The Florida anthropologist

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The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Florida Anthropological Society
Place of Publication:
Florida Anthropological Society.
Publication Date:
Quarterly[<Mar. 1975- >]
Two no. a year[ FORMER 1948-]
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v. : ill. ; 24 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

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University of Florida
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Department of Special Collections and Area Studies, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
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Resource Identifier:
01569447 ( OCLC )
56028409 ( LCCN )
0015-3893 ( ISSN )


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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published quarterly in March, June,
September, and December by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc., c/o
Room 102, Florida State Museum, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL32611.
Subscription is by membership in the Society for individuals or institutions in-
terested in the aims of the Society. Annual dues are $6.00; student members
$4.00. Requests for memberships and general inquiries should be addressed to
the secretary; subscriptions, dues, changes of address and orders for back issues
to the treasurer; manuscripts for publication to the editor; and newsletter
items to the president. Second class postage paid at Gainesville, Florida.





June 1974


The Seminole "Uprising" of 1907 by Harry A. Kersey, Jr.

A Biconcave Pottery Discoidal from Northwest Florida
Dan F. Morse, G. Daniel Morse, and Daniel A. Morse

Some Tests at the Zellwood Site, Lake Apopka, Florida
Ripley P. Bullen, Otto Jahn, and Mark J. Brooks .

Archaeological Investigation of 8-OR-17: An Early Aboriginal
Campsite, Lake Apopka, Florida by Rick Dreves .

The Origins of the Gulf Tradition as seen from Florida
Ripley P. Bullen . .. .. .. .. .

. 49

. 59

. 62

. 67


President John W. Griffin
P. O. Box 1987, St. Augustine, FL 32084

1st Vice President Benjamin I. Waller
4911 NE 7th St., Ocala, FL 32670

2nd Vice President Wilma B. Williams
2511 McKinley St. Hollywood, FL 33020

Secretary Robert H. Steinbach
P. O. Box 1987, St. Augustine, FL 32084

Treasurer Donald L. Crusoe
P.O. Box 2416, Tallahassee, FL 32304

Editor-Resident Agent Ripley P. Bullen
102 Florida State Museum, University
of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611

Executive Committeemen

Three years: Wesley Coleman
Miami, Florida

Two years: J. Anthony Paredes
Tallahassee, Florida

One year: Yulee Lazarus
Ft. Walton Beach, Florida

At large, for one year

Arthur F. Dreves, Orlando

E. Thomas Hemmings, Gainesville

Roger Grange, Tampa


* *


Harry A. Kersey, Jr.

In the years following the Third Seminole War (1855-58) those Indians
remaining in Florida sequestered themselves away in camps far removed from
white settlements. They had virtually no contact with the outside world except
for an occasional trip to trade at a frontier village such as Fort Myers or Fort
Meade. The Indian population was small, probably not exceeding 100 warriors,
women, and children. There was no cause for conflict with an equally sparse
non-Indian population south of the Caloosahatchee River-Lake Okeechobee-
Indian River frontier.

As the line of settlements began to slowly push southward in the post-
Civil War era, Seminoles found themselves increasingly in contention for range
land with large cattle interests, while homesteaders crowded them off of tradi-
tional hunting and camping grounds. Ultimately, friction between some settlers
and the Seminole lead to demands for the federal government to remove the re-
maining Indians from Florida. There were also court cases directly involving
Indian property rights, charges and counter charges by proponents and foes of
the Seminole, outright theft of Indian livestock, and numerous minor depreda-
tions that kept a continuous pressure on the Indian minority in Florida. The
wonder is that the Seminole of this period, who often outnumbered their neigh-
bors, never retaliated violently against such treatment.

As early as 1869 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, responding to a
resolution of the U.S. Senate calling for information concerning the "remnant"
of the Seminole tribe in south Florida, submitted several letters from white
citizens accusing the Indians of killing cattle, causing a general state of in-
security, and retarding the development of the region. One of the informants
wrote, "As to the number of Indians, the account among the whites varies from
100 to 150 able-bodied warriors. Tiger-tail' s account, in his own words, was,
'Okeechobee, few, 'Big Cypress, plenty. The number of white families
living between Matanzas bar and Jupiter inlet is but 26, scattered over a dis-
tance of 200 miles, and from 10 to 25 miles apart, all of whom could be ex-
terminated before intelligence of the fact could prevent. 1

In response to demands for removal of the Seminole from Florida or
the establishment of a definite reservation area to which they would be con-
fined, the Commissioner sent an investigator in 1872. His report was appar-
ently never submitted, for in 1875 the Commissioner's Annual Report admitted
that "little has been known or heard from them since the Seminole War. "
About this time private accounts of contacts with the Florida Indians began to
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 27, no. 2, June 1974


be published, most notably that of F.A. Ober who visited the camps north of
Lake Okeechobee. 3 However, the first official report on the Florida Seminole
was that submitted by Lt. Richard H. Pratt in 1879.

Pratt visited the camp of old chief Chipco at Cat Fish Lake in Polk
County, and made a detailed study of that settlement. However, he was not
able to get the other Seminole leaders together to talk of removal from Florida,
and recommended sending a government agent to work among the camps and ul-
timately establish a school at Tampa. Pratt heard the complaints of cattle-
men that the Seminole annually killed beef worth $1, 500. 00 to $2, 000. 00, but
he also noted that "Like offenses are committed against the Indians. Within a
few months a man named Lightsey was charged by an Indian with having stolen
sixteen of his hogs. The Indian brought the men who helped cut them up, as
proof. At the time of my visit public opinion was so strong against Lightsey
that he was expected to pay for the hogs. Another notable case was when an
Indian named Streety Parker had bought from a white man named Collier fifty
cattle which proved to be stolen. Parker had to give them up, and Collier was
tried before the courts but escaped punishment. No restitution was made and
the friends of the Indians wrote to the Governor of the State who replied that
an Act of the legislature was the only remedy, and there the case rests, with
the Indians still indignant. ,6

The Indian Appropriation Act of July 4, 1884, contained an item of
$6,000.00 "to enable the Seminole Indians in Florida to obtain homesteads upon
the public lands and to settle themselves thereon, but a succession of agents
could find no available land in Florida. By 1888 the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs sounded an urgent note in appealing for Congress to let the funds be
used to buy private lands for Seminole homesteads. He wrote: "By cultivation
of small patches of ground and natural resources in the way of game and fish,
they have maintained a comparatively comfortable existence. But the increas-
ing white settlements in southern Florida are fast driving these people from
their accustomed haunts and depriving them of their means of support. It is
charged that they kill cattle belonging to the large herds in that section of the
state, to the value of some $2,000 or $3,000 annually. In view of these facts,
trouble between them and the whites is likely to occur at any time'.

One of the documents accompanying the report of the Commissioner was
a copy of a letter sent by Miss Lilly Pierpont of Winter Haven to Mrs. Grover
Cleveland in 1887, asking that she have President Cleveland intervene in behalf
of the Seminole. At one point she noted, "They are at present inclined to be
friendly, though they are often imposed upon by white settlers. A short time
ago a party of white men made a raid upon the property of some Indians sta-
tioned near Titusville and destroyed their hogs. The Indians, instead of fight-
ing, appealed to the Mayor of Titusville, D. L. Gaulden, for Government pro-
tection; I have not heard if they received it. 7


A similar problem had occurred in 1886 near Fort Pierce, as reported
in the memoirs of Emily Lagow Bell. At the time her husband was keeper of
the House of Refuge, and a crowd of townspeople came over to the beach side
for safety claiming "We have come over here, as the Indians are on the warpath,
their paints on and dancing around the fire. Say 'Killum all white man, so we
came here to see if you can't make a treaty with them. They said white men
had stolen their hogs and driven all their cattle off and said they would killum
all, in two suns. 8 The next day her husband with his father and brother who
knew the Indians well, went to settle the matter. They got over to Fort Pierce
and had to raise two hundred dollars. That was their price. It was something
hard to get, that, but finally settled it, and the rustlers got the cattle, all right,
but some of them had to leave the country. We were glad to see the men alive
to get back to us. We gave a shout and for weeks we were shaky, for we didn't
understand Indians. 9 This was the last reported case in the 1800's where
Seminole retribution was thought to be so eminent as to warrant taking protec-
tive measures.

By the 1890' s the friction between the Seminole and white settlers had
apparently abated. For one thing the Indians had deserted many of their old
camp grounds in the Kissimmee River valley, along Fish Eating Creek west of
Lake Okeechobee, and in the Devil' s Garden area between Fort Myers and the
Immokalee settlement. The Mikasuki-speaking element of the Seminole lived
and hunted in the lower Big Cypress Swamp, and maintained hammock camps
scattered across the Everglades all the way to Miami. The Cow Creek band of
chief Tallahassee moved into the Bluefield and Hungryland districts northeast
of Lake Okeechobee in southwest Brevard County. In none of these locations did
the Seminole come into direct conflict with white settlers. Also, during the dec-
ade of the 1890's various religious and private organizations, as well as the fed-
eral government, began to make overtures to the Indians, seeking to provide
economic, medical, educational, and legal assistance. A mission was estab-
lished at Immokalee by the Episcopal Church, and an Indian Agency adjoined it
complete with sawmill, store, and school building. At Kissimmee a group of
concerned citizens formed the "Friends of the Florida Seminoles" society to
promote the establishment of a state Indian reservation, as well as to generally
assist the Seminole in that region of the state in every way possible. All in all,
it was felt by most white settlers that an era of good feeling had begun in which
Indian-white relationships would continue to improve without interruption. And,
in fact, this has generally been the case with the one exception of an "uprising"
over the case of Captain Tom Tiger's bones.

