then for an eating table (Woodruff 1938:54).
Anna Dummett, in contrast wrote of the elegant furniture in
their moss-covered log house. When they bought the planta-
tion from John Bunch, they probably occupied Bunch's house
and the furniture may have been included in the sale as well
(Dummett 1949). Particularly mentioned in the Williams
claim were the mahogany table, silver handled knives and
forks, and brass candlesticks. The one common feature
evident in the archaeological record is the uses of English
manufacture ceramics (Figure 6).

Food and Clothing

It was often famine or feast on the plantations. Before the
kitchen gardens could be planted or fishing, hunting or the
gathering of wild foods engaged in, the New Smyna colonists,
ifwe can believe Bernard Romans, took hominy, supplemented
with two ounces of pork per week per person from "a common
copper" (Romans 1962:269). Poor nutrition at the beginning
of that venture probably was a contributing factor in the many
deaths. Even many years' later starvation situations could and
did occur. Once when the Woodruffs were gone from their
Spring Garden plantation the slaves ran out of corn and for
five days subsisted on "bitter sweet oranges and palmetto
cabbages" (known today as hearts of palm). Adaptive house-
wife that she was, Jane Woodruff reports "eating my hominy
with stewed cucumbers over it" (Woodruff 1938).
In lean times possum, raccoon, gopher tortoises, hawks or
other untasty birds such as gannets furnished protein. The
common meal on the frontier, however, was hominy or corn
mush with salt pork or salt beef. Mrs. Woodruff described in
graphic detail picking inch-long maggots out of salt beef
before cooking it. Sometimes to stretch the meat, it was boiled
with purslane or may-apple leaves. The Indians brought in
wild game to sell in St. Augustine and the rural areas as well,
often trading the wild game for guns and gunpowder, salt and
During the starvation time of the Patriot War, wild coontie
was described as a food source. Coontie (Zamia integrifolia)
flourishes along a coastal strip south of St. Augustine. It is
similar to tapioca, and like tapioca, must to be processed
carefully to remove the poisons. The Indians taught the
Spanish how to grate the roots and press out the lethal juice.
It was then made into a kind of substantial bread or porridge.
The plentiful fish that existed in the waterways at that time
were also mentioned as a ready food source.
When the home gardens and provision grounds were
producing, the diet was better. It was usually better for the
wealthier planters. A large debt that Joseph Hernandez owed
to a supplier in Charleston details the purchase of fancy food
as well as fine French wines and quality rum (SJCCR 1830

Hanson vs. Hernandez). In the time of sugar production,
Thomas Dummett produced rum. Probably that was where
Douglas Dummett, his son, and John Bulow, his neighbor,
both described as alcoholics, secured their rum. Thomas
Dummett hired Seminoles as workers during harvest season
and paid them partly in rum (Dummett 1949).
One-pot meals were common on the plantations as they
were throughout Europe at the time, multi-course meals being
reserved for the very wealthy, or for special occasions. The
number of iron pots on the shipping lists and fragments found
in archaeological excavations indicate their extensive use by
owners, overseers, craftsmen, and slaves. In 1769, 100 iron
pots were shipped to the New Smyrna plantation aboard the
schooner Cannon (PRO: T1/484). The Williams house
inventory lists iron pots of various sizes. (PWC #76042, R.G.
217). The excavations at the Hepworth Carter plantation on
Pellicer Creek yielded iron pot fragments at the house site and
a nearly complete large iron pot in the section that appears to
have been the slave quarters (Payne and Griffin 2000).
Minor information is available on dress, but it probably
varied greatly. Shipping lists like those for the Turnbull
plantation, mention items such as "osnaburg" (a rough cloth)
"best blue plains," "stripped linens," and "nigroe blankets,"
also 600 pair men's shoes, as items purchased for the workers.
Anna Dummett mentions sunbonnets when she tells of one of
the young slave girls who could always find missing sunbon-
nets. A long list of purchases on which Joseph Hernandez
defaulted in payment demonstrates more elaborate clothing
such as kid gloves, linens, beaver hats, skeins of silk, a
whalebone corset, a "silk vest pattern," and "men's best
shirting;" the last two an indication of home clothing manu-
facture (SJCCR: Box 123, Folder 40). The number of times
that clothing is listed in inventories attached to wills speaks to
the fact that clothing was scarce enough to be considered a
significant part of an estate, even in the case of the better off

Education and Religion

Education was limited on the plantations, mostly it was
learning by doing or on an apprenticeship model. Andrew
Turnbull initially planned to recruit "a Parson [Protestant] and
a Schoolmaster" to accompany his British enterprise, but
ended up giving stipends to two Catholic priests instead (CO
5/541). The Minorcans in New Smyrna with very few excep-
tions could not read or write, usually signing official docu-
ments with an X. However, once they were in St. Augustine
the boys were able, in fact required, to attend Father Hassett's
school where they learned to read and write in Spanish and
were punished for speaking their native Catalan. In the
English Period, most of the large plantation owners had
received their educations in London or South Carolina. It was
a rare slave that was literate in the eighteenth and early
nineteenth century.
During the Second Spanish Period and the Territorial
Period education became more important. In the case of the


2003 VOL. 56(3)


Figure 6. Popular British refined ceramics commonly found in archaeological excavations of eighteenth and nineteenth
century plantations south of St. Augustine. Courtesy of Ted M. Payne.

Hernandez couple, Ana was educated in Paris, at least accord
ing to one of her descendents, and, as noted, Joseph studied
law in Charleston.and Havana. Anna Dummett and her
siblings were taught at home using their own library. Anna,
in turn, even attempted to teach the slave girls with success in
some cases (Dummett 1949).
All of the planters with sizable plantations in the Second
Spanish Period were literate judging by the extant documents
and letters. The only formal apprenticeship mentioned was
that of James Ormond III who was sent to the Bulow planta-
tion to learn sugar manufacturing. This assignment by his
father, James Ormond II, may have been less for educational
purposes than to get him away from home, as his mother was
of a nervous disposition, probably mentally ill. In any case,
his education did not take, as he farmed the family plantation
for just one year.
As to religion on the plantations, Catholic priests, Father
Camps and Father Casanovas, themselves Minorcans, served
the Mediterranean colonists at New Smyrna. Turnbull built
what was described as a "large and commodious" church. The
parishioners were allowed to conduct rogation processions for
insuring good crop yields and could have time off for certain
holy days. Nevertheless, in the depositions presented to the
court later in St. Augustine, complaints tell of the settlers

being prevented from celebrating holy days. Here, they ran
afoul of the British tradition of that time where the practice of
religion was not an overarching element in daily life (Griffin
1991; Porter 2000).
If we look at Protestant religion over the whole sweep of
the plantation period it can be observed that this eighty-five
year period was quite different from the time preceding, when
ghosts, witches, and religious fervor prevailed and the time
afterwards when a religious revival, or reawakening, changed
people's lives in the nineteenth century in the United States.
From the late seventeenth century until well into the nine-
teenth century, the Age of Enlightenment, as it was called in
England, relegated religion to a backseat in the culture.
Rational thinking and the rule of reason frowned on illogical
and overexcited expressions. Religion moved to a matter-
of-factness not known before. Even the clergy became
secularized to an extent (Porter 2000:96-129).
The Reverend John Forbes, resident of St. Augustine in the
British Period, is an example of the undemonstrative religion
that prevailed. He was a significant player in the aristocratic
group that surrounded Governor Grant, as such enjoying as
much of a secular as a religious role in the province (Schafer
1983:101-103). However, he did his duty by serving the
plantations south of St. Augustine particularly in the Mosqui-




toes section. After he left, a series of ministers served the
southern sector on a haphazard basis. "A church at
Hillsborough [River]" was approved by the British authorities
for a building cost of 700 [pounds]" (C.O. 5/545:116,151).
However, no record was found indicating that the planned
Protestant church was ever built.
The Catholic authorities in the Second Spanish Period
were concerned about the practice of the Protestant religion in
the province. Although incoming Protestants no longer
needed to convert to Catholicism, Protestants were prohibited
from openly practicing their religion. The Spanish were
especially worried about proselytizing among the slaves. On
July 13, 1815, a complaint was filed by Robert McHardy,
backed up by several other plantation owners, about the
conduct of a freedman named Antonio Williams, an Anabap-
tist. It was reported that Williams was preaching to the slaves
and exhorting them to resist or escape from their masters.
When the case was heard, Antonio asserted that he was not the
one, but it was another Antonio, a slave of John Bunch's. The
court, unable to sort out the conflicting testimony, was
somewhat lenient with Antonio Williams as he was a cooper
and an excellent workman, so he was not put in jail, but he
was required to leave East Florida. John Bunch was ordered
to sell the other Antonio (EFP Records of Criminal Proceed-
ings 1785-1823: Microfilm Reel 126, #5; Landers 1999:133-

Health and Illness

Life was hard and deaths were many on the plantations.
Of the original 1402 New Smyrna colonists who sailed to
Florida, about 600 were dead within two years of their depar-
ture from the Mediterranean. No real epidemic decimated the
population, but malaria was a serious problem every summer
and the weakened condition of the colonists and the hard work
in an unfamiliar environment took their toll (Griffin 1991).
However, death was a constant specter on all the planta-
tions throughout those times. Starvation and exposure to the
elements contributed to the mortality. The unsanitary
conditions-unsafe water and food, animal and human wastes-
were a fertile breeding ground for disease vectors.
Outhouses were unusual, with chamber pots in the houses
and the woods for those less privileged being the answer. One
of the items on the aforementioned order by the Hernandez
family was "a chamber," euphemism at that time for "chamber
pot" (SJCCRHansonvs. Hernandez 1830; Neilson 1960:446).
Diarrhea, gangrene, fevers, intestinal worms, took their toll.
Summer was a particularly bad time. Malaria, thought to be
caused by the miasmas of bad air, brought incapacity and
misery, and sometimes death.
Mortality of infants and small children, especially in the
summer months, was so common as to be expected. Out of six
children born to Robert McHardy and his first wife, only one
survived. The Woodruffs lost five children out of eight born
to the couple. Deaths in childbirth claimed their victims,
notably both of McHardy's wives. Added to these were deaths
from accidents, drowning, fires, and murders by Indians or

disgruntled slaves. It was rare to live past fifty years of
age-Frances Kerr, her daughter Sarah Anderson, John Bunch,
Andrew Turnbull, Ana Maria Williams Hernandez, and
Joseph Hernandez being exceptions. Tragedy came to almost
every family and to their slaves.
Although epidemics were more likely in urban St.
Augustine, they were not unknown in the hinterland. The
1835 yellow fever epidemic was added to the calamities of the
freeze and Indian trouble in that ill-fated year. Earlier, the
epidemic on the Woodruff plantation in the summer of 1824
was catastrophic and demoralizing. The illness began when
"several of our Negroes were taken with violent fevers, a
distemper got among our horses, dogs and poultry, which
carried off a good many." Every day three or four slaves came
down with the fever. The Indians were lying out in the woods
sick. Then the planter family began to succumb. Two of the
nephews were sick and Edwin died after eight days. Jane
Woodruff also reported that "two fine little Negro boys, eight
and ten years of age" died in September. Then on September
nineteenth Jane Woodruffcame down with what she described
as a "hot fever." She was pregnant, and she also suffered from
"colic," as it turned out, probably labor pains. A messenger
was sent to St. Augustine for a doctor, but before he could
reach the plantation, she gave birth to a child who lived just
five hours. Two slave women who slept in the room with the
family attended her that night (Woodruff 1938:42-44).
After the baby's death, Jane Woodruff told this sad story,
"As soon as it was daylight [Joseph Woodruff] ordered the
carpenter to make a coffin, but such was our destitute condi-
tion that there was not a board to be had. Every one had been
used to bury the previous dead. [He then] took down a shelf
from the piazza, with which the coffin was made." This was
not the end of the story as Woodruff himself came down with
a severe case of the illness. The doctor, who had arrived, did
what he could but soon returned to St. Augustine leaving Mrs.
Woodruff, barely well herself, to care for her husband. By this
time every slave and the overseer were sick. The food began
to give out and Jane Woodruff became sick again. It seems
incredible but this was not the end of the unfortunate story. A
sloop bringing $400.00 worth of food supplies to the planta-
tion was lost in a storm with all aboard drowned except the
captain. Not discouraged by these and subsequent events, in
1828 Joseph Woodruff, hearing of big money to be made in
sugar, sailed for New York to purchase the proper equipment.
He died on the trip, probably weakened by his earlier severe
illness (Woodruff 1938:43-48).
Medicines and treatments resorted to on the plantations
were often a combination of local herbal knowledge and
medicines used by the doctors and surgeons of the time.
Medicines ordered from Charleston by the Hernandez family
included magnesia, calomel (useful especially for intestinal
worms), I.C. Salts, and mustard (SJCCR 1830:123-40). Aside
from mustard as a condiment, it was taken internally for
various conditions and externally in mustard plasters for colds
and bronchitis. Medicine vials have turned up in material
assemblages at several of the plantations, especially at the
Bunch/Dummett plantation (Payne 1999). This is not surpris-


2003 VOL. 56(3)


ing as John Bunch is spoken of as a ailing old man with
In the Woodruff narrative, we have a glimpse of the
treatments used. When her husband was sick, his wife looked
for a chicken that was healthy so that she could make him
some soup. She also told of her desperation in treating him
with a combination of "old Madeira wine and bark." The bark
mentioned was most likely the bark of the sassafras root used
to treat a variety of conditions, and actually one of the exports
from the Florida plantations. Once when she herself had the
"colic" she reported taking "gentle medicine," probably a mild
laxative. At the height of the epidemic when about sixty slaves
were desperately ill, she spoke in despair, "My time was now
entirely taken up with nursing the sick. There was not a
physician nearer than 70 miles. We were obliged to attend the
Negroes according to the best of our judgment. All the time
we could spare we spent in reading medical works which
assisted us greatly" (Woodruff 1938:42-43). A popular home-
use medical book at that time was James Ewell's The Medical
Companion, including "especially the Diseases Common to
Warm Climates and on Shipboard" (Ewell 1816). Some of the
medical information came from palliatives known to the
Native Americans. For instance, the leaves ofllex vomitoria
(Florida holly), furnished a caffeine drink as well as being an
emetic in large doses.
The question remains, why, in the face of the sometimes
difficult life on the plantations of eastern Florida did men and
their families undertake such ventures? Some even asked for
more as in the case of Sarah Anderson. Likewise, after
forsaking their plantation in the Mosquitoes section, the Hulls
eventually secured another plantation on the St. Johns River,
and when Ambrose Hull died, Stella operated the plantation
for several years. It may have been shear stubbornness on the
part of these early planters, but a subtler factor was probably
operating. Kingsley Beatty Gibbs who left a lucrative job as
clerk of the Superior Court in St. Augustine in 1841 in order
to spend full time on his plantation at Fort George Island,
confided in his journal that, "with all young men reared at the
South there is great fascination in the name of Planter"
(Fretwell 1989:69). As an example of the involved connec-
tions among plantation owners, Gibb's first wife was the
daughter of Ana and Joseph Hernandez.


As can be seen from above, Anglo-Celtic planters held
most of the sizable plantations south of St. Augustine through-
out the plantation period. This was true even in the Second
Spanish Period. Many Loyalists who fled to Florida at the end
of the British Period, within a short time later retreated to the
Bahamas when Spain regained Florida. Then some returned to
East Florida in the Second Spanish Period when land acquisi-
tion became attractive to Protestant planters. Others joined
these 6migr6s from the Bahamas, from the Caribbean, and
from the United States in a reverse wave to East Florida,
where, unlike other British colonies in Jamaica and Barbados
for example, large blocks of land could be had at little cost.

This Bahamas/West Indies connection continued into the
Territorial Period, but by that time many new would-be
planters moved into the coastal section as sugar production
came to the fore.
In looking at structural remains, it appears that sometimes
repairs and reconstruction of buildings took place on prior
foundations in the three successive periods. In New Smyrna,
the houses built for the colonists, were later occupied by an
overflow wave of Loyalists fleeing to Florida from the north at
the end of the American Revolution. Then, when the Loyalists
and others were located or relocated at New Smyrna after
1800, they probably again utilized the same structures. Those
buildings vandalized by the Indians in the period between
1783 and 1802, were likely rebuilt or remodeled. Thus, a
multiple occupation of the New Smyrna area can be postulated,
making it very confusing for archaeologists to get a good in-
ground reading.
In other areas, successive occupation in the three periods
of plantation activity also confuses the picture. Hernandez
evidently built his country home at Mala Compra on the
foundations of the earlier Dupont residence. Likewise, the
Dummetts bought the Bunch plantation, and the house that
Anna Dummett describes may have been the former Bunch
house. The elegant furniture mentioned in her memoirs may
have been part of the plantation sale since John Bunch was an
elderly widower. Not without a possibility, some of the
buildings left by John Moultrie at his Tomoka enterprise at the
end of British times perhaps later served as foundations for the
Bunch/Dummettplantations. A similar picture can probablybe
found at the Addison/Macrae plantation and at the Spring
Garden plantation on the St. Johns River. Future archaeology
may unravel some of these puzzles.
Land use and behavioral patterns of the blacks on the
plantations studied here is the biggest gap in our understand-
ing of the total picture. We have reliable lists of slaves for
many of the plantations and some schematic depiction of slave
quarters on plat maps, but since little archaeology, except for
some surface collection, has been accomplished on any of the
slave quarters, we know little of typical material assemblages
or building forms except through the scanty documentary
materials. Some questions to be answered are, what African
influence is present in cabin construction and what, if any,
evidence do we see of Indian influence.
Since much of the archaeology so far has been around the
observable ruins such as the sugar mills, more owner house
emphasis is also called for. An excavation at an overseer's
house might also assist in establishing status and typical
construction. Other lacunae are bioarchaeological and
zooarchaeological research, and if we are dreaming, infrared
sensing would aid in defining crop field outlines. The canvas
is incomplete. More historical and archaeological research is
called for so that we can better know the cultural systems
operating on the plantation frontier.
Life on the plantations in our study sample was, of course,
affected by political elements, but cultural factors likewise
formed an interacting part of the tapestry. In broad terms the
British Period is referred to above as the aristocratic or elite




period. Then, as a step down, the minor gentry dominated as
planters in the Anglo-Celtic domain south of St. Augustine in
the Second Spanish Period. The United States Territorial
Period can best be described as the opportunist or entrepre-
neurial era. Crops grown in the different time periods were
not only in response to world and local markets, but were a
selective factor in attracting planters who, in turn, influenced
the consequent social picture. As we have seen, nevertheless,
planters of British (Anglo-Celtic) background were a continu-
ing thread south of St. Augustine through all three periods.
The political regimes, on the other hand, mirror the
changes in the Euro-American world at that time. This is
demonstrated by the shift from use of indentured to slave
labor, from large estates to smaller land holdings, and from
human and animal power to mechanized agriculture. In the
selected sample, natural events such as hurricanes and freezes,
changes in world market prices, and the hostilities and wars
suffered on this frontier all changed the course of plantation
history and the lives of the peoples resident there.


The author acknowledges the use of the notes, maps, and other
materials on the Halifax and Tomoka area plantations collected
during his lifetime by the late John W. Griffin. The help of the staff
of the St. Augustine Historical Society Research Library, especially
Charles Tingley, is gratefully acknowledged. Special thanks go to
James G. Cusick, Curator of Special Collections, P .K. Yonge Library
of Florida History, for furnishing valuable materials used in this
article. Thanks to TedM. Payne for editing and technical production

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Indians of Central

and South Florida,

John H. Hann
"With this latest book, historian
John Hann has completed his
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Spanish documnerntary ources into
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southern Florida peniniI.ula
eaith of much-needed irforma-
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A Strnglgie for Sirz 'i'al ill
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Department of History, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, TN 37235

Spanish Florida was first established and sustained by
enslaved Africans belonging either to the king or to a few
wealthy individuals. But slave importations were modest for
most of the first Spanish tenure (1565-1763), and most slaves
in Florida were either criollos, born in other parts of the
Southeast or the Caribbean, or ladinos, acculturated Africans.
Toward the end of the first Spanish period, however, planters
began to introduce more bozales, or African-born slaves into
Anyone wishing to admit and/or to sell a slave legally in
Florida had to register the transaction before a tribunal that
examined the slaves; recorded information about their appar-
ent age, stated nation, and physical appearance; assigned each
a name and; on the basis of estimated age, primarily, but also
physical size, declared the slave either a whole, two-thirds,
one-half, or one-thirdpieza. The owner then paid the required
duty which was set at thirty-three pesos, three reales for one
pieza. The slaves legally introduced into Florida from 1752 to
1763 represented a surprising variety of ethnic nations. The
Congo nation formed the largest single group. Criollos ranked
next with Mandingas close behind, Carabalis fourth, and
people from the Gold Coast fifth. The Congo, Mandinga, and
Carabali nations also were heavily represented in Cuba at the
same time, but the Florida tax lists document the presence of
less commonly encountered groups such as the Bara, Besi,
Dudrian, Fai, Femi, Filina, Limba, Moyo, and Pati, to name
only a few. (Book of Indultos, 1752-62, Cuba 472, Archivo
General de Indias, hereafter cited as AGI). Africans imported
together on the same ships maintained contact with one
another and, years later, as owners sold or freed them, they
referred to the ships on which their slaves originally entered
the province. In 1819 Felipe (Philip Robert) Yonge sold Juan
Atkinson six young slaves (ages nineteen to twenty-five), all
of whom Fernando de la Maza Arredondo brought from Africa
to Florida on the Sevilla in 1810. As children, Jane, age
twenty-five, Dolly, age twenty-three, Maria, age nineteen,
Amelia, age twenty-two, Ana, age twenty-two, and Florido,
age nineteen, had shared the trauma of the middle passage.
They had lived together at least nine years before being sold as
a group, so their relationship continued under a new owner
(Sale by Felipe Yonge to Juan Atkinson, May 24, 1819,
Notarized Instruments, 1784-1821, East Florida Papers
(hereafter cited as EFP), microfilm reel 168, P. K. Yonge
Library of Florida History (hereafter cited as PKY).
As Daniel L. Schafer (Schafer 2000:11-38) has shown, the
Africanization of Florida increased while the British held
Florida (1763-84). For example, sixty-six percent ofthe slaves

on Governor James Grant's model plantation were "new
Negroes." Richard Oswald imported hundreds of slaves
directly from his slaving factory on Bance Island in the middle
of the Sierra Leone River to work on the parliamentary grant
of twenty thousand acres he held in the Mosquito district south
of St. Augustine. South of Oswald's estate, James Penman
established a plantation on his ten thousand acre grant.
Penman and fellow planters Robert Bissett and William
Mackdougall also formed a trading company that shipped
slaves from Africa to British Florida. Henry Laurens of
Charleston and John Graham of Savannah also supplied many
African slaves to British planters in Florida. One contempo-
rary estimated that as many as one thousand African slaves
were imported into Florida in 1771 alone, a peak year of the
Africa/Florida trade. As a result, the labor force in British
East Florida came to be predominantly black and
African-born. British Florida planters described their "new
Negroes" as being from the Windward, Grain, Gold, and
Guinea Coasts of West Africa, from Gambia, and from
Angola, and they sometimes identified them by specific
"nations" such as the Sulundie or Ibo (Schafer 1995:76-78, 82-
Toward the end of the American Revolution, Loyalists fled
Charleston and Savannah to re-settle in East Florida with over
eight thousand slaves, an influx that brought the black
population to three times that of the white (Wright 1975: 126-
27, 133 ). Schafer has vividly described the turmoil associated
with the final years of British control in Florida. Georgian
marauders attacked plantations and stole slaves, other slaves
ran away to the interior Seminole villages, and planters formed
slaves into militias to fight the multiple enemies. Finally, on
hearing that Florida was to be retroceded to Spain in 1784,
planters like James Grant, John Moultrie, and Richard Oswald
shipped their slaves back across the northern border to South
Carolina or Georgia or southward to the Bahamas, Dominica,
and other Caribbean sites where slave property might still be
owned (Schafer 1995: 93-97). Other Loyalist planters ac-
cepted Spain's offer to remain in the colony, and for their
slaves, work and life proceeded much as it had before the
change in governments.
After the transition was finally completed and as the
Spanish colony began to stabilize, planters once again began
to import small lots of slaves from Charleston and Savannah.
At the same time, the government officially encouraged new
settlers to bring their slaves into Florida by allotting land on
the basis of headlights and by liberalizing trade. By 1793
there were 1185 slaves on the rural plantations outlying St.