Captain Tom Tiger (Micco Tustenug-gee), 10 also called Tom Tiger,
was one of the best known of the Florida Seminole leaders at the turn of the cen-
tury. He was the brother of Tiger Tustenuggee, last war chief of the Cow Creek
band, and his sister Martha Tiger was the wife of old chief Tallahassee. The
first description of him was given by F.A. Ober in 1875: "Tommy Tiger was


a son of old Tiger. He was over six feet in height, large and muscular. His
eyes were black and fierce; his mouth, firm but not cruel, was shaded by a
small black mustache. We soon made friends with him, and found him gentle
and pleasant voiced. 11 It is probable that he was the "Tom" referred to by
Lt. R. H. Pratt in his 1879 report on the Seminole. When Pratt and his party
visited old chief Chipco' s camp at Cat Fish Lake, it was "Tom" who nego-
tiated with the party, performed various feats of strength, and demonstrated
great skill with bow and arrow. He was also one of the few Indians whom Pratt
heard speak any English; "While in the village I overheard Tom ask my in-
terpreter, 'Good whiskey Bartow?' the interpreter informed him that the
best whiskey was to be found at Fort Meade. These were the only english words
I heard any of the Indians use, while in camp, though I had been told that both
Chipco and Tom could speak some english. 1Z Pratt, like Ober, was im-
pressed by the physique of the Indian, finding that "Tom and his son were mod-
els of erect and graceful carriage, strength and endurance. 13 When the
Rev. Clay MacCauley surveyed the Seminole for the Smithsonian Institution
in 1880 "Tom Tiger" was one of his informants. 14 The next mention of Tom
Tiger comes in the report of Special Agent A. M. Wilson in 1888. Wilson had
spent most of the preceding year trying to locate lands upon which to settle the
Seminole, and contacting those whom he though would take up claims; one of
these was "Tom Tiger, a very prominent and influential Indian, who upon our
first visit had expressed a desire for a homestead and had also pledged us his
influence in this matter. 15

Although he was well known to many friends of the Seminole in Florida,
Captain Tom Tiger was to receive national prominence when Minnie Moore-
Willson of Kissimmee featured him in her book The Seminoles of Florida,
which was published in 1896. Her account of the trial in which Tiger confronted
H. H. Hull over the alleged theft of the Indian' s horse, was in the tradition of
Helen Hunt Jackson' s A Century of Dishonor, and confirmed what many whites
already knew about the flagrant mistreatment of the Indian. The trial did set a
precedent as the first time a Seminole had appeared in court to testify in his
own behalf, although the case was lost due to lack of evidence. Apparently Hull
claimed that he had bought the horse, while the Indian claimed that he had only
borrowed it for a period of time; the only written agreement was penciled on a
cartridge box which became rain soaked and illegible, but the Indian could not
read, and therefore could not swear just what had been written to begin with.
Thus, the case was dismissed. 16 The incident was also notable in that the
"Friends of the Florida Seminoles" organization headed by Jim and Minnie
Moore-Willson, Bishop William Crane Gray, F. A. Hendry, and other lumi-
naries had underwritten the litigation. The U. S. Government had refused to
intervene, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs holding that "there being no au-
thority of law for the employment of counsel to prosecute his case." 17 Even
so, Dr. J. E. Brecht, the Indian Service Special Agent stationed at Immokalee
took a personal, if unofficial, interest in the case and pledged money to help


defray expenses. 18 while waiting for the case to come totrial, Tom Tiger
kept in touch with the Willsons by having his trader friends write letters and
depositions in his behalf; at one time or another P. P. Cobb, 19 James T.
Gray, 20 and R. A. Swearingen 21 of Fort Pierce, and B. H. Doster 22 of
Jupiter engaged in the correspondence. When he returned to Kissimmee for
the trial, Tom Tiger stayed at the Willson home and became a great favorite
of the townspeople. His last appearance in Kissimmee was during the Spanish
American War when he greeted General Fitzhugh Lee with a stirring Seminole
warcry. Later he reportedly said that this country should "shoot Spaniards,
ojus. "23

The death of Captain Tom Tiger was as unusual as his life. One day
while he was working on a dugout canoe near Lake Okeechobee, a storm blew
up and he was struck by lightning. When his family returned to the spot and
found the body, they turned the half-finished canoe over to make a burial vault
rather than building the traditional Seminole log-pen grave. It was the desecra-
tion of this unique burial site that would lead to the Seminole "uprising" of 1907.

In the middle of January, 1907, John T. Flournoy arrived at the small
frontier town of Tantie on Taylor's Creek north of Lake Okeechobee. He an-
nounced that he had come to write a history of the Indians and spent some time
in the area gathering information and artifacts. Much of the time he lived in the
home of Peter Raulerson, the leading citizen of the small community, and when
he left he took every Seminole item that the family had collected to that date.
Flournoy also got Raulerson to take him to the Indian settlements at Big Mound
City and Hungryland. On these visits the northerner apparently heard of Captain
Tom Tiger's grave, and employed a white trader by the name of Barber to take
him to the site deep inthe swamp. According to a contemporary newspaper ac-
count "the grave was easily recognized from the pipe and other articles that
were buried with him, and Mr. Flournoy proceeded to fill his hunting coat with
the bones of the departed chief, taking the entire skeleton except the hands and
feet and the ribs, which were too badly decayed to recover. He also took the
noted pipe which the chief had smoked for many years. Mr. Flournoy told his
companions that he intended to place the skeleton of Tom Tiger in the Smith-
sonian Institute, and after returning to Tantie, brought them to Fort Pierce in
a box and shipped them north. Mr. Flournoy left on the same train..." 24
Indian reaction was not long in coming.

On February 23, Billie Smith, medicine man of the Cow Creek band of
Seminole, came into Tantie and announced that a "White Man told him big yan-
kee got bones of his best friend" and that the ‘Indians all go to war unless bones
brought back in one moon.'! 25 When Peter Raulerson asked how much money it
would take to settle the matter, a normal approach in dealing with the Seminole,
old Billie Smith replied "No want money, want bones of best friend brought back;
no bring back, Indians all fight, kill white man ojus."' 26 The following week


Raulerson rode to Fort Pierce for a meeting of the County Commissioners, and
having thought that the threat had some significance, informed Sheriff Dan L.
Carleton of St. Lucie County. The Sheriff then contacted the Indians to assure
them that every effort would be made to have the bones of Tom Tiger returned,
although it would take longer than "one moon" to accomplish. Initially, the
St. Lucie County Tribune sounded a note of alarm in finding that "While the
community is not excited over any prospective Indian uprising, still the Indian
temper is not a known quantity, and should they all harbor the same feelings
as expressed by their chief, our outlying sections may be in danger of annihi-
lation at the hands of the outraged Indians, and our officers cannot be too dili-
gent in their efforts to pacify them. 27 This could not have buoyed the spirits
of families living in widely scattered homesteads on the edge of Indian hunting
grounds. One of the Raulerson children recalls that her father took the inci-
dent seriously enough to pack his younger children off to relatives in Bassenger
on the Kissimmee River until it was resolved. 28 Also, Niels Jorgensen, who
was born and raised in the Danish colony of White City, remembers that the
civic improvement association was planning to set up barricades at the bridge
leading into town. He was also issued an extra box of cartridges for his single-
shot 22 rifle, although he was only 11 years old at the time. Z9 Many citizens
were jumpy and inclined to shoot at shadows, and it was dangerous to be on the
streets at night. However, one local merchant took the news in stride, their
advertisement reading: "Kill White Man Ojus!" So threatens Billie Smith, the
Big Chief of the Seminoles, unless their demands are complied with TO ARMS!
'TO ARMS! We have them; also ammunition The Fee & Stewart Co., Hard-
ware and Undertaking Fort Pierce, Florida. 30

Sheriff Carleton' s report was heard at a special meeting of the County
Commission on March 11. His meeting with Billie Smith had been satisfactory
and he had convinced the Indians that the whites living in the region regretted
the incident and would do everything possible to see that Tom Tiger's bones
were returned. The only question that the Seminole leader had raised, accord-
ing to the Sheriff, was how many moons would it take; the Sheriff assured him
"three moons" if at all possible. 31 The Commission then directed him to
proceed to Miami and contact the States Attorney, the Circuit Judge, and ap-
propriate Dade county officials on just how to proceed with the Indian matter.
When this was reported in the Tribune the immediate threat of an Indian up-
rising lessened somewhat, although many whites remained unconvinced. Per-
haps some of this reluctance to totally dismiss the possibility of Indian vio-
lence stemmed from a second Fee & Stewart advertisement which appeared
on March 15 and 22: "INDIAN VENGENANCE deferred. Chief Billie Smith,
on Sheriff Carlton' s assurance of Fort Pierce' s friendship, grants an extension
of "two moons. This throws the time of the War Whoop and the Scalping Knife
into May "In time of peace prepare for war. Fire Arms and Ammunition. -
The Fee & Stewart Co. Hardware and Undertaking Fort Pierce, Florida. 33


On April 12 the Tribune reprinted a letter from the Smithsonian
Institution to J. M. Willson of Kissimmee, representing the "Friends of
the Florida Seminoles", disclaiming any role in the removal of Tom Tiger's
bones. It identified J. T. Flournoy as the general manager of an amuse-
ment park in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, who was unknown to the national
museum until he had written offering to sell the skeleton of "an Okeechobee
(not Seminole) chief. "33 In this he had misled the museum, and they would
have nothing to do with any artifacts fraudently obtained. The Smithsonian
secretary offered to assist in any way possible to have the bones returned to
their rightful place; he provided a mailing address for Flournoy, and for-
warded Willson' s letter. This spurred Flournoy into writing Willson, dis-
claiming any wrongdoing in the purchase of Seminole artifacts during his
Florida trip; however, he made no mention of Tom Tiger or the bones, but
promised to return to the state in June to discuss the situation with Willson.

Apparently a general uneasiness persisted over the matter for on April
19 the Tribune published a letter from Sheriff Carleton designed to put to rest
once and for all any fear of Indian violence. In part it read "For some time I
did not credit the statement that some of our citizens were alarmed about the
supposed attitude of the Indians towards the white people, thinking the state-
ments I had heard about people leaving the country or threatening to leave were
idle gossip; but recently I have received several letters anxiously inquiring
about conditions and wishing to know if I really thought it would be safe to re-
main To say that all these exaggerated statements are wholly unwarranted
is putting the matter mildly. There is as much danger of an Indian uprising as
there is of a Hottentot invasion of England. 3 4

A bit further on in the letter the Sheriff revealed his own assessment of
Seminole strength and the ultimate futility of any attempt on their part to resort
to violence: "I am well acquainted with the Seminoles and also happen to know
that there are not more than ninety men in the State of Florida who belong to
the red tribe. These are scattered from here to Miami and Fort Myers and are
peaceable, inoffensive, noncombatants. The Indian is not the fool some think
him to be. He knows the slightest disturbance coming from him would mean the
annihilation of his people with no beneficial results to him in any way. 35
While one can not quarrel that an armed uprising by the Seminole might well
have led to their own version of Wounded Knee, still the Sheriff might not have
been so smug had he been familiar with the 1899 census of Indian Agent J. E.
Bnecht which placed the Seminole population at between 500 and 600, or
been familiar with the more volatile and well armed Mikasuki-speaking element
of the Big Cypress and lower Everglades region.

If the Sheriff' s letter calmed the residents of the Fort Pierce area, the
alarm sounded anew in the Arcadia region. The Miami Metropolis of April 19
reported that the community of Venus, some 30 miles south of Arcadia, was in


was in alarm over the attempted shooting of a mail carrier; the man returned
the fire and his assailants escaped, but "a trail was discovered leading from
the Everglades with a smouldering fire, where the party had camped for the
night and reports were brought in that Indians had been gathering in large num-
bers. Residents of the settlement hastily gathered up necessities and are pour
ing into Arcadia for protection. 37

Despite such reports, the Indian hysteria had run its course by late
spring. When Flournoy returned to the state in June he brought Tom Tiger's
bones, and through the good offices of J. M. Willson and possibly the white
trader Joe Bowers, they were placed in the original burial spot. The last men-
tion of the Incident in the Tribune on July 26, 1907, indicated that John C.
Jones, the State's Attorney was undecided whether to prosecute Flournoy
since the bones had been returned and Flournoy was in the north. 38 An orig-
inal information was erroneously filed against a J. L. Flournoy rather than
J. T. so the prosecutor decided to refile a corrected information and leave
it up to the court. Evidently the matter dropped at this point. However, as an
archaeologist traveling to their camps on a similar artifact gathering mission
found in 1908, the Indians still harbored resentment over the matter. 39 What
then is the significance of this incident? Was it just a tempest in a teapot or did
it have any impact on the direction of Indian-White relations in Florida? I
rather think it did in several ways.

First, it was perceived as a real threat by those families living in
proximity to the Indian camps. In interviews they tell of arming and taking
special precautions such as sending children to safe areas. Certainly it must
have been little solace when the Seminole promised that their good friends would
be killed with dignity rather than be caught up in a massacre.

Second, the incident rekindled widespread interest in the Seminole peo-
ple who had long been taken for granted and occasionally mistreated with im-
punity. This, in turn, strengthened the position of these groups advocating a
permanent reservation for the Seminole; however, this was not to become a
reality until 1917.

Third, it did prove that whites would work to preserve Indian cultural
values such as protecting the graves of their ancestors, even to the extent of
filing charges against the desecrator. Perhaps it was this positive response,
coupled with friendships established with whites over the years, that ultimately
prevented violence in this last Seminole uprising.


U.S., Congress, Senate, Letter of the Secretary of the Interior, Exec.
Doc. 55. 40th Cong., 3rd. sess., 1869, p. 4.


2 Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Secretary
of the Interior for the Year 1875 (Washington, 1875), p. 87.

3 Frederick A. Ober, 'Ten Days with the Seminoles,'' Appleton's
Journal of Literature, Science, and Art, XIV (July-Aug., 1875), 142-144,

4william C. Sturtevant, 'R.H. Pratt's Report on the Seminole in 1879"
Florida Anthropologist, IX (March, 1956), 14-15. 5Ipid., 12-13.

6y.S. ,» Congress, Senate, Letter of the Secretary of the Interior, rela-
tive to land upon which to locate Seminole Indians, Exec. Doc. 139. 50th Cong.,
tive to land upon which to ~
lst sess., 1888, p. 3. Tibid. , 5,
8emily Lagow Bell, My Pioneer Days in Florida, 1876-1898 (Fort
Pierce, 1928), p. 43. bid

10Minnie Moore-Willson, The Seminoles of Florida (Kingsport, Tenn. ,
1928), p. 148.

1lOber, "Ten Days with the Seminoles," 173.

l2cturtevant, "R.H. Pratt's Report on the Seminole in 1879,'' 8. See
also, Albert DeVane's article in the Tampa Tribune, July 15, 1956; and Tampa
Tribune, April 2, 1950, which lists Tom Tiger as a member of Chipco's band
in the 1880's. 13 tpid.

14yfacCauley, "The Seminole Indians of Florida,'' p. 518.

15y, S., Congress, Senate, Letter of the Secretary of the Interior
relative to land upon which to locate Seminole Indians, Exec. Doc. 139,
50th Cong., lst Sess., 1888, p. 8.

16\finnie Moore-Willson, The Seminoles of Florida, p. 148.

1’ Letter, Commissioner of Indian Affairs to J. M. Willson, June 18,
1898. University of Miami Archives.

Letter, J. E. Brecht to J. M. Willson, June 28, 1898. Also letters

of July 8, August 15, 1898. University of Miami Archives.

19 Vetter, Tom Tiger to J. M. Willson, June, 1898. Written on P. P.
Cobb stationery. University of Miami Archives.

58 SEMINOLE 1907

20Letter, Tom Tiger to J. M. Willson, June 30, 1898. Signed as
written by J. T. Gray. Also, J. T. Gray to J. M. Willson, August 4, 1898,
confirms his role as an intermediary. University of Miami Archives.

21Letter, R. A. Swearingen to J. M. Willson, September 6, 1898.

22Letter, Tom Tiger to J. M. Willson, July 23, 1898. Written on
B. H. Doster stationery. University of Miami Archives.

3Minnie Moore-Willson, The Seminoles of Florida, p. 151.

24St. Lucie County Tribune, March 8, 1907, p. 1. 25Ibid. 261bid. 27Ibid.

Interview with Mr. and Mrs. Ellis Meserve, July 28, 1972. Tape
and transcript in University of Florida Indian Oral History Archives, Florida
State Museum, Gainesville. Mrs. Faith Raulerson Meserve is a daughter of
Peter Raulerson.

2Niels W. Jorgensen, A History of White City (Typed manuscript, 1967),
p. 4. Also taped interview on February 8, 1973. Tape and transcript in Univer-
sity of Florida Indian Oral History Archives, Florida State Museum, Gainesville.

30t. Lucie County Tribune, March 8 1907, p. 5.
31St. Lucie County Tribune, March 8, 1907, p. 5.

31St. Lucie County Tribune, March 15, 1907, p. 5.

33St. Lucie County Tribune, March 15, 1907, p. 1.

3St. Lucie County Tribune, April 19, 1907, p. 3ib.d
U. S., Congress, House, Report of the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Exec. Doc. 5. 56th Cong., 1st sess., 1899, p. 178.