VOL. 56(3)


Augustine, indicating thatthe government's incentive program
was beginning to work. Spanish census data, which only
tracked the patterns through 1814, show the increasing
significance of the slave population, rising from twenty-nine
percent of the total population in 1784 to fifty-three percent in
1814. Most of the enslaved people lived and worked on the
large plantations along the St. Johns River area, and by 1813
the black/white ratio along the lower St. Johns River was four
to one, with fairly equal sex ratios among each population.
That year, census takers recorded a total of seventy-nine whites
(forty males and thirty-nine females) and 319 slaves (172
males and 147 females) living along the banks of the St. Johns
River (Census for St. Johns River, June 1, 1813, Census
Returns, 1784-1814, EFP, microfilm reel 148, PKY).
In 1788 Fray Cyril de Barcelona, the bishop of Tricaly and
auxiliary bishop of Cuba, conducted an ecclesiastical visitation
of the recovered colony. In his seventy-one page report on that
visit, Cyril charged that even the Minorcans, Greeks, and
Italians had become lax in their Catholicism as a result of their
contact with all the English living in Florida. Although
Catholicism was the official religion, Spanish officials
permitted Protestant colonists and slaves to practice their faith
privately, and many did so. Cyril made great efforts to convert
the English and their slaves, but found the English unmoti-
vated. Only ninety-eight English had adopted the Catholic
faith by 1789. The bishop also observed with "great pain" that
almost all the slaves, or the majority of all blacks living in the
province, lived without the sacrament of baptism, and were
thus denied the happiness of being Christians. He conducted
a census of the slaves and counted 284 residing in the city and
367 in the countryside, 354 of which belonged to English
owners (in the main, Protestants). Cyril reminded Catholic
slave owners that diocesan statutes as well as royal cedulas
required them to instruct their slaves and have them baptized,
and he gave them two months to see to it. Those buying new
slaves had six months to comply or suffer the penalty of
excommunication and fines often ducats. In order to accom-
plish this goal, the bishop required the clergy to ring the
church bells every Sunday to call the slaves to lessons and
ordered owners to allow them leisure on Sundays and holy
days. This seems to indicate that until he reiterated the
requirement the Anglo planters (who owned all but thirteen of
the slaves he counted in the countryside) were not allowing
their slaves "church time" (Bishop Cyril de Barcelona, August
6, 1788, Santo Domingo 2588, AGI). However, blacks who
lived most of their lives on the outlying plantations of
Protestants tended either to remain outside any Christian
church or to be Protestants. When rural slaves testified in
court proceedings, as they commonly did, most were sworn on
the Holy Bible, "in the name of the Protestant sect which they
profess" and they had to use translators, never having learned
Spanish Florida was atypical of many slave systems in that
sex ratios were fairly evenly balanced, at least for the almost
forty years of the second Spanish period. This is probably due
to the general absence of labor-intensive industries and the
pattern of maintaining family units even on large-scale

plantation operations. However, as more Anglo planters
moved into Florida with their slave forces, the black popula-
tion grew proportionally larger and more male. By 1813, the
slave population of Amelia Island was more than double that
of the white, and while the white population showed a fairly
even sexual division, the enslaved population was two-thirds
males. The free white population on Amelia Island totaled 428
(217 males and 211 females) while the enslaved population
totaled 861 (524 males and 337 females) (Fernandina Census,
June 1, 1813, Census Returns, 1784-1814, EFP, microfilm reel
148, PKY).
Planters employed Florida's slaves on the task system, and
the slaves often provisioned themselves, much as they did on
Carolina Lowcountry estates. Florida's planters tolerated slave
mobility, free market and feast days, and an internal slave
economy, and permitted the slaves relatively free cultural
expression. Slaves lived in fairly durable families and devel-
oped extensive and long-term networks of kin, shipmates, and
friends across plantations and in the city. A significant
difference, however, was that Florida's plantation owners
actually lived on their estates for most of the year and had
close contact and sometimes personal relationships with many
of their slaves. More importantly, Florida slaves knew that the
power of their owners was limited in key respects by the
Spanish legal and religious institutions, which were never far
away. Emancipation was always a tangible possibility via
legal and extralegal pathways. The proximity of the Seminole
nation, trackless forests and swamps, and rivers and oceans
provided alternatives for those who would take them.
One of Florida's famous planters was the Revolutionary
War figure, Don Juan McQueen, who acquired over twenty-six
thousand acres of land, worked primarily by slaves he brought
with him from Georgia. McQueen's slaves cleared and
planted the virgin lands, and built dwellings and plantation
structures on his five plantations where they grew grew cotton,
rice, and indigo for export and subsistence crops for their own
maintenance. Other slaves developed his forest industries and
erected sawmills to process the valuable timber on McQueen's
vast holdings (Hartridge 1943: xxi-xxxiv, 81-82).
Inventories of McQueen's property show that with few
exceptions, McQueen's slaves lived in family units, that most
lived in nuclear families, and that some households included
three generations. McQueen also maintained a fairly evenly
balanced sex ratio on most of the estates. At Los Molinos, an
estate of 2633 acres, ninety-three slaves lived in family units
in seventeen wooden cabins. The plantation complex also
included McQueen's own house, several other wooden houses,
including one for McQueen's white carpenter, two cotton gins,
a water-driven saw, a smithy, a separate kitchen, a mortuary,
stables, and animal pens for oxen, mules, horses, pigs, and
At the time of McQueen's death, his slaves seem to have
been in the process of developing the smaller Shipyard
plantation, because the overseer's house was still a simple
palm structure. But McQueen's workers had already built a
wooden cook house, granary, and storehouses for corn and
wood, and had cultivated two hundred acres. Fifty-eight slaves

2003 VOL. 56(3)



lived in nine cabins, and as at Los Molinos, the slaves lived in
family units based on nuclear families. One couple, Cupid and
Chloe, were both said to be ninety years old and "inutil,"
meaning beyond working age. Another woman in the same
category, Maria, was said to be 105. If they were not at the
new site to work, they may have been living there to be with
younger family members. Otherwise, the population was fairly
young (Testamentary Proceedings of Don Juan McQueen,
October 14, 1807, Records of Testamentary Proceedings,
1756-1821, EFP, microfilm reel 141, PKY).
A significant number of Florida slaves belonged not to a
single planter but to Panton, Leslie and Company, the mercan-
tile firm that had enjoyed a special monopoly in the Indian
trade since the earliest days of the second Spanish government.
At the time of the 1786 census, Panton, Leslie and Company
owned 250 slaves and nineteen separate land grants totaling
12,820 acres. Most of the Panton, Leslie and Company slaves
worked on its various plantations and ranches, but some had
specialized functions. The company hired Langueste to the
government as an interpreter for the Indians and collected his
wages. Panton Leslie slaves traveled to and from the Indian
nations regularly, bringing back cattle and trains of pack
horses loaded with deerskins. At trading stores like the
Almac6n de Nuestra Sefiora de la Concepci6n, located about
six miles south of Palatka on the west bank of the St. Johns
River, fifty to sixty slaves worked tending fields of corn and
vegetables, herding cattle, and curing and tanning the deer-
skins their compatriots brought in from the Indian settlements.
In the company's St. Augustine warehouse, slaves processed
the hides and prepared them for export (Census Returns, 1784-
1814, EFP, microfilm reel 148, PKY).
As Spain's grip on the province weakened and assorted
plots and invasions wreaked havoc on the outlying ranches,
stores, and plantations, Panton, Leslie and Company decided
to transfer some of its holdings to Matanzas, Cuba. In 1815
the company filed an inventory of its San Pablo plantation, on
which 117 slaves lived and worked. This exit inventory listed
the names, sex, ages, and sometimes the occupations and
health of the slaves. The able work force between the ages of
ten and seventy-five consisted of forty-four men and thirty-two
women. No specific occupational information was given for
the women, but among the men were one fisherman, one
carpenter, and a first and second foreman. The slaves were
fairly evenly matched in age and sex, with a slight preponder-
ance of males between the ages of fifteen and fifty. Several of
the slaves were quite old. One woman was listed simply as
very old, and a man described the same way was seventy-five
years old, while twelve others were over fifty. At the other end
of the age spectrum were eight nursing children. Several of
the slaves were incapacitated. One fifty-five year old male was
listed as useless, one woman was blind, and another crippled.
Yet even these "useless" slaves were being transferred to
Enumerators grouped the San Pablo slaves into thirty-three
units, which probably represented households, and they
recorded the relationships within those groupings. Seven slave
households were composed of single men, but the rest con-

sisted of nuclear and stem families. Females headed three
households. The largest family included ten members, though
the average household size (of which there were nine) was
composed of a man and his wife. The relatively even sex and
age distribution, the recognition and grouping together of
nuclear families, and the decision to relocate disabled or
superannuated slaves would seem to indicate some effort to
maintain stable family relationships among the slaves (John
Forbes' List of Property at the San Pablo Plantation, February
8, 1815, Cuba 417A, AGI). Even this commercial operation,
then, seems to have followed a "paternal" model of plantation
management in Spanish Florida.
Although Panton and Leslie and some private planters
transferred their slaves to Cuba in anticipation of the colony's
transfer to the United States, Spaniards continued to legally
import new Africans into Florida well into 1819. The African
presence in Spanish Florida is recorded throughout the
notarial archives and civil and criminal records of the colony.
For example, when turtle fishermen found five blacks ship-
wrecked on the Mosquito bar in 1799, two of the men were
criollos from St. Christopher, but the other three were natives
of Guinea. One, who could speak some Spanish, said he was
of the Congo nation and he reported the other two identified
themselves as Carabalis Suam. The officials called in the
slave Antonia Maria, who was also Carabali Suam, and she
translated into Spanish what they told her. Since none of the
men could produce proof of their free status, the government
auctioned them off and the proceeds went to the royal coffers.
The two criollos were skilled carpenters and all the men were
prime hands so the government profited by 1465 pesos
(Inquiry, July 13, 1799, Papers on Negro Titles, Runaways,
etc. 1787-1805, EFP, microfilm reel 167, PKY).
As more Anglos entered the province during the 1800s,
black evangelists seem to have gathered a following among the
slaves on outlying plantations and the numbers of slaves
practicing some variant of Protestantism grew. In 1815
planter Don Roberto McHardy complained of the conduct of
the free black Antonio Williams and anxious Spanish authori-
ties investigated.. McHardy charged that the free black cooper
and militia member was preaching Methodism among the
slaves on plantations south of St. Augustine in the Mosquitos
region and that his teachings incited slaves to disobedience
and prompted many of them to run away to the Indian nations.
McHardy's fellow planters concurred in their supporting
testimony against Williams. Williams denied the allegations
against him and attributed the preaching to another Antonio,
a slave belonging to Don Juan Bunch. Williams confirmed
that both he and the other Antonio were Anabaptists but said
that the other Antonio only exhorted slaves to be "faithful to
their owners and serve them with love." Antonio Williams
had lived for thirteen years in the Mosquito region, making
fishing canoes and other useful items for sale and serving in
the militia when called. This history somewhat protected him,
for the court ruled that there was insufficient proof for a formal
process against him. Nonetheless, the court ordered Williams
to leave the province for good. It also ordered John Bunch to
sell the other Antonio out of the province. The court intended




both expulsions to "warn of the bad results of this sect" (Don
Roberto McHardy complains of the conduct of the free black
Antonio Williams, July 13, 1815, Records of Criminal
Proceedings, 1785-1821, no. 5, EFP, microfilm reel 126,
Despite Antonio's sentence, slaves in Florida understood
that they also could appeal to the law if their owners mis-
treated them. On March 12, 1811, the Mandinga slave Yra
ran to the nearby Amelia Island plantation of Don Santiago
Cashen, where a slave woman "of his nation" translated his
terrible report that his owner Don Domingo FernAndez had
just beaten a fellow slave to death. Ironically, James "Santi-
ago" Cashen began his career in Florida as a slave trader. He
moved to Spanish Florida with his family and slaves and was
granted homesteader status and land in 1800. Indian raids
during the Muskogee War against Spain (1800-1803) drove
Cashen and his family to Amelia Island, where he opened a
store in Fernandina and served as a cavalry captain in the local
militia. For that service the government named him a justice
of the peace in 1812 and in 1816 granted him a 1,050-acre
tract on the St. Marys River. Over the years he purchased
many other large tracts. Although Cashen's neighbor
Fernandez was one of the area's important planters and
enjoyed a distinguished military reputation as a gunboat
commander and as justice of the peace for Amelia Island and
the "American frontier," Cashen was required by law to
launch an immediate investigation. He ordered the arrest of
the accused planter, embargoed his property, and appointed bi-
lingual (Spanish and English) testigos de asistencia (interro-
gators), who began taking the testimony of witnesses.2
After swearing on the Holy Cross, the slave Bely, a native
of South Carolina, testified that when he returned from field
labor for a mid-day meal, Yare told him that FernAndez had
beaten him with a stick and because of the beating he was
feeling ill. Three hours later Yare was dead. The slave Coffe,
"a native of the African coast," was not sworn because he
"professed no religion," but he confirmed Bely's account.
Neither slave thought FernAndez had ever beaten Yare before,
and Bely added that Fernndez usually assigned him the task
of punishing other slaves. The slaves described the stick with
which FernAndez beat Yare as a walking stick he carried on
his rounds, about an inch thick.
Next, Don Domingo FernAndez gave his account. He
testified that he had discovered the Africans Yare and Somer
idle, and that as he marched them before him to a designated
work place, they began to converse in their own language.
FernAndez described Yare as "enteramente bozal," meaning he
could speak no European languages, but Somer could speak
some English and he told his owner that Yare was sick.
Thinking the pair unwilling to work because of the cold,
FernAndez was unsympathetic and set them to work. When he
checked on them later, however, he found them sitting at a
fire. FernAndez admitted striking their backs and heads with
his walking stick before they all returned to the plantation to
eat lunch. FernAndez testified that he had decided to allow
Yare to stay out of the fields, but that the slave returned to
work before the owner could excuse him. A few hours later,

Somer and Coffe brought their dead compatriot back to the
FernAndez immediately sent for the physician, Don
Francisco Sontag, who testified that he found no marks on the
body, but he knew that various slaves from the same armaz6n
(shipment) had been sick and that some had died of inflamma-
tion of the liver, ruptured arteries, and excessive phlegm. To
satisfy himself of the cause of death, Sontag conducted an
autopsy on Yare and found his stomach full of warm air and
his abdominal cavity putrefied and "destroyed." Sontag
declared that the blows by Fernindez had not caused Yare's
death. Although the physician felt that the slaves who
watched the procedure were satisfied that physical blows did
not kill Yare, what they actually thought the autopsy signified
is unknown.
Despite this finding, the governor found fault with the
investigation because Yra reported the crime and should have
been the first to be interviewed. The governor also wanted
FernAndez's walking stick. Further, he ordered an immediate
embargo and inventory of all FernAndez's goods. And so the
investigation continued.
As ordered, Cashen interviewed Yra, using Coffe as his
translator. Yra testified that when he heard their owner had
killed Yare, he feared he planned to kill all his slaves, and so
he ran to Cashen's house, where he found a slave woman of
his nation who could understand him. Yra was not an
eyewitness and knew only what his friend Somer had told him
about the death, but Cashen sent the governor the new testi-
mony and the walking stick, which was made of rattan and
weighed only about four ounces.
After FernAndez paid a 300 peso fine, the governor lifted
the embargo on his goods, but there was still the matter of
whether he had dressed the slaves properly for the weather.
The governor ordered FernAndez jailed in the Castillo de San
Marcos and pursued this new area of questioning. Fernndez
testified that he gave his slaves four sets of clothing annually,
two each summer and two each winter. He admitted that
Yare's winter pants were "somewhat torn" but attributed his
death to his advanced age and illness.
The governor required one final legal review by his
prosecutor, who ruled that although FernAndez had not
baptized his slaves, he did promise in the future to make
religious instruction available to those who wanted it and were
capable of understanding (presumably the language). The
prosecutor found that FernAndez had provided his slaves with
sufficient clothing and food, and that Yare's illness was more
than sufficient to "cut the thread" of the old man's life. After
paying court costs and posting a bond, the slaveowner
FernAdez was finally set free in June, 1811, after three
months in detention. While the incarceration and subsequent
investigation must have surely humiliated Fernandez (in a
community obsessed with honor and reputation), it must not
have damaged his economic fortunes unduly. In 1817
FernAndez owned more than sixteen thousand acres of prime
land and thirty slaves, as well as several town lots in
Femandina (Criminales contraDon Domingo Fernindez sobre
la muerte de un negro de su propiedad nombrado Yare, March

2003 VOL. 56(3)



12, 1811, Records of Criminal Proceedings, 1785-1821, EFP,
microfilm reel 126, PKY).
These are the only cases of the murder of slaves that I have
located in the East Florida Papers, however, some crimes may
have escaped detection if slaves failed to report them to the
authorities. Had this tragic episode occurred across the St.
Mary's River, however, we would probably not know about it
for the legal system would never have investigated Yare's
death and slaves would have never dared report it in the first
place. Once Florida became a territory of the United States the
social and legal system introduced by Anglo planters wed to
concepts of white supremacy, chattel slavery, and Indian
removal cost slaves their legal personality, access, and voice.
The United States territorial government enacted restrictive
legislation designed to create a two-caste system in Florida and
bring it in line with the rest of the South. Canter Brown, Jr.,
and Daniel L. Schafer have traced how in quick succession
free blacks were barred from entering the territory, forbidden
to assemble, carry arms, serve on juries, testify in courts, or
vote. New laws also prohibited inter-racial marriages and
sexual relations between whites and blacks and ended the
inheritance rights of children of inter-racial unions. Finally,
manumission was made almost impossible and free blacks had
to post bonds guaranteeing good behavior and acquire guard-
Although Florida's free blacks, assisted by their white kin
and patrons, struggled to retain property and citizenship rights
and a more flexible system of race relations, the tide was
against them. Only those who had the most influential
protectors managed to retain some of their customary privi-
leges (Schafer 1993:587-609; Brown 1995:287-307). It is not
surprising that in the decades leading to the Civil War groups
of free blacks emigrated to Haiti and Mexico. Nor is it
surprising that slaves resisted their worsening conditions.
Some fled to the Indian hinterlands and fought in the Semi-
nole wars while others escaped by boat to the Bahamas and
Cuba. In 1843, the St. Augustine News carried a running
account of the exploits of seven enslaved men who stole a boat
and headed for the Bahamas. Two of the men were sailors and
they took with them a compass, spy-glass, lead line, food, and
four hundred rounds of ammunition (St. Augustine News,
April 27 and September 13, 1839, July 29, August 5, October
7, October 20, 1843). For the rest of the enslaved black
majority life in Florida took on the severely reduced, fixed, and
dehumanized contours of the Cotton Kingdom.


For numerous examples of Protestant, English-speaking slaves see
Criminales, East Florida Papers, microfilm reels 124, 125, 126, P. K.
Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville.

2 All three steps were required procedure. See Charles R. Cutter,
Legal Culture of Northern New Spain, 1700-1810 (Albuquerque,
1995), chap. 5.

References Cited

Brown, Jr. Canter
1995 Race Relations in Territorial Florida, 1821-1845. The
Florida Historical Quarterly 73:287-307.

Hartridge, Walter
1943 The Letters ofDon Juan McQueen to his Family, Written
from Spanish East Florida, 1791-1807. The Georgia
Society of the Colonial Dames of America. Columbia, SC.

Landers, Jane G.
1999 Black Society in Spanish Florida. University of Illinois
Press, Champaign.

Schafer, Daniel L.
1993 "A Class of People Neither Freemen nor Slaves": From
Spanish to American Race Relations in Florida, 1821-1861.
In Journal of Social History 26:587-609.

1995 "Yellow Silk Ferret Tied Round Their Wrists": African
Americans in British East Florida, 1763-1784. In The
African American Heritage ofFlorida, edited by David R.
Colburn and Jane L. Landers, pp. 71-103. University Press
of Florida, Gainesville.

1996 Shades ofFreedom: AnnaKingsley in Senegal, Florida and
Haiti. In Against the Odds: Free Blacks in the Slave
Societies of the Americas, edited by Jane G. Landers, pp.
130-154. Frank Cass, London.

Wright, Jr. J. Leitch
1975 Florida in the American Revolution. University Presses of
Florida, Gainesville.




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The time of the crop in the sugar islands is the season of
gladness and festivity to man and beast. So palatable,
salutary and nourishing is the juice of the cane that every
individual of the animal creation, drinking freely of it,
derives health and vigour from its use. The meagre and sickly
among the negroes exhibit a surprising alteration in a few
weeks after the mill is set in action. The labouring horses,
oxen and mules, though almost constantly at work during this
season, yet, being indulged with plenty of the green tops of
this noble plant, and some of the scumming from the boiling-
house, improve more than at any other period of the years.
Even the pigs and poultry fatten on the refuse [Edwards

Such were the optimistic views ofBryan Edwards (1794:221),
who described the liquor extracted from cane as "one of the
purest and most fragrant and salutary spirits in the world." He
marveled that these wonderful spirits should be the products of
fermentation and distillation of the "dregs and feculencies of
the plant." Edward's enthusiasm even extended to crediting
the general use of sugar in Europe with "extinguishing scurvy,
the plague and many other diseases formerly epidemical"
(Edwards 1794:234,222).
Behind this exuberant hyperbole may have lain the
economic promise of sugar production from sugar cane
reputedly introduced to the West Indies by Christopher
Columbus who brought it to Santo Domingo during his second
voyage to the New World in 1493 (Lawaetz 1991:222). From
there, the culture spread to Cuba, and later explorers took it to
the mainland of Central and South America; where, by 1700,
most of the Caribbean islands and the neighboring South
American mainland had become a specialized sugar-producing
area. Although earliest in the field, the Spanish islands soon
fell behind in sugar cane growing; and, on the North Amer-
ican mainland, cane growing was not successful in such places
as Louisiana until 1795 (Laewaetz 1991:222).

Sugar Production Technology

On the sugar islands and neighboring mainland, on
plantations solely devoted to a sugar cane mono-crop and the
production of sugar, the goal was to maximize sugar produc-
tion in an expedient and efficient manner; and accordingly,
facilities, structures, other crops, machinery, equipment and
labor management were specifically designed and periodically
adapted to accommodate the properties of the crop and the
exigencies of the climate. In other words, exploitation of land

and labor for profit was the motivating force behind the
The first step in the processing of sugar is sugar planting,
for which preparations began, on islands like St. Croix, at the
onset of the rainy season (Lawaetz 1991:136). Often start-up
canes were borrowed or purchased from a neighbor and an
acre or two of canes were planted. After six to eight month's
growth, that land would supply enough cutting to plant about
twenty acres or more. The cane (usually two or three short
pieces per hole) was planted in individual two-foot square
holes usually about one foot deep, with berms all around. The
holes and separating berms, especially on hillsides, helped to
retain moisture and soil when it rained. Cane planting would
start at the higher ground and work down the hill; workers
backing down the hill and diggings holes as they went. After
the cane was planted it was weeded by gangs of men and
women, each with its own water carrier. Flowering of the
sugar cane was influenced by a reduction in daylight hours,
occurring between September and December in the northern
hemisphere and between March and June in the southern
hemisphere (Lawaetz 1991:223). Being a giant perennial
grass, the mature canes could reach heights of between 10 and
20 feet (approximately 3-6 m) and were generally between 1.5
and 2.0 inches (3.8-5 cm) in diameter. If the rains were good,
a fall planting would be ready for cutting by the end of April
or beginning of May (Lawaetz 1991:235). The cane was cut
close to the ground, tied into bundles, and carried, either by
slaves on foot or by donkeys and carts, to a mill. Timing was
essential (Gjessing 1977: 5). The longest time between cutting
the cane and grinding it at the mill was from Saturday evening
to Monday morning at one or two o'clock; and, once crushed,
the purest juice would not remain 20 minutes in the receiver
without fermenting (Edwards 1794:225).
Early in the seventeenth century, in Spanish Santo
Domingo, there are references to the use of water wheels for
powering cane crushers (Gjessing 1977:5). By the end of the
century, and in the early 1700s, in the mountainous Windward
Islands, and on the mainland of South America, where there
was an abundance of water, the watermill became a common
feature of the landscape (Figure 1). In many islands, however,
including Cuba, sufficient running water sources for damming
were not available; and other power sources had to be used.
According to Edwards (1794:222), the greatest obstacle for
those who could not grind their cane by water was the frequent
failure or insufficiency of their mills which required great
force to overcome the resistance of the cane.
Another source of power, the animal mill, developed with
the sugar industry. The device that was used when sugar




VOL. 56(3)


production was in its infancy is assumed to have been a simple
mangle (Figure 2); but as early as the sixteenth century,
machinery had been developed that was the basic element of
all cane crushing mechanisms through the nineteenth century
(Gjessing 1977:2). It consisted of three ponderous vertical
rollers, set in line and pivoted around their respective vertical
axes, inside a frame of heavy timber (Figures 3, 4). The three
upright rollers, at first wood, then iron-plated and later solid
iron, were between 30 and 40 in (76-102 cm) in length and
between 20 and 25 in (50-63 cm) in diameter. Naming of the
rollers varied from island to island; but in the US Virgin
Islands, the rollers were called the "king" (in the center), and
the "sugar" and the "magas" (or "bagasse") which flanked the
king. The upper sections of the rollers were cogged and the
central "king" which pulled the flanking rollers, was secured
to a vertical driving shaft that extended above the frame of the
rollers. The driving shaft rotated around its own vertical axis.
In the earliest recorded form of the crusher, its upper end was
fitted into guide beams of a superstructure that held the driving
shaft in its vertical position. In later forms, the driving shaft
height was reduced and it was braced just above the frame of
the rollers.
The crusher was powered by horses (Figure 4) or other
dray animals-such as oxen-or later, in the sugar islands,
mules, that were hitched to arms of sweeps that extended out
from the driving shaft. The animals were led in a circular
track around the crusher. This action rotated the drive shaft
and set the rollers in motion. The spacing between the rollers
could be adjusted, or the rollers could be disengaged, by
adjusting the pindles of the flanking rollers with a series of
cleats (Gjessing 1977:2). Workers fed the cane into the rollers
between the middle, or "king," and the "sugar" cylinders, and,
when it passed through, workers on the other side passed the
cane stalks back between the "bagasse" and the central roller.
Later, the volvedora or "dumb-returner," replaced the workers
on the other side of the rollers. The dumb-returner was a
circular piece of frame-work, that collected the cane after the
first crushing, turned it, and mechanically fed it back between
the middle and third rollers, thus saving labor. At the end of
the process, the cane was squeezed dry and could be saved as
bagasse to be used as fuel for the boiling house. In 1754, a
horizontal grinding mill was designed by John Smeaton for a
Jamaican sugar man named Gray (Fraginals 1976:101). The
new machine was more durable and the transmission mecha-
nism was much better, lightening the work load of the oxen
(Figure 5).
Also early in the seventeenth century, during the same time
that water powered mills were introduced, the tower windmill
adapted for crushing cane made its appearance around Recife
in Portuguese South America, in Barbados, and in the Leeward
Islands of the Antilles-all areas in the trade wind belts but with
limited water power. This invention was, in essence, the
combination of two mechanical devices that were fully
developed by the seventeenth century; the tower windmill for
grinding grain, and the horse mill. The combination of these
two devices, the former of European origin and the other a
probable American invention, is generally credited to the

Dutch; but the Dutch architect, J. L. Volders states that the
windmill for grinding cane was introduced to Surinam from
Barbados by English colonists (Gjessing 1977:5). In the tower
windmill for crushing cane there was a very substantial
circular masonry tower, with walls that tapered toward the top,
and three to five openings for access and servicing at the
ground floor of the mill. The masonry cone was about as high
as its outside diameter at the base. The grinding apparatus,
except for the sweep and the brake, was identical to the
grinding machinery of the animal mill, and was contained in
the truncated masonry cone and in its surmounted wood cap
(Figure 6). Along the edge of the top of the tower was a
circular track or curb. Thus the movable parts of the windmill
were limited to the sails, windshaft, and cap, removing any
significant size limitation in the cone, and allowing room for
additional grinding machinery and, consequently, larger and
more efficient mills (Gjessing 1977:8). The movable "cap"
supported a heavy piece of timber, the windshaft, that, within
the diameter of the track, was slightly off from an horizontal
axis. At one end, the windshaft extended beyond the tower
wall and carried two or more crossing arms or yards with sails.
Because of the track at the top of the cone, the cap frame,
windshaft and sails could rotate around the vertical center of
the tower, thus allowing the sails to be turned into the wind by
means of the tail pole that extended from the cap frame
(Figure 6). When the wind blew, the sails and windshaft
turned, and the generated power was transferred by means of
a brake wheel and wallowerr" to the upright shaft, which, in
turn, rotated the rollers. Up until about 1850, when they were
gradually supplanted by steam power, animal or horse mills
continued in use alongside windmills (Figure 7) especially
where wind and water were not reliable sources of power.
After being ground, the cane juice was carried from the
mill to the boiling house via a lead-lined wood gutter. In the
hilly Caribbean islands, many factories were sited to take
advantage of the natural slope of the land to allow gravity flow
to feed the juice into the mill. The juice from the mill usually
was eight parts pure water, one part sugar and one part gross
oil and mucilaginous gum. Roughley (1823:336) stressed that
cleanliness should be strictly observed in every department
connected with sugar boiling, as it chiefly promoted the
manufacture of sparkling, strong-grained, fair-colored,
marketable muscovado sugar. He suggested that a perforated
plate of copper or lead be soldered across the liquor-gutter, a
few feet from the mill bed to prevent impurities, such as
residues of green cane tops, ligneous parts of the cane and dirt,
from running with the liquor.
Variations in the configuration of sugar production
facilities followed a roughly evolutionary pattern based on
improvements or changes in sugar production methods. Open
air operation and the use of an open fire under the sugar
boiling kettle is also shown in de Rochefort's 1681 illustration
of early and primitive sugar production in the French Antilles
(Figure 8). Early boiling houses in the sugar islands, in which
each kettle had its own furnace fueled by wood, differed little
from those of sixteenth century Mediterranean sugar areas.