3Miami Metropolis, April 19, 1907, p. 1.

38St. Lucie County Tribune, July 26, 1907, p. 1. Also, Miami
Metropolis, March 29, 1907, p. 4.

39Mark Raymond Harrington, "Reminiscences of an Archeologist:
V," The Masterkey, XXXVIII (Jan. -March, 1964), 29-34.

Florida Atlantic University
March 1973


Dan F. Morse, G. Daniel Morse, and Daniel A. Morse

In August of 1972, Daniel A. Morse, oldest son of the senior author,
found a small, crude biconcave discoidal made of pottery. It ranges between
31 and 32 mm. in diameter and 9 to 11 mm. in maximum thickness. Each con-
cavity is 2 mm. deep. The specimen is dark brown in color and its paste con-
tains a large amount of grit, including quartz particles, 1 to 1.5 mm. in size.
This paste differs from that of the available sample of pottery found at the same
location. The discoidal was modeled from clay and then fired rather than made
from a broken potsherd. The pen-and-ink illustrations accompanying this paper
was done by Lewis D. Tesar of Florida State University. The photograph of the
discoidal was taken by Ralph Sneeringer of Gainesville (Fig. 3).

The discoidal was found at site 8Wall0 in Wakulla County, Florida (Fig. 1).
It is a shell mound made up of clam shells, and is situated on the Shell River
about six miles from the mouth of Ocklokonee Bay as it joins the Gulf of Mexico.
The site, while originally reported by G. Daniel Morse, has been known for many
years as an Indian site by the local residents. The general area is flat and mar-
shy, influenced by daily tides and characterized by oaks, pine, palmettoes, wire-
grass and occasional palms. At the site most of the human industry appears to
have been directed at gathering and opening clams.

No oyster shell was observed and indeed the site may be too far upriver
for oysters to have existed nearby. Almost all the mound has been removed
for fill and while one of the largest we have seen along the river, it is relatively
small compared to the multiple acre middens located nearer to Alligator Point.
We doubt that 8WallO exceeded a half acre. Maximum depth of the remaining
midden, divisable in one area of the site into 3 distinct strata, does not exceed
75 cm.

One Archaic stemmed point (actually probably a knife) and several pot-
sherds were also recovered. The pottery includes Deptford Plain, Deptford
Simple Stamped, Deptford Check Stamped, and Weeden Island Plain ( with an
incised line paralleling the lip). As only a part of the site remains we cannot
be sure this sample reflects all cultural visits to the site. Certainly the site
seems to be a specialty station or seasonal camp rather than a year-round hab-
itation based on the low incidence of pottery, the apparent lack of fish or deer
bone and the lack of variety in shells. The general absence of lithics is not un-
usual for any of the sites in this immediate area and cannot be used as a cri-
terion for seasonality or economic speciality.