2003 VOL. 56(3)


Figure 1. Water-powered sugar processing mills in Dominica (upper) and Grenada (lower), West Indies. Water traveled
along the aqueduct (upper left) to a water wheel. The force of flowing water turned the huge wheel, generating power to turn
the cane grinding rollers. Photos by Elizabeth Righter.

This form prevailed in Cuba until the very end of the eigh
teenth century (Fraginals 1976:20,34) and also was recorded
at Mandahl in St Thomas, US Virgin Islands in an inventory
from 1781 (National Archives, Box 2002). This was the so-
called "Spanish train" method in which juice flowed to a
receiver and then into a series of kettles that ranged from
larger to smaller, each diminishing in size in ratio to the

lesseningvolume of the concentrate which moved continuously
onward (by ladle) to the next smaller kettle. In the last one,
the teacher or strike pan, it reached the "sugaring point." The
separate furnace method greatly accelerated concentration but
required an enormous expenditure of fuel.
In the sugar islands, an early result of exploitation of the




m r


Figure 2. Hand-turned wooden sguar cane mill, Saba, Dutch West Indies. Photo by Elizabeth Righter.

land for sugar production was rapid deforestation. This
demanded a radical change in boiling house design. In this
new design, all of the kettles were put in a line, fuel was fed
to a furnace under the first kettle and the others received the
heat diffused from it along the line. When a group of kettles
was placed on the same fire-ditch, it was called "tren" (or train
in French). This system was used in Barbados in the first
years of the eighteenth century, where, on this and other
British islands, it was known as a "Jamaica train" (Figures
9,10). In 1724, this type of production was transmitted to the
French and known as a "French train" or the Equipage du
Pere Labat (Figure 11). In the French (or Jamaica) train,
there were six successive kettles graded from large to small,
known as la grande, lapropre, la lessire, leflambeau, le sirup

and la batterie. The liquor from the mill ran into the receiv-
ing vat and from there into La Grande. The juice was ladled
progressively from one vat to the next (Figure 12), in descend-
ing order of size until it reached the teacher or striking vat. In
the teacher or tache, the sugar was heated until it was ready for
Touted as an innovative improvement, the French or
Jamaica train was a slower process than the Spanish train,
and actually a step backwards in terms of efficiency in
crystalizing sugar (Fraginals 1976:39,109). It did provide
greater economy in the use of energy and, since there was a
shortage of wood, its great advantage was that it allowed the
exclusive use of bagasse as fuel.
Cuba, and the other sugar islands were not characterized


2003 VOL. 56(3)


I4- SOL,

Figure 3. Restored animal mill at Whim, St. Croix, USVL Photo by Elizabeth Righter.

4 x,

Figure 4. Old engraving of an animal mill powered by horses attached to "arms" (N). As the horses traversed in a circle around the mill round, the
turning of the arms rotated the drive shaft and set the rollers in motion (after Lawaetz 1991:Figure 7).

Figure 5. A horizontal grinding mill from the island of Dominica, West Indies. Photo by Elizabeth Righter.


Figure 6. Section of a West Indian tower windmill for grinding sugar cane, showing the cone (1), sails (a), windshaft (b),
grinding rollers (e,f,g) and tail pole (d). From LP. Oxholm's De Danske Vestindiske Oers Tilstand 1797, Copenhagen,
Denmark, 1797.

by any one system until deforestation forced the use of bagasse
as fuel. If firewood was abundant and cheap, the Spanish
system was used. If firewood was scarce, the number of fires
in the boiling room was reduced, creating a "mixed train,"
burning both bagasse and wood. Other arrangements were
known as the "scissor" or "Ramos." A self-styled sugar master
might set up his own kettle arrangement and name it after
himself. Thus, there arose the "Echegoyen train," the
"Arritola," the Montalvo system and others (Fraginals
Good production could be obtained with one train of five
kettles and one or two auxiliary boilers. Larger-scale produc-
tion was achieved by increasing the number of kettles; and
some plantations used up to ten Jamiaca trains. In his Ja-
maica Planter's Guide, or a System for Planting andManag-
ing a Sugar Estate or Other Plantations in that Island and
Throughout the British West Indies in General, Edwards
(1794:246-253) describes the well run and managed Jamaican
sugar plantation that could produce, on average, year to year,
200 hogsheads (1500 weight) of sugar and 130 puncheons

(110 gallons each) of rum. The estimated size of such a
plantation was 600 acres of which it was required that 200 be
in sugar cane. One third usually was in provisions and the
other third was in native woods.
Buildings necessary on such a plantation included the
following: (1) a water mill if water could be obtained. If
water was not available for power, there should be a windmill
and a cattle mill or two cattle mills; (2) a boiling house (45 ft
by 22 ft) with 3 copper clarifiers of 350 gallons each, and 4
other pans or boilers; (3) adjoining the boiling house, a curing
house able to hold one half the crop; and with, instead of a
floor on the second story, strong joists of solid timbers with a
terraced or boardedplatform underneath, leadingto a molasses
cistern lined with terras, sufficient to contain 6000 gallons; (4)
a distilling house, 70 ft by 30 ft, containing two stills of 1200
and 600 gallons each, with worms proportionate. Under the
same roof also, a 30,000-gallon stone tank or cistern, the
fermenting part of which contained two or more vats or
cisterns for the under and skimmings. Also twelve 1200-
gallon cisterns of solid plank fixed in the earth, with copper

2003 VOL. 56(3)


Figure 7. Estate Castle Coakley, St. Croix. An 1833 watercolor sketch by Frederik von Scholten showing both a windmill and an animal mill is use on
the estate. Handels og Sofartsmuseet, Elsinore, Denmark


Figure 8. Drawing of an early eighteenth sugar processing area. Note the free standing open-air structure that houses
the boiling bench with a receiving cistern outside. Under each vat is an individual stoking hole. Copy of an illustration
form de Rochefort's Historie naturelle et morale des Antilles, Paris, France, 1681.


2003 VOL. 56(3)


'- -* _: .


Figure 9. Upper: plan view and cross-section of a boiling bench, showing boiling vats graduated in size. The cross-section
shows the fire in a single trough under the boiling vats. Lower: stylized drawing of a Jamaica train and sugar boiling vats
from an interpretive sign at a Grenada sugar works.

__ I


,-,. -.. E,
fl''' ',* s '

,1 -,-'- --,-

- .L,". |+< :
.f- 17-ft-'

.-2' -L ---- .

..r--^xr-~^^ ^----
<. L

4 L.
s~Uf35 f.

Figure 10. Sketch of a conjectured reconstruction of a sugar works at Canaan, St. Thomas, USVI, showing the boiling house
with its firing trench, Jamaica train chimney and vats in descending order of size. The curing house is attached at one end
with an adjoining storage and fermentation house. There is an attached still'at the upper right corner. Sketch by Frederik
C. Gjessing.

pumps, and other necessary apparatus; and a rum storage area;
(5) a dwelling house for the overseer; (6) two trash or bagasse
houses, each 120 ftby 30 ft; the foundations of stone, the sides
open, and the roof supported by stone pillars and covered by
shingles; (7) a hospital for sick Negroes, with a lying-in room

for the women and a room for confining the disorderly; a shop
for the doctor and one or more store rooms for securing
plantation utensils and provisions; (8) a mule stable for 60
mules with a corn loft above; and shops for different trades-
men (i.e. carpenters, coopers, blacksmiths, and wheelwrights).


2003 VoL. 56(3)

.--; 't-

rWln+ ~ru

i 'I : i I J! ~ ;4 r '

: r. ." r'. r 1. r "

S.. .
It .' -,-'- ,,--. ,,.

L .. I .- -

j( I

.. I C. l l+ .

i '' ?l ttag P ti pl a n e l i

flambeau, le sirop and la batterie. From Labat's Nouveau voyage aux isles (1724).
i. ~ 8 L 7"l ,

Figure 11. Cross-section and plan drawing of a "French train" or Equipage du Pere Labat, 1734. In this French (Or
Jamaica) train, there were six successive kettles graded from large to small: known as; la grande, lapropre, la lessire, le
flambeau, le sirop and la batterie. From Labat's Nouveau voyage aux isles (1724).

Edwards (1794:250) states, the "stock" for the plantation
should be no less than "two hundred and fifty negroes, eighty
steers and sixty mules"-a sad commentary on greed and the
attitudes of the period toward human help.
Clarifiers were first used for large-scale manufacturing in
Jamaica in 1778. In this system, the French or Jamaica train
was extended by adding clarifiers or pans of smelted copper,
between 70 and 80 in (178-203 cm) in diameter, into which
the juice came directly from the grinding mill. In the clarifier,
each with its own fire (Figure 13), after clarifying lime was
added, the juice was heated just short of boiling. The syrup
was allowed to stand and then, through an outlet three inches
(7.62 cm) from the bottom of the clarifier, was finally released
into the first kettle of the train. The outlet was closed immedi-
ately at the appearance of the first impurities floating on the
juice. Thus solid elements were separated off by decantation
and colloids, in the form of scum, were removed by precipita-
tion. Skimmings were thrown into a gutter and conveyed to
the distilling house.
Edwards (1794:226) recommended two or three clarifiers
of 300-400 gallons each, but Roughley (1823:342) believed

that, because of the tendency of the liquor to sour when left
standing below the boiling point, only one clarifier should be
used and there should never be more liquor in the clarifier and
adjoining syphon than could be processed at one time in the
boiling vats below. Clarifiers were commonly placed in the
middle or at one end of a boiling house. If the clarifiers were
in the middle, there was usually a set of three or four boilers
on each side which constituted a double boiling house (Figure
13). The three boilers on each side of the clarifiers were
commonly hung to one fire. If a clarifier was placed at one
end, the teacher, which held 70-100 gallons, was situated at
the other end; and several boilers usually 3 that diminished in
size, were placed between. Thus, choice in clarifier place-
ment also was a contributing factor to the variety of boiling
house configurations during the period. In each case, the
teacher had to be filled from the adjoining copper before the
liquor evaporated in the teacher, and each copper was replen-
ished with liquor accordingly, taking care not to empty the
coppers which would cause them to burn. The point at which
the liquor in the teacher was ready for the coolers could be
judged with the eye, but the most common method was to roll



Figure 12. Hand ladling sugar syrup from vat to vat in a sugar works in Grenada. Using eighteenth and nineteenth century techniques, the factory is still
operating, producing sugar and rum. Photo by Elizabeth Righter.




j;y ::i.j


I' I
. I 5 -
*. L'. *^i ^ -' -. .i

Figure 13. Drawing of a late eighteenth century-style sugar factory, showing the clarifier in a central position (right wall of the stem of the "T"). Boiling vats,
in descending order of size, extend on either side of the clarifier (after Lawaetz 1991:139).

- "Z .. .. j .


Figure 14. Upper: view west of the probably reconstructed configuration of the Zufriedenheit sugar works, St. Thomas,
USVL The animal mill is at the left, elevated above the boiling house (behind the curing house in the center of the figure).
At the right is the storage house. Lower: view east of the reconstructed boiling house, still and storage house. The west wall
of the boiling house shows stoking holes, vents, and a chimney for a Jamaica train. Architectural reconstruction from existing
ruins and drawing by Frederik C. Gjessing.

a thread of the hot liquor between the thumb and forefinger.
When the thread broke into pieces one quarter of an inch long,
the syrup in the teacher was ready for making strong
muscavado sugar.
In early systems, the degree of concentration was deter-
mined empirically, after which the sugar syrup was emptied
into a wooden trough or cooler, where the concentrate was
beaten with wooden bats until it partially crystallized. The
result was a thick mass of sugar crystals and non-crystalizing

molasses which were separated by claying, in which the
partially crystallized mass was emptied into conical clay
containers, called "pots" by the British. The cones, open at
both ends, were stacked with the pointed ends downward, and
plugged with wooden stoppers. The molasses, more dense
than the sugar, settled to the bottom by gravity. After two or
more days, the stopper was removed and the molasses flowed
out, leaving the sugar grains in the cone. Then a mass of
watery clay was applied to the uppermost end of the cone and


2003 VOL. 56(3)


remained in contact with the sugar for thirty or forty days.
The water from the clay filtered through the solid mass of
sugar; dissolving and draining off much of the molasses that
had adhered to the crystals. At the end, the cones were
exposed to the sun, and the sugar, formed in a loaf, was
removed. The resulting cone was a spectrum of color, ranging
from pure white where the sugar was in contact with the clay
to the dark point where some molasses remained. With a
machete, the cone was cut according to color. The top was
"white" sugar and the points were "brown" sugar. The
remainder was yellow sugar (Edwards 1794:233; Fraginals
In later processing methods, the sugar was passed into
coolers or pans, where it was stirred with a stick with a
flattened end about 18 in (46 cm) across and 3 in (8 cm) broad.
The sugar was worked to and fro in the cooler, allowed to
crust, and stirred again. When it was cool, it was placed in
barrels or hogsheads and set in the curing house (Figure 11).
Plantain stalks were placed in four or five holes drilled in the
bottom of each hogshead and a cross stick with drilled holes
was placed across the top. The stalks, implanted in holes in
the bottom of the cask, were drawn vertically upward and
through the holes in the cross stick. In this way, the molasses
drained from the sugar in the hogshead. If it was crisp and
hard-grained sugar, it would be ready for shipping in three
weeks (Roughley 1823:363).
A magnificent scale such as that envisioned by Edwards
was seldom reached on the smaller Caribbean sugar islands.
In St. Croix, for example, a yield of 40-50 hogsheads of sugar
achieved with the assistance of about a dozen slaves provided
an adequate income, and production of 150 hogsheads with 50
slaves was considered to be outstanding (Lawaetz 1991: 137).
Boiling houses might contain three or four coppers and larger
estates had a windmill, horsemill or both. In St. Thomas, in
1781, Estate Mandahl consisted of 3 plantations totaling 450
acres of which 150 acres were planted in sugar. With 91
slaves (all of whom probably were not working) and a boiling
house with three vats with three separate fueling tunnels, the
estate produced 60 hogsheads of sugar and 25 hogsheads of
rum in that year. Also on the estate were a curing house with
molasses cistern, a rum cellar, 2 stills of 300 gallons each and
1 of 150 gallons, a cattle mill, a horse stable, a large dwelling
house and a manager's house, a kitchen, a storehouse, a
necessary house and 56 Negro houses, along with 21 mules, 3
horses, 8 cows and a bull.
At Zufriedenheit on St. Thomas, the sugar factory, built
before 1721, originally contained three boiling vats; about
1780 it was expanded and another vat was added (Figure 14).
The renovated Zufriedenheit factory produced sugar through
the eighteenth century, but was reduced to producing only rum
until about 1860, after which it was no longer operative.


The West Indies were born in exploitation, and sugar
production was only one of a number of exploitative events in
their history. Nevertheless, sugar production, its land require-
ments and demand for an enslaved labor force, shaped a long
segment of the history of the West Indian sugar islands. For
a wealthy few the economic promise was delivered, for others,
the venture ended in debt and dispair. Deforestation, soil
depletion and a host of social ills are the legacy left by sugar
production's intense economic exploitation, and, although it
changes form from time to time, exploitation appears to
continue to be the destiny of these islands.

References Cited

Edwards, Bryan
1794 The history, civil and commercial, of the British Colonies
in the West Indies: in two volumes. Second edition. John
Stockdale, Piccadilly.

Fraginal, Manuel Moreno
1976 The sugarmill: the socioeconomic complex of sugar in
Cuba. Monthly Review Press, New York.

Gjessing, Frederik C.
1977 The Tower Windmill for Grinding Sugar Cane: General
Description and Sketch of ts Origin. Occasional Paper 2,
Bureau ofLibraries, Museums, & Archaeological Services,
Department of Conservation & Cultural Affairs, Charlotte
Amaliek St. Thomas, USVI.

Lawaetz, Erik J.
1991 St. Croix: 500 years pre-Columbus to 1990. Poul
Kristensen, Denmark.

Roughley, Thomas
1823 TheJamaicaplanter's guide; or, a systemforplanting and
managing a sugar estate or otherplantations in that island
and throughout the British West Indies in general.
Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, London.



yes, but what was the

The exact, full wording of that reference is as close
as your phone:

Back issues of The Floarda Ant~rvpologst -- going
back close to a half century -- are available at the

Graves Museum of Archaeology
and Natural History

481 South Federal Highway
Dania, FL 33004

Phone (954) 925-7770
FAX (954) 925-7064
Sole agents for back issues of The Florida Anthropologist



School ofArchitecture, University of Florida
Gainesville, Florida 32611

Recent archaeological and historical research have made
it possible to place certain aspects of early Florida plantations
in the context of eighteenth and nineteenth century architec-
ture and technology. With the exception of a few technical
notes at the conclusion, this paper is narrowly focused upon
residential construction in the First and Second Spanish,
British, and American Territorial periods, and outlines the
ways in which it reflects cultural differences and permanent
and impermanent construction methods.
Before proceeding it is important to define "permanent
construction" and "impermanent construction" and to describe
examples of these types of construction found first in the
European colonies and later in Territorial Florida. "Permanent
construction" is defined as construction designed to last for an
indefinite period, assuming proper maintenance is provided.
"Impermanent construction" is defined as construction
designed to last temporarily, or at most for a few years.
Traditional builders rated construction from most permanent
to least permanent in the following order: stone masonry, fired
brick masonry, unreinforced concrete, unfired brick and earth,
and wood. Impermanent structures that were to last a short
time were often built of wood in combination with other
materials, such as thatch and wattle-and-daub. However, the
manner in which the least permanent materials were combined
greatly affected permanence. Construction that protects
wooden members from insects, rot, and water by lifting them
above the ground on piers or continuous foundations was
considered to be far superior to construction in which wooden
members are laid npon, or buried within, the ground. Braced
frame construction, in which members are joined by mortises
and tenons and braced with diagonals at the corners, was
considered to be a type of permanent construction if properly
protected (Buchanan 1976:61).
In the last twenty-five years archaeologists and historians
have become increasingly interested in the impermanent
structures used by European colonists. The impermanent
construction most relevant to this paper has been found in
Maryland, Virginia, Florida, and almost certainly elsewhere in
the southeastern United States. In Florida it has been found in
St. Augustine, at the Spanish mission sites, and recently in
New Smyrna. It employs vertical wooden posts that are placed
in holes in the ground at more or less regular intervals to form
a structural framework. This construction is known as "hole
set" or "earthfast" construction. If the posts are driven into the
ground, rather than placed in holes, the construction is known
as luncheonn" construction. Wooden sills were sometimes
laid on the ground in trenches between the posts to receive

intermediate studs or infill material. All framing above the
ground is usually completed using braced frame joinery
(Carson et al. 1981:142,143,151,152). Thus, the embedded
ends of the posts might be round, but the balance of the posts
would be hewn square or rectangular (Carson et al. 1981: 148-
Other impermanent wooden framing systems found in
Maryland and Virginia consist offramedbuildings elevated on
hole-set blocks; buildings raised on "cratchets" or forked
poles; raftered houses consisting of A-framed roofs sitting
directly upon the ground; turf-, earth-, and log-walled houses;
and plank-framed houses. In plank-framed houses the vertical
wall planks are buried in the ground or fastened to a sill at the
bottom and fastened to a plate at the top, thereby forming the
structure of the wall (Carson et al. 1981:153-155). A number
of log-walled and plank-framed houses have been found in
Florida, although the latter seem to date from the latter half of
the nineteenth century. Thevernacular traditions ofpermanent
braced-frame structures and impermanent hole-set and log-
walled structures are of particular relevance to the wooden
residential structures and outbuildings of the early plantations.
In order to establish a broad context for the architecture of
the English and American Territorial plantations, it is impor-
tant to consider the architecture that preceded them in Florida.
Spanish colonial architecture expresses the colonial motiva-
tions and cultural orientation of Spain. Military and religious
goals became the primary forces motivating the Spanish, once
it was clear that precious metals and similar treasure were not
to be found in La Florida. Reflecting these goals, the military
design of the Castillo de San Marcos and the later ecclesiasti-
cal design of the St. Augustine Cathedral representvery strong
and formal European architectural design principles using
masonry materials. However, an equally strong European
vernacular tradition using wood seems to be evident not only
in the early wooden Spanish ecclesiastical, military, and
residential structures in St. Augustine, but also at Mission San
Luis de Apalachee in Tallahassee and several other mission
The early Spanish wooden buildings in St. Augustine and
at San Luis were constructed as "earthfast" structures; that is,
the supporting columns were buried in the ground, rather than
supported upon elevated sills (McEwan 1993:304). The
balance of the construction was identical to the European
timber frame, although the palm thatching undoubtedly
adapted Native American techniques. Thatch, wattle-and-daub
and planks were often used to enclose the frame walls
(Manucy 1964:62,63). This vernacular technique was a




VOL. 56(3)


European as well as Native American practice (Hielscher
1922:107), and more research is required to determine which
version prevailed. However, it appears that the Spanish
buildings at San Luis borrowed very little from Apalachee
building techniques, although constructed by Apalachee
workers under the supervision of the friars and military
personnel. Conversely, the Apalachee builders of the nearby
Council House and Chiefs House employed their own lashed
construction techniques, and seem to have borrowed little from
the Europeans with the possible exception of iron tools.
The structures in St. Augustine and the mission sites are
relevant for several reasons. First, they illustrate the general
tendency of cultural groups to continue building in accordance
with their own traditions. Therefore, whether dealing with
Spanish, English, Native American, African-American,
Minorcan, or other structures, it seems wise to search carefully
for the vernacular or formal precedents that are part of the
cultural heritage of the subject group before attributing
apparent changes to acculturation, the environment, or other
causes. Secondly, the buildings illustrate a growing awareness
among researchers of the presence of European vernacular
traditions that were used for "impermanent" English and
Spanish colonial structures. Of particular importance is the
fact that vernacular construction techniques were and are
virtually identical in almost all cultures that have access to
similar materials. Similar materials inevitably lead to similar
construction methods that evolve independently over time.
Thus, thatching techniques in Spain, England, and Africa
were similar, but used different materials; wattle-and-daub was
a vernacular tradition in Spain, England, Africa, and pre-
Columbian America; and similar uses of masonry materials
are found in many disparate societies. It is apparent that great
caution must be exercised in attributing archaeological
evidence of a vernacular design or construction to a particular
cultural group.
There is an aspect of Spanish culture reflected in its
architecture that seems to be in sharp contrast to the English
plantations. Architectural historians have long recognized
that many Spanish colonial buildings in the American south-
west were "products of an architectural tradition [through
Mexico] that had already developed non-European characteris-
tics" (Whiffen and Koeper 1981:31), and that an important
factor in this tradition was the mixture of ethnic groups
through intermarriage and alliances. The degree to which this
cultural aspect may have influenced the evolution of residen-
tial design in St. Augustine from simple European vernacular
precedents to the "St. Augustine Plan" apparently has not been
documented. However, the persistence of European Spanish
tradition is very evident in the town plan, the walled com-
pounds, the "rejas" and interior shutters, the preference for
masonry materials represented by coquina stonework and
tabby concrete, and the stubborn insistence on using low-
sloped roofs constructed of wood and surfaced with tabby
concrete an ideal design for arid climates, but not for
It is in the free black town of Gracia Real de Santa Teresa
de Mose that one finds a clear expression of non-European

ethnic architecture that expresses a fundamental cultural
difference between the Spanish and English. In the words of
Jane Landers:

...the acknowledgment of a slave's humanity and rights, and
the lenient attitude toward manumission embodied in
Spanish law and social practices, made it possible for a
significant free black class to exist in the Spanish
world... [Landers 1992:7].

...Located on the periphery of St. Augustine, between the
Spanish settlement and its aggressive neighbors, Mose's
interstitial location paralleled the social position of its
inhabitants people who straddled cultures, pursued their
own advantage, and in the process helped shape the colonial
history of the Caribbean as well as an African-American
culture...[Landers 1992:33].

Although the design of the fort and church at Mose apparently
followed European precedent, the shelters were "described by
the Spaniards as resembling thatched Indian huts" (Landers
1992:15). It would be interesting to know whether the shelters
were based upon Afro-American or Timucuan precedents, or
both (Manucy 1997:15). Documentary and archaeological
evidence suggest that "the Indian and black villages resembled
each other in many respects" (Landers 1992:32). Here one
sees two very similar vernacular traditions merging, and it
may prove very difficult to separate them archaeologically.
In summary, Spanish architecture in Florida was the
product of military and religious goals. Although a formal
architectural tradition is found in the design of major military
and religious buildings, the majority of Spanish residential
buildings seem to have followed European vernacular prece-
dents modified only by the availability of local materials. The
cultural orientation of the Spanish permitted the construction
of buildings by a variety of ethnic groups, including Indians
and Afro-Americans during the First Spanish Period, and
including Minorcans, British, Americans, and others during
the Second Spanish Period.
The advent of the plantations introduced by the British
during the British Period (1764-83) marked a significant
change in the architecture of Florida, although the existing
fabric of St. Augustine was not substantially modified (Manucy
1964:60,61). The colonial motivations of the British were
radically different from those of the Spanish, for British
colonies were founded for mercantile purposes (Whiffen and
Keeper 1981:30). Raw materials suppliedby the colonies were
to drive the commercial engine of the British empire. The
desire to exploit the natural resources of Florida continued to
motivate plantation owners throughout the Second Spanish
and American Territorial periods, and continues as a motivat-
ing force in America today. One major result not pursued in
this paper was the change to the landscape caused by the
construction of extensive drainage structures, cleared fields,
and industrial complexes.
A difference in motivation was not the only change brought
by the newcomers. Almost all of the Spanish and their allies
left Florida before the British arrived with the result that there

2003 VOL. 56(3)


was a complete change of population, owners, freemen, and
slaves alike. Therefore, it can be assumed that a minimum
number of Spanish construction techniques were carried over
into British buildings, and most of these are found in St.
Augustine. The British brought their own construction
traditions and laborers, and these practices were essentially
continued throughout the Florida Territorial Period. Of course,
the British adopted coquina as a masonry material, but they
brought their own tradition of tabby concrete from the
Carolinas and may have introduced tabby brick to Florida.
Major changes from Spanish architectural practices included
the introduction of the English "hall type" plan and an
entrance system which, in the case of St. Augustine, resulted
in entry directly from the street rather than from a gated side
yard. Other residential features that were introduced included
fireplaces and chimneys, wooden floors at ground level, glazed
window sash, exterior window shutters, wood clapboards and
shingles, finished hardware made in England, different roof
slopes, and a tendency to build wooden structures using the
bracedframe (Manucy 1964:34-40,66,72,82,83,90,98). These
changes notwithstanding, it is important to note that there are
many similarities in the Spanish, English, and later American
uses of masonry materials, including coquina, tabby concretes,
and lime cements, as well as in permanent and impermanent
types of wood construction.
Unlike the Spanish, the British and later American
plantation owners were opposed to ethnic mixing, and slaves
were viewed as chattel with little chance of becoming free
men. There would be no free black towns under English
colonial and American Territorial rule, and research com-
pleted to date seems to indicate little opportunity for ethnic
expression in architecture, other than that imposed by English
and later American vernacular and formal styles. For in-
stance, the slave cottages at Grant's Villa were built without
assistance by the slaves, but the cottages were framed using
"boards and nails...shingles and clapboards" (Schafer
2000a: 18) which were clearly part of an English vernacular
tradition. These structures were "permanent wood-frame
dwellings built on foundations three feet off the ground"
(Schafer 2000a:18). Later, the overseer recommended "that
the houses at both of Grant's plantations be disassembled and
the boards be transported to New Providence..." (Schafer
2000a:77). This can be done easily with braced frame struc-
tures by simply removing the wooden tunnelsls" or pegs, from
the joints. Similarly, two of the slave houses at Mala Compra
in 1835-37 are described as "framed houses, weather boarded,
and covered with palmetto." Twelve other slave houses are
described "with posts set in the ground, and wattled" (Payne
and Griffin 1999:35). Since the slaves were taught British
carpentry methods, these may have been impermanent
earthfast structures built in the British vernacular tradition,
and similar to the frame colonist's house, designated Structure
2, excavated by Roger Grange in New Smyrna (Grange
1999:75-81). The basic structure of this building seems to be
earthfast, with embedded vertical posts, an interrupted sill
between the posts, and a mortar on split lath infill (Grange
1999:78,79). This technique has English precedents in

square-panel framework (Davey 1961:42; Cook and Smith
1955:Plate 23) as well as Spanish and other European prece-
dents (Manucy 1964:73).
The plan of the New Smyrna colony is an interesting
architectural example of the British lack of sensitivity and
response to the cultural needs and ethnic expression of
enslaved and indentured servants. The Minorcans would have
preferred to live in a central village from which they walked to
their fields each day, but this was not to be. The workers'
houses were aligned in a row along the edge of the river
instead (Moore and Ste. Claire 1999:38).
The more permanent tabby construction used in the barn
and slave quarters at Kingsley Plantation is the exception
rather than the rule. Precedents can be found in English
cottages (Cook and Smith 1955:Plate 252). The barn and
slave quarters probably date from the early nineteenth century,
and the use of tabby brick in the barn and other structures
should be compared to the use of tabby brick at the Robert
Gamble plantation at Ellenton (Shepard and Nimnicht 1974)
and the William Fitzpatrick plantation house (Broward-
Fitzpatrick house) at Cedar Point in Duval County (Snodgrass
In summary, it seems probable that many if not all of the
smaller residential outbuildings of the plantations utilized
impermanent construction typologies, or in some cases a more
permanent off-grade type of weather-boarded braced frame
construction or tabby masonry. All of these can be shown to
have European precedents. Evidence available at this time
indicates that the English trained their slaves and indentured
servants in English planning and construction techniques and
apparently did not permit deviation or ethnic expression.
It is now appropriate to examine some of the evidence
related to the design and construction of the larger manor
houses. Unlike the Spanish, who often considered their
colonial homes to be their permanent homes, the British
landowners and many colonists considered England to be their
permanent home (Whiffen and Koeper 1981:30). In fact,
Governor Grant was troubled by the number of absentee
landlords who remained in England (Schafer 2000a:4-7).
Emphasizing the ties to Europe and other American colonies,
"the layout of the British plantations... followed the model of
those in the Carolinas, which in turn often followed the layouts
developed in Ireland in the seventeenth century" (Griffin
1999:12). Thus, it is not surprising to find British and other
colonial precedents for permanent and impermanent plantation
manor houses constructed in Florida.
During the British period it was customary for the land-
owner to maintain a house in St. Augustine as well as a manor
house on the plantation (Griffin 1999:11), but the manor
houses of later plantations seem to have been principal
residences. The main house at Kingsley Plantation is the only
manor house on the Florida east coast that has survived from
this era, although Gamble Mansion remains to represent the
early sugar industry in southwestern Florida. However,
descriptions of a few others are recorded; from these and
available historical and archaeological research some tentative
statements regarding design and construction can be made.



Most of the plantation manor houses seem to have been
well-built in accordance with English colonial precedents
found in the Carolinas, with overtones from the West Indies.
However, one example that might be considered impermanent
rather than well-built can be found in the log cabin residence
apparently constructed by Bunch and later occupied by the
Thomas Dummett family on the Dummett Plantation in 1835.
Anna Dummett wrote, "The old log house, our home, stood in
the center of a large yard, green with Bermuda grass. The
house was thatched with palmetto and shaded by moss-draped
trees. I can see the big fireplace, with its brightly polished
brass andirons... [the] wine cooler...the claw-footed ta-
bles...the family portraits hanging on the walls...the heavy
silver on the buffet..." (Strickland 1985:23). Both the log
cabin and the thatched roof are features of English and
northern European impermanent structures, although the use
of palmetto thatch is a necessary local variation. Presumably,
the building was constructed by slaves trained by European
overseers. The description of this log structure, with its
portraits, wine cooler, fine furnishings, and table silver does
not convey a sense of great discomfort or inconvenience, and
it may have been constructed carefully of hewn logs for greater
permanence. By this time a number of more modest log cabins
had been constructed on small farms throughout northern
Florida by settlers from Georgia, the Carolinas, and elsewhere.
One of these, a hewn log blockhouse with a shingled roof, has
proven its permanence by surviving in what is now Baker
County (Reeves 1981).
At Mount Oswald Plantation there was "a 40 x 20 foot
dwelling house" (Strickland 1985:13), and at Mount Plenty
there was "a frame dwelling house 30 x 20" (Strickland
1985:17). It is known that the first buildings at Mount Oswald
were constructed by "country-born" slaves, or slaves from the
Carolinas (Schafer 1999:26), although the sugar works were
constructed by masons from Jamaica and African apprentices
(Schafer 1999:29). It is important to note that slaves were
taught carpentry and other trades by white overseers (Schafer
1999:27), and it is probable that the carpentry methods taught
were those of the European braced frame and its variants.
Based on the descriptions, all that can be said about the Mount
Oswald and Mount Plenty manor houses is that their frame
construction and dimensions could relate them to either the
earthfast or more permanent off-grade braced frame traditions
found in other British colonies.
The description of Lieutenant Governor John Moultrie's
manor house at Rosetta Plantation is more specific. At Rosetta
there was a "neat dwelling house with 10 rooms...which was
36 by 40 feet long, with a gallery all around, 2 story high, the
lower one stone and the other wood" (Strickland 1985:15).
The manor house at the later Bulow Plantation may have been
very similar in design to Moultrie's Rosetta, as indicated by a
conjectural plan based upon limited archaeological informa-
tion (Daniel et al. 1980:142). Both Moultrie and Bulow were
from South Carolina, but the description of Rosetta and the
conjectural plan of Bulow reflect a West Indies influence,
possibly by way of South Carolina where the influence of the
West Indies piazza and detailing has been noted by historians

(Stoney 1939:44,45). In the description ofRosetta perhaps the
use of the word "gallery," which is derived from the French
"galerie," is indicative of a French West Indies origin (Foley
1980:73,80). If these buildings were constructed with off-
grade wooden floors supported on piers, they would have been
considered permanent braced-frame structures, built to last.
A similar design using different materials can be found in
Gamble Mansion (Shepard and Nimnicht 1974). A collonade
of plastered tabby brick columns was added at some time
during several stages of construction to create a monumental
manor house (Shepard and Nimnicht 1974:23). This house is
very interesting technically because the use of fired clay brick
was superseded by the use of tabby brick. In a letter published
in 1888, Gamble does not distinguish between the use of tabby
and clay brick, and archaeology may reveal in the future that
the brick masonry he used in his sugar works was made of
tabby (Gamble 1888:8). A West Indies or Louisiana plantation
influence is clearly visible in the plan of the manor house.
The descriptions of frame buildings at Zephaniah
Kingsley's Laurel Grove Plantation (Schafer 2000b: 103-106),
and the configurations of the extant tabby masonry and frame
buildings at the Kingsley Plantation on Fort George Island
indicate that their design and construction followed European
precedents. The main house at Kingsley Plantation, probably
constructed at the end of the eighteenth century, may be
related to a West Indies tradition but it seems to have even
stronger British precedents. The manor house has "galleries"
on opposite sides, and one-story rooms are attached to each
corer (Shepard 1981). The original stair to the second floor
was probably located within the south "gallery." Although an
exterior stair, it was protected by the roof, a feature found in
French and Spanish residences (Foley 1980:79; Manucy
1964:95). The corer rooms of Kingsley are similar to those of
Mulberry Plantation constructed in South Carolina in 1714
(Stoney 1939:50,102), which inturnis similar to a seventeenth
century plan drawn by John Thorpe based upon the plan of
Palladio's Villa Valmarana (Girouard 1979:120). The below-
grade exterior basement walls of Kingsley are constructed of
a mixture of coquina blocks apparently brought from St.
Augustine and clay fired brick apparently made near present-
day Jacksonville. These probably were used for their superior
resistance to moisture. However, interior basement partitions
are ofunderfired clay brick, and the chimneys are constructed
of tabby brick similar to those used by Robert Gamble. The
balance of the house is in traditional wooden braced frame
using wood siding and shingles (Shepard 1981). It was
constructed with permanence in mind.
Another interesting manor house is the Second Spanish
Period Mala Compra, owned by the Minorcan Joseph
Hernandez and described as follows:

One framed dwelling house...built of the best materials,
weather boarded, and finished with lathe and plaster inside;
one story and a half high, underpinned three feet deep with
stone, 30 feet long by 18 feet wide, with one piazza the
length of the building, about 10 feet wide; floors planed and
tongued and grooved; with six apartments, and a cellar under
ground; 1 staircase; 26 windows, with sashes and paneled

2003 VOL. 56(3)



shutters; a brick and stone chimney with 2 fireplaces; about
9 panel doors; and covered with shingles... [Payne and Griffin

This description implies permanence. It is very similar to a
typology described by Foley as

...the Cape Cod Cottage of the South...the characteristic
small dwelling of the states below the Mason-Dixon line.
French colonists introduced the type to the
Carolinas--clearly a relative of the French-Missouri
cottage...A rich planter in South Carolina ...more often than
not lived in a plantation house like this" [Foley 1980:80].

A typical cottage illustrated in Foley is at Melrose Plantation,
near Wedgefield, S. C. (Foley 1980:80); a related structure,
built in 1699 by a Huguenot, is located at Middleburg Planta-
tion, S. C. (Stoney 1939:47,48). These buildings, undoubtedly
constructed in the European braced frame tradition, had off-
grade wooden floors carried on piers or a foundation wall,
were plastered inside, clad with weatherboards on the exterior,
and roofed with wood shingles.
Unfortunately, the design of Turnbull's New Smyrna
colony manor house remains unknown, as does the purpose of
the massive coquina foundations allegedly constructed by
Turnbull at New Smyrna (Moore and Ste. Claire 1999:42).
The foundations are surely related to a formal British military,
mercantile, or manor house tradition. It is interesting to
compare them to the plan and elevations of Hagley Hall, an
English country house designed by Sanderson Miller and
others and dating from about 1752 (Girouard 1978:202,203).
However, the true purpose of this structure awaits further
The examination of manor houses ends with Governor
Moultrie's Bella Vista Plantation. It "is a unique example of
the gentleman's estate, the ideal to which the upper-class
grantees aspired'':

...a Stone mansion 52 by 42 feet lower Story rustic, upper
lonick, containing a rustick hall 44 feet long, six arches
supports the ceiling, a dining parlour, cov'd drawing room
six bed chambers: two unfinish'd porticos: Offices and other
necessary buildings for a hundred people besides Kitchen
garden 10 acres fenced and laid out in pleasure gardens
containing a bowling green: laid walks planted with many
trees.. .A park in good order about the house off [sic] about
30 acres... [Miller 1998:142,143].

The description may be that of a Palladian villa, perhaps
similar to, but smaller than, South Carolina's Drayton Hall
(Stoney 1939:147). In any event Bella Vista was a permanent,
magnificent estate apparently constructed of coquina with
landscaped grounds and outbuildings that emulated the grand
plantations of the Carolina low country. Like the other manor
houses described above, it probably was constructed by slave
artisans who were taught English techniques in carpentry,
plastering, masonry, and related fields.
The design and construction of the plantation manor
houses were strongly influenced by precedents in England, the

Carolinas, and in some cases the West Indies. Although Bella
Vista and Gamble Mansion were masonry structures, and some
buildings used masonry in foundations and first floor walls,
the majority of the manor houses seem to have been of braced
frame wooden construction. It is interesting that the more
permanent tabby and coquina masonry techniques used by the
Spanish in residential construction were not generally adopted
by the English and American planters for residential use. At
least part of the reason for this may lie in the tendency for any
cultural group to continue its own building traditions even
when placed in a different environment or introduced to
alternate techniques.
In closing, it is appropriate to mention a few technical
points related to these structures that may be of interest.
Because of their mercantile interests, the British developed
many types of machinery for use in production. Water-
powered sawmills were introduced in Massachusetts by the
middle of the seventeenth century (Cummings 1979:47), and
the British soon introduced them in Florida (Jones 1981:97).
Hewitt's Mill, excavated by William Jones in 1977, was
probably constructed in the late 1770's and is one of four mills
that have been documented to predate approximately 1804
(Jones 1981:84). It was capable of sawing from 500 to 1,500
feet of lumber a day, and its use of the flutter wheel, or breast
wheel, to take advantage of the low head of water available in
Florida streams and tidal estuaries is an early indication of the
engineering ingenuity that reappears with the development of
the later sugar plantations. The water-powered sawmill and
the later steam-powered cane machinery are all-but-forgotten
examples of significant advances in technology that were in
use in Florida in the nineteenth century. The saw marks
created by the water and steam-powered sash saws of these
mills are distinctive and are helpful in dating construction.
The sash saws were changed to steam power early in the
nineteenth century, and the first steam-powered circular
sawmill in northeastern Florida was constructed in Jackson-
ville in 1850 (Davis 1925:95).
On a related note, it is quite clear that all of the plantations
were experimental to a certain extent, and there are remark-
able differences in the plans of all of the sugar mills that have
been documented. Early sugar techniques used in Florida are
represented by the Three Chimneys site, and the most ad-
vanced techniques of this era may be represented by the
massive sugar works constructed later by Robert Gamble on
the west coast. With further study it might be possible to trace
the development of the industry from Three Chimneys to
Gamble Plantation by interpreting each plantation ruin as a
step in this development. In any event, this evolving industry
is another indication that Florida was an active participant in
the development of new technologies early in the nineteenth
Finally, much to the despair of lovers of romantic ruins,
there is clear physical evidence that the exterior of the coquina
masonry on all the mills was plastered, just as the Castillo de
San Marcos and other coquina and tabby concrete structures
were plastered. Neither the Spanish nor English would have
left the surfaces of coquina, tabby, or brick of poor quality




exposed to the weather. Furthermore, Robert Gamble notes in
an 1888 newspaper article that the interiors of his purgery
drainage pits constructed in 1853-54 were "lined with hydrau-
lic cement" (Gamble 1888:8). This indicates that natural
hydraulic and other cements may have been imported from the
north by this time, for they became available in the early
nineteenth century as a result of the construction of the Erie
Canal (Elliott 1992:160). However, perhaps the most intrigu-
ing information regarding plasters and mortars is found in a
concrete and plastering handbook published in 1916. It notes,

...the addition of sugar to water enables it to take up about
14 times more lime than water by itself... [in India] mortars
made of shell lime have stood the action of the weather for
centuries owing to this mixture of Jaghery [sugar] in their
composition... [a plasterer in Berlin] used coarse stuff,
consisting of 1 part of lime to 3 of sand, to which about 2 per
cent. of sugar had been added... good molasses will yield as
good results as sugar [Hodgson 1916:88].

The mortar at the plantations should be tested to see if the
builders were aware of this unusual benefit provided by their


This paper was made possible by the time and funding provided
through the University of Florida School of Architecture Beinecke-
Reeves Distinguished Chair in Historic Preservation. The author was
appointed to the Chair in 1999 and served through mid-2001. The
author gratefully acknowledges improvements in the text suggested
by his wife, Jean Shepard, as well as the careful editing provided by
Ryan J. Wheeler.

References Cited

Buchanan, Paul E.
1976 The Eighteenth-Century Frame Houses of Tidewater
Virginia. InBuildingEarlyAmerica, edited by Charles E.
Peterson, pp. 54-73. Chilton Book Company, Radnor,

Carson, Cary, Norman F. Barka, William M. Kelso, Garry Wheeler
Stone, and Dell Upton
1981 Impermanent Architecture in the Southern American
Colonies. Winterthur Portfolio 16:135-196.

Cook, Olive, and Edwin Smith
1955 English Cottages and Farmhouses. The Studio Publica-
tions Inc. in association with Thomas Y. Crowell Company,
New York.

Cummings, Abbott Lowell
1979 The Framed Houses of Massachusetts Bay, 1625-1725.
Harvard University Press, Cambridge.

Daniel, Randy, Frank Sicius, and David Ferro
1980 An Archaeological and Historical Survey of the Proposed
Halifax Plantation Development, Volusia and Flagler
Counties, Florida. Number 52. Prepared for Bellemead
Development Corporation by the Bureau of Historic Sites
and Properties, Division of Archives, History and Records

Management, Florida Department of State, Tallahassee.

Davey, Norman
1961 A History ofBuilding Materials. Phoenix House, London.

Davis, T. Frederick
1925 History of Jacksonville, Florida and Vicinity, 1513 to
1924. The Florida Historical Society, Press of the Record
Company, St. Augustine.

Elliott, Cecil D.
1992 Technics and Architecture. The MIT Press, Cambridge.

Foley, Mary Mix
1980 The American House. Harper & Row, Publishers, New

Gamble, Robert, and Robert Gamble, Jr.
1888 Florida as a Sugar State. Two letters published in the
Tallahassee Floridian, September 28:8.

Girouard, Mark
1978 Life in the English Country House: A Social and Architec-
tural History. Book Club Associates, London.

Grange, Roger T. Jr.
1999 The Turnbull Colonist's House at New Smyrna Beach: A
Preliminary Report on 8VO7051. The FloridaAnthropolo-
gist 52:73-84.

Griffin, Patricia C.
1999 The Halifax-Mosquitoes Plantation Corridor: An Overview.
The Florida Anthropologist 52:5-24.

Hielscher, Kurt
1922 Das Unbekannte Spanien. Verlag Ernst Wasmuth A. G.,

Hodgson, Fred T.
1916 Concretes, Cements, Mortars, Plasters & Stucco. How to
Use andHow to Prepare Them. Frederick J. Drake & Co.,
Publishers, Chicago.

Jones, William M.
1981 A British Period Sawmill. ElEscribano 18:84-105.

Landers, Jane
1992 Fort Mose: Gracia Real de Santa Teresa de Mose: A Free
Black Town in Spanish Colonial Florida. St. Augustine
Historical Society, St. Augustine.

Payne, Ted M., and Patricia C. Griffin
1999 Preliminary Archaeological Investigations at the Joseph
Martin HernandezMala Compra Plantation Settlement at
Bings Landing County Park, Flagler County, Florida.
Prepared by MAAR Associates, Inc., Newark, Delaware,
for the Flagler County Planning Department, Bunnell,

Manucy, Albert
1964 The Houses of St. Augustine, 1565-1821. St. Augustine
Historical Society, St. Augustine.


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1997 Sixteenth-Century St. Augustine: The People and Their Whiffen, Marcus, and Frederick Koeper
Homes. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. 1981 American Architecture. Volume 1: 1607-1860. The MIT
Press, Cambridge.
McEwan, Bonnie G.
1993 Hispanic Life on the Seventeenth-Century Florida Frontier.
In The Spanish Missions of La Florida, edited by Bonnie
G. McEwan, pp. 295-321. University Press of Florida,

Miller, James J.
1998 AnEnvironmentalHistory ofNortheastFlorida. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Moore, Dorothy L. and Dana Ste. Claire
1999 Dreams and Promises Unfulfilled: Andrew Turnbull and
the New Smyrna Colony. The Florida Anthropologist

Reeves, F. Blair
1981 Documentation and Maintenance Assay: Burnsed Block-
house. An unpublished report on non-circulating reserve in
the Architecture and Fine Arts Library, University of
Florida, Gainesville.

Schafer, Daniel L.
1999 Mount Oswald Plantation at Tomoka and Halifax Rivers.
The Florida Anthropologist 52:25-30.

2000a Governor James Grant's Villa: A British East Florida
Indigo Plantation. El Escribano 37. The St. Augustine
Historical Society, St. Augustine.

2000b ZephaniahKingsley's Laurel GrovePlantation. In Colonial
Plantations and Economy in Florida, edited by Jane
Landers, pp. 98-120. University Press of Florida,

Shepard, Herschel E.
1981 Kingsley Plantation Structural and Site Improvements,
Jacksonville, Florida. Prepared by Fisher and Shepard,
Architects & Planners, Inc., for the Florida Board of Parks
and Historic Memorials, Tallahassee.

Shepard, Herschel E., and Randy F. Nimnicht
1974 The GambleMansion, Manatee County, Florida: A Report.
Prepared by Fisher and Shepard, Architects & Planners,
Inc., for the Division of Archives, History, and Records
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ville Historical Society, Jacksonville.

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County, Florida.


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Florida's plantation research has been on-going since the
early 1950s and has accelerated in intensity during the last
decade. Preliminary information has been acquired about
these agricultural enterprises of the eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries, particularly from an individual site level.
This article is an overview of several such plantations (Figure
1). It examines owner or upper management architectural
practices and domestic possessions as revealed by table service
ceramic wares and types. These examples provide a thread of
behavioral practices from which one can observe both continu-
ity and change. This is not a comprehensive study, but rather
a preliminary examination of what we are beginning to learn
about these agricultural enterprises in rural northeastern
Florida during the British, Second Spanish and U. S. Territo-
rial Periods.

British Period

Upon Spain's cession of its Florida Colony to Britain in
1763, problems were encountered, particularly those related to
repopulating a virtually vacated landscape and the need to
establish a progressive economy. Almost all of the Spanish
population of around 7,000 persons vacated East and West
Florida at the change of flags (Works Project Administration
1940:xvii). The British repopulation and renewal of the
economy were based upon knowledge gained from their other
North American colonies and those in the West Indies. Under
the encouragement of Governor James Grant, efforts were
made to establish plantation-based agricultural enterprises,
such as that of Richard Oswald.
Oswald's 20,000 acre plantation complex contained five
settlements with the Mount Oswald establishment acting as the
administrative center for the other four. These settlements
were intended to produce corn, cotton, indigo, rice and sugar.
This reflected the British approach to an agricultural economy
that participated in colonial and world markets (Griffin
1999:Table 1). Recent limited research at the Tomoka Basin
GeoPark (Payne 1996) relocated the preserved remains of the
Mount Oswald settlement, first identified by John W. Griffin
(Griffin and Smith 1949). Over 9,000 artifacts were retrieved
by test excavations. The domestic possessions were typical of
the eighteenth century's third quarter with white salt-glazed
stoneware and early creamware ceramics dominant.
Creamware was the more abundant in frequency. At the time
the ware was replacing the white salt-glazed table service in
popularity. Its presence reflects the social and economic
positions of some of the settlement's more prosperous inhabit-

ants (Noel Hume 1982:123-126).
Residential frame architecture was documented for the
Mount Oswald administrative settlement and the Swamp
Settlement with its sugar cane cultivation, plus sugar and rum
manufacturing facilities (Payne 1995, 1997). Archaeological
investigations did not find indications to the contrary. There
was an absence of tabby concrete and coquina that could be
attributed to Oswald plantation construction. The recovery of
hand-wrought nails and hardware was consistent with pre-
Industrial Revolution technology. Documentation stated that
nails were obtained from a South Carolina source; however,
foundry iron bar fragments and a dense concentration of slag
indicated the presence of a blacksmith and metal working
facility at Mount Oswald (Payne 1997:16). There was no
evidence of glazed windows being used at Mount Oswald. The
absence of tabby concrete and coquina building materials
suggests that the architecture at the Oswald plantation was
probably based on practices developed outside the Florida
colony (Payne 1997:Tables 1, 2). Coquina was readily
available from local sources and could have been employed.
A unique example of British architecture has been pre-
served at the Swamp Settlement's sugar and rum processing
complex known as the Three Chimneys (8VO196) and located
in Ormond Beach (Payne 1995; Payne and Griffin 2001:34-
42). The two remaining industrial structures were constructed
using an English brick bonding pattern and are the only
known contemporary examples of the classic British architec-
tural tradition in the northeastern part of Florida. This also is
the only confirmed remains of early sugar and rum processing
technology. It consisted of an animal-powered mill with four
sugar boiling kettles heated by separate furnaces. Nearby, a
distillery was processing rum.