Florida Anthropologist, vol. 27, no. 2, June 1974


FIGURE 1. Map of Shell River Site (8Wa 110),

~~~.: I t' '..
I ~ I *

FIGURE 2. Views of discoidal.


Pottery discs made from broken pot sherds are found associated with
several later prehistoric phases in northwest Florida (personal communica-
tions, Dr. Hale G. Smith, Florida State University). However, a manufac-
tured pottery discoidal, no matter how crude, apparently has not been pre-
viously reported for this area. Slightly larger pottery discoidals have been
found in late Woodland contexts in Illinois (Jersey Bluff Complex) and in an
early Mississippi sites in Arkansas (Big Lake Phase).

In Illinois they may date as early as A. D. 700-800 and in Arkansas they
probably cluster within the time span of A. D. 900-1000. Our single specimen
found at a disturbed multiple-component site is obviously difficult to pinpoint
in time, especially since there are no other similar items reported for the
same region. However, if we can assume, as we do in potsherd seriation,
that similar items tend to cluster together in time, we would suggest a late
Weeden Island association and a date somewhere near A.D. 1000.

Fig. 3. Clay discoidal, enlargement


Ripley P. Bullen, Otto Jahn, and Mark J. Brooks

Two series of stratigraphic excavations have been conducted at the
Zellwood or Lake Apopka I site (Or-17) by members of the Central Florida
Anthropological Society of Orlando, Florida. The first occurred in the middle
1960' s and is the subject of this paper. The other, much more recent work
is the subject of the following paper by Rick Dreves. Both excavations oc-
curred at the same site but not in the same areas.

Map 1 gives the location of the earlier excavations: first of Squares
A-F; second Squares 1-9. Participants in this work included Mr. and Mrs.
Otto Jahn, Robert Stackhouse, Jack Taylor, Martin Thompson, and Mr. and
Mrs. James R. Varner. The Jahns excavated Squares 1, 2, and B; Stack-
house Square 8. Materials from these squares have been donated to the
Florida State Museum (Accession 4652) and form the basis for this report.
Figure 1 was made from Jahn' s notes; which are also the source of archae-
logical comments below. Markings on the bags gave the vertical proveniences
used for Table 1. Specimens illustrated as Figure 1, i-k, were photographed
by Jahn. Most of those in the lower half of that illustration came from Square
B which was located in the "brush area" where the surface elevation is several
feet lower than that of the citrus grove (Map 1). Analyses of the specimens at
the Museum (Accession 4652) and the preparation of the map and of Table 1
was done by Brooks who also wrote the initial draft of this report, subse-
quently revised by Bullen.

Originally the Zellwood site was located on the shore line of Lake
Apopka (Map 1) but, in recent times, a man-made dyke and drainage ditches
has moved the margin of the lake to the southwest exposing the rich muck
land presently under cultivation. The surface of the citrus grove slopes gently
downward towards the old shore line but at the shore line this slope increased
rapidly. Square 9 (Map 1) was located near this old shore line. Apparently the
surface here was somewhat lower during Indian occupation while recent sheet
fill or slope wash, caused in part by cultivation of the citrus grove to the north-
east, buried the old strand line. This effect was also present in Square 8 but to
a lesser extent. In Square 8 there was no Level 1 and the two artifacts indicated
for this zone in Table 1 probably represent specimens scraped off of the top of
Level 2. Further to the north this effect disappeared. Jahn' s notes are posi-
tive that there was no disturbance in Squares 1-2.

Florida Anthropologist, vol. 27, no. 2, June 1974



The excavations were carried out by arbitrary 6-inch levels and the re-
sults presented by levels in Table 1. The relatively deep provenience of St.
Johns Incised and Plain sherds is evident in the table. This pottery is of the
soft, fairly thick, St. Johns variety which is typical of this ware during the
Florida Transitional period. It will also be noticed that all 5 Hernando and
Citrus points were found in the lower two levels. This indicates a close one-
to-one relationship between Hernando points and thick St. Johns Incised and
Plain pottery in this part of the site. The single Citrus point, by its location,
seems to indicate a similar but not as strong a correlation. However, Citrus
and Hernando points are very similar and have been found together with the
same type of St. Johns pottery at other sites.



] I< I. E
\ L U1 Wo L

<^ / /E.
--3 L Z S X E



4j oj
d au
CC 0
-Y U




SQUARE B 1 2 8
LEVEL 1 2 3 1 2 3 12 3 1 2 3 totals

Deptford Linear
Check Stamped 2 1 3
Deptford Cross
Stamped 1 1 2
Deptford Plain 2 2 2 6
Perico Punctated 1 1
Pasco Plain 1 1 1 3
St. Johns Punc-
tated 1 1
St. Johns Incised 3 2 1 3 5 2 1 2 7 26
St. Johns Plain 16 76 25 3 33 16 17 53 13 1 20 23 296

Points 2 2
Hernando Points 1 1 1 1 4
Citrus Points 1 1
O'Lena Points 1 1

Ovate Trianguloid
Knife, Frags. 2 4 1 1 1 1 1 11
Gouge-Like 1 1
Miscellaneous Point
or Knife Frags. 3 4 5 2 1 1 16
Worked Chert 3 9 3 5 5 6 2 3 1 37
Chert Chips 22 41 17 3 2 1 1 87

Bone Dagger, Frags. 1 1 2
Bone Awl, Frags 1 1
Shark Tooth 1 1



e f






Fig. 1. Specimens from the Zellwood site.

a-c, Hernando; d, Citrus points; e-f, knife fragments; g, bone fragment;
h, St. Johns Incised; i, Hernando points and trianguloid knife; k, crude
knives and worked specimens.




Examination of Table 1 also indicates that sand-tempered Deptford and
limestone-tempered Pasco or Perico pottery are in the highest levels of
Squares B and 2. This is to be expected as they are the pottery types which
succeed St. Johns Incised in the northeast of Florida and on the Gulf coast of
the peninsula. The low provenience of these pottery types in Square 8 is a
little surprising. This may be the result of slope wash or slight differences
in where levels were divided. However, lime stone-tempered Pasco-Perico
pottery has been found with St. Johns Incised at other places but such is not
true of Deptford ceramics which are believed to be the later of the two in
Florida. The situation in Square 8 may represent a temporal overlap or me-
chanical admixture on the shore with a later burying by sheet wash as was
discussed earlier for Squares 8-9. On the average more Deptford sherds are
in the highest level as would be expected.

In connection with the Deptford sherds in the uppermost level of Square
B, another interesting correlation may be made. That is an association between
Jackson-like [ Pinellas-like or unnamed trianguloid in Dreves' following report]
points (Table 1) and Deptford ceramics. This same correlation has been pre-
viously noted from at least two other sites (Fairbanks 1954, Bullen 1969).

The Zellwood site is also remarkable for the large numbers of asym-
metric trianguloid knives (Fig. 1, j) and crude knives or scrapers (Fig. 1,
k). Such tools may be holdovers from preceramic Archaic times. The triangu-
loid specimen on the right hand side of Figure 1, i, appears to be a knife. It
is 1.6 cm in maximum thickness; the basal edge is flat; and the lower part of
its right side has been retouched. The largest specimen in Figure 1, j, must
also be a knife as it has a thickness of 0. 8 cm. The crude knives in "k" need
no special comments.

References Cited

Bullen, Ripley P.
1969 Excavations at Sunday Bluff, Florida. Contributions of the
Florida State Museum, Social Sciences, No. 15. Gainesville.

Fairbanks, Charles F.
1954 1953 Excavations at Site 9HL64, Buford Reservoir, Georgia.
Florida State University Studies, no. 16. Tallahassee.

Gainesville, Florida
Winter Park, Florida
March 1, 1973
Revised Feb. 1974


Rick Dreves

The Lake Apopka I site (8-OR-17) is a belt of land located in Orange
County, Florida, about 15 miles northwest of Orlando and two miles west of
Apopka in Section 12, Township 21 South, Range 27 East. It is not a mound,
but a strip of rolling land extending approximately one mile along the former
shoreline of Lake Apopka, the headwaters of the Oklawaha River (Fig. 1) .
The site is presently about two miles from the waters of Lake Apopka due to
the diking off and subsequent drainage of the northeast portion of the lake.
The drained lakebed has been used for truck farming, according to local land-
owners, since the early 1930's.

The area of the site considered for excavation was a strip of land bor-
dered on the north by producing orange groves and on the south by truck farms
and dense brush. It is approximately 150 feet wide and curves along the for-
mer shoreline for about 1500 feet. The surface is covered with a large variety
of weeds common to most of Florida, but there are no apparent signs of vege-
tation left over from the early occupation of the site.


Test pits dug at regular intervals along the 1500 foot strip indicated the
entire area contained aboriginal material, but one particular area near the
eastern extremity of the strip appeared to hold a higher concentration of arti-
facts; there a more extensive excavation was undertaken. This excavation was
oriented so as to parallel the old shore of the lake as nearly as possible. Con-
sisting of 42 5- by 5-foot units, the excavation, when completed, formed a
trench 15 feet wide and 70 feet long (Fig. 2 a). The datum was established at
what became the common corner of units A4, A5, B4, and B5. It was originally
thought that this was to be the western extremity of the excavation, but the find-
ing of an above average number of complete projectile points in units B5 and C5
led to an extension of the excavation four units westward. As it turned out,
those units had been previously disturbed and were not significant.

It became apparent, soon after work began, that three distinct strata
were to be encountered (Fig. 2 b). The strata varied greatly in depth from
unit to unit but were clearly present in every unit.

Stratum 1 The upper 6 to 8 inches constituted Stratum 1, a thick brown
humus with some sand intermixed. Only in the bottom Z to 3 inches of
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 27, no. 2, June 1974


-N- the Lake



0 miles 1

fig.1: site location

1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8 9 10 II

12 13 14

O' 5' 10'

p- 4 + white 'beach'sand 4

SL i 4 4
S4 -4 4 4 .
4 I- $ + + I -* 4 + 1 4

fig.2a(top): excavation plan showing fire pit locations
fig. 2b(bottom): typical stratigraphy encountered

= 0'



appx. depth:



this stratum were any artifacts recovered. No doubt frequent harrowing of
the land resulted in the destruction of any material that may have been in the
top 4 to 6 inches of the stratum.

Stratum 2 was a hard-packed ash and blackened sand mixture extending from
approximately 6 to 18 inches below mean surface level. It was from this stra-
tum that most artifacts were recovered. It should be noted that in certain
units 'fire pits' were encountered in this stratum (Fig. 2 a, concentric cir-
cles). These pits, usually bowl-shaped, began in Stratum 2 and extended in-
to the third stratum some 6 to 12 inches. In all cases they were filled with a
compacted mixture of ash, sand, and charred bone.

Stratum 3 was an abrupt about-face from the black, hard, artifact-laden sec-