Plantations in Second Spanish
and U. S. Territorial Periods

Departure of the British and the return of Spanish rule to
the Eastern Florida Colony provided another economic shock
to the regional economy. During Britain's 20 year rule, a total
of 1,653,000 acres of land (690 parcels) had been given in
grants of "family right" and King in Council (Works Project
Administration 1940:xvi). Few of these British subjects
remained after 1783, so the repopulation of the colony and
attention to its economy was necessary again. The small East
Florida colony included 450 Caucasians and 200 Negroes
(Public Works Administration 1940:xvii). Eventually the
population void would be filled by entrepreneurs interested in


VOL. 56(3)




cash-crop agriculture. Some of these relocated from the West
Indies and brought with them ideas about rum and sugar
production. Plantation development continued into the U. S.
Territorial Period until the widespread destruction during the
Second Seminole Indian War.
A relatively early settler of the time was Hepworth Carter.
In 1792, he developed a plantation on the north side of Pellicer
Creek at Hemming Point in what is now Faver-Dykes State
Park (Payne and Griffin 2000:16-20). In lieu of swearing
allegiance as a Spanish subject, he was required to raise cattle.
Crops were cultivated, but there is insufficient historical
information available to identify them. Recent research
identified the land tract and location of the residential com-
A fireplace, common to British architecture, was situated
at midsection of the house wall and its base was constructed of
coquina with bricks used as heat insulation (Payne and Griffin
2000:50-64). This building and one nearby were probably
supported by trimmed coquina footings or piers. The recovery
of hand-wrought nails suggests that these structures were of
frame construction. Interior walls were finished with lath and
plaster. There was a lack of window glass indicating the
windows were probably not glazed; instead they were most
likely covered by shutters. Chunks of tabby concrete were
found in proximity to the structures and may have been used
for the building's interior ground surfacing and/or for an
exterior piazza.
The recognized architectural practices coincide with those
recorded around St. Augustine and at other plantations of the
period. The owner's house was found to have architectural
attributes introduced by the British. The fireplace design was
not common in the initial Spanish residences (Herschel E.
Shepard, personal communication 2001). The use of coquina
illustrates the exploitation of locally available resources and
the limited use of imported building materials, such as brick.
It could not be determined whether the wrought nails were
brought in or regionally made. The absence of glazed win-
dows may reflect adherence to an architectural tradition
maintained by the Spanish or it may have been an economic
decision (Herschel E. Shepard, personal communication
2001). There was an absence of machine-cut nails whose
manufacturing technology was then in the second decade of
development (Nelson 1968:3-6).
The Carter family's table service collection was dominated
by deeper-yellow creamware ceramic types that were popular
in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Early types of
pearlware also were found. Some were decorated with hand-
painted designs and others had impressed edgewares patterns.
These refined ceramics types were the popular selections of the
landowner class along the East Coast of North America at the
turn of the nineteenth century and reflect the economic ability
of the Carter family to make such purchases (Noel Hume
Other examples of similar architectural and domestic
practices have been found around Tomoka Basin in the present
day Tomoka Basin GeoPark. The first two decades of the
nineteenth century saw the establishment of three plantations

on the west side of Tomoka Basin. The first one was by John
Bunch, who grew cotton. Preliminary investigations have
identified the remains of his residential complex, which had
been substantially disturbed (Payne 1999:108-110). His
dwelling had a corner fireplace of brick and coquina similar in
construction to that of Hepworth Carter's. Interior walls were
finished with lath and plaster. Large chunks of tabby concrete
may have once been part of an interior flooring. Nails were of
machine-cut manufacture, but too corroded to classify as to
The plantation with its crops, facilities, land and slave
workers was purchased in 1825 by Colonel Thomas Dummett
who had recently relocated from the Barbados in the West
Indies. After moving, he originally settled in Connecticut, but
quickly found the climate too cold. He went south and
purchased the Bunch property for development of sugar
cultivation and processing along with the distillation of rum
(Payne 1999:104-106, 110-111; Payne and Griffin 2001:58).
It is assumed that the Dummett's lived in the house previously
occupied by the Bunch family. The house and property were
described by Thomas Dummett's daughter, Anna:

The old log house, our home, stood in the center of a large
yard, green with Bermuda grass. The house was thatched
with palmetto and shaded by moss-draped trees. I can see
the big fireplace, with its brightly polished brass andirons
which reflected back the blaze and supported a log of wood.
There was the old fashioned wine cooler, made of solid
mahogany and bound with brass...the claw-footed tables dark
with age and shining with elbow grease...the family portraits
hanging on the walls...the heavy silver on the buffet...such
are some of my recollections of our early home in
Florida....[Strickland 1985:23].

John Addison's plantation adjoined the south side of the
Bunch enterprise. Addison cultivated cotton and sugar while
raising cattle. Limited investigations of his dwelling indicated
that the building had a continuous coquina foundation.
Exterior tabby concrete surfacing probably pertained to piazzas
(Griffin 1952). The foundation's masonry form was dupli-
cated at a later McHardy residence built around 1820, which
was destroyed by fire (Payne 1996:17-18).
Nails recovered from Robert McHardy's 1820 structure
included two that may have been hand-wrought, five which
had machine-cut shafts with wrought heads, 16 early machine-
headed and 26 modern machine-cut types (Payne 1996:18-20).
The nail history represented spans the late eighteenth into the
third decade of the nineteenth centuries and the earlier forms
may have been retrieved from older building remains and
reused. This history documents another example of products
of the Industrial Revolution in rural architecture, i.e. the
availability of machine-manufactured building materials (Noel
Hume 1982:252-257).
Domestic possessions at these rural dwellings reflect the
changing times and a continuing trade in British manufactured
goods. The Bunch and Dummett plantations and McHardy's
later dwelling, contained ceramic wares and types that were
popular or preferred by the land-owner class. The


2003 VoL. 56(3)


(ca. 1763 until the
Second Seminole War)

«<_Kingsley Plantation

«Carter Plantation
«<_Hermandez Mala Compra Plantation


«McHardy Plantation

—Bunch_and Dummett Plantations
n and Oswald Plantations


Figure 1. General locations of Northeast Florida plantations discussed in the text.

Bunch/Dummett assemblages showed a shift in popularity to
pearlware with its blue-on-white transfer-printed table service,
a preferred decorative pattern at the beginning of the nine-
teenth century (Coysh 1971:7; Noél Hume 1982:128-131,;
Payne 1999:108). The same situation was found at the 1820
McHardy house with the pearlware blue and brown transfer-
printed table service preferred over the later creamware
patterns (Payne 1996:20-21).

Another example representing Second Spanish Period
plantation development is the Joseph Hernandez Mala Compra
Plantation built after 1817. The plantation was the adminis-
trative center for all of Hernandez’ agricultural enterprises
where cotton, corn, oranges, rice and sugar were grown.
Recent investigations at the Hernandez’ home and detached
kitchen at Bings Landing County Park in Flagler County
provide a preliminary understanding of architectural practices
and domestic possessions (Payne and Griffin 1999). Historic
documentation stated that the house was a one and one-half
storied frame building supported by a masonry foundation with
a double fireplace, wooden flooring and glazed and shuttered
windows. A piazza was located along one side for the length
of the building (Payne and Griffin 1999:33-35).

The archaeological study found that the house was frame,
but it was supported by masonry and footer foundations and
was substantially larger than documented. Indications of
wooden flooring were found, but a portion of the building had
interior tabby concrete surfacing. The fireplaces were con-
structed of coquina with tile facing. Construction materials
recovered included brick, tabby concrete, tiles, trimmed
coquina, wrought hardware, and early machine-headed nails.
These fasteners were of particular interest, because of their on-
site modifications. Finishing and flooring nail forms were not
available in the machine-manufactured market of materials.
Craftsmen at the plantation re-worked the common nail by
flattening the opposing sides to produce a “T-headed” configu-
ration suitable for fastening floor planking. A second modifi-
cation consisted of cutting off nail heads to provide a finishing
type for counter-sinking or hiding its appearance (Payne and
Griffin 1999:41-53).

The Hernandez family’s ceramic collection had wares and
types like those found at other contemporary plantations.
Later nineteenth century creamware was well represented, but
pearlware types were dominant. Blue-on-white transfer-
printed pearlware patterns depicted scenes of rural estates and


pastoral settings; patterns prominent at the time (Coysh
1971:7). Ceramics of an aristocratic status such as Wedgewood
black basaltes and export Chinese porcelain were in contrast
to those Tomoka plantation wares. Their presence is consis-
tent with the elevated economic and social position Joseph
Hernandez held as a military leader and politician (Payne and
Griffin 1999:54-57).

Plantation Studies are only Starting

These plantations have provided some preliminary infor-
mation that can assist in future research. In general, rural
architectural practices relied on the available construction
materials such as coquina for masonry foundations, tabby
concrete for surfacing and forested timber for structural
framing and siding. Oswald's British Period plantation used
frame construction for upper management as well as for
workers' housing, but there was a lack of coquina and tabby
concrete. The traditional British brick bonding used at the
sugar and rum processing complex is an outstanding example
of eighteenth century English architecture (Payne and Griffin
2001:40; Wayne, Dickinson and Hall 2001:40).
After the departure of the British in 1783, some of their
architectural traditions such as the fireplace and glazing of
windows continued to be used. Residential building construc-
tion appeared to follow a vernacular architecture making use
of coquina, tabby concrete, and timber framing along with the
glazed windows, the interior use of lath and plaster walls and
masonry fireplaces. Three of the Tomoka Basin houses (Payne
1996; 1999; Payne and Griffin 2001), plus those of Hepworth
Carter (Payne and Griffin 2000) and Joseph Hernandez (Payne
and Griffin 1999) appear to have had a form of coquina and
tabby concrete construction. Some building materials were
acquired from outside such as bricks and nails. The only local
brick manufacturing documented took place at the Dummett
plantation (Payne 1999:11). Nail manufacturing reflects the
change from hand-wrought forms to machine-cut types
introduced by the Industrial Revolution (Nelson 1968).
Life within the plantation house, such as the furnishings
and the occupant's personnel possessions, is a complex
research topic and will require more intensive study. But the
preferences in the selection of table service ceramics corre-
sponds with contemporary practices recognized along the
Atlantic Eastern Coast. The wares and types were of British
and United States manufacture and available through North
American and European sources. These would have been
available during the Second Spanish period through open trade
after the colonial government permitted the importation of
foreign trade goods (Coker and Parker 1996:160). No inter-
ruption in the evolving eighteenth and early nineteenth century
ceramic history has been recognized, with white salt-glazed
stoneware, creamware and pearlware found in general use on
plantations. The only ceramics of Spanish origin were several
utilitarian olive jar sherds found at the Hepworth Carter and
Hernandez plantations (Payne and Griffin 1999:54; 2000:58).
This sampling indicates that there was an apparent continuing
selection for British refined wares and types of table service.

This same preference appears to have taken place in St.
Augustine, as well (Carl D. Halbirt, personal communication

Plantation Black History: A New Story

Another topic which has yet to receive intensive study is
that of the plantation slave workers. When the Spanish left
Florida in 1763, most of the resident African population
followed (Landers 2000:3). This void was filled by the British
with slave workers brought from the African continent, their
North American and West Indies British colonies. These
newly-arrived people would not have had extensive local
knowledge of the previous African American lifeways.
Richard Oswald early-on encouraged Governor Grant in the
use of slaves:

...then hire an experienced overseer to manage 'a Gang of
Seasoned Negroes'-approximately twenty. During the first
year approximately one hundred acres of land could be
cleared and fenced, enough to enable the slaves to feed
themselves and the livestock, erect the necessary buildings
and through sales of excess provisions pay their clothing and
tools. Additional slaves could then be purchased directly
from Africa at a cheaper cost than seasoned Negroes.
Oswald recommended Africans from the 'Windward Coast
where they cultivate rice and may soon be trained to planta-
tion business [Schafer 1982:39-40].

The newly arriving enslaved men, women and children would
have brought with them the skills and traditions of their native
African cultures, as well as those they would have acquired
while working in the British colonies. All that we know of the
second introduction of African culture into Eastern Florida
consists of bits of information obtained from isolated historic
documentation and archaeological research.
Rudimentary research found a few references to plantation
slave settlements, such as Oswald's frame housing (Payne
1995:13; 1997:30, 33-35.), Kingsley Plantation's tabby
concrete slave dwellings (Schafer 1994:20) and the
Bunch/Dummett workers' village (Payne 1999:108), which
appeared to have buildings supported by coquina footings with
some possible use of framing. A historical account concerning
the Mala Compra Plantation provided a limited description of
the workers' housing. They were wattle construction with
post-in-the-ground foundations (Payne and Griffin 1999:35).
A listing of the slaves held at the Bunch/Dummett planta-
tion includes two persons with Ebo as the prefix to their names
(Payne 1999:103-104). The term refers to an African culture
and probably reflects the origin of these two men. Excavation
in the village retrieved a hand-carved bone bead and several
small sherds of a low temperature-fired pottery that may or
may not have been Native American in origin. These sherds
could not be classified, but the bead and pottery suggests
examples ofnative crafts maybe preserved. African-American
pottery making has been reported in South Carolina (Ferguson
1992:18-32). Newly arrived slaves may well have brought
with them traditions independent of the earlier African


2003 VOL. 56(3)


populations of St. Augustine and they were used skills in their
daily life on the plantation. Future research should keep this
in mind. Attention must be given to recognizing variations
from what previously has been established as local African-
American traditions. The demonstration of these differing
lifeways would have been principally expressed on the planta-
tions. We have hardly scratched the surface of what there is
to learn.

Plantations Today

A substantial portion of Florida's plantation history has
been lost, but we are fortunate to have a representative sample
still in preservation. There are three and probably four of
these historic sites protected within the boundaries of Faver-
Dykes State Park in St. Johns County (Payne and Griffin
2000). A short distance to the south, an additional 11 planta-
tions are located; one consisting of two settlements. These
valuable historic resources are situated in the Tomoka Basin
GeoPark (Payne and Griffin 2001). As a consolidated resource
of Florida history, the two park holdings are unequaled and
offer an opportunity to preserve and enjoy a vital portion of
state history. Efforts are underway to continue research and
develop park exhibits depicting this 80 year period of Florida

References Cited

Coker, William S., and Susan R. Parker
1996 The Second Spanish Period in the Two Floridas. In The
New History of Florida, edited by Michael Gannon, pp.
150-166, University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Coysh, A. W.
1971 Blue and White Transfer Ware 1780-1840. Charles E.
Tuttle Company, Rutland, Vermont.

Ferguson, Leland
1992 Uncommon Ground: Archaeology and EarlyAfrican
America, 1650-1800. Smithsonian Institution Press,

Griffin, John W., and Hale G. Smith
1949 Nocoroco, A Timucua Village in 1605 Now in Tomoka
State Park. Florida Historical Quarterly 27:340-361.

1952 The Addison Blockhouse. The Florida Historical Quar-
terly 30(3):276-293.

Griffin, Patricia C.
1999 The Halifax-Mosquitos Plantation Corridor: An Overview.
The Florida Anthropologist 52(1-2):5-23.

Landers, Jane G.
2000 Introduction. In Colonial Plantations and Economy in
Florida, edited by Jane G. Landers, pp. 1-10. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Nelson, Lee H.
1968 Nail Chronology As An Aid to Dating Old Buildings. In
TechnicalAssociationforStateandLocalHistory, Techni-

cal Leaflet 48, History News 24 (11), Nashville, Tennes-

Noel Hume, Ivor
1973 Creamware to Pearlware: A Williamsburg Perspective. In
Ceramics in America: the Winterthur Conference Report
1972, edited bylanM. G. Quimby, pp.217-254. University
of Virginia Press, Charlottesville.

1982 A Guide to Artifacts of Colonial America. Alfred A.
Knopf, New York.

Payne, Ted M.

1995 Archaeological Assessment for the Three Chimneys Site
and a Reconnaissance Survey at the Project Land Parcel,
OrmondBeach, Florida. Submitted to the City of Ormond
Beach by MAAR Associates, Inc. Ms. on file at the Plan-
ning Office.

1996 Limited Archaeological Investigations at 8V00244 to
Establish a Construction Date for Structure 1; Bulow
Creek State Park, Volusia County, Florida. Report
prepared for the Florida Department of State, Bureau of
Archaeological Research by American Preservation Consul-
tants, Inc., St. Augustine. Copy on file at the Tomoka
Basin GeoPark, Ormond Beach, Florida.

1997 Preliminary Investigations to Locate Mount Oswald: A
British Plantation System in the Tomoka State Park,
Volusia County, Florida. Report prepared for the Florida
Department of State, Bureau ofArchaeological Research by
American Preservation Consultants, Inc., St. Augustine.
Copy on file at the Tomoka Basin GeoPark, Ormond
Beach, Florida.

1999 Preliminary Archaeological Investigations at the
Moultrie/Bunch/Dummett British through Territorial-
period Plantations. The Florida Anthropologist 52 (1-

Payne, Ted M., and Patricia C. Griffin
1999 Preliminary Archaeological Investigations at the Joseph
Martin HernandezMala Compra Plantation Settlement at
Bings Landing County Park, Flagler County, Florida.
Submitted by MAAR Associates, Inc. to the Flagler County
Planning Department. Copy on file at the St. Augustine
Historical Society.

2000 Preliminary Archaeological Investigations at the Carter
and Hernandez Plantations along with St. Johns Culture
Habitation Complexes at the Faver-Dykes State Park, St.
Johns County, Florida. Report prepared for the Florida
Department of State, Bureau ofArchaeological Research by
American Preservation Consultants, Inc., St. Augustine.
Copy on file at Washington Oaks State Gardens, Florida.

2001 Sugar Making in East Florida and the History ofEight
Plantations. Report prepared for the VolusiaAnthropolog-
ical Society, Inc. by American Preservation Consultants,
Inc., St. Augustine. Copy on file at the St. Augustine
Historical Society.



Public Works Administration
1940 Spanish Land Grants in Florida: Brief Translations from
the Archives of the Boards of Commissioners for Ascer-
taining Claims and Titles to Land in the Territory of
Florida, Vol. I, Unconfirmed Claims: A-Z. The Historical
Records Survey, Division ofCommunity Service Programs,
Works Projects Administration. Ms on file at the St.
Augustine Historical Society.

Schafer, Daniel L.
1982 "settling a colony over a bottle of claret," Early Plantation
Development in British East Florida. El Escribano 19:37-
53, St. Augustine Historical Society.

1994 Anna Kingsley. St. Augustine Historical Society.

Strickland, Alice
1985 Ashes on the Wind: The Story of the LostPlantations. The
Volusia County Historical Commission.

Wayne, Lucy B., Martin F. Dickinson, and Herschel E. Shepard, Jr.
1991 Sugar Mill Botanical Gardens Archaeological and
Architectural Study, Dunlawton Sugar Mill, 8V0189,
Volusia County, Florida. On file, Volusia County Planning


2003 VOL. 56(3)



1 301 BeachwayAvenue, New Smyrna Beach, FL 32169-2211

2 P.O. Box 504, New Smyrna Beach, FL 32170-0504

Andrew Turnbull, a Scottish physician, established a large
plantation at what is now New Smyrna Beach and Edgewater,
Florida, in 1768. The community was most frequently called
"the Settlement at Smyrnea" and once as "New Smyrnia."
The colony collapsed in 1777 and the Minorcan, Greek and
other settlers relocated to St. Augustine. (Moore and Ste.
Claire 1999).

Historical Background

Smyrnea Settlement was the most common appellation of
Turnbull's "colony." It was termed the Greek Settlement, and,
by later historians, the New Smyrna Colony and Turnbull
Colony. Formation of the settlement began on June 18, 1766
with two 20,000 acre grants issued by the British Government.
Sir William Duncan, Baronet, and Dr. Andrew Turnbull, a
Scottish physician, each received a grant (Panagopoulos
1978:13). On the same date, Turnbull was granted an addi-
tional 300 acres that abutted his large grant. Turnbull and
Duncan, both wealthy members of London society, soon
accepted Sir Richard Temple (acting for Sir George Grenville,
Prime Minister) as a third partner (Griffin 1991:7) in their
goal to gain great wealth through a commercial agricultural
plantation enterprise in East Florida. Turnbull was chosen as
the plantation manager for the joint venture.
Britain had gained the territory of Florida from Spain in
1763 in trade for Havana during the Treaty of Paris. Posses-
sion of this land gave Britain an unbroken line of colonies
along the Atlantic seaboard of North America, from Canada,
obtained from France during the same treaty, to Florida (Gold
Florida was divided into two administrative districts, East
Florida and West Florida. A proclamation issued October 7,
1763 defined the boundaries of East Florida, with the
Apalachicola River as the dividing line between it and West
Florida. St. Augustine was chosen as the seat of East Florida's
civil government, and James Grant of Scotland was appointed
as its first governor (Quinn 1975:19).
Britain's rush to colonize Florida set in motion a boom in
land speculation and episodes in overseas migration (Bailyn
1986:431). Many of the wealthy grantees who received large
tracts of land in East Florida had agreed to certain stipulations
in order to retain their lands. They were to be settled with

Protestant families within a period of ten years, with one
person for every 100 acres (40.5 ha) and payment of quit-rents
at an established rate (Rasico 1990:14). Those requesting new
grants would be required to fulfill the same stipulations.
However, many potential colonists in Britain and its North
American colonies had negative feelings about Florida's assets
(Rasico 1990:14), fed by less-than-enthusiastic publications
that described the land as "being little more than pine barrens,
or sandy deserts," (Panagopoulos 1978:11). Therefore,
recruitments were promoted more in Europe than within the
British Empire (Rasico 1990:14). Dr. Turnbull's personal
experience living in the Mediterranean area and his exposure
to the Greek culture through his Greek wife, a Greek woman,
may have led to his decision initially recruit colonists from
Turnbull's success rate with the Greeks fell short of the
number of colonists needed so he turned to the island of
Minorca (ceded by Spain to Britain in the same treaty by
which Florida became a British possession). Destitution from
a three-year crop failure among other factors (Rasico 1990:24)
enabled Turnbull to recruit about 1,100 colonists from that
island. Another hundred or so colonists were recruited from
Italy, France, Corsica and Turkey. Since nearly 80% of the
colonists who departed Europe with Turnbull for East Florida
were from Minorca, and because of their intermarriage with
other ethnic groups, such as Greeks and Italians, the whole
group is often referred to today as the "Minorcans of Florida"
(Woodland 1989:2).
On April 7, 1768, eight ships carrying 1,403 colonists,
accompanied by Dr. Turnbull, set sail from Gibraltar for East
Florida. Only a total of 1,255 people arrived. Many deaths
occurred during the voyage, as well as some births. Housing
and accommodations had been planned or built for only half
the new colonists (Panagopoulos 1978:58).
Black slaves were also present in the colony. Although the
exact number has not yet been determined, preliminary data
have established that more than one hundred were living and
working on the plantation by late 1766, prior to the colonists'
arrival (Schafer, personal communication 2001).
Turnbull described his plantation in a letter to the Earl of
Shelburne, dated Sept. 24, 1769. He stated the colonists were
lodged on farms aligned along a navigable river, with the
plantation itselfstretchingfor approximately eight miles along


VOL. 56(3)




the shore. He also stated "he hoped to have all the farmhouses
built in one year more" (British Colonial Office, Shelburne
Papers, Vol. I). This statement seems to indicate some
colonists were still housed in temporary structures more than
a year after their arrival.
A conjectural plan of the New Smyrnea Settlement is
depicted in Griffin (1991:Fig. 3.5). It shows the linear
settlement plan along the Hillsborough River (now the Indian
River), the King's Road, portions of the canal system, some
agricultural fields, Watson's house, the suspected location of
Turnbull's own plantation house, the central area which
included the possible location of the Catholic church, and the
stone wharf. This linear settlement pattern was socially
disruptive (Griffin 1991:48; Moore and Ste. Claire 1999:38)
as the Minorcans were from a culture with a close, centralized
village concept.
There were good years and bad years at the New Smyrnea
Settlement for the colonists and the plantation partners during
its nine year existence. The primary agricultural focus of the
plantation was indigo cultivation and subsequent processing of
the blue dye, a very profitable endeavor for Turnbull and his
partners. However, droughts for several years severely reduced
the production of indigo and all other crops. Dissatisfaction
with their life, their masters and several other factors drove the
colonists to leave the New Smyrnea Settlement for St.
Augustine in 1777. They hoped for better conditions in that
Historical documentation stating the total number and
types of structures has not yet been found. Some structures are
depicted on the Griffin map (1991:Fig. 5). Locations of other
structures such as slave houses, wells, indigo vats and indigo
housess, various workshops (cooper, blacksmith, etc.), barns,
stables, kitchen buildings, corn houses, chicken sheds, privies,
wharfs (in addition to the one known), and the Catholic
graveyard (which contains over 900 bodies) are not known.
Traces of what are suspected to be two oven bases and two
lime kilns have now been pinpointed, however it is not known
whether each family would have had its own baking oven and
well or whether these were communal facilities.
After the colony collapsed in 1777, William Watson
(Turnbull's head carpenter) listed the carpenter work for the
structures he had built, beginning in late 1766. Itemized were
"Dr. Turnbull's dwelling house, two large stores for provi-
sions, one small store for provisions, a windmill, a horse mill,
one indigo house, 145 other houses, four cedar bridges and 22
double sets of indigo vats" (Public Records Office T77/13).
This is the story of search and rescue archaeology at New
Smyrna. The principal above ground remains of the colony
are the Old Stone Wharf, the coquina foundation in Old Fort
Park and some sections of the canal system. It has long been
assumed that few material remains of the colony had survived
modern development and that highway US 1 had obliterated
many potential colonial sites in its path along the river's edge.
Most remnants of the colony lie below ground and only limited
archaeological work had focused on the archaeology of New
Smyrna (Griffin and Steinbach 1990; Ste. Claire 1996) until
1996 when Dorothy L. Moore found evidence of an eighteenth

century occupation in a tract sold by the City of New Smyrna
Beach to an expanding automobile dealership. The successful
excavation of a colonial house by volunteers in 1996-97 was
reported at the first plantation symposium held in Daytona
Beach (Grange 1997). That work led to a funded survey
project in 1998 by Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc.
(SEARCH) for New Smyrna Beach, Port Orange and Volusia
County (Austin, Grange, and Moore 1999, Austin and Moore
1999). The survey located 26 new sites and evaluated a total
of 37 sites: 30 were identified as remnants of Turnbull's
Smyrnea plantation. Five sites are of National Register
significance and at least five others are probably eligible. The
survey demonstrated that remnants of the plantation are
present throughout the area and that many more sites remain
undiscovered. Several sites found during the survey have now
been destroyedby continuing development. Rescue excavations
have produced new data from some of these sites. This paper
is an effort to illustrate the variety of structural types. The
sites were discovered in the SEARCH survey, during earlier
archaeological investigations, and in rescue excavations at
sites damaged or destroyed after their discovery by SEARCH.


One obvious component of the colony is the Old Stone
Wharf (8VO4298) on the western bank of the Indian River
(Moore 1990; 1991:98). The wharf, best viewed at low tide
and consists of two parallel lines of cut coquina blocks
extending from the shore into the river, an eastern walljoining
the two underwater in the river, and a coquina block river
bank revetment which parallels the shore line to the north.
Prehistoric, eighteenth century and later artifacts have eroded
out of the occupational deposits.
This "wharf of stone" was utilized as a boundary marker
for the survey of an 1100 acre grant issued by the Spanish
Government to Ambrose Hull in 1801 (Florida State Archives;
Report A, No. 22). Hull was the next occupant of some of the
same lands formerly occupied by the Smyrnea Settlement. An
1817 Spanish surveyor's map was drawn for Hull to support
his claim for losses incurred on his grant at the Mosquitoes.
The survey depicts the Stone Wharf as being near the southern
boundary of his 1120 acres along the Hillsborough River [now
the Indian River] (St. Augustine Historical Society Library;
Hull claims).
Another documented historic site located near the wharf is
the Copper Tacks Site (8VO5264), where small pieces of
copper sheathing and copper tacks have been found. Sheath-
ing the hulls of wooden ships used in sub-tropical and tropical
waters inhibited the growth of fowling organisms which
destroyed the wood. Copper sheathing was officially adopted
by the Royal Navy in 1783 (Cowburn 1965:100). The sheath-
ing materials associated with this site may represent repairs
undertaken while a ship was moored at/near the Old Stone
Wharf in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century.


2003 VOL. 56(3)


Large Coquina Building Foundation

The large coquina foundation in "Old Fort Park," which
may have supported several nineteenth century structures is
thought to have a colonial origin, but early twentieth century
WPA excavations and reconstruction destroyed builder's
trench deposits which might have dated its construction. John
Griffin (Griffin and Steinbach 1990) studied this ruin in great
detail and explored various hypotheses about its origin and
function (an old fort, Ambrose Hull's house, which probably
utilized a pre-existing foundation, and Turnbull's unfinished
Palace), ultimately concluding that it was the Smyrnea Settle-
ment's Church of San Pedro. More recently, Ste. Claire
(1996) concluded that it might have been a storehouse. Ste.
Claire and his team found unquestionable colonial period
deposits in adjacent areas of the park.
An undated map showing "New Smyrnia" was found
by Grange in 1998 at the British Public Records Office (PRO).
It had been overlooked earlier because it had been mis-filed
when the PRO moved to Kew. Other versions of this map are
available in the Florida State Archives and the St. Augustine
Historical Library. This one differs in several details from the
other versions of the plan; it includes variations in the names
of property owners and other features.
The map shows a linear pattern of small rectangles
(representing houses) along the riverbank, a feature also
shown on other plans from which Griffin's (1991) settlement
plan was derived. The map also illustrates two rows of houses
and a central larger building which apparently formed the
main part of town. The larger building appears to be two
stories with a gable roof line, a central chimney and a door
facing the river. Variations in the depiction of the river in this
area makes correlation with the USGS quadrangle problem-
atic, but the large structure on this plan could depict the
foundation in the park.

Canal System

The canal system created by the colonists is yet another
tangible feature of the colony that also was investigated by
Griffin and Steinbach (1990) in a study of historical sources
without any direct archaeological work. A portion of the
Turnbull canal system once ran beneath the north sidewalk on
Canal street in downtown New Smyrna Beach but has been
filled and replaced by a drain in the center of the street.
Archaeological salvage excavation of the Canal Street Midden
(8VO4365) was done in 1992 in conjunction with the redevel-
opment of Canal Street (Southarc, Inc., 1992). Prehistoric and
nineteenth century materials, but no Turnbull Colony period
artifacts, were described on the Florida Master Site form filed
for this site. The eighteenth century canal itself was recorded
during the 1998 SEARCH survey as the North Canal
(8VO7056) but no test excavations were undertaken. The
Airport Canal (8VO7144) was observed and recorded during
the same SEARCH survey but was not tested. The South
Canal (8VO7056) (Moore 1992:369) was recorded and the
north side tested during the SEARCH survey but no definitive

Colonial artifacts were found other than fragments of mortar.
Systematic archaeological excavation of the canal system is

King's Road

The Old Kings Road extended from Charleston to New
Smyrna and farther south to the Haulover Canal area (St.
Augustine Historical Society Library: East Florida Pay
Records). A comprehensive review of part of the road from St.
Augustine to New Smyrna was completed in 1997 (Adams,
Schafer, Steinbach, and Weaver 1997). The SEARCH survey
examined two sites related to the Kings Road (Austin, Grange,
and Moore 1999). One of these was a visible shell causeway
which was recorded as King's Road Causeway (8VO7147) but
not otherwise investigated. Also related to the road was
8VO7163, the Turnbull River Road site, where tests revealed
a wrought iron nail, a bone handle and colonial mortar below
the contemporary shell road. Much more research and field
work needs to be done on the road as an aspect of the Smyrnea

Structures with Lath and Mortar Plaster Walls

Dot Moore assembled copies of many historical documents
and kept looking for possible Turnbull sites while rescuing
data from many prehistoric and historic sites in the New
Smyrna Beach area. She discovered the Turnbull Colonist's
House site (8VO7051) in a tract sold by the City of New
Smyrna Beach to an expanding automobile dealership. Ayear
of volunteer excavation by professional and non-professional
archaeologists was carried out at the site (8VO7051). There
were two major buildings, one built of coquina blocks, the
other a timber framed structure with mortar plastered walls
(Grange 1999:Fig. 1). Five houses with mortar/plaster walls
of this type have now been excavated in rescue archaeology
projects in New Smyrna Beach.

Rescue Excavated Houses

8V07051 The Colonist's House Site

All of this structure was excavated except for an area in its
northwestern quadrant where tree roots prevented effective
work (Grange 1999). Since this was the first colonial house
excavated and is also the most complete, it has become the
type example of the most common structure found at the
Smyrnea Settlement. Excavation in the house exposed dense
deposits of mortar and sufficient datable artifacts to place the
occupation between 1750 and 1780. Artifacts and food
remains indicate that this was a residential structure.
The building was 13'1" wide (4 m) and 27'5" long (8.37
m). A mortared coquina double fireplace with a narrow hearth
in each of two rooms was the central feature of the colonist's
house (Grange 1999:Fig. 4). Built of coquina and mortar, the
chimney had fallen and formed a coquina debris field over the
remains of the house, a pattern which was used during the




Figure 1. The picture illustrates a charred lath in situ butted against a squared post. Two nails, one on each side, point
inward at an angle into the post indicating that the lath were toenailed directly into the post (8V07051). Arrows point to the


SEARCH survey as surface evidence of likely house locations.
The structure was built with a framework of posts set into
the ground at one meter intervals (Grange 1999:77). The
posts were square to rectangular and averaged ten centimeters
on a side; all were charred and terminated at floor level,
indicating that the building had burned. The corner posts were
not sufficiently intact to measure but, judging from the
indications of the post holes, were of larger size than the wall
posts. Remains of two wall posts were excavated and the
unburned portions below floor level were removed. Both posts
were identified as Chamaecyparis thyoides, Atlantic White
Cedar (Roy Whitmore, personal communication 2001).
Remains of one post measured 78 cm (30 3/4") in length; the
other was much shorter. One charred remnant of an angled
brace was found.
The walls were made of split wood lath plastered on both
sides with mortar as evident in a section of wall that includes
charred remains of a wall lath abutting a squared wall post
(Figure 1). The lath was nailed to the vertical wall post by at
least two methods as seen in Figures 1 & 2. Two nails are
visible in situ in Figure 1, and are interpreted as showing that
the lath were affixed directly to the post by nails driven into
the post at an angle. Figure 2 illustrates an example in which
two nails were driven straight into the post from opposite
sides; these are interpreted as holding vertical stops against
which the lath was nailed.
Mortar from the walls was readily identified by the wood
grain impressions of the lath and raised lands where the
mortar was pushed into the gaps between adjacent lath. When
the structure burned the lath support was consumed and the

wall split along the center line exposing the lath impressed
interior. The exterior surfaces of wall mortar were smooth.
Fragments of wall and floor mortar were abundant at the
Colonist's House site and this architectural material was used
as typical evidence of possible eighteenth century plantation
structure sites in the SEARCH survey.
The structure had a mortar floor which was intact in some
places, but most of the floor had been disturbed by artifact
collectors and floor fragments were missing, displaced or
upside down. A thin layer of crushed coquina shell had been
laid down before the mortar floor was set, so that the exposed
surface of the floor was smooth while the underside included
shell fragments.
Offset interior walls from the east and west sides of the
fireplace divided the colonist's house into north and south
rooms (Grange 1999:Fig. 4). The dividing wall was intact on
the west side but on the east side the interior wall could not be
traced all of the way from the fireplace to the exterior wall.
There may have been a doorway connecting the two rooms but
this area of the floor was disturbed by artifact collectors and it
could not be determined whether there was a doorway or if the
gap was due to the disturbance. Thus it is impossible at
present to say whether this was a two room house or two
separate one room domestic units in a single building (Figure
A coquina pillar was added to the south room after the
floor was laid (Grange 1999:Fig. 4). The adjacent section of
the floor slopes down to the western edge of the south room for
some as yet unknown reason although the addition of a new
entry at this location is a possibility.

2003 VOL. 56(3)


GRANE AN Moou SY1Ir S~ri ~'~r TRUCUR_


Figure 2. The picture illustrates two nails pointing straight inwards from opposite sides into the void marking the position
of a now missing post Arrows point to the nails. These are interpreted as evidence of a lath attachment in which vertical stops
were nailed to the post and lath was then nailed into the stops (8V07051).

No identifiable roof material was found in the excavation
and initially a roof thatched with palm fronds was assumed as
illustrated in the house report (Grange 1999:Fig. 5). However,
a reference to the production of cypress shingles on the
plantation has been found (PRO T77/27, 67065) and that now
seems the more likely roofing material.

8V0O7146 First Presbyterian Church Site

At least five colonial period structures were identified in 53
shovel test excavations in the SEARCH survey at 8VO7146,
the First Presbyterian Church site. Colonial type mortar and
artifacts were used to identify these features and the most
definitive architectural remnant was a coquina hearth platform
incorporating two triangular cut coquina decorative elements
(Figure 4) The entire hearth was excavated and recorded,
then re-buried for preservation until more permanent curation
plans can be developed. Tests in the adjacent area demon-
strated the hearth feature was surrounded by mortar wall
debris making it clear that there was a substantial colonial
period building at this location.
-Four other potential colony buildings werealso identified by
concentrations of mortar structural debris. One test revealed
a deposit of wall mortar fragments over a meter thick. Testing
did not reveal anything about the nature of the structural
source but this deposit suggests a very large building indeed
unless it is simply a demolition dump.
Shortly after the SEARCH survey ended it was learned that
a small garage/shed was going to be replaced with a larger
building at the location of one of the colonial structures

identified during fieldwork. Church administrators graciously
allowed archaeological work to rescue data from the site and
modified their development plan to prevent disturbance of un-
excavated portions ofthe colonial structure. Dot Moore, Roger
Grange and 11 professional and non-professional volunteers
carried out rescue excavation of this significant colonial
building (Moore 2000a).
A mass of mortar found during the survey was shown to be
a 91.5 cm by 122 cm (3 ft x 4 ft) remnant of a chimney or
fireplace hearth. The tree root disturbed fireplace was part of
a house and the west end and NW corer of that mortar
walled building was exposed (Figure 5). The wall post interval
is like that at the Colonist's House Site, 8V07051. Ceramics
associated with this house were consistent with a 1760 to 1780
occupation. Lack of floor mortar or any evidence of earthen
floor deposits suggests a suspended floor system unlike the
mortar floor of the Colonist's House site. It was not possible
to extend the excavation into the paved public alley to the east
of the fireplace feature so it could not be determined if the
fireplace was at one end of a small building or in the center of
a larger one. The one room identified was estimated to be
approximately the same dimensions as one of the rooms of
structure #2 at 8VO7051.
It is important to note that this site is in the area where two
lines of houses are shown on the historical map of New
Smyrnea and work at this and adjacent sites confirm the
presence of numerous Turnbull period buildings.




Figure 3. The photo shows Structure 2, the framed house with mortar/plaster walls and mortar floor at the Colonist's House
Site, 8V07051. The narrow hearth protrudes into the south room from the square fire box/chimney base. The interior wall
defining the south room (foreground) runs from the left front corner of the chimney to the coquina pillar at the left edge of
the photo. The sloping floor area is visible adjacent to the pillar. The dark patches are collectors pits in the mortar floor.

8V07148 Coquina WharfBed & Breakfast

Across the street from the Old Stone Wharf is the Coquina
WharfB&B site recorded during the 1998 survey. At least two
possible structures were located via shovel tests at this site, one
closer to the river with associated materials suggestive of a
post-Turnbull Second Spanish Period occupation, and a
Turnbull period occupation to the west in the back of the
vacant lot. Some months after the survey construction was
planned on the vacant portion of the site and permission was
granted to conduct some archaeology at the site.
Moore, Grange and other volunteers carried out rescue
excavations (Moore 2000b) but there was only time for limited
salvage work on the property. Ample evidence of a mortar
clad house type was found, and in one unit wall fragments
were in a possible corer distribution, but neither mortared
floor remnants nor wall posts were present in the limited
Associated ceramics and a cluster of eighteenth century
broken wine bottles date the site to the 1760-80 period (Figure

8V07226 The White-Fox Site

Excavation of the White-Fox site is underway as this paper
is being prepared. A Tumbull Colony site at this location was
predicted in the research design for the SEARCH survey but
the location was not investigated as part of that project. A late

nineteenth century house on the property, once occupied byDr.
Benjamin Fox, has been demolished and initial rescue excava-
tions revealed the presence of at least 5 probable colonial
structures at this site. One of these appears to be the remains
of a lath and mortar plaster structure with a probable coquina
hearth and excavations at this site will probably continue for
an extended period.

8V07194 Janet's Site

Janet's Site is southwest of the Old Stone Wharf. Con-
struction of a new home is planned and rescue excavations
were carried out at this site in 2000-2001 by Moore, Grange
and volunteers. Although excavations were limited, wall
mortar with finished surfaces, wrought nails and associated
eighteenth century ceramics indicate the presence of another
Turnbull period house. It is possible that more archaeological
work at this site will be accomplished before the cultural
deposits are destroyed.

SEARCH Survey Tested Sites with
Associated Artifacts and Architectural Mortar

Several of the sites located during the SEARCH survey in
1998 produced evidence of multiple structures based on
surface observations and test excavation distribution. Among
these structures are examples marked by both architectural
specimens such as lath impressed mortar and associated
colonial ceramics, buttons or iron artifacts. Although survey


2003 VOL. 56(3)

Table 1. Survey tested sites with associated artifacts and architectural mortar.

Turnbull Period Occupation
8VO2580 Blanchette: Chimney fall, wall mortar, button, hewn coquina
8VO7062 Grange: wall mortar, button, medallion, hewn coquina
8VO7142 Sleepy Hollow: hewn coquina, wall mortar, button, wrought iron hoe
8VO7146 First Presbyterian Church: wall mortar, hewn coquina, ceramics
8VO7161 Night Swan B&B: wall mortar, clay pipe stem
8VO7153 Bailey: 2 structures, wall mortar, thimble, buttons, bottle
8VO7095 Airport Clear Zone: wall mortar, iron steelyard scale, wrought iron sickle
8VO5265 Clinch Street Midden: wall mortar, ceramics, bottle finish
8VO7069 Clinch Street: wall mortar, ceramics
8VO7097 Turnbull Colony Site #2: coquina, mortar, ceramics, wrought iron tools

Post-Turnbull Occupation: Second Spanish Period?
8VO7097 Turnbull Colony Site #2: wall mortar, ceramics Eighteenth to early Nineteenth century.
8VO7148 Coquina Wharf B&B: wall mortar with milled lath impressions and Nineteenth century ceramics

Late Nineteenth Century (Non-Colonial)
8VO7162 Kiep: mortar, late Nineteenth century ceramics
8VO4289 Trinity Site: tabby/mortar structure, wire nails late Nineteenth early Twentieth century.

Table 2. Probable Colonial Period sites with
architectural mortar.

8VO7062 Grange (5 probable structures)
8VO2580 Blanchette
8VO7142 Sleepy Hollow (4 probable structures)
8VO7146 First Presbyterian Church (4 probable structures)
8VO7155 Henning
8VO100 Nordmann's Mound
8VO635 Airport Park Midden
8VO5265 Stone Wharf
8V07069 Redlands
8VO7145 Powley
8VO7163 Turnbull River Road

test excavations were limited, these sites are securely identified
as Smyrnea Settlement buildings. These examples are listed
in Table 1.

Numerous other sites have probable colonial house remains
because one or more shovel tests produced colonial wall
mortar. Identification of these is limited to the architectural
artifacts. These are listed below in Table 2.
As can be seen in the descriptions and tabulation of mortar
plaster clad structures, 5 buildings of this type have been
excavated to some extent in rescue projects and confirmed as
Smyrnea Settlement buildings. Eight more have been
identified in survey tests which yielded architectural evidence
and colonial artifacts while another 20 have been identified by
the presence of colonial mortar alone and await further testing
to confirm their identification. Many of these sites have
multiple exploratory excavations producing mortar from tests

situated so that there could be more than one structure present
at the site, increasing the number of houses identified. Conser-
vatively, at least 34 framed buildings with lath and mortar
plastered walls have been located.
The presence of more than 100 framed buildings at the
colony was recorded in 1783 (Moore & Ste. Claire 1999:39;
BCO, Shelburne Papers, Vol. III). There are many examples
of this type of earthfast framed construction in the southeastern
U.S. (Shepard 2001:2). It is documented that William Watson
built 145 houses for the settlement (Watson: PRO) but Wat-
son's list contains no clue as to the type of construction
involved in those buildings. The predominance of framed
buildings with lath and mortar plaster walls found in the
survey leads to the current hypothesis that these are among the
145 houses Watson built for the Turnbull settlement.
Turnbull's description "farm house" may be a reference to this
type of dwelling at the settlement although it is not possible to
confirm this at present (BCO, Shelburne Papers, Vol. 1; Moore
and Ste. Claire 1999:39).


(8V07051) The Colonist's House Site

Rescue excavation at the Turnbull Colonist's House site
(8V07051) revealed Structure 3 which first appeared as a
rectangular cluster of coquina (Grange 1999:Fig. 1, Fig. 8).
Excavation was accomplished at the last moment as clearing
the site for development began and, as the stones in the
rectangular pile were removed, the shape of the feature
emerged (Figure 7). The west end was obscured by a tree
trunk and root system, but a central fire box of burned coquina
with an opening in the east end of the feature was revealed.




Figure 4. The coquina hearth at the Presbyterian Church site (8V07146). The surface of the feature is irregular due to
disturbance by artifact collectors. The arrows point to the two triangular shaped dressed coquina decorative elements at the
front edge of the hearth.

The outside of the stone structure was faced with a thick layer
of mortar. Structure 3 has been interpreted as an outdoor oven
and associated Creamware dates it to the Turbull time period.

(8V07226) The White-Fox Site

A currently ongoing rescue excavation on Riverside Drive
in New Smyrna Beach is at the White-Fox site (8V07226)
where surface exposures of mortared coquina are present. At
least five potential structures have been observed, one of which
appears to be part of a residential building as noted above. A
second mortared coquina feature has been interpreted as
another oven. It is approximately square and has a well
defined opening on its east side which resembles the form of
the oven at the Colonist's House site, and an exterior mortar
surfacing is preserved in one area (Figure 8).

Timber Structure

The Turnbull Colony Site #2 (8V07097) was adjacent to
the first colonist's house site (8V07051) and might eventually
be deemed part of that same residential locus. This site was
observed during the work at the Colonist's House site and was
the first location investigated in the SEARCH survey because
it provided a known site where the methods outlined in the
survey research design could be tested. A coquina debris field
was exposed and mortar recovered in test excavations sup-
ported the interpretation of the feature as a fallen chimney.
Colonial period ceramics and wrought iron tools confirmed
identification as a Turnbull period structure, but no extensive
excavations were done. One Im x 0.5m exposure near the

coquina rubble revealed substantial burned timbers and a tree
nail which were part of the structure, but no evidence of
mortar floor or mortar clad lath was found, making this an
entirely different type of building than the house at 8V07051.
The description and function of this structure remain to be
learned from future excavation of the site and a number of
possibilities spring to mind. For example, it could be one of
the "palm hutts" Turnbull mentioned when he described the
early housing of the settlers (BCO, Shelburne Papers, Vol.1).

Coquina Buildings

Coquina Buildings With Coquina Floors

Another type of building found in archaeological work on
the Smyrnea Settlement is a masonry structure made of

8V07051 The Colonist's House site. Structure 1 at the
Colonist's House site (Grange 1999:Fig. 2) was constructed of
coquina blocks forming 3 foot (91 cm) thick walls and a
mortared coquina floor (Figure 9). A small rectangular socket
in one corer was interpreted as part of an interior post system.
Only one corer and part of the north wall building was intact
but a few stones were remnants of the other walls and it was
possible to estimate that the building had been about 18 feet
(5.5 meters) square. A few domestic artifacts were associated
with the floor but not enough to support interpretation as a
residence. It may have been a storehouse or possibly a


2003 Voi. 56(3)



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eE~B~i~WI~ ..~:Ll.prfi
~ '
h-L I '~ Z ..


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rI Igis re4.4a3L 1. TUi
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Figure 5. Plan of the house at the Presbyterian Church site (8V07146), drawn by volunteer Michael Tanksley. The west end and northwestern corner
of the house are marked by a series of wall posts and post molds. The tree roots intruder into the remains of the fireplace/hearth.

"'C (I W Vltf*.9 UKL&


Figure 6. Refuse pit full of broken eighteenth century bottles at the Coquina Wharf Bed and Breakfast site (8V07148).

Figure 7. Structure 3, the oven, at the Colonist's House site 8V07051. The burned central trough is lower than the adjacent
coquina structural remnants.

8V07142 Sleepy Hollow. Funk's 1767 map of Turnbull's
personal 300 acre grant shows two structures identified as
"Davies" and "Watson" (Moore and Ste. Claire 1999:Fig. 4).
Watson constructed many different buildings for the plantation
and this is one of the few sites where documents can be
correlated with specific archaeological remains. Mortar clad

building features were found at the Watson location as well as
a coquina floor (Figure 10). The holes in the coquina are
equidistant from the corner and are probably construction
elements. This is the second coquina building identified but
it is different from the one excavated near the colonist's house.
No evidence of coquina walls survives but such material may

2003 VOL. 56(3)


GRANGE AND Mooi~x SMYRNEA Sxrr r~is~r STRucvulixs

Figure 8. Structure 1, the oven, at the White-Fox site, 8V07226. In the center foreground is a shallow trough flanked by
darker coquina blocks.

Figure 9. Structure 1 at the Colonist's House site, 8V07051, showing the coquina wall (top), northwestern corner (upper left)
and mortared coquina floor slabs (foreground). The rectangular socket cut into the coquina floor is just inside the
northwestern corner.

have been salvaged during the nineteenth century.

Coquina Cut Blocks, Walls or Other Features. Along River-
side Drive a large cut coquina pier was associated with
colonial glass (Moore Site 8V07149). This implies yet

another type of building but no further speculation is possible;
street construction probably damaged this site. An associated
wrought nail and a colonial glass tumbler fragment indicate a
probable Smyrnea Settlement date.
An 8 foot (2.4 meters) square foundation of courses of




Figure 10. The coquina floor feature at the Sleepy Hollow site (8V07142). Note the two holes (upper left and lower right)
which are equidistant from the corner (left foreground).

coquina was found at 8V07160, the Power Line site. No
archaeological testing was conducted and this may or may not
be a Turnbull period feature.
The Standing Coquina Walls site (8V07070) consists of a
series of large cut coquinablocks in the foundation of a garage
and cottage at the rear of the Coquina Wharf B&B. The site
was reported by the landowner who thought the coquina might
represent remains of a colonial building. Examination of the
stonework revealed a series of more recent foundation modifi-
cations in concrete above the bottom course of coquina. Test
excavations failed to reveal any colonial materials in associa-
tion with the coquina blocks and they could have been sal-
vaged from an early structure and re-used.
A potentially complex structural feature was found at
8V07164, the Turbull Kiln Site, where surface exposures of
dressed coquina with mortar and shell were found. Beneath
part of the coquina feature a well preserved squared timber
was seen in a small test and this complex appears to be the
remains of a structure of a type which will remain indetermi-
nate until further excavation. A closely associated feature is
described below as evidence of a lime kiln.

Lime Kilns

At 8V07164, the Turnbull Kiln Site, a lime burning
feature intruded into the deposits of a prehistoric midden
which had been used as a convenient source of raw material.
A small test excavation revealed a stratified series of layers of
charcoal and ashy shell which has been interpreted as a
possible lime burning enterprise. The mortar found in
structural wall elements at the Colonists House site (8V07051)

included sherds of European ceramics and prehistoric pottery,
indicating the local production of lime for construction
purposes. However, Phase II excavation by SEARCH at this
site in 2002 did not reveal any further evidence of a Tumbull
period occupation and much evidence that the feature was a
post-1904 turpentine collecting and still station. These
twentieth century activities may have disturbed an earlier
Turnbull period site.
A second possible lime kiln feature was found at 8V05265,
the Clinch Street Midden, where layers of ashy mortar and
charcoal were found in a shovel test. An eighteenth century
bottle finish was associated with this feature but the test was
too small to fully explore the functional characteristic of this

Industrial Complex

Turnbull's colony produced a large quantity of indigo
(Griffin 1991; Schafer 2000:21) and a local tradition has long
identified the Blanchette site (8V02580) as Turnbull's Indigo
vats. A prominent feature at this industrial site is a large
circular trash-filled pit which connects to a long channel cut
into the coquina bedrock. The channel terminates in a
rectangular quarried feature topped with coquina blocks and
faced with mortar. An excavated unit in one corer demon-
strated that the feature was about two meters deep but lacked
evidence of a floor. The purpose of the test was to search for
evidence of indigo production but no residue of any kind was
present. A tabby floor (see below) is located nearby to the west
along the same axis and may be part of the complex. The
features identified at the Blanchette site do not resemble a

2003 VOL. 56(3)




typical indigo vat system as illustrated in Diderot's encyclope-
dia (Griffin 1991 :Fig. 4.1). The survey plan of the possible vat
system and other information about the site is available in the
SEARCH survey report (Austin, Grange, and Moore 1999).
That report concluded that:

Although no elevations were taken, the west end nearest to
Murray Creek appears to be higher than the east end. This
site has traditionally been referred to as one of Tumbull's
indigo vat complexes; however, it is unclear how these might
have functioned in an indigo-processing system. The vats
may have been used in some alternative industrial endeavor,
perhaps to process rice [Austin, Grange and Moore 1999:39].

Among Turnbull's innovations at his plantation was the
introduction of "the Egyptian mode of watering" (BCO,
Shelburne Papers, Vol. II; Moore and Ste. Claire 1999:43). It
may be possible that the Blanchette industrial feature could be
part of a shaduf-like irrigation system, although Murray Creek
was likely too brackish for such a purpose. Excavation of the
archaeological feature to gather more data on its form and to
determine its actual slope will be an essential aspect of future
work at the site. The survey excavations were limited and the
present data are insufficient to resolve the identification of the
activities carried out by the colonists at the Blanchette site.
A second potential Indigo industrial site, 8VO7140, The
Spanish Vats, was recorded in the SEARCH survey based on
a map reference to Spanish Vats and a chimney (Austin,
Grange, and Moore 1999: 42). However, the location is within
the active runway area of the New Smyrna Beach airport and
it was not possible to carry out test excavations. An alternative
relationship of the reported remains to the Turnbull Canal
system was suggested.

Tabby Floor

Descriptions of.tabby at other sites (Manucy 1978, 1997)
illustrates the use of larger shell fragments as aplastic inclu-
sions in the mortar matrix. Most of the mortar seen in walls
and floors in structures at the Smyrnea Settlement has sand
and very small or finely crushed shell, hence the use of the
term mortar for this construction material. One structure
found during the SEARCH work at the Blanchette site
(8VO2580) was distinctive in having large shell inclusions,
which made it the only example of a classic tabby floor
discovered in the survey. It was a small rectangular floor
adjacent to the long industrial ditch and pit feature at the site
and .was situated close to the Murray Creek terrace edge. It
had two large corner post holes but no other features were
identified in the limited survey work.