ond stratum. Stratum 3 consisted of loosely-packed white sand completely de-
void of aboriginal material of any kind except for charcoal flades which were
evenly distributed throughout the upper portion of the stratum.

Artifacts Ceramics

In the current excavations at Lake Apopka I a total of 2, 962 potsherds
have been recovered (Table 1). Almost all of the ceramics excavated came
from the lower portion of Stratum 1 and both the upper and lower portions of
Stratum 2. As shown in Table 1 there are percentage shifts with depth between
various types. The extreme lower portion of Stratum 2, however, yielded little
ceramic material but did contain a Beaver Lake, a Marianna, and a stemmed
Archaic projectile point, evidence of its possible preceramic nature. Of the
potsherds under consideration, St. Johns wares are the predominant type. The
remainder of the ceramics are of the Deptford period, with some interesting
(early Swift Creek?) varieties, such as Sun City and St. Andrews Complicated
Stamped (Fig. 4, a-d), which are not commonly found in the vicinity of Lake
Apopka (Bullen 1972b).

The St. John's Plain and Incised wares (Fig. 4, e-f) found at Lake
Apopka I exhibited an unusually chalky paste and, with few exceptions, crumbled
readily after excavation, possibly owing to the fact that little high-grade clay
or tempering medium was present in any of the sherds recovered.

Deptford Simple, Cross-Stamped and Check Stamped sherds (Fig. 5,
b-c) exhibited abundant fine sand tempering, but other tempering mediums
were noticeably absent.

Miscellaneous and unidentified sherds included two steatite sherds from
the lower portion of Stratum 2. These sherds appeared contemporaneously with
the early St. Johns material as is common elsewhere (Bullen 1972a).


Artifacts Bone

Although most organic remains recovered at Lake Apopka I were in
poor condition due to moist soil conditions, several bone implements were
recovered (Table 1). Most common of the bone implements recovered were
sharpened deer bone points or awls (Fig. 3, k). They averaged about 5 inches
in length, although some found intact measured almost 7 inches.

Other bone artifacts were made from a variety of animal remains. Six
bone awls, made from deer antler tips, were excavated. One alligator tooth,
bluntly sharpened like a pencil point, (Fig. 3, f) was recovered from the upper
portion of Stratum 2. A finely worked and highly polished bear tooth (Fig. 3, j)
was excavated from the extreme upper portion of Stratum 2. It exhibits 5, fine,
circular incisions around the root of the tooth, and a 1/16 inch hole drilled
through the extreme base. No doubt this served as a pendant of some value.

Artifacts Stone

In the course of excavation, six sandstone implements were recovered,
all in Stratum 2 (Fig. 3,i). Each bore one or more worn grooves. It appears
as if these were the implements used to sharpen and shape bone to the desired

Projectile Points A number of different projectile point types were encoun-
tered in the excavations. The oldest point type in evidence at the site was the
Beaver Lake point (Fig. 3 a) listed as being in use around 7500 B. C (Bullen
1968). Florida underwater archaeologist Ben I. Waller, who has seen many
early projectile points, considered the one specimen excavated at Lake Apopka
I (from unit C6, Stratum 2, lower portion) a good example of this type of point
(Waller 1972) [So it is, Ed.]. Moore (1970) places a date of circa 10, 000 B.C.
on this type point, although a lack of other paleo-Indian evidence at the site
would lend more weight to Bullen's 7500 B. C. date.

Another early period projectile point type in evidence at Lake Apopka I
is the Marianna point, a type dated by Bullen (1968) at circa 7500-5000 B. C.
The one specimen from the current excavation (unit C10, Stratum 2, lower por-
tion) was manufactured from deep red chert, and, as is typical of this type
point, exhibited fine serrations.

The most predominant type of preceramic flint implement found at the
site were asymmetric trianguloid knives (Fig. 3 b), to which Bullen assigns a
probable date of circa 3000-2000 B. C. Most knives excavated at the site were
somewhat crude in manufacture, although in one case a comparatively small
knife from unit B8, Stratum 2, had an edge fine enough to cut paper. These
knives concentrated in the lower of Stratum 2 (Table 1).



Typology Stratum 1 Stratum 2 Totals
Upper Lower

Sun City Complicated Stamped 1 1
St. Andrews Complicated Stamped 1 3 4
Deptford Check Stamped 148 20 4 172
Deptford Cross-Stamped 25 7 4 36
St. Johns Incised 32 41 105 178
St. Johns Plain 1261 429 870 2560
Miscellaneous 4 3 2 9

Steatite body sherds 2 2

Total sherds 1471 504 987 2962

Bone awls 4 2 6
Bone scrapers 1 1
Long bone points 14 1 15
Miscellaneous bone tools 1 2 3
Beaver Lake point 1 1
Hernando points 6 3 9
Marianna point 1 1
Pinellas-like points 3 3
Archaic stemmed point 1 1
Asymmetric trianguloid knives 2 2 11 15
Flint chisels 4 1 2 7
Flint scrapers 3 6 3 12
Miscellaneous flint tools 3 3

Total non-ceramic 37 16 24 77

A third projectile point type from the preceramic and transitional pe-
riods was recovered. A rather large Archaic Stemmed point (Fig. 3, c), mea-
suring almost 4 inches in length, came from unit C6, Stratum 2, lower por-
tion. This type point, dated by Bullen (1968) at 5000-1000 B. C. has been
found frequently in past excavations at Lake Apopka I. The specimen from the
current excavation was manufactured from a soft chert found in small deposits
on the southeast side of Lake Apopka (Rodgers 1970). Some of the flint imple-
ments excavated were composed of this soft chert; the remainder were manu-
factured from a harder material.

The predominant projectile point type from the ceramic periods at
Lake Apopka I is Hernando (Fig. 3, d). Past excavations have often yielded a
lopsided majority of Hernando points, most of which have been found in the ex-
treme lower portion of Stratum 1. Hernando is a type previously dated by Bul-




0 2 3

Fig. 3. Stone and bone specimens from Lake Apopka I
a, Beaver Lake point; b, asymmetric trianguloid knife; c, Archaic stemmed point;
d, Hernando point; e, Pinellas-like point; f, sharpened alligator tooth; g, crude
scraping tool; h, combination unifacial side scraper and hammerstone; i, grooved
sandstone; j_, incised and drilled bear tooth; k, long bone point.

len at circa 400 B. C. -400 B. C. However, if the association evident here
(Table 1) between these points and St. Johns Incised ceramics is correct,
Hernando points had an earlier genesis.


Fig. 4. Potsherds from Lake Apopka I
a, St. Andrews Complicated Stamped; b, Deptford Cross-Stamped; c, Deptford Check
Stamped; d, Sun City Complicated Stamped; e, St. Johns Incised; f, St. Johns
Plain with a rolled outward lip.

The latest projectile point from the site, judging from its shallow depth,
resembles a Pinellas point, (Fig. 3, e), dated at post-1300 A. D. (Bullen 1968).
These Pinellas-like points at Lake Apopka I are often so close to the surface
that they are turned up by the frequent harrowing of the area and found by local
"arrowhead hunters" while surface collecting. However, it should be noted
that we have illustrated one of the best made examples and that it has a distinct
"break" or bend of the edge on both sides a little above basal corners. In this
regard these points resemble unnamed trianguloid points found by Bullen (1969:
PI. IV, b-k), at Sunday Bluff further north on the Oklawaha River. He correlates
these points with a Deptford occupation at Sunday Bluff. As somewhat similar
trianguloid points have the least depth at 8-OR-17 and as the latest potteries


are Deptford or early Swift Creek types, the same correlation may apply at
Lake Apopka 1. It will be noted from Table 1 that Deptford sherds have a rela-
tively shallow and St. Johns Incised a relatively deep provenience at Lake
Apopka I.


The Lake Apopka I site shows definite evidence (Beaver Lake and Mari-
anna points) of occupation during Early Preceramic Archaic or even Late Paleo-
Indian times. It appears that the site was also in use to some extent during the
Late Preceramic Archaic period, as evidenced by the recovery of trianguloid
knives and large stemmed points. St. Johns Incised sherds, indicate occupation
during the Florida Transitional period. No fiber-tempered Orange period wares
were recovered, possibly indicating a hiatus at that time. A noticeable increase
in point production, primarily Hernando points (Table 1), and the introduction of
Deptford and other Stamped pottery suggests an increase in the size of the site
during those periods. The unnamed trianguloid points probably appeared towards
the end of this period. No archaeological evidence has been found of historic contact.

Life at Lake Apopka I must have been simple, as almost every need
was easily satisfied by either the lake itself or the fertile soil of the area. Re-
mains of dugout canoes have been found in the former lakebed (now farms), in-
dicating the peoples of the area travelled the waters of the lake and possibly
used water navigation as a means of trade with other nearby communities as
well as societies as far away as the west coast of Florida, home of the Sun
City Complicated Stamped vessels.

Although hunting probably sustained the first inhabitants of the site, a
transition to a more agriculturally-oriented society may have taken place after
the introduction of St. Johns ceramics (Bullen 1965). It is possible than an en-
tirely different culture group came to Lake Apopka after the period of relative
abandonment (during the Orange period), bringing with them ceramics and some
form of agriculture. The site was probably abandoned for good by its inhabi-
tants long before the coming of Colombus.for presently unexplainable reasons.
Further excavation may offer additional clues that will fill in some of the gaps
in the site' s long history.

The primary significance of Lake Apopka I is its age. If the archaeo-
logical evidence presented here is held valid, it is safe to assume that the site
was inhabited, however intermittently, from circa 7500 B. C. to around the
time of Christ. Perhaps we have an example of acculturation at Lake Apopka I
with St. Johns Incised pottery and Hernando projective points being superseded
by Deptford (and very early complicated) ceramics and the unnamed (Pinellas-
like) projectile points. This change may have coincided with the introduction of



Appreciation is expressed to the following persons for their aid in the
preparation of this paper: Mr. Ripley P. Bullen, Curator of Anthropology of
the Florida State Museum for his assistance in identifying specimens from the
site; Mr. Carl B. Stokes for granting permission to conduct excavations; Mr.
Arthur F. Dreves, President of the Central Florida Anthropological Society for
his encouragement and supervision of excavation; Mr. Byron A. Johnson for his
assistance in literarary research; and a special thanks to the members of the
Central Florida Anthropological Society of Orlando whose field work made this
paper possible.

References Cited

Bullen, Ripley P.
1965 Florida's Prehistory. In Florida From Indian Trail to Space
Age, Vol. 1, Chapter 23. Southern Publishing Co, Delray
Beach, Florida.

1968 A Guide to the Identification of Florida Projectile Points.
Florida State Museum. Gainesville.

1969 Excavations at Sunday Bluff, Florida. Contributions of the
Florida State Museum Social Sciences, no. 15. University
of Florida. Gainesville.

1972a Personal communication (letter of March 31, 1972).

1972b Personal communication (letter of June 16, 1972).

Goggin, John M.
1964 Indian and Spanish Selected Writings. University of Miami
Press. Coral Gables, Florida.

Moore, Robert K.
1970 Projectile Point Types of the American Indian.
Robert K. Moore Publishing Co, Athens, Alabama.

Rodgers, Boyd
1970 Personal communication.

Waller, Ben I.
1972 Personal communication (February 1972 Central Florida
Anthropological Society meeting).

Winter Park, Florida
December 10, 1972
Revised March 1973


Ripley P. Bullen

The subject I am discussing is the origin of the Gulf Tradition, a ceramic
manifestation of the Gulf Coastal Plain extending from Florida to Louisiana dur-
ing the first millennium of our era. If there were seven speakers on this subject,
I would expect that seven theories would be forthcoming, all differing in varying
degrees. I am not sure we would all agree as to when the Gulf Tradition came into
being. Sears (1964:262) says it starts with Poverty Point, which is probably accept-
able as a proto-genesis although I would prefer a Tchefuncte-Florida Transitional
date. Others would vote for a Marksville-Deptford time period with Hopewellian
influences as a unifying force.

In the last case, these influences would have to receive heavy weighting as
Marksville decoration is about as far from that of Deptford as I can imagine, and
I do not think tetrapods--functional or otherwise, and found from east Florida to
Ohio--are a sufficiently firm base on which to support a culture area. Of course
the Gulf Tradition does not have to occupy all the Gulf Coastal Plain at any one
time. These are matters of definition which I will not refer to again.

In presenting my thoughts on the origins of the Gulf Tradition, I will first
mention certain areal distributions, which seem of possible importance in our
considerations, and then trace what seems to me to be a reasonable or at least a
possible maturation process for our tradition. I find it convenient to start with the
Paleo-Indian period.

Clovis points are well known in Texas (Sellards 1952:25) and Alabama (Cam-
bron and Hulse 1964: A-19, A-19a). For Louisiana, Gagliano (1967: Figs. 20-21,
24) has illustrated "miniature" points, tiny straight drills, very small concave
end scrapers, spurred scrapers, and small engraving tools, some of which may
belong to the Paleo-Indian period although most might be subsumed under a Dalton
time period. Sears (n. d.) mentions fluted points for Alabama and extreme western
Florida. In recent years, several hundred Clovis and Suwannee points have been
found in Florida rivers--some Florida Clovis points are nicely fluted (Bullen 1969b:
Fig. 1). Recently a new site at Nalcrest, Florida has been found (Beihman collec-
tion, Florida State Museum records) which supplies tiny drills, spurred scrapers,
and small incising tools duplicating some of those from the Bull Brook (Byers 1954:
Fig. 92) and Lindenmeier (Roberts 1936: Pls. 8-9) Paleo-Indian sites, but which
are probably a little more recent in date. Included in the .Nalcrest inventory, but
perhaps not of the exact same time period, are Gagliano' s "miniature" points,
straight drills, and small engraving tools from southern Louisiana.

Florida Anthropologist, vol. 27, no. 2, June 1974


Some of these tools occur in the Dalton complex as defined for Alabama
(DeJarnette, Kurjack, and Cambron 1962: Fig. 48). We also have in Florida
great quantities of beveled and unbeveled Bolen (Bullen 1968: 42-43) or Big
Sandy I points (Lazarus 1965 B) belonging to the Dalton complex and dated at
the Stanfield-Worley Bluff Shelter at about 7300 B. C. (DeJarnette, Kurjack,
and Cambron 1962:82-86). These points are present at the Quad site in Tennes-
see (Cambron and Hulse 1960) and are, I believe, known in Texas as Ensor
points (Suhm and Krieger 1954:422-23). At a later date we have the reasonably
large stemmed projectile points of various subtypes, crude scrapers, ovate and
triangular knives, and ubiquous utilized flakes of the late preceramic Archaic
period scattered all over the southeast including the Gulf Coastal Plain.

We have then, as a broad generalization, three major preceramic periods
--Paleo-Indian, Dalton, and middle Archaic--during each of which the material
culture was surprisingly uniform over tremendous distances. I do not think that
an invasion of Dalton people killed off the Paleo-Indians and were, in turn, con-
quered and eliminated by Archaic men. Nor do I think these changes can be en-
tirely explained on the basis of environmental changes. Except for the elimina-
tion of the large Pleistocene mammals, environmental changes, while of con-
siderable importance in local areas--particularly near ocean shores and in lower
river valleys where the rise in sea level was important--did not of themselves
force man to change his hunting habits or his tool kit. How you haft a projectile
point or make a scraping tool are cultural matters--passed down from father to
son--which, as indicated above, cut across various environmental zones.

Time and distance mean very little to hunters who, in search of game or
new exploitable areas, cover considerable areas and occasionally meet hunters
from other groups. The population density in preceramic times was then so
slight that tribal domains and antagonisms had not as yet developed. Communi-
cation in this manner led to an exchange of ideas and, over a period of time,
gradual culture change with surprisingly uniform results in material culture.
Physical and cultural differences over great areas must have been slight.
Regionalism as a way of life developed later.

Environmental changes produced vast quantities of shellfish, both fresh
and salt water, permitting man to establish permanent settlements but this did
not affect his ways of producing venison. The making of fiber-tempered pottery
was independently invented by or introduced to Indians living on the extremely
large shell middens of Florida and Georgia around 2000 B. C. The first sugges-
tion of regionalism occurs in the differences in decorative designs and their
methods of application in Georgia as compared with Florida while a few trade
sherds indicate communication as well as contemporaneity (Claflin 1931: Pls. 12-
13, 15, 17-19; Goggin 1952: 75).

By 1350 B. C. (Sample M-1014, Level 4, Summer Haven site) steatite


vessels fragments appear in Orange period middens in peninsular Florida (Bul-
len and Bullen 1961) proving trade connections with western Georgia or north-
ern Alabama, the nearest sources for this material. That such trade was carried
on by peddlers travelling by canoes may be inferred from the associations in a
narrow zone eight feet below the surface at Site J-9 on a natural levee of the
Chattahoochee River in west Florida. This zone, radiocarbon dated by charcoal
sample M-394 to 1200 B. C. contained stemmed points, hafted scrapers, St.
Johns Incised and Orange Plain sherds as well as seven steatite sherds repre-
senting, apparently, three different vessels (Bullen 1958:337-341). If any one
questions the possibility of a dugout canoe this early I would refer them to an
article in the quarterly Journal of the Florida Academy of Sciences for June
1967 (vol. 30, no. 2, pp. 97-107) by H. K. Brooks and myself which documents
such a canoe to approximately 1090 B.C. (Sample 1-1661).

This brings me to the question of Poverty Point. This site certainly lasted
a very long time--probably over more than one archaeological period--but
radiocarbon dates suggest occupancy to have centered around 1000 B. C. (Ford
1966: Fig. 1; Webb 1966:318). This date, which seems extremely important in
the prehistory of the southeast, is also the approximate terminal date for the
Orange or fiber-tempered pottery period of Florida and Georgia. The fiber-
tempered ceramic period in Florida is succeeded by what I refer to as the Flor-
ida Transitional (Bullen 1959), a period characterized by semi-fiber-tempered
pottery which may be either incised or simple stamped, St. Johns Incised or
chalky pottery made in the shape of fiber-tempered vessels and bearing sym-
plified Orange Incised designs, similar but cruder limestone-tempered Pasco
Incised, the better made but also limestone-tempered Perico Incised and Linear
Punctated, and steatite vessel fragments. After tests at the Zabski site on Cape
Canaveral, C-14 dated to 960 B.C., we must add St. Johns Pinched, finger
punctated, indented, side lugged, and triangular punctations in panels (Atkins
and MacMahan 1967:135:43) to these traits. St. Johns Pinched is exactly the same
as Tammany Pinched of Louisiana (Ford and Quimby 1945:58-60) except for lack
of the large lumps of clay in the otherwise macroscopically identidal paste. I
should mention, also, that at the Zabski site, dated 960 B. C. some sand-tem-
pered plain pottery was present but not a single sherd of fiber-tempered or semi-
fiber-tempered pottery.

In the northeastern part of peninsular Florida the chalky St. Johns cera-
mics represents an autonomous local development. This is fully discussed in
the Sunday Bluff report (Bullen 1969a) and evident in the vertical distribution
tables for pottery from that site and the nearby Colby site (Cumba and Gouch-
nour 1970). To put it simply, chalky fiber-tempered sherds and then fiber-
tempered chalky pottery are found in that order in the upper levels of un-
disturbed terminal Orange period deposits.

It is also true that semi-fiber-tempered pottery is found in the highest


levels of Orange period deposits (Bullen 1969a: 42-44). Sometimes it is simple
stamped. This is not considered an indigenous development but evidence of in-
fluences from Georgia where fiber-tempered pottery--usually containing some
sand or tiny pebbles--gave way to sand-tempered pottery before 970 B.C. at
the Refuge site (Williams 1968:204, 329, Sample M-267); at which date Waring
would recognize the shift from Refuge Simple Stamped to Deptford Simple Stamp-
ed. This Refuge Plain and Simple Stamped, found in Georgia in otherwise pure
fiber-tempered levels (Williams 1968: Table 14-16), is the same, I believe, as
the Florida semi-fiber-tempered pottery, now referred to as Norwood, which
varies considerably in its relative content of sand and vegetable tempering.

Both fiber-tempered and semi-fiber-tempered pottery have been found in
west Florida (Bullen 1958, Pl. 68, d-f, Sears 1963, Pl. 7, D-G; Lazarus 1965a:
91,i 93, 97, 102-4; Phelps 1966: Figs. 8-10). Sometimes simple stamping is
present and Phelps (1966a: 19), combining plain and simple stamped examples
secured a radiocarbon date based on the carbon content of such sherds from the
Tucker site. The result, 1012 B.C. (2962 120 B.P.), for late, pre-Deptford
ceramics appears reasonable and agrees with the lack of such pottery at the B.
C. 960 Zabski site. Lazarus (1965a: 109) offers a date of 1170 B.C. The 1200
B. C. date for Zone 9 at Site J-5 has been mentioned earlier.

Sears (n. d. ) mentions a few fiber-tempered sherds for extreme western