Rice Dikes

Another visible aspect of the colony is earthwork features
that are possibly rice dikes from the Turnbull plantation
operations. Three sites have been identified as possible
remnants of water control devices associated with rice cultiva-
tion. Stone Bridge (8V07202), Corduroy Causeway

(8VO5339) and Crushed Coquina Causeway (8VO5342)
extend from the shoreline into Murray Creek with approxi-
mately one-quarter mile separation between each one.
Remains of a fourth possible dike has been identified, located
between 8VO5339 and 8VO7202. Limited archaeological
testing has been done at 8VO5339 but no eighteenth century
materials were found (Newman and Wheeler 1996). No
archaeological work has been done on the other sites.


Three above ground coquina well heads seen today in New
Smyrna Beach's Old Fort Park are probably associated with an
1803 Second Spanish Period plantation. However, they could
be re-used Turnbull Colony features. In a letter to relatives in
1805, Ambrose Hull stated he had four wells of good water
near his home (Rutherford 1952:334).
A possible colonial feature is 8VO7076, the Spring Ditch
site. It is a coquina cap over a spring and drainage ditch at the
abandoned Sleepy Hollow residential area which was observed
and recorded in a CARL survey (Wheeler 1997). Unfortu-
nately, there were no associated colonial artifacts and this
feature cannot be attributed to the Turnbull Colony at present.
A large well is a surface feature at 8VO2580, the
Blanchette Site, the large colonial period industrial complex
discussed above. The feature was full of modern trash and was
not excavated, but it was evidently quarried into the coquina
bedrock to tap the water table of the adjacent Murray Creek.
The upper part of the circular feature included coquina blocks
with the top of the well head at the present ground surface.
Both the interior wall and the top of the top course of coquina
block were faced with mortar similar, if not identical, to that
associated with colonial structures and the well could date to
the Turnbull settlement period despite being open into contem-
porary times. It cannot be dated by archaeological evidence at

Colonial Bricks

Local tradition includes the assertion that salvaged colonial
bricks were present at various houses on the shore of Turnbull
Bay and the survey included observation and testing at
8VO7156, the Kovach site. The front steps of the contempo-
rary house include bricks supposedly from a Turnbull settle-
ment feature. The bricks were examined and it was concluded
that they could be of eighteenth century origin but it was not
possible to disassemble the home's entrance to obtain a sample
for further study. A few pieces of possible colonial mortar
were found in tests nearby.


Documentation of an eighteenth century lighthouse/beacon
at Mosquito Inlet (now Ponce de Leon Inlet) has recently been
found in accounts of expenditures for 1774-1777 by the East
Florida Governor. Angelo Vackieri was paid each of the four
years for "taking care of the beacon at the Mosquito Inlet and




aiding and assistingvessels in crossing the bar" (St. Augustine
Historical Society Library). The location and construction
methods for this structure have not been determined, however
it pre-dates what was considered the oldest lighthouse at this
inlet, an 1835 structure.


A dozen or more different types of structures and features
associated with Turnbull's Smyrnea Settlement have been
identified as the result of archaeological work, yet several of
the types listed in the historical record of the colony are not
represented in material remains. Much more awaits discovery
in the next archaeological survey. The current data are
incomplete and all of the sites discussed deserve more exten-
sive excavation than has been possible in the search and rescue
operations. This descriptive listing is merely a preliminary
step and will surely be modified as more field investigation
and documentary research is done in the future, but will serve
to illustrate the complexity of the colonial establishment.
The focus here has been on structures rather than on the
complexities within sites, but at the better known locations,
such as the Colonist's House, Colonial House 2, Grange,
Blanchette, the First Presbyterian Church and White-Fox sites,
it is clear that the typical "site" has considerable multi-
structural complexity. When the time comes to follow up on
the field survey of the Smyrnea Settlement, it will be necessary
to excavate sites extensively to reveal the settlement pattern
rather than to focus on single structures.


The numerous institutions and individuals whose efforts
contributed to the survey conducted by Southeastern Archaeological
Survey, Inc. have been acknowledged in that project report (Austin,
Grange, and Moore 1999) and those whose efforts made possible the
excavation of the Turnbull Colonist's House have likewise been
acknowledged in that report (Grange 1999). We thank all of them
once again for those efforts. More recent rescue excavations have
depended on the efforts of many others. We would like to thank the
First Presbyterian Church of New Smyrna Beach for permission to
excavate on their property. Mark Rakowski, City Planner of New
Smyrna Beach, helped smooth the way and William J. Miller,
architect for the First Presbyterian Church helped with preservation
site planning. Holly Henderson, Michael Tanksley, Donnadine
Miller, Larry Payne, Peggy Wilburn, Rose Hores, Mickey Ascherl,
Barbara Leis, Rosey Ankney, Allan Moore, Margaret White, Jenna
White, Roger Grange III, Benjamin Grange, and Alexandra Grange,
as well as D.J. White and the rest of the scouts from Boy Scout Troop
72, were all hard working members of Dot Moore's volunteer
excavator team. Professional archaeologists Bob Austin, Bruce
Piatek and Roger Grange also volunteered. The understanding and
support of private property owners has made the research possible
and we gratefully acknowledge Richard and Kathy Hill, Janet
Goodrich, and Douglas and Vicki White for permission to work on
their land. We deeply appreciate Editor Ryan Wheeler's efforts on
our behalf.

References Cited

Adams, William R., Daniel Schafer, Robert Steinbach, and Paul L.
1997 The King's Road: Florida's First Highway. A Narrative
History of the Road's Construction; with a Description of
Its Route from St. Augustine to New Smyrna; Transcrip-
tions and Explanations of Survey Notes from the Territo-
rial Period; Maps; andIllustrations. Prepared for the City
of New Smyrna Beach City Commission, Volusia County
Council by Historic Property Associates, Inc., St.

Austin, Robert J., Roger T. Grange, Jr., and Dorothy L. Moore.
1999 The Search for Turnbull's Colony, An Archaeological
Survey. Report Prepared for The City of Port Orange,
Florida, The City of New Smyrna Beach, Florida and
Volusia County, Florida by Southeastern Archaeological
Research, Inc.

Austin, Robert, and Dorothy Moore
1999 Archaeology ofthe New Smyrna Colony. Booklet produced
by Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc. for the City
of Port Orange, the City ofNew Smyrna Beach and Volusia
County, Florida.

Bailyn, Bernard, and Barbara DeWolfe
1986 Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of
America on the Eve of the Revolution, Alfred A. Knopf,
Inc., New York.

BCO (British Colonial Office Papers)
n.d. 1766-1788 Shelbure Papers, Vol. I. Typed transcripts of
letters written from East Florida to London, from London
to East Florida, and letters to and from the East Florida
Governor. On file, StateLibrary, Florida Collections Room,

Cowburn, Philip
1965 The Warship in History, MacMillan Co., New York.

Florida State Archives
1827 American State Papers, Confirmed Claims, microfilm, Vol.
5, Report A, No. 22, Tallahassee.

Gold, Pleasant Daniel
1927 History of Volusia County Florida. E.O. Painter Printing
Co., DeLand.

Grange, Roger T. Jr.
1997 A Colonial House at New Smyrna Beach. Paper presented
at the Northeast Florida Plantation Symposium, Daytona

1999 The Turnbull Colonist's House at New Smyrna Beach: A
PreliminaryReport on 8VO7051. TheFloridaAnthropolo-
gist 52 (1-2):73-84.

Griffin, John W., and Robert H. Steinbach
1990 Old Fort Park and Turnbull Canal System Archaeological
Survey Project New Smyrna Beach, Florida. Report
prepared for the City of New Smyrna Beach by Historic
Properties Associates.


2003 VOL. 56(3)


Griffin, Patricia C.
1991 Mullet on the Beach: The Minorcans of Florida, 1768-
1788. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville.

Manucy, Albert
1978 The Houses of St. Augustine 1565-1821. St. Augustine
Historical Society, St. Augustine, Florida.

1997 Sixteenth Century St. Augustine, the People and Their
Homes. University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Moore, Dorothy L.
1991 Old Stone Wharf, New Smyrna Beach, Volusia County,
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 44(1):98.

1992 Gabordy Canal, New Smyrna Beach, Florida. The Florida
Anthropologist 45(4):369.

1994 Trinity Site (8V04289) Tabby Remains of A Historic
Structure, New Smyrna Beach, Volusia County, Florida.
Manuscript report on file in Florida Master File, Tallahas-

2000a Preliminary Report of Archaeological Investigations on
Church Property, 611 Magnolia Street. Prepared for the
First Presbyterian Church, New Smyrna Beach.

2000b Preliminary Report ofLimited Archaeological Testing, 708
South Riverside Drive, New Smyrna Beach, Volusia
County (8VO7148). Report on file with City of New
Smyrna Beach and Bureau of Archaeological Research,

Moore, Dorothy L., and Dana Ste. Claire
1999 Dreams and Promises Unfulfilled: Andrew Turnbull and
the New Smyrna Colony. The Florida Anthropologist

Newman, Christine, and Ryan J. Wheeler
1996 Cultural Resource Assessment of the Bolt Tract, Volusia
County, Florida. C.A.R.L. Archaeological Survey, Bureau
of Archaeological Research, Tallahassee.

Panagopoulos, E.P.
1978 New Smyrna: An Eighteenth Century Greek Odyssey, Holy
Cross Orthodox Press, Brookline, Massachusetts.

PRO (Public Records Office)
n.d. An Exact Plan of the River St. Johns in East Florida with
part ofthe sea coast. Document PRO T77/21/137 on file at
the Public Record Office, RuskinAvenue, Kew, Richmond,
Surrey, TW9 4DU, Great Britain.

n.d. List of Lumber from Smymea in Mr. Gordon's Yard,
itemized by William Watson (after 1777).

Quinn, Jane
1975 Minorcans in Florida: Their History andHeritage.
Mission Press, St. Augustine.

Rasico, Philip D.
1990 The Minorcans ofFlorida: Their History, Language and
Culture. Luthers, New Smyrna Beach.

Rutherford, Robert E. (editor)
1952 Settlers from Connecticut in Spanish Florida. The Florida
Historical Quarterly 30(4):324-340.

Schafer, Daniel L.
2000 Governor James Grant's Villa. A British East Florida
Indigo Plantation. El Escribano, 37:1-120.

Shepard, Herschel E.
2001 Early Florida Plantations: Notes on Architecture and
Technology. Paper presented at the Second Northeastern
Plantation Symposium sponsored by the VolusiaAnthropo-
logical Society, Daytona Beach.

Southarc, Inc.
1992 Archaeological Data Recovery, 8V04365, Canal Street
Project, New Smyrna Beach, report prepared by Southarc,
Inc., Gainesville.

St. Augustine Historical Society Library
1777 East Florida: Pay Records for Construction of the Kings
Highway. Payment to Robert Bissett, Esq. and records of
payments made on Angelo Vackieri's behalf for bea-
con/inlet duties; microfilm #M44.

1817 SpanishLand Grants, Confirmed Claims, microfilm H#92,
St. Augustine.

Ste. Claire, Dana
1996 New Smyrna: Unearthing Britain's Greatest New World
Colony. Florida History Notebook, Museum of Arts and
Sciences, Daytona Beach.

Watson, William
n.d. List of Carpenter Work on the Smyrnea Settlement, Com-
pleted by 1777. T 77/13 on file at the Public Record Office,
Ruskin Avenue, Kew, Richmond, Surrey, TW9 4DU, Great

Wheeler, Ryan J.
1997 Archaeological Reconnaissance Survey of Sleepy Hollow,
Volusia County. Bureau of Archaeological Research,
Division of Historical Resources, Tallahassee.

Woodland, Naaman J. Jr.
1989 The Minorcans ofFlorida: A Neglected Chapter ofAmer-
ican Frontier History, Lamar University Distinguished
Faculty Lecture, Beaumont, Texas.



Florida Anthropological Society Chapters

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2495 NW 35th Ave., Miami, FL 33142

2) Broward County Archaeological Society 5
481 S. Federal Highway, Dania Beach, FL 33004

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P.O. Box 947544, Maitland, FL 32794-7544 4

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P.O. Box 82255, St. Petersburg, FL 33682

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6) Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy 2
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SouthArc, Inc., 3700 NW 91st St., Suite D300, Gainesville, FL 32606

The written history of slavery is incomplete and often
biased. Contemporary accounts stem from three basic sources:
slaveowners, abolitionists and public records. The majority of
the slaves themselves were illiterate, both by law and through
circumstance. The records left by slaveowners consist of three
primary categories: (1) defenses of what Kenneth Stampp
(1956) dubbed the "Peculiar Institution," which tend to depict
happy slaves cared for by benevolent patriarchal masters (cf.
Phillips 1918); (2) journal entries documenting distribution of
food and clothing; and (3) advertisements--either for slave
sales or runaways. Those left by the abolitionists, such as
Georgia's Fanny Kemble (1984), are generally depictions of a
life of brutality, deprivation and unceasing labor. The few
accounts left by freed or escaped slaves such as the famed
Frederick Douglas tended to follow abolitionist themes. Public
records, such as censuses, deeds, wills, bills of sale and probate
records, provide basic demographic information as to the
number, age, sex and racial mix of slaves, and occasionally
information such as the number of slave quarters, with limited
descriptions such as frame or log. Sometimes plantation maps
show the location and layout of workers' housing.
One other source of written history on slavery is the
Federal Writers Project (1936), interviews conducted with
former slaves during the Great Depression of the early 1930s.
But these interviews must be used with caution. First, the
interviewers were primarily white, and it is possible that
during this period of racial segregation, the elderly black
subjects were often reluctant to criticize slavery to a white.
Second, the interviews were conducted at the height of the
Great Depression, a time of tremendous poverty for most lower
class people. To the elderly former slaves, the guaranteed
housing, food and clothing of slavery days, no matter how
meager, often seemed idyllic compared to the hardships of the
Depression. And third, the former slaves at the time of the
interviews were very elderly senior citizens, recounting events
from their youth and often stories they had heard from their
elders. So, for these reasons, there is sometimes a question as
to the reliability of their accounts.
So what is the truth about slavery? As archaeologist Carl
Steen (2000:12) pointed out, during the 1960s there was a
liberal interpretation of slavery which emphasized the positive
aspects of African American history, particularly the preserva-
tion of traditional African cultural features such as colonoware
or religious beliefs (cf. Ferguson 1992), and the development
of a unique African-American culture. But, he also stated that
this approach sometimes led to a failure "to remember that

slavery was a horrific experience. the equivalent of .
concentration camps" (Steen 2000:12). As he summarized,
"the reality is somewhere in between" (Steen 2000:12).
Since the early 1970s archaeological studies have opened
a small window onto the undocumented history of slavery.
This research began in Florida under the direction of Dr.
Charles Fairbanks of the University of Florida at one of the
first plantation sites he examined, Kingsley Plantation on Fort
George Island (Fairbanks 1972). Initially plantation worker
research focused on the material goods of slaves, particularly
those items which might provide evidence of the survival of
African cultural traditions (cf. Ferguson 1980). Later there
were comparisons between slave assemblages and those of
their owners and overseers (cf. Otto 1975; Mullins-Moore
1980). More recently, attention has been given to housing and
settlement patterns of the workers, both before and after
freedom (cf. Orser 1988; Vlach 1993).

Plantations and Variations in Housing

A plantation is essentially an agricultural factory (Adams
1987:9). Geographer Merle Prunty (1955:460) said that
plantations had six characteristics: (1) a landholding larger
than a "family farm," (2) a distinct division between labor and
management, (3) specialized agricultural production of a crop
for sale, (4) location in an area of the world with a plantation
tradition, (5) distinctive settlementforms and spatial organiza-
tion reflecting centralized control of cultivating power, and (6)
a relatively large input of cultivating power per unit of area.
This contrasts with a farm, which is an operation in which the
family provides the majority of the labor, and the crops are
produced for subsistence and domestic consumption (Singleton
Major plantation cash crops in the South have been cotton,
rice, sugar, tobacco and, at one time, indigo. However, there
were regional variations, including naval stores--particularly
in North Carolina, Georgia and Florida (cf. Adams 2001), gold
in the Piedmont region (cf. Roberts 1989), and bricks in
coastal South Carolina and Georgia (cf. Wayne 1992). The
labor organization was dependent upon the crop or product,
but consisted of two primary systems, the gang and the task.
Under the gang system common on sugar, cotton and
tobacco plantations--a group of slaves worked together on a
single activity, such as planting or harvesting. Under the task
system--common on rice and naval stores plantations each
slave was assigned a specific acreage size and task. When that




VOL. 56(3)


task was completed, the slave was free to pursue other activi-
ties, such as hunting, fishing or a personal garden (Rivers
2000:20-21; Joyner 1984:43).
The key factor in an examination of plantation workers'
housing is variation temporally, geographically, culturally,
architecturally and economically. First, there were changes
through time. During the early years of slavery in the late
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, there is some
evidence that the housing may have been more distinctly
African in tradition. Research in South Carolina identified
"small circular houses with dirt floors. The walls were often
made from wattle and daub (sticks and mud) and the steeply
pitched roofs were made from thatch" (Michie 1990:65). At
the same time, during this initial period of European settle-
ment, dwellings of the owners and those of their slaves and
bonded servants were probably often similar in size and
construction and their layout was more casual, tied to produc-
tion patterns (Vlach 1991:25).
However, as plantations grew, products became more
varied, and the wealth of the owners increased, the housing of
the workers increasingly reflected the wishes of the owner, at
least in exterior appearance. Beginning in the early to mid-
eighteenth century, the increasingly popular Georgian archi-
tectural style of the mid to late-eighteenth century mandated
symmetry, not only in houses, but also in the landscape,
leading to the imposition of balanced layouts of outbuildings
at the rear of the owner's house (Vlach 1993:3-4). This is the
pattern which tended to continue up to the Civil War.
Second, there are also variations in settlement patterns,
often as a result of the nature of the crops produced (Vlach
1993:183-193). By the end of the eighteenth century and the
beginning of the nineteenth century, larger plantations tended
to have highly organized slave settlements, often at some
distance from the main house compound. Again, there was
variation often due to the nature of the crop. At the huge rice
plantations of the Carolina and Georgia coasts, there were
often a number of settlements near the rice fields and at a great
distance from the house (Vlach 1993:187), while at tobacco,
cotton and sugar plantations, the houses might be along a
street closer to the house. In the pine forests of North
Carolina, there would be a main settlement near the house,
with outlying workers' camps occupied by male slaves during
the turpentine season (Adams 2001:3). And on brickmaking
plantations along the Wando River near Charleston, slave
settlements were near the brickyards (Wayne 1992).
The third variation is in the houses within these settle-
ments. Housing was as varied as the owners, and reflected not
only the wealth of those owners, but also their own cultural
heritage, their architectural preferences, and an increased
emphasis in the nineteenth century on improved housing
designed to maintain the health of their valuable labor source
(cf. Vlach 1993). While the earlier slave houses were typically
small, one-room, dirt-floored, log or wood frame structures
with a mud and stick fireplace, by the mid nineteenth century,
more substantial structures, raised one to two feet above the
ground with wood floors and brick fireplaces were more
common. This change reflected an increased attention by

planters to maintaining the health of their valuable property,
including an emphasis on cleanliness in the housing (Joyner
1984:124; Vlach 1993:163). Overall the British vernacular
house type dominated, in the form of the gable-roofed, one-
story single pen (room) house or the double-pen duplex
(Joyner 1984:118). There are records of two-story I-house
cabins (structures with chimneys located at the gable ends),
again probably duplexes. Finally, there are a few instances of
multiple-room structures or barracks (Brown and Cooper
1990:10; Vlach 1991:40; Wayne and Dickinson 1990:7.1-
Mention should be made here of size in slave housing,
since the small size of workers' houses is sometimes cited
when discussing the evils of slavery. The average slave house
was between 10 to 18 feet square, with the nineteenth century
size falling towards the upper end of that scale. This was
comparable in size to the norm for Euro-American worker
housing. However, it was relatively large by African stan-
dards, which ranged from 8 to 10 feet square (Ferguson
1992:73). According to historian Charles Joyner, these small
African houses were designed to "facilitate intimacy in social
relations" (Joyner 1984:119-120). In addition, traditional
African life focuses on the yard as an activity area, a pattern
which continued into African-American slave life and into the
post-bellum period (Ferguson 1992:69-71).
After freedom, change in African-American worker
housing was slow, primarily due to the dominance of the
tenant/sharecropper systems, which in a sense perpetuated
slavery through workers' debts to the landowner. It should be
noted that many poor whites fell into this trap as well, living
an almost identical lifestyle. The major change that can be
seen in worker housing is that of settlement pattern; the
houses themselves changed very little for a long period.
Charles Orser (1988:181-218) documents a shift from the
structured slave street, through what he refers to as the
"squad," to the dispersed tenant/sharecropper pattern.
Immediately after the Civil War, planters employed former
slaves as wage laborers under the supervision offoremen. The
planter continued to own all the tools, seeds and animals
needed for cultivation, and the workers often stayed in their
former quarters. Gradually the freed slaves began to organize
into semi-autonomous groups, often composed of an extended
family. These groups or squads would then settle in clusters
near the fields they worked. Over time, settlement was further
dispersed resulting in individual homes and outbuildings
adjacent to rented tracts of land. This developing pattern can
be seen in a small settlement at the former Hopton-Gregory
plantation on the Wando River in South Carolina where a
cluster of at least four dwellings was identified in a previously
unoccupied area of the property. Since this settlement was not
documented in the land records, it was probably the homes of
a squad of tenants (Wayne and Dickinson 1996:90-214).

Research Directions

What direction should research take now? It should be
emphasized that relatively little research has been conducted


2003 VOL. 56(3)


on worker housing on Florida plantations. Although this area
of research began at Kingsley, it has not continued within the
state. Sites have been identified, including several associated
with the sugar plantations of Volusia County (Payne 1999:53),
but only limited excavation has been conducted. Florida did
have an extensive plantation economy, although for somewhat
briefer periods than much of the rest of the South. But at this
point, we have little archaeological data about those planta-
tions, which ranged from the British-Territorial sugar planta-
tions of the northeast coast to the cotton and tobacco planta-
tions of the 1850s to 1860s in north-central and north Florida.
But beyond just gathering data on Florida plantations,
there are also new questions to explore. Past research has
focused either on looking for Africanisms or comparisons
between slave, overseer and planter, or between plantations in
one region with those in another. Perhaps it is time to look at
comparisons between plantation worker housing and contem-
poraneous housing of non-plantation workers and farmers.
The large majority of Southerners owned few, if any, slaves,
and there was a large population of poor whites in this and
other regions. Is there much difference between the housing
and material goods of a poor white and that of a slave? After
all, slaves themselves referred to lower class whites as "poor
white trash" to whom they felt superior.
Another area which should be explored comes from the
field of landscape archaeology. A recent article on slave
archaeology at Thomas Jefferson's Poplar Forest plantation
focused on identifying not just the structural and material
remains of slave settlements, but also looking at the area
surrounding the cabins in terms of how it was defined and
used (Heath and Bennett 2000:38-55). This would include
such features as fence rows, animal pens, gardens, ornamental
plantings, activity areas within the yards, trash disposal
patterns and possible evidence of Africanisms such as bottle
trees or swept yards. There is also a possibility that distinct
male or female activity areas might be identifiable within the
yards. And finally, there are questions as to whether the areas
surrounding the cabins followed African community patterns
or were more controlled by the planters, and whether there was
an effort, eitherthrough orientation or through arrangement of
the structural features, to provide an element of privacy for the
residents (Heath and Bennett 2000:38-55).


I would like to thank Ted Payne for inviting me to participate in
the Second Northeastern Florida Plantation Symposium and for his
input as to how he wanted this topic addressed. I would also like to
thank my business partner, Martin Dickinson, for his assistance in
preparing slides for the original presentation and for his advice and
comments on the paper.

References Cited

Adams, Natalie P.
2001 A Pattern of Living: A View of the African-American
Slave Experience in the Pine Forests of the Lower Cape
Fear. Draft document provided by author, New South
Associates, Stone Mountain, GA.

Adams, William Hampton
1987 Plantation Archaeology: An Overview. In Historical
Archaeology of Plantations at Kings Bay, Camden
County, Georgia, edited by William H. Adams, pp. 9-22.
Reports of Investigations 5, Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida, Gainesville.

Brown, Kenneth L., and Doreen C. Cooper
1990 Structural Continuity in an African-American Slave and
Tenant Community. Historical Archaeology 24(4):7-19.

Fairbanks, Charles H.
1972 The Kingsley Slave Cabins in Duval County, Florida, 1968.
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology 7:62-93.

Federal Writers Project
1936 Negro HistoryinFlorida. WorksProgress Administration,

Ferguson, Leland
1980 Looking for the "Afro" in Colono-Indian Pottery. In
Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America,
edited by Robert L. Schuyler, pp. 14-28. Baywood Pub-
lishing Company, Farmingdale, NY.

1992 Uncommon Ground: Archaeology and Early African
America, 1650-1800. Smithsonian Institution Press,
Washington, DC.

Heath, Barbara J., and Amber Bennett
2000 "The little Spots allowed them": TheArchaeological Study
of African-American Yards. Historical Archaeology

Joyner, Charles
1984 Down by the Riverside: A South Carolina Slave Commu-
nity. University of Illinois Press, Urbana.

Kemble, Frances Anne
1984 Journal ofa Residence on a Georgian Plantation in 1838-
1839. Brown Thrasher Books, The University of Georgia
Press, Athens.

Michie, James L.
1990 Richmond Hill Plantation, 1810-1868: The Discovery of
Antebellum Life on a Waccamaw Rice Plantation. The
Reprint Company, Publishers, Spartanburg, SC.

Mullins-Moore, Sue A.
1980 The Antebellum Plantation: In Search of an Archaeologi-
calPattern. Ph.D. dissertation, Department ofAnthropol-
ogy, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Orser, Charles E., Jr.
1988 The Material Basis of the Postbellum Tenant Plantation:
Historical Archaeology in the South Carolina Piedmont.
The University of Georgia Press, Athens.

Otto, John Solomon
1975 Status Differences and the Archaeological Record: A
Comparison of Planter, Overseer, and Slave Sites from
Cannon's Point Plantation (1794-1861), St. Simon's
Island, Georgia. Ph.D. dissertation, Department ofAnthro-


apology, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Payne, Ted M.
1999 Plantation Organization and a Look at Socio-Economic
Status. The Florida Anthropologist 52(1-2):47-56.

Phillips, Ulrich B.
1918 American Negro Slavery: A Survey ofthe Supply, Employ-
ment and Control of Negro Labor as Determined by the
Plantation Regime. Appleton, New York.

Prunty, Merle, Jr.
1955 The Renaissance of the Southern Plantation. The Geo-
graphic Review 65(4):459-491.

Rivers, Larry Eugene
2000 Slavery in Florida: Territorial Days to Emancipation.
University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Roberts, Nancy
1989 The Gold Seekers: Gold Ghosts and Legends from
Carolina to California. University of South Carolina
Press, Columbia.

Singleton, Theresa A.
1985 The Archaeology of Slavery and Plantation Life. Aca-
demic Press, Orlando.

Stampp, Kenneth M.
1956 The PeculiarInstitution: Slavery in the Antebellum South.
Alfred A. Knopf, New York.

Steen, Carl
2000 Plantation Archaeology of the Carolinas. Paper presented
to the North Carolina Archaeological Society. Diachronic
Research, Columbia, SC.

Vlach, John Michael
1991 Plantation Landscapes of the Antebellum South. In Before
Freedom Came: African-American Life in the Antebellum
South, edited by Edward D. C. Campbell, Jr. and Kym S.
Rice, pp. 21-50. The Museum of the Confederacy, Rich-
mond, and the University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville.

1993 Back of the Big House: The Architecture ofPlantation
Slavery. The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel

Wayne, Lucy B.
1992 Burning Brick: A Study ofa Lowcountry Industry. Ph.D.
dissertation, College ofArchitecture, University ofFlorida,

Wayne, Lucy B., and Martin F. Dickinson
1990 Four Men's Ramble: Archaeology in the Wando Neck,
Charleston County, South Carolina. SouthArc, Inc.,

1996 StarvegutHallPlantation: ArchaeologicalData Recovery,
38CH1398 and 38CH1400, Dunes West, Charleston
County, South Carolina. SouthArc, Inc., Gainesville.


2003 VOL. 56(3)



1544 Cristobal Dr., Tallahassee, FL 32303
E-mail: jimmiller@email. cor

Through the continuing interest of the Volusia Anthropo-
logical Society and with the wonderful support of volunteers,
government agencies, non-profit organizations, grantors,
archaeologists and historians, the study of northeast Florida
plantations has come of age. From today's informed perspec-
tive, it is difficult to appreciate just how much has been
accomplished in the past decade in understanding and preserv-
ing plantation remains in this region.
In the 1920s, long before the attention of archaeologists
expanded to the European period, Florida's sugar factory ruins
were prominent historical features on the lush coastal land-
scape. They were local landmarks, but also well known
around the state. They even attracted the attention of the
Florida State Historical Society, now best known for its
ambitious program to publish modern and accurate transla-
tions of key historical works. Northeast Florida students have
made good use of the attractive and scarce limited editions of
Conner's Whole and True Discovery by Ribault, Whitaker's
Commercial Policy of Spain, and Siebert's Loyalists of East
Florida. To further promote an appreciation of Florida
History, the Florida State Historical Society, under the direc-
tion of its patron John B. Stetson, Jr., also acquired important
Florida historical sites.
At a time when no one else cared, the Society purchased
the ruins of the Cruger and DePeyster sugar factory at New
Smyrna and similar remains at St. Marys, believing in their
historical importance, but misunderstanding their nature. At
the Society's dedication of the New Smyrna site on February
21, 1926, Jeannette Thurber Conner offered the historical
evidence demonstrating the ruins were of a seventeenth
century Spanish mission. Conner was perpetuating a myth
that was apparently started at that very spot by the prior owner,
Washington E. Connor, based on the discovery of several
candlesticks among the ruin, and his gift of one to the Florida
State Historical Society. The tantalizing story spread north
through Georgia, initiated by Mrs. Connor's enthusiastic
search for other mission ruins there, and became attached to
the many tabby plantation buildings there. The myth re-
mained firmly affixed to many colonial plantations from
Savannah to Volusia.
This footnote in Florida historiography is interesting on
two counts. First it is a compelling example of the power of
incorrect history. Local experts, reporters, popular writers,
national publications like National Geographic and The New
York times, and eventually prominent historians who should
have known better spread and strengthened the mission ruins
myth. James A. Robertson, Executive Secretary of the Society,

and best known now for his facsimile edition of the de Soto
Elvas narrative, wrote in a 1934 letter that the sugar factories
at St. Marys and New Smyrna "are the two finest Spanish
Mission ruins and are Spanish missions beyond all doubt -
in all of Georgia and Florida" (Floyd 1937:188). It was not
until 1937 with the publication of Georgia's Disputed Ruins,
that the incredible chain of the myth's origin, growth and
acceptance was untangled by Marmaduke Floyd. His final
chapter, entitled "The Spanish Mission Myth," should be
required reading for all of us who use the historical "facts" so
well established not only in popular histories, but also in the
more respected and reliable publications on which we often
The second reason for bringing up the mistaken identity is
to wonder what has taken plantation studies such a long time
to come to academic maturity in northeast Florida. Florida
historians regularly cite the Anglophilic emphasis of American
historical study to explain the second class attention so often
paid to Spanish Colonial research. Even though some of the
most prominent standing architectural remains in Florida
should have stimulated inquiry into British, Second Spanish
and Territorial Period settlement and economy, the ruins
generated little academic interest, perhaps due to their mis-
taken association with Franciscan missionaries. If so, it is
another lesson on how the results of supposedly disinterested
scholarship can be greatly influenced by perceptions and
The Spanish Mission Myth in Florida was finally laid to
rest by John W. Griffin in 1949 or 1950 shortly after the
Florida Park Service accepted the transfer of the New Smyrna
property from the Florida State Historical Society. In his usual
straightforward but politic manner, Griffin reported in an
undated Recommendation:

Change the interpretation of the site. It is, of course,
not a mission, and we should not spread the rumor. How-
ever, reinterpretation will require diplomacy. I have consid-
erable material amassed, and will get more, to give the
correct story with all the proofs. Then we must convince the
local inhabitants. Mrs Sweet is not too set on the mission
idea, and I can win her over, which will help since she has
been the latter-day authority in the region since Mrs.
Conner's death.
Until we can change the interpretation gracefully I do
not recommend that we mark the area with our signs and thus
lend our authority to the myth. Time permitting, I want to
crack the sugar mill-mission myth open this summer of fall
[Griffin n.d.].


VOL. 56(3)




From the 1950s through the 1970s the Florida Park Service
and local governments acquired and interpreted some of the
more prominent sites. These verdant ruins, usually made of
cut coquina blocks covered in moss and ferns, were important
local historical landmarks, and did not require a sophisticated
historical or archaeological understanding to justify their
preservation. Typically, they were resources that citizens
wanted to preserve because of their value to the community,
rather than because they represented an important aspect of
plantation settlement or economy. As often happens with
conspicuous archaeological sites, interpretation focused on the
visible and the prominent, without much consideration of how
these more obvious components fit into the larger cultural
picture. Each sugar factory ruin was the last remaining vestige
of a large and complex agricultural operation that typically
involved a great number of people, buildings, earthworks,
tools, and activities over hundreds of acres.
Until recently, there also was little understanding of the
regional, national and international patterns of plantations in
northeast Florida. It was quite difficult, prior to the computer-
ization of site files and the advent of GIS, to organize and
manipulate the large data sets that could accurately represent
plantations in northeast Florida. Efforts of Volusia County,
the Florida Park Service, the Volusia Anthropological Society,
and many historians and archaeologists in northeast Florida
greatly advanced the regional picture in the last decade. For
the first time, it was possible to see on a map all of the known
archaeological components, and to begin to correlate these
with the plantations discussed in historical documents. It is
the power of historical archaeology that sites and documents
can complement and inform each other, and this is the best
part of northeast Florida plantation research: the division
between archaeology and history as disciplines disappears
when researchers work so closely together. And, the organiz-
ers of this symposium continue to expand our scope as we are
joined by a cultural anthropologist and an architect who bring
more facts and a new perspectives.
As another attempt at moving beyond a narrow archaeolog-
ical treatment, I would like to address plantations from an
environmental perspective, to show how the colonial economic
adaptation of commercial agriculture fit onto the landscape of
northeast Florida. In a more complete analysis in Environ-
mental History of Northeast Florida, I tried to show how
different aboriginal and European cultures adapted to the
unique environmental features of northeast Florida. By
analyzing geology, soils, topography, drainage, vegetation,
climate, and other natural factors it is possible to recognize
how the landscape offers opportunities and constraints to
people. Through culture and more directly through technol-
ogy, people adapt to environmental conditions, and in doing so
they change the environment in recognizable ways. The
environment also changes naturally, whether humans are
present or not, and the result of any environmental change is
that some resources are closed off and others are made
available to human use. The distinct ways that people situate
their activities and their communities across the land and
water represent a settlement pattern. Within a single settle-

ment we also can recognize intra-site patterns, whether they
are revealed through artifacts or architectural remains or
historic maps and plans.
Comparing settlement patterns in the same location in two
subsequent cultural adaptations can be instructive, not only in
identifying distinctive patterns, but also testing the influence
of environmental factors. It is possible to hold environment
constant, so to speak, as a variable in cultural analysis. So, we
can ask why were British settlement patterns so different from
those of Spaniards, even though they were only a decade or
two apart and even though they occurred in virtually the same
landscape? It is clear that local environment did not determine
or dictate a single cultural response; rather, different cultural
and economic systems were expressed in the same region in
different ways. To move beyond a simple environmental
explanation, we need to place plantation sites in their larger
context and realize that they existed as individual pieces in an
international organization.
In the British model, plantation owners were often absentee
entrepreneurs with the means to speculate in the settlement
and production of lands in distant colonies. Potential profits
were great for the right combination of free land, slave or
indentured labor, export goods and international markets. The
British system was organized on a global basis so that products
of one colony supported manufacturing or consumption needs
elsewhere in the Empire. During the two-decade British
Period, northeast Florida experienced a level of settlement and
economic development unachieved in the prior two centuries
of Spanish control. English settlement occurred within a free
market economy enjoying available capital, a relatively weak
religious order, and an independent commercial class.
British plantations represented a cultural as well as an
economic system. While the numerical majority of British
settlers were yeoman farmers, managing to control a few
hundred acres or less, some sizeable plantations aspired to the
status of English country estates. Here is how Lieutenant
Governor John Moultrie described one of his plantations, Bella
Vista, four miles below St. Augustine on the Matanzas River:

[H]is home and place of residence-a Stone mansion 52 by 42
feet lower Story rustic, upper Ionick, containing a rustick hall
44 feet long, Six arches supports the ceiling, a dining parlour,
cov'd drawing room six bed chambers: two unfinish'd
porticos: Offices and other necessary buildings for a hundred
people besides Kitchen garden 10 acres fenced and laid out
in pleasure gardens containing a bowling green: laid walks
planted with many trees Olives dates oranges lemons limes
citrons figs chaddock vines white Mulberry pomegranate
peach and plumb banana pines &c. A park in good order
about the house off [sic] about 30 acres with many pea fowls,
Poland geese Pidgeons, bees &c-100 acres hard marsh; fish
ponds stock'd with fresh water fish 300 acres of land well
cleared cultivated and well fenced... this Plantation contains
a thousand acres [Siebert 1929:I1,239].

Moultrie's plantations involved thousands of acres developed
and tended by at least 170 slaves.
The Spanish colonial system expressed in northeast
Florida, also was global in scope, but authority and ability

2003 VOL. 56(3)


flowed from the crown through layers of administrative
control, complicated by the strong interests and power of the
Catholic church. During the First Spanish Period, through
1763, a few cattle ranches at Alachua and Diego Plains
represented a vaguely independent economic initiative, but in
large part the colony depended on the situado or subsidy and
on native labor. Following the entrepreneurial success of the
British (1763-1784) at producing goods for export, Spain had
another chance during the Second Spanish Period (1784-
1821). Here the difference between the two systems is driven
home by Governor Zespedes' plea for legal permission to grant
land ownership. Finally, in 1790, the crown invited settlement
by way of land grants, and more than 1000 grants were taken
up. Documents indicate, however, that most of these existed
on paper only, and were obtained so as to claim some future
ownership interest when northeast Florida became a United
States territory.
In 1821-22, Charles Vignoles traveled through the new
American territory and noted that it was nearly empty.
Between St. Augustine and Tomoka, he described the planta-
tions ofHernandez, Perpall, and Pellicer as "good." Further
south, Bulow was just beginning to be developed and to the
west on the St. Johns River no single settlement was noted
from the mouth to Lake George (Vignoles 1823). During the
Territorial Period, the plantation system, once so extensive
under British nurturing, began to prosper again. The planta-
tions of Joseph M. Hernandez are a good example, known
through claims documents as well as archaeological excava-
tions. St. Joseph's, his working plantation, produced sugar
and corn as well as vegetables on hundreds of acres. A rough
estimate of annual production was on the order of $2 million
dollars in modern value. By 1835, there were some two dozen
sugar mills in operation in the region, including those of Col.
Thomas Dummett, the Macrae brothers, Bulow, Cruger and
Depeyster, and Anderson, and it appeared that the plantation
adaptation was a success. Unfortunately, in yet another cycle
of boom and bust, the territorial plantations of northeast
Florida were destroyed by Seminoles unwilling to be removed
west of the Mississippi. The Niles Register of February 27,
1836 reported:

The whole of the country, south of St. Augustine has been
laid waste during the past week, and not a building of any
value left standing. There is not a single house now remain-
ing between this city and Cape Florida, a distance of 250
miles; all have been burnt to the ground [quoted in Hanna
and Hanna 1950:65].

Despite the persistence of plantation agriculture as a settle-
ment and economic system elsewhere on the Atlantic seaboard
north of Florida, there were only two relatively brief episodes
of success in northeast Florida: during the middle of the
British Period roughly from 1770 to 1780; and in the Amer-
ican Territorial Period from about 1820 to 1836. The settle-
ment patterns are similar, often represented by house lots in St.
Augustine, a residential plantation in an attractive setting on
a coastal river or lagoon, and working plantations or lands in
more distant locations. The rich soils and vegetation of the

coastal hammocks and along the St. Johns River were pre-
ferred over the intervening sandy pinelands. Certain environ-
mental zones were best suited for specific purposes, such as
marshes or river swamp for flooded rice fields, and hammock
lands for vegetable crops.
Plantation studies are at an exciting point in northeast
Florida. Researchers have sorted out the geography and
identity of most sites. Archaeological and building remains on
the ground have been correlated with plats and records to
indicate which sites belonged with which people. It is now
possible to move beyond identification and classification of
sites to investigate the archaeological expression of colonial
dependency, class, and international economic systems, for
example, especially where documentary sources address the
same topics. We can begin to explore local plantation culture
and to reconstruct personal relationships based on family ties
as well as common economic and social interests. Recent
research has provided a strong basis for placing the material
culture, the social and political relations, the cultural context
and the economic system in a national and international
perspective. Finally, researchers are beginning to identify
specific individuals in the historical records through such
sources as diaries and other documents to transform our
artifacts and papers into real people.
To me, the most critical aspect of plantation studies is the
responsible management ofthese valuable resources. Now that
we have a regional picture rather than a few isolated sites, we
can identify preservation needs and assign priorities. Each
plantation site should be recorded including its architectural
and landscape features, and evaluated for significance and
threats. We all know the disadvantages of preservation by
crisis, and we have a chance to avoid this by selecting impor-
tant sites and promoting opportunities to accomplish preserva-
tion goals. What sites should be in public ownership? What
standing ruins require stabilization? What publicly owned
sites need more careful management? What public policies
and regulations need attention to incorporate plantation
resources? How can sites be made available to the public and
be properly interpreted? And finally, how can the wonderful
community efforts that have accomplished so much in planta-
tion studies be supported to continue their important work of
research and management? I think we are at an important
decision point. Let's take advantage of our new information
and understanding to achieve permanent preservation of key
sites and to develop a richer public interpretation of this
fascinating time in history.

References Cited

Floyd, Marmaduke
1937 Certain Tabby Ruins on the Georgia Coast. Part One in
Georgia's Disputed Ruins, edited by E. Merton Coulter.
University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill

Griffin, John W.
n.d. New Smyrna "Mission." Notes and correspondence file in
the possession of the author (Miller).




Hanna, Alfred Jackson, and Kathryn Abbey Hanna
1950 Florida's Golden Sands. The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc.,

Miller, James J.
1998 An EnvironmentalHistory ofNortheastFlorida. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Siebert, Wilbur Henry
1929 Loyalists in EastFlorida 1774 to 1785, Volume II, Records
of Their Claims for Losses of Property in the Province.
Publications of the Florida State Historical Society 9, no.
2. DeLand.

Vignoles, Charles
1823 [1977] Observations upon The Floridas. A facsimile
reproduction of the 1823 New York edition, edited with an
introduction and index by John Hebron Moore. University
Presses of Florida, Gainesville.


A Seminole Legend: The Life of Betty Mae Tiger Jumper.
Betty Mae Jumper and Patsy West. University Press ofFlorida,
Gainesville. 2001. 198 pages, $24.95 (hardcover).

National Forests in Florida, 325 John Knox Road,
Suite F-100, Tallahassee, FL 32303

A Seminole Legend: The Life of Betty Mae Tiger Jumper is
required reading for anyone interested in Seminole history.
Written in a reader-friendly style, almost a story-telling
format, the book blends Betty Mae Tiger Jumper's personal
perspective on aspects of Seminole history including her own
life experiences with Patsy West's historical detail. Other
disciplines for this combination biographical-autobiographical
book might be Women's Studies, Social Studies, or American
At face value, this book is simply good and educational for
those unfamiliar with Seminole history. At a deeper literary
level, however, the flow and structure of the story provides
insight into deep-set cultural values shared by Betty and her
Seminole community, both past and present It successfully
blends a cyclic style of story telling typical of native peoples
with a linear western-European approach having a beginning,
middle, and end; a parallel can be seen in Betty's life as a half-
white and half-Seminole person.
Whether verbal or written, stories are composed and shared
for a reason. Really good ones are based upon real-life events
and are remembered longer and shared more. These are
stories applicable to peoples' everyday lives and sense of
shared identity. The authors carefully chose particular scenes
to best meet this goal. Betty's life story is not simply docu-
mentary, it is inspirational. Her story is written medicine for
women facing similar challenges of identity and direction.
Betty was told, remembered, and shared the disturbing yet
touching story about two Seminole sisters who, while en route
to Oklahoma with their family, escaped abusive American
soldiers and returned home alone to Florida. The most heart-
rending moment in the story is when their mother forces them
to leave her behind so she could provide a distraction ensuring
their escape. She knew it would be an extremely difficult and
dangerous journey for the young girls, but she had faith in
their-ability to make it on their own and return to their people,
to become a living testament to the strength and solidarity of
their family and community (you will have to read the book to
find out what happens).
There is a reason Betty relates this story. It symbolizes the
strength of her people, even among children, to face hardship

and possible death rather than defeat. It demonstrates personal
sacrifices made through commitment to family and commu-
nity. It also relates the strong role of women and girls in
Seminole society since they are the hope for future growth of
individual clans and the community at large. Since familial
ties are through the mother, the story provides further insight
into how social bonds are established and dissolved as part of
the social fabric in a way that is quite foreign to outsiders.
The mother-daughter bond may be the strongest interper-
sonal relationship in Seminole society. New husbands leave
their natal camp and move to their wife's camp, enabling
mother and daughter to live near each other for life. The
mother in the aforementioned story sacrifices this personal
relationship to support traditional values. It is more important
for her children to return to the safety and continuity of clan
and community than to stay with her. Seminole women
probably appreciate this tragic personal loss at a much deeper
level than non-Seminole women.
In the book the greatest life-changing event for Betty
parallels the story of the two sisters from an earlier generation.
Betty's mother and grandmother did not want her to break
tradition by leaving home for a "white person's" education.
Nevertheless, after a life of protecting Betty from harm, even
moving to afford herbetterprotection, her mother worked hard
and made sacrifices to help Betty pursue her dream. The most
touching moment comes at Betty's graduation.
The cyclic nature of the story is completed when Betty comes
home to help her people. Even though as a child she was
threatened with death by traditionalists opposed to mixed
blood children, her community-based life view compelled her
to return and become a healer who saves the lives of both the
people who once rebuke her for her mixed heritage and their
children. As a healer with knowledge of both Seminole
culture and medicine, and conventional medical training, she
was able to heal her people like no white nurse or doctor could
ever heal them.
There is a significant difference between these two stories.
In the first, outsiders filled with hatred put the sisters into their
perilous state and the girls only escape through the love and
sacrifice of their mother. In the latter, Betty's own people hate
her, and her mother helps her escape her frustrations through
gaining an education. Furthermore, the white outsiders in this
story are motivated by love as opposed to hate. The authors
pay special tribute to non-Seminole church and civic organiza-
tions that provide monetary, civil, legal, religious, and loving
friendship support. Many times, these helpful outsiders are
primarily women, but there is a mix of paternalistic figures as
In both stories, however, the young women come home to



VOL. 56(3)



help their people and their life contributions provide hope for
the Seminole. It is as if Betty's life story is a continuation of
the little girls' story of a hundred or so years before. Ironi-
cally, it is a person of mixed birth who brought closure to the
story and healing into the lives of both the white and Seminole
communities. In this sense, the book's poignant central theme
is that of healing. It is not a coincidence that Betty's training
and education is as a healer.
Because of societal gender roles, Betty was able to effect
community change in ways that a Seminole man could never
achieve. Her very existence forced acceptance that change was
happening, and the way she lived her life with strong spiritual
beliefs, loving dedication to her family, overwhelming sense
of right and wrong, and a commitment to improve education
and health of others, affected the overall direction of how that
societal change took place. A new cycle begins when she
helps another child of mixed heritage who later leads the
Seminole Tribe of Florida into a new generation of economic
The latter part of the book focuses on Betty's political and
writing career. Although divided by subject, chapters are
fairly chronological up to this point. There is a little going
back and forth in the time line in this part of the book that
calls for close reading.
The authors carefully stress that Betty's initial involvement
in organizing the Seminole Tribe was primarily as a translator
and that she probably would not have been relied upon so
heavily had she not gained their trust through years of commit-
ted service. She became an advocate for educating Seminole
youth, and co-edited the "Seminole Indian News" to share
more effectively information among the Seminole and
Miccosukee. Through service and hard work, she earned the
trust of many Seminole who began to call upon her for help in
diverse areas. With her brother's support, she became
Chairwoman of the Seminole Tribe of Florida, an event tainted
with her brother's tragic accidental death.
One suggested improvement for this book would be adding
a "family tree" diagram with at least approximate dates to help
the reader sort through the familial relationships referenced
throughout the book. Even for readers vaguely familiar with
concepts of matrilineal societies and clan exogamy, it is a
challenge at times in the book to try to grasp who is related to
who and how. Understanding these relationships would help
readers better appreciate the significance of related daily
events within their family, clan or community contexts.
Although verbal descriptions of relationships are provided in
the text, a family tree type diagram would be a handy reference
tool for readers.
This book would be excellent inspiration for young teenage
girls struggling with feelings of low self-esteem typical for that
age. Mothers, especially those with daughters, will also be
able to relate easily to the events the authors relate. For those
men brave enough to try to comprehend a feminine perspec-
tive, this book could be down right enlightening.


2003 VOL. 56(3)


About the Authors:

Jay R. Bushnell earned an Associates of Arts degree from St. Petersburg Junior College. He then earned Bachelors of Arts
and Masters of Science degrees in United States history with minors in Anthropology from Florida State University. He
complete one year of graduate work in anthropology at the University of Texas in Austin. Finally, he earned a doctorate from
the University of Florida in Educational Leadership: Higher Education. Until his retirement in 1996, Jay taught social
science, anthropology, sociology, and United States history at Daytona Beach Community College. Jay was the founding
president of the Volusia Anthropological Society in 1979. He also served as VAS president on two other occasions. He
continues to play an active role in heritage preservation and research.

Roger T. Grange, Jr. earned bachelors and masters degrees in anthropology at the University of Chicago and his Ph.D. in
anthropology from the University of Arizona in Tucson. He was Director of the Nebraska State Historical Museum and from
1964 to 1994 was Professor of Anthropology at the University of South Florida. Now a Professor Emeritus at USF, he lives
in New Smyrna Beach.

Patricia C. Griffin received an M.A. in 1978 and Ph.D. in 1988 in socio-cultural anthropology from the University of Florida.
She was on the faculty at Florida State University from 1970-1980. She has researched and written on the Minorcan ethnic
group of Florida and on the plantations south of St. Augustine.

Rhonda (Majors) Kimbrough, a native Alabamian, attended University of Montevallo near Birmingham, Alabama for two
years, transferred to University of Alabama, and completed a B.A. in Anthropology in 1986. She joined the U. S. Forest
Service as a co-op student in 1988, obtaining anM.A. in Anthropology from Florida State University in 1990. She has served
as an archaeologist with the National Forests in Florida for 15 years, and currently manages their heritage, forest history and
tribal relations programs.

Jim Miller advises clients on heritage planning and management in the US and Caribbean. He previously served as State
Archaeologist of Florida for twenty years, and had responsibility for a wide range of cultural resource management programs
and projects. His interest in plantations began in the 1970s with a focus on the archaeology and history of northeast Florida
in the context of environmental history. He has degrees in anthropology and planning from FSU, Duke and University of
Pennsylvania, and his dissertation research was published as EnvironmentalHistory ofNortheastFlorida by University Press
of Florida.

Jane G. Landers is Associate Professor of History at Vanderbilt University where she is also Associate Dean of the College
of Arts & Science. She is the author of Black Society in Spanish Florida and has edited volumes on the African and African
American experience in Florida and the circum-Caribbean.

Dorothy L. Moore is an avocational archaeologist who has worked on numerous archaeological projects in Florida and South
Carolina. She has conducted extensive archival research on British plantations in Florida.

TedM. Payne is the co-owner of American Preservation Consultants, Inc. and has been active in plantation and farmstead
research throughout sections of the East Coast and the U. S. Virgin Islands. Over the past seven years, he has carried out
investigations at British through U. S. Territorial Periods plantations in Flagler, St. Johns and Volusia Counties. He is a
graduate of New York University and has been a professional archaeologist for twenty-one years of which 10 have been spent
in Florida.

About the Authors:

Elizabeth Righter has B.A. and M.A. degrees from Harvard University and has conducted archaeological research in many
areas of the world. Her main research interests, however, are early Caribbean historical plantation systems and land use.
Elizabeth was Senior SHPO Archaeologist in the US Virgin Islands for fifteen years, during which time she taught historical
archaeology and field methods at the University of the Virgin Islands and conducted research at the Zufriedenheit
Archaeological Plantation site in St. Thomas. She is editor of the book The Tutu Archaeological Village Site: An
Interdisciplinary Case Study ofHuman Adaptation.

Herschel E. Shepard is an American Institute of Architects Fellow Emeritus and University of Florida Professor Emeritus
who has retired to Atlantic Beach, Florida. Restoration projects for which he was the architect include the 1902 Historic
Florida State Capitol in Tallahassee and Fort Clinch in Fernandina Beach. He is currently serving as a research consultant
for the reconstruction of Mission San Luis de Apalachee in Tallahassee.

Lucy B. Wayne is Vice President of SouthArc, Inc., a cultural resources consulting firm. She has a Ph.D. in architecture and
an M.A. in anthropology from the University of Florida, and a B.A. in art history from Mary Washington College. She has
conducted extensive research on colonial and antebellum sites in South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, and is particularly
interested in architectural resources.


2003 VOL. 56(3)

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