Florida and for Alabama. In the Florida State Museum's research collections
are thirty-three fiber-tempered sherds (cat. no. 103301) from the Poverty
Point site in northeast Louisiana. To the feel they contain extremely fine sand
but only a few show visable grains or tiny pebbles. In this respect they are much
closer to the Orange as opposed to the Stallings series. The indicated vessel
shape--straight sides with a simple rounded lip and flat bottoms--also resemble
Florida containers more than those from Georgia. Vessels walls are thick,
usually over 1 cm., and at breaks show a bumpy, sometimes contorted appear-
ance, extremely like that of Tchefuncte Plain. Some exhibit small red particles,
believed to be crushed sherds and in Florida typically found in early as opposed
to middle or late St. Johns series pottery. Many have a chalky appearance as do
many Tchefuncte Plain sherds. Indeed one (cat. no. 103302) would unquestionably
be classified in Florida as St. Johns Plain with some fiber casts as found at Sun-
day Bluff and the Colby sites.

Examination of the Tchefuncte Plain (cat. no. 103296) sherds in the Pov-
erty Point collection shows a similar situation. All appear chalky and many are
identical to early St. Johns Plain pottery from Florida. Ninety-two have lumpy
contorted paste or other non-Floridian attributes but the other twenty-six (22
per cent) are soft, homogeneous, and typical of St. Johns ceramics of the Flor-
ida Transitional period. Thirteen sherds (cat. no. 103297) are classified as
Tchefuncte Incised. Of these eight with contorted paste, notched lips, fine line
incision, and small pinched-up side lugs are clearly non-Floridian. The other
five (37 per cent) are one-hundred per cent representative of St. Johns Incised


Fig. 1. Six sherds found at the Poverty Point site.

a-b, Tchefuncte Plain; c, Tchefuncte Incised; d, St. Johns Plain; e-f, St.
Johns Incised.

ceramics of the Transitional period of Florida. I believe that two ceramic tra-
ditions are represented in these 131 sherds from Poverty Point and that 100
pertain to the local Tchefuncte pottery while the other 31, both plain and incised,
represent trade sherds from Florida. In Figure 1 are illustrated six sherds from
Poverty Point, three each of the Tchefuncte and of the St. Johns series.

Human activity along the Gulf Coastal Plain around or a little earlier than
1000 B. C. is easy to document but the ordering given here may be revised with
more digging and more C-14 dates. Poverty Point seems to have been a well
established Late Archaic site with a most impressive lapidary industry, derived
from Mexico (Webb 1968: 317), whose inhabitants used carelessly made stemmed
projectile points and a great number of plummet-shaped objects made of hemitite.


Almost all complete ones in the Florida State Museum' s collections have a hole
drilled through the narrow end suggesting they may have been tied together with
heavy cords to form bolas. Such plummets, elongated ovoid in shape, are
also known for the Tick Island and Canton Street sites in Florida. A few
Poverty Point plummets have knobs and, hence, may be prototypes for
those so common in the Gulf and Woodland traditions of the southeast.

Starting at least as early as 1200 B. C. fiber-tempered pottery diffused
westward from Florida to Poverty Point and other sites in Louisiana where it
no doubt arrived around 1000 B. C. Perhaps at the same time but more likely
slightly later St. Johns Incised and Plain vessels were exported to Poverty
Point. In return red "jasper" beads and the Poverty Point type of clay balls
were carried to Florida. The beads are very rare but Goggin (1952: 119-20)
notes some from Coontie Island in east Florida. Clay balls are known for as
far east as Tick Island (Small 1966: 69, 76) in peninsular Florida. One is known
for the Transitional period Canton Street site in St. Petersburg. Lazarus (1958)
and Fairbanks (1959) describe examples from near Ft. Walton Beach, and
twenty miles east of there in Walton County, Florida. More recently, David C.
Reichelt of Destin, Florida, (personal communication) has found quantities of
plain and decorated clay balls in the same general area.

In an intermediate location, between Florida and Louisiana, Wimberly
(1960:211) mentions clay balls and plain fiber-tempered pottery at the Bryant's
Landing shell midden in Alabama at 1540 B. C. in a zone underlying Bayou La
Batre pottery. This would suggest the westward movement of fiber-tempered
pottery and the eastward diffusion of clay balls to have occurred before the
start of the Florida Transitional period. Be that as it may, Wimberly' s report
documents a "way station" between Florida and Louisiana with objects from both

I have, I hope, presented sufficient evidence to demonstrate cultural dif-
fusions, which of course had to be carried by humans, along the Gulf Coastal
Plain around 1000 B. C. In this connection I am impressed with the very large
quantity of steatite vessel fragments found at Poverty Point which must indicate
communication as well as physical transport between that site and northern
Alabama or northern Mississippi. It is interesting to note that this material is
more common in Florida around 1000 to 750 B.C. than before or later. Some
of the steatite vessels at Poverty Point have wide rims which are decorated
with Orange Incised designs. Similarly decorated steatite rims were found at
the South Indian Field site in southeastern Florida (Rouse 1951: 223, P1. 3,
M-N) and at Canton Street in St, Petersburg. Steatite vessels are heavy
and the distances they were carried must imply transportation by water.

Apparently the inhabitants of Poverty Point sites continued to live in the
area but their material culture became modified into what we refer to as Tche-


functe. Following Ford (1966:794), Iwould expect that tetrapodal bases and
rocker stamping were diffused to Louisiana from central Mexico possibly by the
same route as the earlier lapidary industry. This apparently occurred just after
the introduction of St. Johns Incised vessels from Florida. Griffin (1966:122)
also suggests a canoe connection with the Vera Cruz area at this time. Tche-
functe pottery used a paste like St. Johns Plain but added lumps of clay. Some
Tchefuncte Incised vessels clearly use Orange or St. Johns Incised designs
(Ford and Quimby 1945: P1. 3). Tammany Pinched (Ford and Quimby 1945:
Fig. 20) is represented at the 960 B.C. Zabski site on Merritt Island, Flor-
ida (Atkins and MacMahan 1967: Fig. 4, a; Fig. 6) in St. Johns paste. Also
present at the latter site are side or rim bosses reminiscent of those illus-
trated by Phillips (1970:163) for the Upper Yazoo River.

Fiber-tempered or St. Johns Incised decoration is found on some Goose
Creek Incised (Willey 1966:335), some varieties of Alexander Incised and Mark-
ville Incised, and, as pointed out by Ford (1966:794), the Fouche-Maline cera-
mics of Oklahoma (Griffin 1952: Fig. 131: C-D, I-J). Indeed the description of
Fouche-Maline by Bell and Baerreis (1951:19-27) sounds very similar to what is
found in the upper parts of the large St. Johns River shell middens. The inven-
tory illustrated by them except for the corner tang knife, Tchefuncte or Marksville
sherd, celt, and slatetablet is extremely reminiscent of specimens from Tick
Island in Florida. Further afield, what Wray (1952: Fig. 4) called "early Hope-
well pottery" in 1950 looks in several respects like that illustrated by Ford and
Quimby (1945: Pls. 2-3) for the Tchefuncte component at Poverty Point.

Aten (1970) has presented data well supported with radiocarbon dates to
demonstrate ancestral Goose Creek ceramics of Texas to have started at A.D.
100 and the incised about A. D. 400. With A. D. 100 as the terminal date for
Tchefuncte--the logical donor culture--some distance to the east, this is not
too greatly removed in time. However, it would then appear that Texas has the
record for culture lag, or should receive credit for the independent invention
of specialized design motifs, or was the recipient of only part of the Alexander
or Marksville Incised design motifs. Certainly Goose Island potters used them
in pre-Coles Creek times.

At a slightly later date, very early Swift Creek times, rocker stamping
and tetrapods are found east of Jacksonville (Wilson 1965: P1. 3) and near Tar-
pon Springs (Bullen, Partridge, and Harris 1970: P1. 5). Marksville Zoned
Rocker Stamped (Ford and Quimby 1945: Fig. 21) appears in Florida as Alliga-
tor Bayou Stamped (Willey 1952:347) frequently with the same small and flat,
square or circular base (Bullen 1965: Fig. 4; Bullen, Partridge, and Harris
1970: P1. 3, c) illustrated for the Tchefuncte site (Ford and Quimby 1945: Fig.
18, d, '). Ifyou wish, some of these designs can easily be traced upward in
time to the Coles Creek-Weeden Island horizons--Mazique Incised, Barton In-
cised, Carrabelle Incised--and even to the proto-historic Florida type, Aucilla


While Tchefuncte was developing in the west, Deptford was developing in
central Georgia. Shortly simple«stamped vessels, (Jakestown Simple Stamped,
Webb 1966:309) were introduced in the western part of the Gulf Coastal Plain
and Deptford Cross«Stamped (Phelps 1966b) into north Florida. Georgia Indians
evolved check stamps from earlier Refuge Simple and Deptford Simple stamps.
Diffusion from Tchefuncte offered them tetrapods and a specialized bowl] shape.
This they combined with their paddle decorated surfaces to produce Deptford
period ceramics. Rim notching with paddle edges may have come from the eare
lier Stallings fiber-tempered or Thom Creek periods or may have been taken by
them from Alexander Pinched (Ford and Quimby 1945: Pl. 7, kep).

Tchefuncte-like influences diffused up the Mississippi River to assist in
the developments of the Adena-Hopewell tradition. Shortly Marksville Stamped,
Havana Zoned Incised, and Hopewell Zoned Stamped have remarkably similar
designs, Cartersville Check Stamped vessels, as well as conch shells are found
north of the Ohio while Lake Superior copper is found along the Gulf Coast Plain
including Crystal River and the River Styx mounds. The Gulf Tradition is a going
concern but regionalism clearly shows up in some phases of culture.

I have tried to show that the Gulf Tradition did not evolve in a vacuum and
that many of its traits can be traced to origins elsewhere. I have mentioned some
probable Mexican antecedents, there were probably more than have been sugges~
ted. In preparing this paper I have dealt primarily with pottery but many other
traits are included in the Gulf Tradition and I believe they have individual hise-
tories similar to those suggested herein for pottery. The Gulf Tradition, like
practically all cultures, evolved and grew by small increments. Traits were
introduced or borrowed from various places. These traits were integrated into
the culture, frequently undergoing modifications. Cross cultural fertilization
stimulated independent invention or redevelopment. This process is only simple
in theory. It is complicated in fact but is the only way cultures evolve and change
except in the relatively rare cases of mass migration or military conquest.


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March 17, 1973
Gainesville, Florida


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